Analysis Report_Bag Anchra-Badurgacha

7/31/2019 Analysis Report_Bag Anchra-Badurgacha

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G3: Water Governance and Community Based Management

Ganges Basin Development Challenge

Situation AnalysisLGED Bag Anchra-Badurgacha subproject, Dumuria Upazila,

Khulna

Report fromCamelia Dewan and Mahanambrota Das

Merged report by Marie-Charlotte Buisson

October 2012
http://ganges-bdc.wikispaces.com/


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Contents

1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 4

1.1. Aim of the report .....................................................................................................................4

1.2. Methodology ...........................................................................................................................4

1.3. Overview of Polder Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha Area ..................................................................... 81.3.1. Location and accessibility............................................................................................................ 8

1.3.2. Demographic features ................................................................................................................ 9

1.3.3. Basic Facilities Access ................................................................................................................ 11

1.3.4. History of the Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha sub-project and Physical Interventions .................... 11

2. FARMING SYSTEMS AND LIVELIHOODS ............................................................ 13

1.1. Productivity after polder ................................................................................................... 13

1.2. Current Agricultural Cropping Pattern.............................................................................. 14

1.2.1. Paddy: Only Aman paddy and no Rabi crops ....................................................................... 14

1.2.2. Fish: Declining over time ..................................................................................................... 15

1.2.3. Shrimp: Predominant cultivation choice ............................................................................... 15

3. LIVELIHOODS .......................................................................................................... 16

3.1. Food security and Salinity: Effects on livestock and vegetation......................................... 16

3.2. Employment opportunities ............................................................................................... 16

3.2.1. Labour Contracting Societies................................................................................................ 17

3.3. Drinking water situation................................................................................................... 18

4. CONDITION OF THE PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE ....................................... 19

4.1. Condition of the Embankment ......................................................................................... 19

4.1.1. River erosion........................................................................................................................ 20

4.1.2. Pipes .................................................................................................................................... 20

4.1.3. Emergency responses ........................................................................................................... 20

4.2. Condition of the Sluice gates ............................................................................................ 21

4.3. Condition of the Canals and Rivers................................................................................... 22

4.3.1. Siltation ............................................................................................................................... 22

4.3.2. Private control over canals ................................................................................................. 23

5. OPERATION OF SLUICE GATES ............................................................................ 23

6. MAINTENANCE OF PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE .......................................... 24

6.1. Construction and Rehabilitation 1997-2001........................................................................ 24

6.2. Handover agreement and responsibilities......................................................................... 25

6.2.1. Continued linkages with LGED staff................................................................................... 25

6.2.2. Annual supervision and O&M Plan...................................................................................... 26

6.2.3. Continuation of project and funding.................................................................................... 26

6.3. Cost-sharing..................................................................................................................... 27

6.4. Role of Union Parishad in Maintenance ........................................................................... 27

6.5. Main issues of Maintenance ............................................................................................. 28


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7. SWRDSP: PROJECT PROCESS AND RESULTS ...................................................... 29

7.1. WMCA formation: Election and Selection ........................................................................ 29

7.2. Sub-committees ................................................................................................................ 29

7.3. Training ........................................................................................................................... 30

7.4. WMCA Input in Project Design........................................................................................ 30

7.5. WMCA as a cooperative: Membership fees and Leasing................................................... 31

7.6. Activeness and Perception of WMCA post project ............................................................ 32

8. CONFLICTS ............................................................................................................... 33

8.1. Conflicts regarding the control of canals........................................................................... 33

8.2. Conflicts regarding shrimp and salinity intrusion ............................................................. 33

8.3. Conflict regarding Representativeness and Voice in the WMCA....................................... 34

9. CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................... 36

ANNEX 1: INSTITUTIONS IN WATER GOVERNANCE ............................................. 38

Government Agencies.................................................................................................................. 38Local Government Engineering Department ....................................................................................... 38

Union Parishad .................................................................................................................................... 38

Extension agencies...................................................................................................................... 39

Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE)...................................................................................... 39

Department of Fisheries (DoF) ............................................................................................................ 39

Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE) ............................................................................. 39

NGOs.......................................................................................................................................... 39


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1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Aim of the report

This report aspires to generate a detailed situation analysis report of Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha sub-project inDumuria sub-district of Khulna district based on Focus Group Discussions (FGD) and Key Informant

Interviews (KII). It will do so by providing:

i) A historical narrative of the polder from the time it was constructed to present;

ii) Farming systems and livelihoods options;

iii) Current state of the polder infrastructure;

iv) Examining the results and process of the water management interventions of the LGED

v) Reviewing how maintenance of water management infrastructure takes place;

vi) Reviewing how operation of sluice gates take place; and

vii) Discussing main conflicts.

It will then conclude by discussing the main findings and implementable policy recommendations that came

from the respondents for improving water management in the Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha sub-project.

1.2. Methodology

Four Focus Group Discussions and seven Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) were conducted by the Shushilan

research team from 20th March to 24th March, 2012. The FGDs were held in two villages of Sobhana Union.

The venue of the FGDs were selected based on IWM map, transect walk and consultation with the local

people by considering various part of the union, distance from main rivers and sluice gates, the situation of

the rivers, canals, gates and concentration of various types of farming in particular shrimp farming, paddy

cultivation with or without aquaculture. The KIIs were selected through snowball and opportunity process.

The KIIs with farmers, women headed households, woman LCS representative were held at their village

home and the KIIs with UP and LGED officials were held at the respective offices in the UP and Sub-district

headquarters. The map below describes where the FGDs have been conducted.


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Figure 1 - Location of the FGD


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A glance look of the FGD venues and participants reveals the following:

One of the four FGD groups was general FGD group and met at Badurgacha village (South-westpart of the union), on the bank of Teleghati River, concentration of canals like Badur gacha, bisu

katakhali, dakatia, daiany, simanar, risikar, vetkimary & sela bania etc, silted canals,

concentration of gher and unauthorized cuts. One brand sluice gates and pipe inlets, but thecondition of the gates was not good. The shutter of the gate was broken. In the FGD group,

thirteen participants including farmers, businessmen, salaried profession, students, teacher and village

doctor were present. Two of the farmers owned land 1 to 4 acres. All of the respondents were

Sanaton Hindu, age varied from 25 to 55 years. All of the respondents were the member of WMCA.

The second FGD group was held with LCS male at near East Badurgacha, situated by the west sideof the polder by the side of the Ghanrail River. Land comparatively high, no gate, un-authorized cuts,

dead canals, high concentration of crops farming. Seven of the participants out of ten were day

labours, two were involved with agriculture with day labouring and one was engaged with patty

shopkeepers and day labour. All of the participants were male and Sanatan Hindu and aged between

25 to 40 years. All of them were member of WMCA.

The third FGD group was held with LCS female at near Badurgacha, situated by the East side of thepolder by the side of the Ghanrail River. River erosion, silted canals, aquaculture, high concentration

of shrimp, paddy and shrimp farming, one brand sluice gate. Ten of the participants out of eleven

were involved with agriculture, gher and day labours and one was completely day labour. All of the

participants were male and Sanatan Hindu except one and aged between 25 to 45 years. Seven of

them were involved different NGOs activities or cooperatives. Three of them were involved with

WMCA.

The last FGD group met with eight WMCA EC members, in the West side and middle part of thepolder. All of the had own land varying from 1.0 to 5.0 acres. Three out of eight participants were

farmers, two were businessmen and there were housewife. Age of the respondents varied from 30 to

70 years and almost all of them were Sanatan Hindu except one.The list of FGD and KII is provided in Table 1 and 2.

FGD Type Numbers of

Participants

(Female)

Village (para) Union

Parishad

Relevant

Sluice

Gate

Numbers

Adjoining Canals

General 13 Male

no female

Badurgacha Shobhana 1 & 2 Telgoti & ghanrail river. Badur gacha,

bisu kata khali, dakatia, daiany, simanar,

risikar, vetkimary & sela bania canal.

LCS Male 10 Male East Badurgacha Shobhana 1 Ghanrail river.

LCS Female 11 Female Badurgacha Shobhana 1 Telgoti river. Naptir khal

WMC 9 Male

2 Female

Bagh Anchra Shobhana 1 & 2 Ghanrail river. Vakotmari khal, Kudaler

khal, Chelabuner Khal, Boroitolar khal,

Budorkhal silted up. simanar, risikar &

Naptir khal existing

Table 1 - List of FGDs conducted in polder Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha


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Respondent Type Village/ Venue Date

Dijendro Lal Sardar, President WMA WMA Office 24/03/2012

Sardar Abdul Gani, Chairman, Shobhana UP office 24/03/2012

Tarak Chandra Mondol, Member_Ward No 9 Madartola Bazar 24/03/2012

Ritika Rani, female member_ward 7,8,9 House of member 24/03/2012

Tulshi Rani Mondol, Women headed Bagachara 24/03/2012

Sujit Sardar, Mixed farmer (Bagda) Bagchara 24/03/2012

Rabindra Nath Mondol, Paddy farmer Bagchar 24/03/2012

Table 2 - List of KII conducted in Jsabishabeel Sub Project Polder

Figure 2 - Location of the FGD


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1.3. Overview of Polder Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha Area

1.3.1. Location and accessibility

Location

The polder Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha FCD sub-project of LGED is located in Sobhana Union Parishad of

Dumuria Upazila in Khulna district. The area is located between two existing BWDB coastal embankment

Polders (17 and 26) and it is surrounded by Ghangail and Telighati Rivers. The CARE road bounds the

subproject to the southwest. The polder area is surrounded by the Rivers Telighati and Ghangail. Telighati

River flows by the East side of the polder and Ganghail in the north, west and South side. Within this

boundary, there are two mouzas no 64 and 78. However people of 2 villages around its own land inside of the

polder. The surrounding villages are: Badurgacha and Bagh Anchra. This polder is 40 km south-west of

Khulan city and only about 10 kms South of Dumuria Upazila town by existing road link.

Geographical characteristics

The polder covers the total area 375 hectors. The Telighati River is navigable round the year but current is

being slow. The Ganghail River is silted and is about to dead. The land profile of the polder is saucer shaped.

The land along the riverbanks is slightly higher elevated than the land in the centre of the polder and alongthe inner canals. The land is relatively low-lying in the middle adjoining. The west part of the polder is

comparatively high elevated compare to other side.

The polder area is just one beel and comprises two villages. It looks like a small island surrounded by the river

Ganghail in the north and east, the River Telighati is in the East and South. These two rivers inter-connected

to the South-East and North-East. River Ghengrail is however still flowing but about to dead. The whole

polder area is a low lying beel (wetland) affected by tidal surge in cyclone Aila 2009. The polder also affected

by salinity. Total area of the polder is about 350 hectors (WMCA) including agriculture, aquaculture. The

construction of this polder started in 2000 and finished in 2008. During project period, three canals and 2

regulators were constructed to manage water for agriculture practices and save lives (WMCA). The east side

of the polder is very vulnerable due to river erosion of the Telighati River. There are only There are manypipe inlets to draw water from the Rivers Telighati and Gangharil. Pipe inlets uses for both purposes

(Agriculture and shrimp culture). The farmers who have high elevated land by the side of the embankment,

they use pipe inlets for crop farming or shrimp culturing.

Accessibility

The polder Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha is situated in the South-west side of the Dumuria Upazila and

connected to Upazila road via Bagh Anchra bazaar. Dumuria Upazila is located in the nearest of the polder

and distance from Upazila town about 10 km. Different types of motorbikes and vans are available in the

road. Motorized boats, launch and trawlers also seen in the River Telighati. Country boat and launch are also

seen as a local and inter-district waterway transport. Launch is also available via Dumuria to Dhaka and timeis required 8 to 10 hours. Beside motorbike service in the local roads, another type of transport now

expanding is diesel operated three wheeler van. Another mode of transport recently introduced but not huge

is battery operated three wheeler auto-rickshaw, called easy bike. In the Payra river, the main transport is

mechanised boat that has almost entirely replaced both country boat and motor launch.


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1.3.2. Demographic features

Table 3 below provides demographic data of Sobhana Union of polder Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha as

compared to Upazila Dumuria. The Union Sobhana is there considered to represent the polder for

demographic and other information and the study was concentrated in this Union.

Total population of the polder Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha (Sobhana UP) is 1299 while comprising households

315 and household size 4.1. Household size is comparatively little bit below. Difference between male andfemale population is very low. Compare to 10% Hindu minority of the country, 84.8% are Santan Hindu in

this polder. Literacy rate is 58% but better than Dumuria Upazila and less than national status. In this polder,

male literacy rate is higher than female.

SovanaUP

Badurgacha BaghAnchra

PolderTotal

DumuriaUpazila

Area (Sq km) 19.46 - - 350hectares

454.43

Household 4806 187 128 315 71909

Poppulation Total 19708 766 533 1299 305675

Density 1013 - - - 673Household Size 4.1 4.1 4.2 4.1 4.3

Male Population 9783 375 268 643 153111

Female Population 9925 391 265 656 152564

Sex Ratio 99 96 101 98 100

Religion Muslim % 45.9 0.5 36.2 15.2 61.7

Hindu % 54.1 99.5 63.8 84.8 38.1

Christian and others % 0.0 0 0 0 0.2

Literacy All 52.7 59.6 56.4 58.0 52.6

Literacy M 58.4 67.6 65.0 66.3 57.4

Literacy F 47.0 51.8 47.9 49.9 47.7

Source: BBS, Population Census 2011, Community Series for Khulna DistrictTable 3 - Area and Population


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SovanaUP


PolderTotal

DumuriaUpazila

Population age 7+ not in school 4,649 125 79 204 76,918

Male 1,848 28 29 57 31,608

Female 2,801 97 50 147 45,310

Employed Male 1,565 21 23 44 26,592

Employed Female 148 0 1 1 2,601

% employed Male 84.7 75.0 79.3 77.2 84.1

% employed Female 5.3 0.0 2.0 1.0 5.7

% Looking for Job Male 0.1 0 0 0 0.3

% Looking for Job Female 0.1 0 0 0 0.2

% in household work Male 0.7 0 0 0 1.0

% in household work Female 74.8 80.4 82.0 81.2 75.3

% not working Male 14.4 25.0 20.7 22.9 14.5% not working Female 19.8 19.6 16.0 17.8 18.8

Source: BBS, Population Census 2011, Community Series for Khulna DistrictTable 4 - Employment Status of Polder Area People (age 7+ not in school)

Table 4 above shows employment status of male and female population of age 7 and above not attending

school. In Union Sobhana, 84.7 % of the males (of age 7+ not attending school) are employed in various

income earning activities and 0.1 % are represented not working. And in this polder Of the female of 7+ age

group (not attending school), 1.0% are reported to be working in various economic activities, 81.2 % reported

to be engaged in household chores only and about 17.8 % non working. The data should however be read

with caution that age 7+ not in school, is not a good definition of labor force.

SobhanaUP

Badurgacha Bagachra PolderTotal

DumuriaUpazila

Agriculture % of male worker 100.0 100.0 95.7 97.9 80.2

Agriculture % of female worker 0 100.0 50 58.6

Industry % of male worker 0 0 0 5.9

Industry % of female worker 0 4.3 2.2 16.1

Services % of male worker 0 0 0 13.9

Services % of female worker 100.0 0 0.0 0 25.3

Source: BBS, Population Census 2011, Community Series for Khulna District

Table 5 - Employment of Working Population by Broad Sectors

Table 5 below shows distribution of male and female working population by broad economic sectors. In

Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha sub-project, about 98% of the male workers are engaged in the agriculture sector

and there is no worker in industry and service sectors. Besides, of the female workers, about 50 % are

engaged in the agriculture sector and only 2.2 % in industry sector. Many of women workers employed in the

agriculture sector reflects that women are engaged both paddy and shrimp ghers etc.


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1.3.3. Basic Facilities Access

Table 6 below shows that nearly 100% people of the polder have access to safe drinking water and the main

source is deep tube well. And it is better than Sobhana UP and Dumuria Upazila. UP has provided 60 tube-

wells through government funded project (FGD-general). Fresh drinking water is found at depth 600 to 1000

feet or even deeper.

SobhanaUP


PolderTotal

DumuriaUpazila

Sanitary Toilet water sealed % 38.8 43.0 10.9 26.95 50.4

Sanitary not water sealed % 39.2 37.1 81.3 59.2 31.4

Non sanitary% 13.2 4.8 7.0 5.9 13.6

No latrine % 8.9 15.1 0.8 7.95 4.70

water source:L TW/Tape % 99.8 100 100.0 100 99.2

Electicity Connected % 35.7 22.6 18.0 20.3 58.6

Source: BBS, Population Census 2011, Community Series for Khulna DistrictTable 6 - Availability of or Access to Basic Facilities

In polder about 26.95 % households have water sealed latrines and about 59.2% have ring-slab latrine

(sanitary but not water sealed). About 6% use non sanitary latrine and about 8% do not have latrine.

Situation of water and sanitation is not good compare to Sobhana UP and Dumuria Upazila. Only one fifth

(20.3%) of the households of this polder have access to electricity (Solar panel). Access to basic facilities vary

among Sobhana UP, Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha polder and Dumuria Upazila.

1.3.4. History of the Bagh Anchra-Badurgacha sub-project and Physical Interventions

History of polder development

FGDs and KIIs participants views varied regarding building time of the embankment and construction time

of the sluice gates. Almost all participants viewed that the embankment and two sluice gates constructed

during 1990s or 1998. But actual construction period was 2000 to 2008. LGED started this sub-project in

2000 and completed its works in 2008.

One view is that, after constructing embankment polder area was better protected from tidal surge, flooding

and salinity intrusion. This resulted to higher crop yield, fruits and vegetables production, aquaculture and

increased livestock rearing. Before construction of polder livelihood of the people was harder. Now both

agriculture and aquaculture are continuing. Developed roads and communications and mobility of the people

increased. Previously people were involved only agriculture (one crop-local Aman paddy) or giving lease to

gher owners. Now people also interested in agriculture, aquaculture, service, business and education. Another

one said that grasses do not grow due to salinity and livestock rearing is hard in this situation (FGD-WMCA).

Most of the participants view that two sluice gates are not enough to manage water. High elevated land

owners comparatively get less water, so they install pipe inlets into the embankment. They do it for crop

cultivation or shrimp culture. These pipe inlets are made the embankment weak. Before construction of the

polder, outsider domination was acute for shrimp farming and most of the land owners used to give lease the

land.


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The community people also provided interesting story about construction of this polder. Before construction

of this polder, the community people who were riches made small dyke/earthen wall locally called

Austomashi Badh to protect the land for agriculture practices. They did it from June July (Ashar Shravan).

The wetland area was encircled by low dykes constructed every year in Ashar Shravan (June July) before

planting Aman paddy. The dykes were repaired as per need up to the harvest of Aman paddy in DecemberJanuary. After Aman harvest it was left to nature and the dykes got damaged. During the four months water

from the river entered the beel area during high tide and drained out in low tide. Grass, weeds and mat-

making leaves grew abundantly. Cattle and buffaloes grazed and fish grew naturally. But those were marginal

farmers and had no capacity to made dyke, they lease the land to outsiders. Then outsiders made dyke and

cultivate crops or cultured ghers. Actually, this culture continued up to 2000.

In the past, local people asked many times to local elites and political leaders to construct the embankment.

But it was not work. They made small dyke for eight months to protect their agriculture land. Local people

guarded the dyke at night under a village leader/aged man (locally called Sana) to protect the dyke from flood.

But many times, they failed to protect it. The tidal flooding of this tiny island had increased after the

construction in the mid-1960s of the BWDB polder embankment along the Ghangrail River on the southwestand Telighati River on the north and northeast. Local people also went to Water Development Board locally

call WAPDA, political leaders and officials, but failed. Suddenly, one officer of LGED informed them that

LGED wanted to construct an embankment in this area. The major problems identified by LGED was (i)

flooding by tidal saline water intrusion damaging and reducing yield of paddy and high-yielding variety; (ii);

that the river is higher than the subproject land during high tide in the monsoon and damages crops and

homesteads. By the suggestion of that officer, people made groups, collected money from the local people,

saved money, built WMCA, LCS, opened bank account etc. Finally, LGED started to work of the

embankment with full support of the local people. LGED took initiative to construct embankment in 2000

and implementation period was 2000-2008. The embankment contributed to better protecting crops. Aman

yield increased. Also, cultivation of chili, vegetables, brinjal and fruits increased.

But, in 2009, during cyclone Aila, embankment broke at several places and sluice gates partially damaged and

broke. Community and the LGED repaired embankment but not adequately. Besides, presently, river erosion

of Telighati River affected the East side of the embankment which needed repairing immediately.


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2. FARMING SYSTEMS AND LIVELIHOODS1.1. Productivity after polder

Table 7 - Agricultural Productivity in production (mT) 1997-2006 (Source: LGED, 2008)

Prior to the construction of the LGED embankment, this area was regularly submerged during tides and

unsuitable for settlement. After independence, in 1972-73, the local people of the area would lease their lands

to outsiders, people from Kaliganj in Satkhira district. The outsiders would produce crops and cultivate fish.

The local people of the area were very poor and unable to produce crops due to saline water and lack of

protection of earthen wall/embankment. According to the WMCA, there were many families that could not

sustain themselves prior to the embankment and therefore sold their land and migrated. For those that

remained in the polder, leasing out ones land was increasingly seen as unprofitable. The lease takers would

use the land for lucrative shrimp cultivation, while the landowner would only be able to cultivate paddy. After

the construction of the embankment in 1998, the local people decided that they would cultivate shrimp on

their land themselves rather than to lease it out. The Union Parishad Chairman thus stated that the only shift

in influence through the embankment was a shift from outside gher owners to local gher owners.

There are contradicting views on the effects and improvements of the polder. Gher owners mention that

agricultural production has increased along with employment opportunities (Gherowner, 6 acre, Bagchra).

Table 1 indicates that Aman production did increase in the first few years and has since been declining. The

statistics are from LGED and does not include similar information for shrimp cultivation. There are

competing perspectives to whether or not productivity was higher or lower prior to the embankment. Prior to

1998 2001 2002 2003 2004

Kharif-2/Aman LT Aman 351.4 647.9 649.9 551.3 503.9

(Monsoon)

HYV T Aman 420.1 474.9 586.1 504.7

Vegetables

Rabi/Boro HYV Boro 3.9

(Winter) Wheat

Mustard 0.8 1.7 0.7 1.7

Local Boro

Potato 2.1 96.8 11.9 118.6

Vegetables 44.5 22.2 86.5

Pulse

Spices

Sugercane


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the embankment the area would be fully inundated and nothing could grow due to the salinity of the water

(large gher owners). However, without the embankment the monsoon would flush out salinity from the fields

and current around the year shrimp cultivation does not allow for flushing out of saline water (LCS male).

1.2. Current Agricultural Cropping Pattern

Table 8 - Cropping pattern Bagda and Paddy

In general, when asked about what they cultivate and when, a majority of respondents stated that they

cultivate Aman paddy during Kharif II and Bagda during the dry season from February to June. Yet

throughout the conversations with different respondents, when discussing conflicts in particular there also

seems to be around the year shrimp cultivation (need to check) that disrupts Aman cultivation. The above

table illustrated the range of responses. East Badurgacha and Bagachra villages claimed to cultivate paddy

from end of Asharh to the end of Poush, a total of 6-7 months. West Badurgacha commences Aman at the

end of Bhadro and harvests the paddy in Magh. Bagda is cultivated from Magh to Asharh, though it seems

that it is cultivated for a longer period in West Badurgacha.

1.2.1. Paddy: Only Aman paddy and no Rabi cropsPaddy is only cultivated during the monsoon season (Aman, Kharif II). There is therefore no other time for

paddy cultivation, i.e. during Rabi (Boro paddy) or Kharif I (Aus). Prior to the embankment, local Aman

varieties such as Balaam, Horkoj and Bojromuri were cultivated. Now there are more high-yielding varieties

that are saline tolerant (IRRI 23, 11, 28, 41, Ashfol and Balam). The amount of Aman paddy cultivated during

the monsoon season (Kharif II) is found to be sufficient for annual household consumption. Farmers cum

gher owners in the area do not want to cultivate paddy for longer periods that that, stating that is unprofitable

considering higher labours costs and low market value (Gher owner, 6 biggha). It was further argued that the

area was far too saline to allow for high-yielding varieties of Boro paddy during the Rabi season. Our area issalty water area. If we cultivate Goromer dhan (HYV Boro paddy) at this area, it will die. Bagda grows better

than that. So we are bound to culture Bagda.

However, another respondent mentioned that he cultivates both bagda and Boro paddy (IRRI, Balam,

Gunshi) (Gher and paddy farmer, 14 acres, Bagchra). The HYV Boro yields 18-20 mound per bigha while the

local varities yield 10-12 mound per bigha. 150 mound is kept for household consumption and the remaining

paddy is sold at the market for 600 taka per mound. It was not mentioned if the selling price differs between

Boishak

(Apr/

May)

Joishtho

(May-

Jun)

Asharh

(Jun-Jul)

Srabon

(Jul-

Aug)

Bhadro

(Aug-

Sep)

Ashshin

(Sep-

Oct)

Kartik

(Oct-

Nov)

Agrohaeon

(Nov-Dec)

Poush

(Dec-

Jan)

Magh

(Jan-

Feb)

Falgun

(Feb-

Mar)

C

man

ddy

Bagchra

EastBadurgacha

WestBadurgacha

gda

Bagchra

EastBadurgacha

WestBadurgacha


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local and high-yielding varieties. It is also not clear which variety he himself chooses to consume at home,

though it is likely it is the local variety. Use of fertilisers and pesticides were not mentioned, only that paddy is

vulnerable to pest attacks. On the other hand, it seems that there is a USAID funded project that is

conducting an experiment on how to reduce soil salinity for paddy cultivation. Due to salinity, there are no

Rabi crops cultivated in the area. Sesame and wheat are not cultivated and there was no mention of

vegetables. No other crops harvest here except paddy and fish. This was partly also attributed to the factthat Badurgacha is located on lowlands and more due to the inability to grow vegetables due to high soil

salinity.

1.2.2. Fish: Declining over timePrior to the construction of the embankment there was a plenitude of freshwater fish in the rivers. Examples

include Koi, Boal, Shail Vangal, Datni, Kain, Ar, Vola,, Patari (Bhetki) and Bain. The fish would live in the

river and enter the canals naturally. There was no need for buying fish fry. Due to increased salinity,

freshwater species and crabs have gone extinct from the area. The amount of river fish species has also

declined substantially (WMCA FGD and General FGD Badurgacha). It was further mentioned that

fishermen used to maintain their livelihood by catching fishes in the rivers and they have now significantly

lost this livelihood option. Natural fisheries have been replaced by commercial cultivation of Parshe, Tilapia,

Patari, Bagda shrimp and Galda prawn. This usually takes place during the monsoon season when the water is

less saline (Gher owner, 6 acres, Badurgacha). Bhetki and Parshe are now cultivated in ghers/ponds and one

needs to buy the fish fry from the market.

1.2.3. Shrimp: Predominant cultivation choiceThe WMCA FGD mentioned that bagda cultivation started after 1972 by individual landowners. According

to some respondents, salinity during the dry season is the key reason for why they cultivate bagda over Boro

paddy. The shrimp fry is stocked in the ghers in February-March and harvested in April-June. However, theWMCA President mentioned that Galda prawn and Bagda shrimp are cultivated from the time of Aman

harvesting (December) for three months, i.e. until March-April. Another mentioned that they cultivate Bagda

from March to June (Choitro to Joishtho). Though these gher owners from Badurgacha and Bagarcha villages

all mentioned three months of bagda cultivation, it seems that there might be nine months of bagda

cultivation all in all. One of the LCS respondents mentioned that there are some influential persons at the

area who cultivate shrimp by drain in saline water at the whole year. This has not been confirmed by the

gher owners themselves. One gher owner (6 acres, Badurgacha) claimed he cultivates fish for twelve months,

but only cultivates Bagda from February to April. The combination of Bagda and white fish like the ones

mentioned above is seen as highly profitable by the gher owners as they pay less for labour and the market

price is higher. Though shrimp cultivation was seen as profitable and increasing incomes in the area, it was

also acknowledged that income did not increase for all, but some people have been benefitted more by

culturing commercial shrimp (Gher owner, 6 acres, Badurgacha).

Nevertheless, profitability also seems contingent on attack by bagda virus or white spot disease. It was

argued by the Union Parishad Chairman and Member that virus infection is very frequent in small-sized ghers

that cause serious losses in shrimp cultivation. According to them, the virus breaks out when salinity levels

are higher than 25 PPT, i.e. that excess salinity may increase the risk of virus infection in the bagda. The


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WMCA President mentioned that if deep tubewells were available for irrigation they would prefer to grow

paddy during the dry season as the shallow tubewells are contaminated with iron and salinity.

3. LIVELIHOODS3.1. Food security and Salinity: Effects on livestock and vegetation

The previous section noted how the cropping system in Bagchra-Badurgacha is heavily affected by salinity.

Only one season of paddy grows, there is no Rabi crop and mostly brackish shrimp is seen as the only viable

option considering levels of salinity in the soil. Beyond crops, salinity is seen as reducing grass. One

respondent even stated that now grass does not even grow due to salinity. As a result, the local people must

buy feed from the market for their livestock. Since this is costly (now cattle feed is relatively more expensive

than the cattle itself), some households have decided to no longer rear livestock. This in turn has reduced

dairy farming. In addition fruit trees such as coconut, betel nut (supari) and date (khejur) have died due to

salinity in the water. Though the Aman harvest may meet household consumption for one year among

medium to large farmers, it is not evident that this is the case for small farmers. Due to the effect of salinity,

people must buy vegetables, fruit, meat and feed (straw) for livestock from the market and using it from their

income sources. Though profits from shrimp may compensate for this for some people, it may not be

sufficient for others. This is discussed below.

3.2. Employment opportunitiesIn the WMCA FGD and in KIIs with gher owners, it was mentioned that the situation of vegetables, cattle

and livestock is as good as it always have been. They are happy that incomes have risen and employmentopportunities increased since shrimp cultivation and the construction of the LGED polder. Now we are

self-dependant (Gher owner, 14 acres). It was argued that people have shifted from agriculture to business,

government offices and services and can now send their children to higher education. Due to paddy and

shrimp culturing no one is now unemployed here (FGD General Badurgacha). As such, many people in

Badurgacha across respondent groups felt that livelihood opportunities have improved and that they have

more enabling choices than before. This may, however, not be representative of the broader population as a

whole. One gher owner mentioned that some families in the area migrated to India as they were unable to

survive in this area. They were not able to cultivate Bagda due to the high investment cost. At the same time,

paddy yields were low due to salinity. These families were as such forced to migrate to India (Gher owner, 14

acres). Not all of these people seemed to have left. An FGD with male Labour Contracting Society members

comprising of poor and landless day labourers stated that the majority of villagers in Bagchra are poor, where

neither paddy nor shrimp cultivation are profitable for them. We do not get good production of paddy and

crops due to salinity. Shrimp ghers are affected by virus, this risk is unmanageable for us. If we lose our

shrimp production we fall in debt. We must recover the production cost to repay the debt and maintain our

families (Participant, FGD LCS male). There seems to be a correlation between the size of gher, where the

small gher owners are frequently struck by virus and fall in debt as a consequence. It can therefore be argued


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that livelihood opportunities may have increased for some groups, but have made others more vulnerable.

Those that have not been able to adapt have instead migrated away.

3.2.1. Labour Contracting SocietiesLabour Contracting Societies (LCS) are groups consisting of males or females engaged in earthworks. Thisincludes repairing of roads and embankments, as well as re-excavation of canals. They can be hired by any

project, from a WMCA, government agency, Union Parishad or NGO. In Bagchra-Badurgacha, the WMCA

is responsible for forming LCS groups when a project appears. According to the Vice-President, they do so

by holding a general meeting for all local people and try to find the amount of people required. One person is

nominated as sardar, the leader of the group. The sardar decides what they will do and where and is

coordinating with the implementing agency and paying the earth workers. According to the WMCA, the

sardar must pay the salary from his own pocket until reimbursed via project funds. Two LCS groups were

interviewed in the subproject, one male and one female. It was mentioned that most of the earthwork are

conducted during July to August (Bhadra) during the rainy season. Instead of a unanimous sardar elected by

the WMCA, they mention that contractors call various sardars for a bidding process, where the lowest bidder

gets the contract for the earthwork. Though some say that each group has 25 members, this group states that

the number of workers depends on the demand of the work. As such, it can stretch from 10 to 40 members.

According to the female LCS group, all the LCS members must be members of the WMCA and poor, the

final members are selected via lottery. This particular group consists of women who own land and are able to

cultivate both paddy and shrimp. Only one woman specified that she has no land for cultivation and was

frustrated that she could not even have a homestead garden as vegetables do not grow here due to salinity.

Among the FGD participants, most of the women were married and owned more than 1 acre of land. The

most vocal of the women owned more than 6 acres and cultivating both bagda and paddy. They are currently

not working and did not have any tensions about this. It is not clear how active they are in the LCS and

whether they do any actual earthworks. Though the male LCS group are also members of the WMCA and

provide monthly contribution, they were more sceptical to the current situation of water management.However, they claimed that they get their wages in a timely and correct manner.

In terms of training, the male LCS group had received training on fisheries in 2009-10 arranged through the

WMCA, while the women had not received any training. The male LCS did not find the training particularly

useful as the training emphasised higher input costs for fertiliser, feed, and fish fry targeted towards larger

landholding shares and was financially too difficult for this group of people to adhere to. The women

mentioned that they are interested in training, especially in activities that would help increase their financial

solvency. There are also gender differences between the groups in terms of wages. Women earn only 100 taka

per day for 5 hours of work, while the male LCS earn 150 taka per day for the same amount of work. One

woman respondent not engaged in earthwork stated that this gap is justified as men can do more work and

work harder. The male LCS respondents, on the other hand, argued that women are more active than maleworkers and still get 10 taka less per hour. Currently, earthwork is not available the full year. The women

mentioned that they would earn an income from sowing and handicrafts, fishing and rearing cattle. They did

not mention relying on their husbands or any other form of income source. The men mentioned how they

would harvest paddy from November to January and work in the shrimp ghers the rest of the time. Since they

can only do earthworks for 3-4 months, they tend to migrate away from the village to help maintain their

families. The male LCS did not feel that joining the LCS group has led to any significant improvements in

their livelihoods. They felt trapped by being forced into shrimp cultivation an activity that they find


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increasingly unprofitable and escalating their debt, while the day labourer wages are too low. The women on

the other hand felt that the LCS employment has increased their opportunities and enabled them more

mobility and monetary income.

3.3. Drinking water situationThere are different accounts of the drinking water situation. WMCA EC members mention how the drinking

water situation has improved in the past few decades. From relying on rainwater and sharing one tubewell for

the entire area, the density of safe deep tubewells have increased in the past decade. There are approximately

6070 deep tubewells in the Bagchra-Badurgacha subproject and safe drinking water can be found at 500-

550 feet depth (FGD WMCA). The actual number of tubewells seems to vary, but tend to be much lower

than 60-70 as suggested by the WMCA. The gher owner in Bagchra (6 acres) mentioned that there are 13

deep tubewells in his area, while the other gher owner (14 acres) mentioned that there are 26-27 tubewells and

that 12 more will be installed. .

According to the Union Parishad Chairman, groundwater at 250 feet depth is high in iron and salinitycontent, making shallow tubewells inadequate for both drinking water and irrigation. The LGED Community

Organiser further stated that salinity drinking water is a major problem and indirectly attributed this to shrimp

cultivation. It is not possible to drink water which is lifted by the deep tube-well, as there is saline water

shrimp cultivation is profitable, drinking water is scarce. The Union Parishad is the first point of contact for

requests related to drinking water in the area. They are currently engaged in a water and sanitation project

funded by DANIDA and the Department of Public Health and Engineering (DPHE) called HYSAWA for a

cost of 3 crore taka. The project will install 188 deep tubewells at 300 ft in Sobhana Union over the next 2

years and construct a pipeline for drinking water supply where deep tubewells are not possible (UP

Chairman). In general it seems that the Union Parishad plays the important role in liaising with communities

and relevant government agencies and donors to provide drinking water sources. Often several households

(at least ten) need to agree on sharing a deep tubewell together and must submit a form to the UnionParishad. As the salinity level is high in the canals and ponds in this area, community people use deep

tubewells for drinking water, washing clothes, cooking and washing dishes (single female headed household,

SL#1, 5 bigha).


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4. CONDITION OF THE PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE4.1. Condition of the Embankment

Across all respondents and through or own observations, it became evident that the condition of the

embankment constructed in the 1990s is very poor and vulnerable.

The condition of the embankment is very bad. It can be broken at any time. LGED was supposed to

repair it but they did not repair it. This embankment can be broken and two villages of my area may

be flooded during rainy season. Due to this, Rabi crops and fish cultivation will be affected. Famine

will be occurred in our area./ Union Parishad Member, Ward No 9.

Three causes were identified to the extremely poor condition of the embankment i) river erosion, ii) pipes in

the embankment and iii) insufficient maintenance. It was also mentioned that the condition of the

embankment in the west is in relatively good condition, while the side on the east facing Telighati River is in a

very vulnerable condition due to river erosion coupled with lack of maintenance assistance from LGED.

Particular stretches include the Hindu graveyard at the south of Badurgacha village where the Telighati River

meets the Ghangrail river to the Bagchar Khal. The only cyclone shelter is located next to Telighati, but isweak, mismanaged and would be vulnerable to flooding if the embankment would break. More than 3 km of

the 10 km long embankment is seen to be in poor condition.

Figure 3 - Condition of Embankment


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4.1.1. River erosionThe tidal flows of the delta lead to immense water pressure from the waves onto the embankment, causing it

to break during high tide (during full moon and dark moon). The water then enters inside into the

subproject area causing fear for lives and livelihoods. In addition, the river erosion leads to land breaking

away and thus people losing their land to the river. Constant pressure from the river erodes the embankment

through creating holes in the embankment so that water leaks in. The WMCA President further mentionedthat a sluice gate in Jessore District called the Bobodoho gate also contributes to river erosion. When it drains

out excess water it causes sudden water pressure as the retention capacity of rivers and khals have reduced

from siltation. Due to this, 3-4 km of houses along the embankment are submerged by the river water. It

was suggested that the embankment is shifted 20 feet further away from the river by one respondent, while

others argued that it should be made wider and higher.

4.1.2. PipesThe map of the condition of the infrastructure shows the number of pipes through the red dots. There are a

plenitude of pipes, over 100 according to the Union Parishad Chairman who takes a strong stance against

them, and only 2-4 pipes according to the LGED Community Organiser who claims that there minimal pipes

in the area. A large farmer (Gher owner, 14 acres) noted that the pipes have been constructed by written

permission from the WMCA. In this, there is a formal condition that if these pipes affect the embankment,

the landowner must take full responsibility to address this. According to him, many people install pipes in

their lands in order to irrigate their ghers, especially those located far away from the embankment. He also

mentioned that LGED had instructed them to remove Vatir pipe (a large pipe made with cement) as it was

seen as weakening the embankment by making the soil loose around the pipe LGED does not interrupt

regarding these pipes. But they know about these pipes. When they visit this area, they also see these. The

Union Parishad Member of ward 9 further mentioned that these pipes can only allow water to enter the

subproject, but they are unable to drain the excess water out. Instead water has to be drained out from one

gher to another. Both the UP Member and Chairman have tried to remove pipes in Bagchra and Badurgachaalso through the help of the Vice President and the Secretary of the WMCA. They were supported by the

male LCS group that pipes need to be banned and removed as they are making the embankment weaker The

embankment was damaged in many places of the embankment during rainy season due to pipe inlets.

4.1.3. Emergency responsesTidal surges and cyclones were mentioned as key problems as they break the embankment and put lives at

risk. When asked how the community reacted in the face of disaster, no mention was given to LGED and the

WMCA. Rather, it was the Union Parishad Chairman who was seen as active in organising the community

and the local villagers themselves began to repair the embankment through their own initiatives and voluntary

service. The high tide hit at night and the villagers started their work during the night. If there is any severe

problem of inundation, the UPC call villagers through loudspeakers to remove water. They are compensated

through food from the Food for Work program (KABHIKA). Across all FGDs, it was mentioned that the

Union Parishad Chairman and Member repaired the embankment with the help of local people. The UPC

stated that he would pay 200 taka to all that help, spending 50 000 60 000 taka from his own funds. He is

still awaiting reimbursement. He also noted that this was done one month prior to UPC elections. The

General FGD, however, mentioned that the government (not clear if this is referring to LGED) helped


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during Aila to repair the embankment. However, both the male and female LCS groups note that they

worked on a voluntary basis: Then we all worked together, money was not needed (Female LCS) and All

villagers worked there voluntarily, there was no cost for labour. We did it to survive. (Male LCS). As such, it

is not clear where the funds were going or what the Union Parishad was referring to in terms of labour

compensation, though it was mentioned that pipe owners (i.e. gher owners) contributed small funds for

some of the bamboo. The material used was mud and locally collected bamboo used as blockage. However,after the immediate repairs, it was noted that more support to strengthen the embankment was required, yet

this support has not materialised (Male LCS). Yet in the same FGD, it was also mentioned that the subproject

received 100 000 taka donations from the Member of Parliament to repair the very weak part of the

embankment in the south (around the Hindu graveyard). In general, the WMCA holds a collaborative

relationship with the MP.

In addition, the Union Parishad together with NGOs was active in distributing emergency relief such as tin,

clothes, rice, lentils, edible oils and other foods straight after Aila. According to the Female LCS group,

assistance is given based on a list of the names of poor peopleit was not mentioned whether or not there is

misappropriation and wrongful distribution in this system.

4.2. Condition of the Sluice gatesSluice gate#

Khal Description Comment

SL#1 Simanar Khal Bagchra sluice gate Good

SL# 2 Reshikhar khal,Bekotmari khal

Badurgacha sluice gate.Linked to Telighati River .

Active and Good (IWM map + FGDs)Closed (UP Member)

Sluice #1 is located in the northeast in Bagchra village and is connected to Simanar Khal. Sluice #2 is located

in the southeast in Badurgacha village and is connected to Reshikhar khal. These gates were constructed in2000 and no other sluice gates (i.e. non-LGED) were found in the polder. The respondents stated that the

conditions of the gates are good both for flushing and drawing in water and there are no problems. If there

are any problems they usually contact the WMCA and LGED repairs anything major. These responses came

from both local government officials and throughout the General and WMCA FGDs comprising mostly of

WMCA members. Interestingly, the LCS FGDs did not mention anything on the matter. Shushilan during the

fieldwork did, however, notice that though the sluice gates are working, bamboos and ropes are used to open

and close SL#1. In addition, the FGDS with the male LCS group indicated that the number of gates is

insufficient and leading to drainage congestion during the monsoon, inundating crops. They suggested that

with more regulators, the practice of informal pipes weakening the embankment may reduce.


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Table 9 - Condition of Sluice gate #1 (left) and 2 (right) (IWMI/Shushilan)

4.3. Condition of the Canals and RiversCondition Khal/River

Good/newly excavated Telighati River, Rishikar khal, Napatir khal, Simanar khal

Silted and active Baor khal, Khanaparia khal, Bettana khal, Boro Biler khal, Chigorer khal,Kuri Biler khal, Sakabai khal, Rishiker khal, Simanar khal, Badurgachakhal, Ghangrail River, Chila River

Silted and inactive Parts of Naptir khal, Duanir khal

Leased out by WMCA Rishikar khal, Napatir khal, Simanar khal

Table 10 - Condition of the canals

4.3.1. SiltationBagchra-Badurgacha subproject is surrounded by rivers on both sides. However, both the Telighati and

Ghangrail rivers have reduced considerably in size over the past few decades. Rivers have become canals and

canals themselves have dried up and turned into land. The Rishika khal was almost as wide as a river and is

smaller than it used to be. The Bhadra River has silted to the degree that it has dried up and is now called the

Mora Bhadra (Dead Bhadra). Telighati is seen as a dead river it has lost its youth stage due to over siltation

and mismanagement of rivers by the government. The two canals connected to the LGED sluice gates are

said to be in relatively good condition, but require more excavation. The two rivers are still active, but siltedand reducing in size over time.

The main concern with siltation is that it reduces water flow and leads to stagnation of water. In addition, due

to reduced retention capacity, waterlogging and flooding tend to become more frequent. Due to this, people

rely more on pipes for their water requirements than the canals. In fact, many of the inner canals of the

polder have almost died due to the high rate of siltation; some have turned into land mass due to silt deposit.

This has further led to a practice of landowners preferring the canals to turn into land so that they increase


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their land area. They do not allow for re-excavation as this would dive my land into two parts (WMCA

member). The rivers and canals that have died due to siltation are now being used as government vacant

(khas) land. According to the male LCS group, influential elites and poor people have occupied these new

lands through housing. Due to siltation of canals the production cost of paddy has also increased as irrigation

has become more expensive.

4.3.2. Private control over canalsAccording to the WMCA Vice-President, there is no private canal in the area all canals belong to the

beneficiaries of the project. He also says that the WMCA instead engages in a tender process on leasing out

canals. The funds from leasing are then used to pay for maintenance. The three canals that are currently in

good condition, Simanar, Rishikar and Naptir khals are leased. The lease takers use the canals to cultivate

fish, though it was not specified that this is mostly bagda shrimp. According to the WMCA President, there

are no problems with the leasing system. However, the Union Parishad Chairman mentioned how the Sakabai

khal, Baoar khal and Khanaparia khals in Sobhana Union were provided as lease under its blocked water

logged condition. Outside Badurgacha, influential elites take the lease from the DC office by paying 20/30

thousands taka per year. After that, they cultivate fish by putting Pata at about 20 spots of the khals. If they

put one Pata, half of the water of the khal is blocked and this impedes drainage, thus causing waterlogging.

He therefore argues that leasing of public canals should be banned and that Patas should not be allowed. This

allows water to flow freely and poor people can fish from the canals while fish can breed naturally.

5. OPERATION OF SLUICE GATESThe fieldwork suggests that the WMCA decides when to open and close the gates. This is then implemented

by a gate sub-committee and a designated operator who provides voluntary service. The operator is also givensome limited fishing rights. There does not seem to be any differences across the subproject. According to

the LGED community organiser, the operation is needs based and there is little problem of capture. The

WMCA has created a situation of a balance of power to control over water management of rivers and canals.

Large and influential farmers have little access to dominate their decision. This is contrasted by the Union

Parishad Chairman who argues that though the power now lies with local people rather than outsiders, the

control has shifted only from outside gher owners to local gher owners.

It is difficult to ascertain an adequate picture of the nature of sluice gate operation. For instance one gher

owner (6 acres) states that decisions are taken in a collaborative fashion with discussion and permission from

the WMCA, he is also the Secretary of a gate sub-committee. He argues that the gates are closed during the

saline season and opened during the monsoon and when the river still contains freshwater. Bagda, he argues,is solely cultivated from February to April i.e. only for three months per year. He denies that there is any

opening of the gate for salinity intrusion during the dry season when the river has turned saline. Similarly,

another gher owner (14 acres) stated that Nobody can drain in water illegally with their own interest at

here. Both of these gher owner correspondents are members of WMCA sub-committees.

However, one WMCA member at the General FGD mentioned that gates are only closed from December to

January and then kept open from February to November. The KII with the single female headed household


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revealed that the gates are closed when people have shrimp in their ghers to prevent them from disappearing.

The gates are then opened from March to May (Choitro to Boishak), when the river is at its saline peakshe

saw this as the WMCA carrying out its responsibility properly. The female LCS group similarly mentioned

that they are able to obtain water when required by directly requesting the gate committee member that lives

close to the gate (SL#1), they too cultivate shrimp. The responses thus vary in terms of when the two gates

are opened, where the official version is suggesting less saline intrusion and the general perception is thatwater requirements are met for ghers. The LCS male group, however, focused more on the issue of pipes that

let in water, without being able to flush it out. In terms of this added complexity of pipes as a source of saline

water for ghers and the poor condition of many internal canals, perhaps the operation of the gates have

become redundant when pipes are used instead? Overall, freshwater only seems possible during the monsoon

and bagda is cultivated through sluice gates and pipes straight after harvest in December to June.

6. MAINTENANCE OF PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE6.1. Construction and Rehabilitation 1997-2001The LGED initiated the SSWRDSP I project in Bagchar-Badurgacha in 1997. This involved re-sectioning and

rehabilitation of the embankment and re-excavation of Simanar, Reshiker, and Naptir canals. They further

constructed the sluice gates in Simanar khal (SL#1) and Bakotmari khal connected to Reshikher khal (SL#2).

One O&M shed was made, i.e. the WMCA office. In total, over 986,2 lakh taka was spent on this

rehabilitation.

Name of Works Size / Length(km) Est. Cost(tk)

Embankment Re-sectioning(Sec. A) 9.83 km 4,379,840

Embankment Re-sectioning(Sec. B) 4.98 km 774,997

Simanar Khal Re-excavation 1 km 75,335

Reshiker Khal Re-excavation 1.97 km 332,049

Naptir Khal Re-excavation 1.5 km 254,971

Simanar Regulator at Ch.1+850m 1-V(1.5mX1.5m) 1,716,156

Bakotmari Regulator at Ch.8+670m 1-V(1.5mX1.5m) 2,064,776

O&M Shed 264,419

Table 11 - Construction and Rehabilitation by LGED 1997-2001 (LGED, 2008)


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6.2. Handover agreement and responsibilitiesLGED handed over the responsibility of the maintenance to the Bagchar-Badurgacha Water Management

Cooperative Association on the 23rd January, 2002, i.e. over a decade ago. The main categories are Additional

Infrastructure such as regulators, Emergency Maintenance, Theft and wilful damage, Periodic maintenance

and Routine maintenance. Table 3 illustrates how LGED will fund additional infrastructure and emergencymaintenance entirely, while the WMCA is fully responsible for the minor maintenance such as removing

water hyacinths from canals, greasing and repainting the gate and doing minor repairs of embankment after

rainfall. Wilful damage of various parts, as well as canal excavation are to be shared evenly between LGED

and the WMCA. At the time of handover, the WMCA had 124 500 taka in its funds. However, the next few

subsections will discuss the continued institutional linkages between LGED and the WMCA, where LGED

has actively been involved with the WMCA for the past decade. It will be argued that an actual handover has

not fully taken place, where the community members themselves do not see the project to have ended.

Category Description Source of Funding

Additional infrastructure Additional regulators or bridges, extension of khals or

embankments, construction of (brick) reference sectionsalong khals, construction of masonry pillars to informoperations, brick paving to embankments

100% GoB

Emergency maintenance Due to abnormal exposure condition such as floods,cyclones etc.

100% GoB

Theft and wilful damage toinfrastructure

Stolen parts on regulators, cuts and pipes etc. Matching fund: 50% GoB and 50% WMCA

Periodic maintenance Sediment removal from khals, re-sectioning/modelingand sodding of embankments, tree planting, repair offailed brick paving every 3-6 years

Matching fund: 50% GoB and 50% WMCA

Routine (annual) maintenance Gate greasing and re-painting, embankment raincut repair

and surface re-grading and removing plants from khal.

100% WMCA

Table 12 - Maintenance responsibilities LGED-WMCA (LGED, 2012)

6.2.1. Continued linkages with LGED staffOne way that LGED has tried to ensure continuity and sustainability is through creating permanent field

positions for Community Organisers and Field facilitators to extend cooperation to the WMCA. According to

the CO in Dumuria that is responsible to supervise the Bagchar-Badurgacha WMCA, the COs are responsible

for overall support to form WMCAs and help them with achieving their water management goals. It was also

mentioned that the COs seek the support of LGED Socio-Economists, though they are project staff rather

than permanent staff. The LGED field team from the non-technical side provides guidelines on how to run acooperative and follow up that meetings are being held and membership contributions are collected.

LGED also emphasises staff capacity building and promotes that their staff attend various training for skill

development. Already at the start of SSWRDSP I in 1994-95 LGED organised full day workshops as well as a

5 day comprehensive training on how to form WMCAs. In addition, the respondent mentioned having

received training on cooperation of the Union Parishad. Training on women, gender, role of Union Parishad

and development of markets at the road centre were provided by LGED projects. Though overall positive


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about LGEDs working methodology, he further mentioned that the number of field facilitators in new

projects is insufficient, stating that best quality would be ensured if there would be 1-2 Field Facilitators per

project during implementation.

6.2.2. Annual supervision and O&M PlanBagchra-Badurgacha subproject is located between two BWDB polders. The WMCA feels fortunate for

having LGED as their first point of contact of maintenance rather than BWDB. A smaller area they find to

be more manageable and cohesive than a large BWDB polder (above 1000 ha) and the LGED as pore

present and active than BWDBwho they argue leave as soon as the project ends.

Water Development Board works in a large scale, thats why they cannot work well. Water Development Boardcarries out the work by arranging money from the foreign donors. They just go home after finishing their work.

They do not have any tension whether the roads/embankment are broken or not. (FGD General)

Several WMCA members at different occasions mention that LGED visits the subproject annually, both

during the monsoon and the dry season. An O&M plan is made by the WMCA where they estimate the

required costs for maintenance in terms of labour and material. This is sent to LGED at Upazila level whothen visits the sub-project to confirm and verify the issues estimated in the O&M plan through the Upazila

Offiver. The Upazila Engineer then gives permission of conducting the activities (according to the CO). The

final version is sent to LGED head office in Dhaka with a copy to the WMCA. Based on the request, LGED

may or may not allocate funds. It seems that the decision to allocate is based on a activity report where the

WMCA lists their various activities (FGD WMCA).

6.2.3. Continuation of project and fundingDue to the presence of staff combined with regular supervision and a formal channel of continued funding

via the Upazila and coordinated through the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) unit atLGED in Agargaon Dhaka, one may argue that LGED has never really left the project. As many of the

respondents have noted, they have benefitted from three consecutive phases of SSWRDSP and have always

had project support. Phase I started in 1997, Phase II in 2006 and Phase III in 2011. According to the Vice

President Abul Hossain, LGED has been very responsive to their maintenance concerns. When they

observed erosion on the embankment, they notified LGED and have received a project to the amount of 10

million taka (1 crore) that is funded through the ADB. This was obtained through the Member of Parliament

liasing on their behalf. With the funds, 5 km of the embankment will be resectioned, 5 km khal will be re-

excavated, the Badurgacha gate will be repaired and an additional culvert will be constructed.

They have not completed their work till now. They had a contract of three years. Thus they are helpingus continuously. We have also been carrying out these activities by our own initiatives. (General FGD,

Badurgacha)

In this area, our all development has done by LGED. Still there is no interruption or ending of programthats why we dont know what will happen in such cases (WMCA FGD).

The WMCA President further noted that by last year alone, LGED provided 750 000 taka for repairing the

embankment and excavating the main canals (Telighati and Ghangrail Rivers) via the WMCA. However, after

a year, the same repaired section has now been eroded again. LGED has therefore also constructed bamboo

cages in the water to help prevent further river erosion.


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6.3. Cost-sharingIt was noted that the funds given by LGED is not always sufficient and that the WMCA helps with the costs

for embankment repair, this is seen as periodic maintenance where costs are to be shared evenly between the

LGED and WMCA. For this endeavour, the WMCA uses funds raised from leasing out the canals,

membership shares, monthly sees/savings and interest collected from micro-credit to match LGEDs funds.In addition, they have a practice of collecting 50 taka per bigha from landowning WMCA members for

conducting activities. The Paddy-gher farmer (14 acres) mentioned that during one emergency repair, even

200 taka per bigha was collected so as to finish the work. One recent example of cost-sharing happened in

2011 when the WMCA with the LGED installed a ring embankment through matching funds. Through

contributions proportional to landholding, the WMCA was able to collect 160 000 taka from the local

community. One WMCA member stated that sharing costs helps create a sense of ownership, though it is not

clear whether or not this was internalised discourse from meeting frequently with donors, researchers and

LGED, or if this is indeed the case. We are strongly involved with LGED work. We develop the scheme,

LGED rectifies this and give approval. So, we feel that this is our work. Measurement, calculation, budget

and implementation planning everything are done by us. In general, many of the responses from the WMCA

members fit with formal LGED guidelines and requirement. It was, however, not clear how the WMCAengages in these activities. There was a mentioning of various sub-committees for the gate, khals and

embankment, but it was not mentioned how they are coordinated.

6.4. Role of Union Parishad in MaintenanceAccording to the LGED Community Organiser and the WMCA Executive Committee members, the Union

Parishad is not involved in maintenance activities this is done fully by LGED and the WMCA comprising

of local people holding land in the subproject. However, the CO also mentioned that the Union Parishad was

active in conducting several activities in the area prior to the SSWRDSP project. They have now beenreplaced by the LGED who works through the WMCA. The WMCA further mentioned that neither the

Union Parishad Chairman nor Union Parishad Member can be members of the Bagchar-Badurgrgacha

WMCA as they are not local landowners. They can, however, attend WMCA meetings if the committee

requests them to join.

However, in the General FGD in Badurgacha, it was noted that the Union Parishad plays an active role in

repairing the embankment. Other participants mentioned that the UPs immediate and active contribution

during Aila was especially valuable. The participants further mentioned that the UP does their best to help,

though assistance is insufficient to meet demand. In addition, if there is any project, such a rural employment

scheme as Food for Works or 40 day work order, the Union Parishad member will contact the community

and WMCA and inform them about it. The Union Parishad member of the No 9 Ward of Sobhana Union,considered himself very active in water management and gave several examples of work on the embankment,

canals and gates. Through funds allocated via the Member or Parliament (150 000 taka), he constructed a

road from the side of Badurgacha, Madartola upto Simanar khal. He also has repaired the gate if the

government (District, Upazila) allocates funds for that purpose. Through his own initiative, he collected 100

taka per bigha to excavate the Chila River. In addition, 40% of the funds raised through the kheya ghat, i.e.

the harbour, is used to implement water management related activities. Currently the Union Parishad is

making use of Labour Contracting Society groups for such earthwork conducted under the Union Parishad.


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The male LCS group was particularly positive about the UPs work in maintenance and how they select poor

people from the local areas to give direct contracts to.

Maintenance LGED WMCA Union Parishad

Embankment

repairs of rivererosion

Yes Yes Yes (UP)

Canals Yes Yes Yes (UP)

Gates Yes Yes Yes (UP)

Table 13 - Overview of Maintenance in Bagchra-Badurgacha

6.5. Main issues of MaintenanceSSWRDSP I ended over a decade ago and the WMCA still exists today and is stated to be active in

maintenance. Yet the findings indicate that to the community itself, the project has continued and never really

ended. Staff, funding and continuity still exist and LGED is proactive in engaging with the WMCA and

responding to their requests. The WMCA even wants to keep the UPs involvement kept to a minimum so

that LGED with its project funding can work in the area. Here LGED works thats why no other works

(Respondent, General FGD, Badurgacha). It is also mentioned by the WMCA President that they have been

repairing the embankment every year since 1998, while the CO mentioned that local people have become

more dependent on the WMCA and LGED. The field data and responses suggest that LGEDs interactions

with the WMCA have become highly institutionalised and standardised. Yet what seems odd is that despite

the ownership, cost-sharing and active engagements with LGED, the condition of road and embankment are

appalling. The condition of the sluice gates shows that they are opened and closed with bamboo and rope(though apparently funding has been given to resolve this). At the time of data collection, the road

communication was bad where the embankment was in very poor shape with cracks and holes. Several

respondents mentioned how the present condition of the embankment is poor. It was argued that the funds

given from LGED are insufficient, especially during emergencies. Although the WMCA is prepared to pay

for half of the maintenance of the sub-project, the other half to be paid is expensive and LGED says they do

not have the money.

Last year we spent one lakh and sixty thousand taka from our committee for carrying out themaintenance related activities. We submitted the budget with report to the LGED. All times, LGEDdoes not provide us money. It is depended on their allocation and availability of fund. This year wesent the Member of Parliament (MP) to speak to LGED head office in Agargaon. They said that they

do not have such amounts available in their budgets and have therefore sent a request to AsianDevelopment Bank (ADB), the donor (WMCA President, March 2012).

When asked why they chose to send the MP to represent their interests with LGED head office people, they

answered that he is their public representative and carries weight in the capital. They had even managed to get

the Executive Engineer involved and come to visit. For them the MP, Union Parishad, Upazila Parishad

theyre all the same as they have good relations and coordination. It was the Upazila that had requested the

MP to take this request further. This WMCA is using its own political and administrative contacts to push for

more funding, facilitated by their long experience of working in the WMCA since its onset and knowing the


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rules. As a result, project funding is now reaching Badurgacha as 1 crore taka has been granted for new

excavation works.

7. SWRDSP: PROJECT PROCESS AND RESULTS7.1. WMCA formation: Election and SelectionA WMCA member in the General FGD mentioned that the WMCA was formed in 1996-97 prior to any

construction work. The key role was played by a Mr Sudhuranjan who was an Awami League leader that

cooperated with the former Health Minister Mr Salauddin and LGED to bring SSWRDSP to Bagachra-

Badurgacha. According to the WMCA executive committee, it was formed to develop the community, save

lives and assets, as well as protect them from river erosion. It was also mentioned that there was a sort of

peoples committee even prior to the SSWRDSP and LGED involvement. It consisted of 42 farmers of both

Hindu and Muslim backgrounds who were responsible for 30 bigha land. They were led by a Sardar to

construct temporary embankments. According to two executive committee members, this society was then

transferred to the LGED WMCA.

The WMCA consisted of 486 members at the onset and this has changed the same except for 2 members

passing away. However, another respondent mentioned that the population has been increasing, yet no new

members have joined. The WMCA consists of general body and an executive committee. In the General

FGD it was argued that all positions for the executive committee were initially filled through elections and

voting. This was seen as costly and disruptive of continuity. Since then the EC positions have taken place

through selection of people that can give time to the committee. In turn, this has also led to a scarcity of

opposition the General FGD participants argued. However, a gher owner (14 acres) mentioned that elections

are held every three years and no one can hold the same position twice. In general 5-6 people apply accordingto him, yet the number of EC members should be 12 and it is not clear then how they are selected. He also

suggested that they need to acquire permission to hold elections from the Election Office, though this has

not been verified. Interestingly, the current President mentioned that most Presidencies have been held

within his family and he has served as President many times before. Usually there are three quintessential

office bearers, President, Secretary and Treasurer. In Bagchar-Badurgacha, however, it seems that the Vice

President is taking a proactive role and involvement in the day to day activities of the WMCA, while the

President fills a more formal and representative role.

7.2. Sub-committeesAccording to the WMCA President, there are sub-committees for all activities of the committee. In each

committee there are different members. Nobody is member of more than one committee. The maintenance

committee carries out the maintenance activities of the road. The loan committee disburses loans among the

WMCA members, while the gate committee carries out the maintenance activities of the gate. There is also a

khal committee that is responsible for re-excavation activities and this seems to be linked to the task of

forming temporary LCS groups whenever there is project funding available. The WMCA EC mentioned that

the sub-committees are formed at village/ward levels and are coordinated, supervised and guided by the


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WMCA EC. In general, the various WMCA general members, EC and gher owners mentioned that they think

that both the WMCA and sub-committees are doing well and there are no problems. Many of them also held

positions of President or Secretary in e.g. the gate committees that operate the gates. The EC seemed clear

on the operational structure and it seems to fit well with LGED guidelines. If this is rhetoric developed

through frequent exposure to researchers, donors, PhD and government officials over the year from

Bangladesh and outside the country, is hard to ascertain.

7.3. TrainingThe Departments of Fisheries., Agricultural Extension and Cooperatives organise and provide training

facilitated by LGED who takes the role of coordinating with other government departments. The LGED CO

mentioned that they provided training sessions on fisheries, vegetable cultivation and livestock rearing prior

to the project construction. Local people (LGED uses the term beneficiary) were informed via the WMCA.

The WMCA did not seem to indicate that this had been reduced after the handover in 2001, while the CO

mentioned that it is the WMCAs responsibility to organise training on cooperative management and fisheries

at different times. From the respondents, it appears that it was primarily WMCA EC members and thoseholding President/Secretary positions in the sub-committees that have received training on shrimp cultivation

and water management. None of the women respondents mentioned that they had received any training.

7.4. WMCA Input in Project DesignIt was clearly emphasised by the WMCA EC that they follow LGED guidelines and that LGED in turn

follows a participatory approach where they conduct all activities by first discussing it with the beneficiaries.

This is often it seems through the top positions of the WMCA, rather than the WMCA general body as one

general member stated that they do not have to communicate with LGED as it is the role of the President

and Secretary to discuss with government agencies. The WMCA follows a bottom up approach in the sensethat they contact relevant government agencies for any support that they require. Not only are they liasing

with LGED to solve their water management problems, but also with the Member of Parliament as well as

Union and Upazila Parishad level representatives. The WMCA mentioned how they perceived that their

opinions were valued and not neglected. They emphases a strong sense of community, where the WMCA is

working for the general good as peoples needs are the same; we are all related with paddy and land. They

contrast the SSWRDSP with BWDB polders that are much larger and stretch past several villages with

different interests across high and lowlands. They argue that BWDB polders may not lead to the equal

benefits of water management, while LGED is working in a small area so that everybody benefits (WMCA

FGD). This in turn is contrasted by the male LCS FGD who mentions that they do not feel there is any

channel to voice their concerns and they do not feel that their opinions matter as there is a difference

between people who own more land to those who own less and are therefore more vulnerable to the bagdavirus.


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7.5. WMCA as a cooperative: Membership fees and LeasingAccording to the WMCA FGD, in order to become a member of the cooperative, each new member must

deposit 50 taka for a share in the cooperative and then pay 10 tak

Analysis Report_Bag Anchra-Badurgacha

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