AP US HistoryFebruary 19 – 23 2018

We will now be fully involved with History Period 7 (1890-1945) for quite a while You can save yourself some weekend homework if you want to work ahead. See the

document set below the Friday assignment. Just as a heads up for future events, we will be handling the 1920s-1930s together in

a combined unit where you’ll be answering some text/research questions on the 1920s while we move together in class toward the Depression.

MONDAY (5th Period go to first lunch)Unit test MC.

Materials Strategy/FormatTest forms A, B, C, and scantrons Assessment and Review

Instructions For this test it is VERY important that you list which form of the test that you are using on the scantron

(next to your name is a good spot).

Homework None

TUESDAY (New Unit)

Discuss the origins of American imperialism 1880s – 1900s (WOR-3,4,6,7) (POL-6)

Materials Strategy/FormatPpt Lecture-discuss L.CCR.2-3

Student Skill TypesChronologic Reasoning (1,3)Comp/Context (5)Historical Arguments (7)Interpretation/Synthesis (8, 9)

Introduction So, just when you thought that you had

seen the last of the Progressives, now we see their impact in the realm of foreign policy. Many Progressives were associated with American Imperialism and none more importantly than Theodore Roosevelt. As we saw with the Progressives, they were often young idealistic Republicans bent upon reform. They were often the ones who advocated for the U.S. to play a more active role in foreign affairs. Not surprisingly the TR who believed in being a more activist President was also the guy who wanted to arbitrate

American politicians were starting to note that the U.S. was at a crossroads. Our economy was now one of the strongest in the world. It outstripped our nearest competitors, Britain and Germany in many economic areas. Now perhaps the natural question to ask was what role if any should the U.S. play in global affairs? Obviously, this is still a point of debate. Many people blame our government for meddling in the affairs of others. Yet, when human tragedies unfold, we chastise the government for not doing enough. It has somehow become fashionable to “hate the U.S.” overseas and at home. Yet, this basic foreign policy question needed an answer at the turn of the century. Many young politicians were “hawks” believing that the U.S. needed to assert its authority economically and militarily. They saw that the major European states were imperialist and advancing and they stressed that the U.S. might otherwise fall behind. Others, known as the “doves” believed that the U.S. had no business spreading influence beyond our shores.

And, as we have seen with other issues, the parties were sometimes divided on this issue. Generally, the Democrats were more isolationist desiring to stay at home. But then the problem of Woodrow Wilson comes along. The only Democratic President committed troops in Mexico and finally to Europe in WWI. The Republicans tended to be more imperialist because of big business but then many young Republicans will bolt the party for the new Progressive Party, the strongest “3rd Party” in American History. This party tended to be anti-immigration except for the fact that its strongest candidate, Theodore Roosevelt, practically gave birth to imperialism.

Today we will start our examination of Imperialism as a foreign policy and then transition into other aspects of Progressivism next week.

Background Causes To see the basic debate about imperialism, one has to return to the 1890s when imperialist policies were

first debated. m the Civil War until the 1890s, most Americans had little interest in territorial expansion. William Seward, the secretary of state under presidents Lincoln and Johnson, did envision American expansion into Alaska, Canada, Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, Iceland, Greenland, Hawaii, and other Pacific islands. But he realized only two small parts of this vision. In 1867, the United States purchased Alaska from Russia for $7.2 million and occupied the Midway Islands in the Pacific.

Americans resisted expansion for two major reasons. One was that imperial rule seemed inconsistent with America's republican principles. The other was that the United States was uninterested in acquiring people with different cultures, languages, and religions. But where an older generation of moralists thought that ruling a people without their consent violated a core principle of republicanism, a younger generation believed that the United States had a duty to uplift backward societies

1. The major reason why imperialism started to become an interest was economics. y the mid-1890s, a shift had taken place in American attitudes toward expansion that was sparked partly by a European scramble for empire. Between 1870 and 1900, the European powers seized 10 million square miles of territory in Africa and Asia, a fifth of the world's land mass. About 150 million people were subjected to colonial rule. In the United States, a growing number of policy makers, bankers, manufacturers, and trade unions grew fearful that the country might be closed out in the struggle for global markets and raw materials. This would perhaps lead to economic ruin as the major European powers would have less reason to trade with the U.S. This standard bearer for this shift was Henry Cabot Lodge, a powerful Republican Senator.

2. A related position to this view was espoused by the military. Alfred Thayer Mahan, a naval strategist and the author of The Influence of Sea Power upon History, argued that national prosperity and power depended on control of the world's sea-lanes. "Whoever rules the waves rules the world," Mahan wrote. To become a major naval power, the United States began to replace its wooden sailing ships with steel vessels powered by coal or oil in 1883. But control of the seas would also require the acquisition of naval bases and coaling stations. Germany's Kaiser Wilhelm had copies of Mahan's books placed on every ship in the German High Seas Fleet and the Japanese government put translations in its imperial bureaus. Without question the number one influential voice here was the young New York governor and under-secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt.

3. A third and powerful incentive for imperialism was social factors. This part is somewhat disturbing and while we would like to believe old fashioned, probably still exists in the minds of some policy makers. The belief that the world's nations were engaged in a Darwinian struggle for survival and that countries that failed to compete were doomed to decline also contributed to a new assertiveness on the part of the United States. By the 1890s, the American economy was increasingly dependent on foreign trade. A quarter of the nation's farm products and half its petroleum were sold overseas. The economic argument of economic Darwinism led to an easy shift to social Darwinism. This argument featured a blend of Christian zeal with the idea of American “exceptionalism”, the idea that is now equated with democratic state building around the world. The leader in this argument was the Reverend Josiah Strong.

The First Moves: The Pacific Even during the War of 1812 the U.S. first became interested in the potential of lucrative trade in the Far

East. By the antebellum period, the U.S. had sent Commodore Dewey to “open Japan” to trade with the U.S. The opening of the isolationist Tokugawa Shoganate to U.S. trade was then seen as a stepping stone to the China trade. Mahan’s book had asserted that key to developing a “blue water” navy rather than some type of coast guard was to acquire islands to be used as bases of operation. All one has to do today is to notice the territories that we still possess to know the result: Guam, Samoa, Virgin Islands, and Puerto Rico. The first major move to acquire a pacific island was Hawaii.

Hawaii had been controlled for centuries as a monarchy. In the late 1880s Queen Lilikoulani reigned over the islands and was starting worry about the number of Americans there. Sugar and Pineapple growers had developed a profitable trade in the area. Sanford Dole (of that still existing corporation) was one of the most powerful but in the late 1880s a twist of fate occurred. Senator William McKinley was the author of the highest tariff in American History. The McKinley Tariff threatened his business because essentially he was going to suffer under the tariff. Though he was American, his business operated on foreign soil making his product an import. One possible way out of the predicament was to make Hawaii and American territory! Dole convinced Grover Cleveland that Americans were being threatened by the Hawaiians. A fleet was sent and somehow Queen Lilikoulani was overthrown. After the bloodless 1893 revolution, the American businessmen lobbied President Benjamin Harrison and Congress to annex the Hawaiian Islands. In his last month in office, Harrison sent an annexation treaty to the Senate for confirmation, but the new president, Grover Cleveland, withdrew the treaty "for the purpose of re-examination." He also received Queen Liliuokalani and replaced the American stars and stripes in Honolulu with the Hawaiian flag But to Dole’s surprise, President Cleveland said that there was no constitutional way for him to annex the island. When McKinley became President with a majority Republican Congress, they annexed the island despite the constitutional issue. As a side bar, in 1993, a joint Congressional resolution, signed by President Bill Clinton, apologized for the U.S. role in the overthrow. The House approved the resolution by voice vote. The Senate passed it 65 to 34 votes.

American involvement in the overthrow of Hawaii's monarchy in 1893 precipitated a momentous debate over the United States' global role. They debated whether the U.S. should behave like a great power and seize colonies or whether it should remain something different. The growing level of aggression was easy to see.

ConclusionDuring the late 1880s, American foreign policy makers began to display a new assertiveness. The United States came close to declaring war against Germany over Samoa in 1889 (over use of Pago Pago Harbor); against Chile in 1891, over the treatment of U.S. sailors; and against Britain in 1895, over a territorial dispute between Venezuela and Britain. However the aggressiveness of U.S. foreign policy turned into open warfare in 1898 when the U.S. declared war on Spain resulting in the Spanish-American War which we will cover next week

HomeworkNone or, work on weekend homework

WEDNESDAY Examine the causes and effects of the Spanish-American War 1898 (WOR-3,4,6,7) (POL-6)

Materials Strategy/FormatPpt and video Lecture-discussion L.CCR.2-3

Student Skill TypesChronologic Reasoning (1,3)Comp/Context (5)Historical Arguments (7)Interpretation/Synthesis (8, 9)

Introduction Last week we examine the origins of the American Imperialism and the first colonies that were acquired.

As we saw there were political, economic and social factors that led to these developments but the search for markets for American goods seemed to be the underlying factor. The nature of the imperialism had caused a global scramble for colonies and many Republicans began to feel that the U.S. would slip from relevancy if we did not keep up. The push for a deep water navy was followed by millions in navy appropriations and pushes to acquire island bases (which we did in Hawaii, Samoa, and the Virgin Islands).

There was also a social imperative for colonization. This took the form of a religious zeal as missionaries became the unwitting vanguard of colonization. And, as we saw even in our modern day, “American exceptionalism” has led to a constant push to democratize the world in our image (with sometimes disastrous results).

Today we will look at a clash between the oldest imperial power, Spain, against one of the newest versions, the U.S. in a short conflict known as the Spanish-American War in 1898. The conflict seemed to be the sum total of all of the motives that we saw last week and it completed the period of colonial acquisitions though not necessarily imperialism.

The Spanish American War (Background Tensions) Americans had always kept a close eye on events in Cuba. Only 90 miles south of the Florida keys, the

islands had always had a strategic value but then the value of sugar and tobacco cultivation also made the islands attractive by the late 19th century.

The debate over America's global role intensified when Cubans began to fight for their independence from Spain in 1895. Americans were sympathetic to Cuba's struggle for independence, but were divided about how to help. Some Republican did not want to intervene directly unless American interests were directly threatened, whereas others such as Theodore Roosevelt, the Republican assistant secretary of the Navy, pushed for war against Spain. Another factor in the push toward war was sympathies fostered by the treatment of Cuban revolutionaries by Spanish governor Weyler who had suspects placed in concentration camps (not a new idea just made more infamous later by Hitler).

President William McKinley was deeply ambivalent about war against Spain. The last president to have served in the Civil War, McKinley said he had seen too much carnage at battles like Antietam to be enthusiastic about war with Spain. "I've been through one war. I have seen the dead piled up, and I do not want to see another." Ultimately, however, the pressure of public opinion forced McKinley into the war that made the United States an international power.

Another key background issue was “yellow journalism.” Hopefully you will recall that these were sensationalized stories bordering on fiction. It was the media that trumped up stories about “Butcher Weyler” and glorified rebel leader Josè Marti. Newspaper publishers like William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer worked up war fever among the public with reports of Spanish atrocities against Cuban rebels. Then, Hearst's New York Journal published a leaked letter in which the chief Spanish diplomat in Washington, Enrique Duby de Lome, described President McKinley as "weak" and a "petty politician." Hearst publicized the DeLome letter under the screaming headline: "WORST INSULT TO THE UNITED STATES IN ITS HISTORY." Which ironically is not much different from what Roosevelt had said himself about the President.

The Final Spark

The Spark for war came on February 15 1898 Days later an explosion sank the U.S.S. Maine in Cuban's Havana harbor. A naval court of inquiry blamed the explosion on a mine, further inflaming public sentiment against Spain. The ship had been dispatched to protect American interests but clearly this was an example of “saber rattling” or as the famous British expression said “jingoism.” The loss of life was 266 killed and many more wounded. While Spain expressed regret and even offered an indemnity for the vessel and crew, the pro-war faction got the spark that they needed.

After ten days of debate, Congress declared war, but only after adopting the Teller Amendment. The amendment made it clear that the United States did not harbor imperialist ambitions, and it announced that the United States would not acquire Cuba. European leaders were shocked by this declaration. Britain's Queen Victoria called on the European power to "unite...against such unheard [of] conduct," since the United States might in the future declare Ireland and other colonies independent. Most in Europe once again assumed that the U.S. would lose the war and actually hoped for such an outcome.

The War and the Record.

The major land fighting War actually began for the U.S. in Cuba in June when the Marines captured Guantánamo Bay and 17,000 troops landed at Siboney and Daiquirí, east of Santiago de Cuba, the second largest city on the island. At that time Spanish troops stationed on the island included 150,000 regulars and 40,000 militia and volunteers while rebels inside Cuba numbered as many as 50,000. Total U.S. army

strength at the time totaled 26,000, requiring the passage of the Mobilization Act of April 22 that allowed for an army of at first 125,000 volunteers (later increased to 200,000) and a regular army of 65,000. On June 22, U.S. troops landed at Daiquiri where they were joined by about 5,000 revolutionaries.

U.S. troops attacked the San Juan heights on July 1, 1898. Dismounted troopers, including the African-American Ninth and Tenth (commandeered by future World War One General John Pershing) cavalries and the Rough Riders, a volunteer regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt went up against Kettle Hill while the forces led by Brigadier General Jacob Kent charged up San Juan Hill and pushed Spanish troops further inland while inflicting 1,700 casualties. While U.S. commanders were deciding on a further course of action, Admiral Cervera left port only to be defeated by Schley. On July 16, the Spaniards agreed to the unconditional surrender of the 23,500 troops around the city. A few days later, Major General Nelson Miles sailed from Guantánamo to Puerto Rico. His forces landed near Ponce and marched to San Juan with virtually no opposition.

Commodore George Dewey sailed from Hong Kong with Emilio Aguinaldo board. Aguinaldo had fought a resistance movement on the island years before against Spain and would now rally native freedom fighters with U.S. assistance. Fighting began in the Philippines Islands at the Battle of Manila Bay on May 1 where Commodore George Dewey reportedly exclaimed, "You may fire when ready, Gridley," and the Spanish fleet under Rear Admiral Patricio Montojo was destroyed. However, Dewey did not have enough manpower to capture Manila so Aguinaldo's guerrillas maintained their operations until 15,000 U.S. troops arrived at the end of July. On the way, the cruiser Charleston stopped at Guam and accepted its surrender from its Spanish governor who was unaware his nation was at war. Although a peace protocol was signed by the two belligerents on August 12, Commodore Dewey and Maj. Gen. Wesley Merritt, leader of the army troops, assaulted Manila the very next day, unaware that peace had been declared.

Representatives of Spain and the United States signed a peace Treaty in Paris on December 10, 1898, which established the independence of Cuba, ceded Puerto Rico and Guam to the United States, and allowed the victorious power to purchase the Philippines Islands from Spain for $20 million. The war had cost the United States $250 million and 3,000 lives, of whom 90% had perished from infectious diseases, dehydration, and friendly fire cases.

Conclusion

After the United States defeated Spain, it set up a military government on Cuba and made the soldiers' withdrawal contingent on the Cubans accepting the Platt Amendment. The amendment gave the United States the right to intervene in Cuba to protect "life, property, and individual liberties." The 144-day war also resulted in the United States taking control of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Guam.

Also, On April 2, 1900, U.S. President McKinley signed a civil law that established a civilian government in Puerto Rico. This law was known as the Foraker Act. The new government had a governor and an executive council appointed by the President, a House of Representatives with 35 elected members, a judicial system with a Supreme Court, and a non-voting Resident Commissioner in Congress. In addition, all federal laws of the United States were to be in effect on the island.

HomeworkFor bell work, tomorrowRead the secondary source excerpt below on the Filipino Uprising and US involvement in Asia

Read the following document from the University of Houston website “digital history” about the Filipino Insurrection and study notes for a quiz on the Spanish-American War

The 20th century began with the United States engaged in a bloody, but largely forgotten, war in the Philippines that cost hundreds of thousands of lives. The Philippine American War, fought from February 1899 to July 1902, claimed 250,000 lives and helped establish the United States as a power in the Pacific.

Today, few Americans are aware of the Philippine American War. The conflict was a sequel to the Spanish American War of 1898, which had been waged, in part, in support of Cubans fighting for independence from Spain. But it was also fueled by American desire to become a world power.

The Philippine American War prompted Mark Twain and other writers and artists to speak out against those who advocated American expansion. It fueled a bitter national debate over U.S. involvement overseas, a precursor to the outcry over the Vietnam War a half-century later. Some who opposed the occupation were motivated by racism, fearful that annexation of the Philippines would lead to an influx of non-white immigrants. One U.S. senator warned of the coming of "tens of millions of Malays and other unspeakable Asiatics." Many, who considered the occupation immoral and inconsistent with American traditions and values, joined the Anti-Imperialist League.

The conflict helped popularize the concept of the "white man's burden," the notion that the United States and Western European societies had a duty to civilize and uplift the "benighted" races of the world. A U.S. senator from Indiana declared: "We must never forget that in dealing with the Filipinos, we deal with children."

The Philippine American War also paved the way for migration from the Philippines. Shortly after the war, Filipino immigrants began arriving in the United States as students, U.S. military personnel, or farm and cannery workers. Today, there are more than two million Filipinos and Filipino Americans in the United States, making them one of the nation's largest Asian communities.

On May 1, 1898, Commodore George Dewey had entered Manila Bay and destroyed the decrepit Spanish fleet. In December, Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States for $20 million. Mark Twain called the $20 million payment an "entrance fee into society--the Society of Scepter Thieves." "We do not intend to free but to subjugate the people of the Philippines," he wrote. "We have pacified some thousands of the islanders and buried them, destroyed their fields, burned their villages, and turned their widows and orphans out of doors."

On June 12, 1898, a young Filipino, General Emilio Aguinaldo, had proclaimed Philippine independence and established Asia's first republic. He had hoped that the Philippines would become a U.S. protectorate. But pressure on President William McKinley to annex the Philippines was intense. After originally declaring that it would "be criminal aggression" for the United States to annex the archipelago, he reversed his stance, partly out of fear that another power would seize the Philippines. Six weeks after Dewey defeated the Spanish fleet at Manila Bay, a German fleet sought to set up a naval base there. The British, French, and Japanese also sought bases in the Philippines. Unaware that the Philippines were the only predominantly Catholic nation in Asia, President McKinley said that American occupation was necessary to "uplift and Christianize" the Filipinos.

On February 4, 1899, fighting erupted between American and Filipino soldiers, leaving 59 Americans and approximately 3,000 Filipinos dead. With the vice president casting a tie-breaking vote, a congressional resolution declaring the Philippines independent was defeated. American commanders hoped for a short conflict, but in the end, more than 70,000 would fight in the archipelago. Unable to defeat the United States in conventional warfare, the Filipinos adopted guerrilla tactics. To suppress the insurgency, villages were forcibly relocated or burned. Non-combatant civilians were imprisoned or killed. Vicious torture techniques were used on suspected insurrects, such as the water cure, in which a suspect was made to lie face up while water was poured onto his face. One general declared:

“It may be necessary to kill half of the Filipinos in order that the remaining half of the population may be advanced to a higher plane of life than their present semi-barbarous state affords.”

The most notorious incident of the war took place on Samar Island. In retaliation for a Filipino raid on an American garrison, in which American troops had been massacred, General Jacob W. Smith told his men to turn the island into a "howling wilderness" so that "even birds could not live there." He directed a marine major to kill "all persons...capable of bearing arms." He meant everyone over the age of 10. Smith was court-martialed and "admonished" for violating military discipline.

Aguinaldo was captured by a raid on the Filipino leader's hideout in March 1901. The war was officially declared over in July 1902, but fighting continued for several years. The Philippine war convinced the United States not to seize further overseas territory.

More than 4,000 American soldiers and about 20,000 Filipino fighters died. An estimated 200,000 Filipino civilians died during the war, mainly of disease or hunger. Reports of American atrocities led the United States to turn internal control over to the Philippines to Filipinos in 1907 and pledged to grant the archipelago independence in 1916.

U.S. leaders tried to transform the country into a showcase of American-style democracy in Asia. But there was a strong undercurrent of condescension. U.S. President William Howard Taft, who had served as governor-general of the Philippines, called the Filipinos "our little brown brothers." The Philippines were granted independence in 1946.

THURSDAY Discuss Foreign Policy ideas of Theodore Roosevelt 1900 – 1908 and William Howard Taft 1908-1912

(WOR-3,4,6,7) (POL-6)

Materials Strategy/FormatPpt and video Lecture-discussion

Student Skill TypesChronologic Reasoning (1,3)Comp/Context (5)Historical Arguments (7)Interpretation/Synthesis (8, 9)

Introduction We have discussed several “accidental Presidents” this year. These were men who were Vice Presidents

who were never really meant to be leaders. Usually, they are not successful Presidents. This cannot be said for Theodore Roosevelt. Place on the ticket to assure New York electoral votes, this war hero was also a problem for the party bosses in the state. As Governor of New York TR was downright “un-Republican” sometimes because he supported so many liberal reforms. They hoped to see the “death of the cowboy” by relegating him to the do-nothing post of VP. But then….

In 1901 President William McKinley, a popular president who had just started his second term in office and the people seemed clearly glad to get a chance to meet him. However, at 4:07 p.m. Leon Czolgosz had made it into the building and it was his turn to greet the President.

In Czolgosz's right hand, he held a .32 caliber revolver, which he had covered by wrapping a handkerchief around the gun and his hand. Although Czolgosz's swaddled hand was noticed before he reached the President, many thought it looked like it covered an injury and not that it was hiding a gun. Also, since the day had been hot, many of the visitors to see the President had been carrying handkerchiefs in their hands so that they could wipe the sweat off their faces. As Czolgosz reached the President, McKinley reached out to shake his left hand (thinking Czolgosz's right hand was injured) while Czolgosz brought up his right hand to President McKinley's chest and then fired two shots.

One of the bullets didn't enter the president - some say it bounced off of a button or off the president's sternum and then got tucked into his clothing. The other bullet, however, entered the president's abdomen, tearing through his stomach, pancreas, and kidney. Shocked at being shot, President McKinley began to sag as blood stained his white shirt. He then told those around him, "Be careful how you tell my wife.” or several days, President McKinley seemed to be getting better. After the shock of the shooting, the nation was excited to hear some good news. However, what the doctors did not realize was that without drainage, an infection had built up inside the President. By September 13 it was obvious the President was dying. At 2:15 a.m. on September 14, 1901, President William McKinley died of gangrene. That afternoon, Vice President Theodore Roosevelt was sworn in as President of the United States. Party Boss Mark Hanna exclaimed, “now that damn cowboy is President of the United States.

Today we will look at TR and his foreign policy and then next week look at his domestic Presidency as we move toward the Progressive Period. Also, we will look briefly at the Taft Administration and his much shorter foreign policy idea known in the media as “Dollar Diplomacy.”

The Open Door Policy Technically the U.S. policy toward China goes back before TR and Taft but it continued through their

administrations for many years. China was in political and economic disarray as the end of the 19th century approached. Though once a major power in this era China was not recognized as a sovereign nation by the major powers, who were busy elbowing one another for trading privileges and plotting how the country

could be partitioned. These were known as spheres of influence. The major powers had even extracted concessions that allowed foreign powers to act with impunity (extraterritoriality: foreigners were not subject to Chinese law and thus could literally get away with murder).

During the McKinley Administration Secretary of State John Hay proposed a policy known as the Open Door Policy called for the establishment of equal trading rights to all nations in all parts of China and for recognition of Chinese territorial integrity (meaning that the country should not be carved up). The impact of such an Open Door Policy would be to put all of the imperial nations on an equal footing and minimize the power of those nations with existing spheres of influence. No nation formally agreed to Hay’s policy; each used the other nations' reluctance to endorse the Open Door as an excuse for their own inaction. An undeterred Hay simply announced that agreement had been reached. Only Russia and Japan voiced displeasure.

On the surface, it appeared that the United States had advanced a reform viewpoint, but the truth was otherwise. The U.S. had no sphere of influence in China, but had long maintained an active trade there. If other nations were to partition China, the United States would likely be excluded from future commercial activities. In short, Hay was simply trying to protect the prospects of American businessmen and investors.

Challenges to the Open Door policy would be mounted frequently in the ensuing years, including the Boxer Rebellion of 1900 in which Chinese nationalists resorted to armed opposition in an attempt to end foreign occupation of their country; Japanese incursions into Manchuria following the Russo-Japanese War (see below).

Building the Panama Canal TR believed that one of his most important accomplishments was the construction of the Panama Canal.

Why he could claim this victory is a great example of imperialism. In the minds of many military strategists, America's 1898 war with Spain made a canal seem essential.

During the Spanish American War, the only way for U.S. battleships to sail from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean was to make an 8,000-mile journey around Cape Horn at the tip of South America. The canal was completed in the face of seemingly insurmountable political, medical, and technological obstacles. The Isthmus of Panama was controlled by Colombia, which had rejected a U.S. proposal to build a canal. "You could no more make an agreement with them than you could nail jelly to a wall," President Theodore Roosevelt said in response to the rejection. But that did not mean that TR was ready to quit.

A French adventurer, Philippe Bunau-Varilla, and an American lawyer, Nelson Cromwell, conceived of the idea of creating the Republic of Panama. They persuaded Roosevelt to support a Panama. Bunau-Varilla engineered a revolution and U.S. warships prevented Colombia from stopping Panama's attempt to break away (In 1921, the U.S. paid an indemnity to Colombia in recognition of the U.S. role in the Panamanian revolution). Bunau-Varilla repaid the United States for its assistance by signing a treaty on behalf of the Panamanians, which gave the United States a zone stretching five miles from each bank of the canal in perpetuity. Within the zone, U.S. laws, police, and courts ruled.

Years later, President Roosevelt said that the people of Panama rebelled against Colombia "literally as one man." A senator quipped, "Yes, and the one man was Roosevelt." In 1911, Roosevelt said bluntly, "I took the Isthmus, started the canal and then left Congress not to debate the canal but to debate me." In 1906, eager to see the greatest accomplishment of his presidency, he became the first president to travel overseas. He went to Panama at the height of the rainy season and took the controls of a 95-ton steam shovel.

Built at a cost of $387 million over a period of 10 years, the Panama Canal was a declaration of America's coming of age in the world. Its completion date was also timely, 1914 and the commencement of WWI

The Roosevelt Corollary The new shift in foreign policy that we discussed last week occurred just after an interesting event. In 1904,

Germany demanded a port in Santo Domingo (now the Dominican Republic) as compensation for an unpaid loan. This was a common situation as major powers continually threatened to do this in Latin American states. Theodore Roosevelt, who had become president after William McKinley's assassination, told Germany to stay out of the Western Hemisphere and said that the United States would take care of the problem saying,

“Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the western hemisphere, the adherence of the U.S. to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of international police power.”

This was known as the “Roosevelt Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine and it became the centerpiece of TR’s foreign policy.

The enforcement of this order, forestall foreign intervention, and protect U.S. economic interests, the United States intervened in the Caribbean and Central America some 20 times over the next quarter century--namely, in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Panama. Each intervention followed a common pattern: after intervening to restore order, U.S. forces became embroiled in the countries' internal political disputes.

The World’s Policeman TR’s intent to police the world extended beyond the Caribbean and Latin America. In 1905 the negotiations

to end the Russo-Japanese war began at Sagamore Hill when President Theodore Roosevelt invited diplomats on both sides, Russia and Japan, to his home in Oyster Bay. After meeting with all of them, he sent the diplomats out on board the presidential yacht Mayflower*. TR never personally owned a yacht although he did have a rowboat or two.

Negotiations continued at and near a naval base in Portsmouth, because it was federal property and cool in the summer. Delegates also went back and forth to Oyster Bay to confer with TR. TR set up the final settlement, and the treaty was signed at the US Navy base in Portsmouth. Thus the accord is called the "Treaty of Portsmouth". For his actions, TR was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1907.

The end of the war may have earned TR a Noel Prize but it also earned the U.S. a level of hatred among many Japanese military and political leaders. The Japanese were already angry about the treatment of immigrants to the U.S (especially in California where Japanese children were sent to segregated schools and not allowed to own property in some areas). The so called “Gentlemen’s Agreement” between the US and Japan was supposed to slow down Japanese immigration in exchange for TR’s pledge to force reforms in Japanese treatment. Neither the Emperor nor President abided by the agreement mostly because there were limits to each man’s true power.

“Dollar Diplomacy” As has been the case many times before, the media has given us an expression that has become a key term.

Taft used America’s growing economic power as a diplomatic tool. He urged Wall Street investors to invest money in foreign markets in order to increase American influence abroad. Investors were especially encouraged to invest their money in foreign markets in which the U.S. had strategic interests, such as the Far East and the Panama Canal region. Many people were critical of Taft’s plan and his critics denounced this strategy as “dollar diplomacy.” In fact, the senate refused to sign several treaties, but the president encouraged private banks and Wall Street investors to act independently.

Another key goal of dollar diplomacy was to preempt foreign powers from gaining or enlarging an investment foothold in key markets (Latin America and Manchuria were of particular concern. Many European countries had been imperial powers for decades and held a significant advantage over the U.S. in several global markets. The administration believed that if American investors were firmly situated in these markets economic rivals such as Britain and Germany would be unable to continue their dominance. Taft believed that the increased investment would not only benefit the U.S. but its trade partners as well, creating better foreign relations. Taft also assumed that the expenditure of money in foreign markets would increase American influence abroad and would help further its foreign policies. Of course, the overriding belief was that foreign investments would enhance American businesses, which in turn would grow the economy and enrich the government. In short “dollar diplomacy” became a key example of economic imperialism and some form of it still exists.

The Insular Cases 1901 Another key foreign policy issue with domestic overtones was the question of native peoples living in areas

acquired during the Spanish-American War (and before). In a series of Supreme Court rulings the basic question addressed was whether or not the “rights follow the flag.” In other words, do colonial peoples have the rights as native born citizens?

The general trend of the rulings in this series of cases was the Supreme Court came to the decision that not all areas under American control would automatically have full constitutional rights. For example, a person even if a US citizen living in Puerto Rico they may have no rights. Over time the rulings were tempered (especially following WWII) and nowadays people living in these regions have all of the same constitutional though not really political rights

ConclusionFollowing his Presidency his successor William Howard Taft would also be imperialistic but used a less direct known as “dollar diplomacy.” The foreign policy created by U.S. president William Howard Taft (served 1909–13) and his Secretary of State, Philander C. Knox to ensure the financial stability of a region while protecting and extending American commercial and financial interests there. It grew out of President Theodore Roosevelt’s peaceful intervention in the Dominican Republic, where U.S. loans had been exchanged for the right to choose the Dominican head of customs (the country’s major revenue source).

Weekend HomeworkStudy the notes above and pp: 674 – 684 in the text (stop at The U.S. in WWI)

FRIDAY (5th Period -go to first lunch)Quiz on the Imperialism Period (SA format)

Materials Strategy/FormatQuiz forms Assessment-Review

Instructions This is a good old fashioned short answer style quiz. Some will be ones that you must explain and other

will be like one or two-word answers (like vocabulary questions). There may also be a few document related ones involved

This is due today

Weekend HomeworkAnswer the 14 questions below based upon the document packet Due Monday February 26

Imperialism Primary SourcesDocument 1

Questions

1. There is an old expression. “Out of the frying pan and into the fire.” Your first step is to find out what this means and second, explain how the cartoon represents this.”

2. How does the cartoon represent and excuse for the U.S. to involve itself into the Cuban Insurrection?

Document 2

(scan down to the next page)

Questions

3. What is the historical context of the cartoon (depicting what event)?

4. Assess the cartoon for the following: POV/TONE/BIAS

Document 3

“Whereas the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three years in the Island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a United States battle ship, with two hundred and sixty-six of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of Havana, and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by the President of the United States in his message to Congress of April eleventh, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, upon which the action of Congress was invited: Therefore,

Resolved, First. That the people of the Island of Cuba are, of right ought to be, free and independent.

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect.

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said Island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the Island to its people”

Joint Session of Congress, The Teller Amendment, 1898

5. What event gave the U.S. the right to demand that Spain end its control of Cuba in 1898 (if you have forgotten it is in the text)?

6. Which of the four articles above relate to the Constitutional powers of the President as Commander-in-Chief?

7. What did the Teller Amendment say was the goal of the U.S. for Cuba’s future?

Document 4“Article I. The Government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes, or otherwise, lodgment in or control over any portion of said island.

Article II. The Government of Cuba shall not assume or contract any public debt to pay the interest upon which, and to make reasonable sinking-fund provision for the ultimate discharge of which, the ordinary revenues of the Island of Cuba, after defraying the current expenses of the Government, shall be inadequate.

Article III. The Government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba. . . .

Article V. The Government of Cuba will execute, and, as far as necessary, extend the plans already devised, or other plans to be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to the commerce of the Southern ports of the United States and the people residing therein....

Article VII. To enable the United States to maintain the independence of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the Government of Cuba will sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations, at certain specified points, to be agreed upon with the]? resident of the United States.”

Platt Amendment, 1903

8. How did the tone of the Platt Amendment fundamentally differ from the Teller Amendment issued in 1898?

9. What lines in the text above basically show the Cuba was not truly independent following the Spanish-American War of 1898?

10. How does Article 5 resemble Progressivism occurring in America?

11. You might have to look this up: What territory in Cuba does the U.S. still possess to this very day?

Document 5 (multiple sources)At 1:30 o’clock the general gave me a memorandum with regard to sending out a Tennessee battalion to the line. He tersely put it that “they were looking for a fight.” At the Puente Colgante [suspension bridge] I met one of our company, who told me that the Fourteenth and Washingtons were driving all before them, and taking no prisoners. This is now our rule of procedure for cause. After delivering my message I had not walked a block when I heard shots down the street. Hurrying forward, I found a group of our men taking pot-shots across the river, into a bamboo

thicket, at about 1,200 yards. I longed to join them, but had my reply to take back, and that, of course, was the first thing to attend to I reached the office at 3 P.M., just in time to see a platoon of the Washingtons, with about fifty prisoners, who had been taken before they learned how not to take them.”

Private Fred B. Hinchman, Company A. United States Engineers, writes from Manila, February 22d 1901

I am not afraid, and am always ready to do my duty, but I would like someone to tell me what we are fighting for. The soldiers made short work of the whole thing. They looted every house, and found almost everything, from a pair of wooden shoes up to a piano, and they carried everything off or destroyed it. Talk of the natives plundering the towns: I don’t think they are in it with the Fiftieth Iowa.”

Arthur H. Vickers, Sergeant in the First Nebraska Regiment 1901

They will never surrender until their whole race is exterminated. They are fighting for a good cause, and the Americans should be the last of all nations to transgress upon such rights. Their independence is dearer to them than life, as ours was in years gone by, and is today. They should have their independence, and would have had it if those who make the laws in America had not been so slow in deciding the Philippine Question. Of course, we have to fight now to protect the honor of our country but there is not a man who enlisted to fight these people, and should the United States annex these islands, none but the most bloodthirsty will claim himself a hero. This is not a lack of patriotism, but my honest belief.

Ellis G. Davis, Company A, 20th Kansas 1902

Questions

12. What is the historical context of these two sources?

13. How does the attitude and tone differ from the first to the second Primary source?

14. You might have to do a little research here for a synthesis: How does the experience of the soldier in the Philippines resemble the experiences later of a soldier during the Vietnam War?