AMBIGUITY SQUARED: GROWING A BUSINESS IN A NASCENT ... · April 10, 2013 This paper explores how...
Transcript of AMBIGUITY SQUARED: GROWING A BUSINESS IN A NASCENT ... · April 10, 2013 This paper explores how...
Zuzul and Edmondson
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AMBIGUITY SQUARED: GROWING A BUSINESS IN A NASCENT INDUSTRY
Tiona Zuzul
Amy C Edmondson
Harvard Business School
April 10, 2013
This paper explores how leaders’ efforts to legitimate a firm and a nascent industry affect the
internal development of the firm. Through a three-year, in-depth case-study of a firm in the
nascent smart cities industry, we describe how leaders’ legitimation efforts impacted the firm’s
internal development. The leaders of the firm developed a legitimation capability: routines,
practices, and processes that leveraged symbolic resources to help stakeholders understand and
appreciate the firm and its industry. Developing this capability had unintended cognitive
consequences we conceptualize as cognitive crowding, attentional constraints, and identity
commitments. Our longitudinal research reveals a downside to legitimacy-building, and
highlights the unique challenges of competing in a nascent industry.
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Developing organizational capabilities is essential in building firms that can survive and
develop over time (Helfat and Peteraf, 2003). A capability is a firm’s ability to leverage its
resources to perform a set of tasks towards a desired result (Helfat and Peteraf, 2003);
capabilities are built on resources (Daneels, 2007), routines (Nelson and Winter, 1982; Winter,
1987, 1990), and processes (Teece, Pisano, and Shuen, 1997; Eisenhardt and Martin, 2000;
Bingham and Einsenhardt, 2011) that firm members enact in service of a goal. Scholars writing
about capabilities have argued that firms can thrive not only because of their unique industry
positions (Porter, 1980) or resource bundles (Penrose, 1959; Wernerfelt, 1984), but because their
members know, explicitly or tacitly, how to do something uniquely well (e.g. Nelson and Winter,
1982; Winter, 1987; Cohen and Levinthal, 1990; Kogut and Zander, 1992; Teece et al., 1997;
Helfat and Peteraf, 2003).
Different competitive contexts call for the development of different capabilities. In
particular, scholars have emphasized that the earliest stages of industry development, often
termed a nascent industry, present unique challenges to strategic action (Klepper, 1997; Santos
and Eisenhardt, 2009; Dobrev and Gotsopoulos, 2010). Institutional scholars writing about this
context have identified the importance of legitimacy-building activities in this context (e.g.
Aldrich and Fiol, 1994; Hill and Levenhagen, 1995; Navis and Glynn, 2010; Wry, Lounsbury,
and Glynn, 2011). Institutional research focuses on the conformity pressures of different
institutional environments, and privileges the importance of legitimacy-based challenges to
survival (see Durand, 2012 for an overview). Scholars writing in this tradition have argued that
an industry in its earliest phases of development lacks legitimacy, defined as the understanding,
endorsement, and support of external stakeholders (Hannan and Freeman, 1989; Hannan and
Carroll, 1992). Firms can only thrive if their leaders invest in activities to legitimate the industry
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to external stakeholders (Aldrich and Fiol, 1994; Hill and Levenhagen, 1995; Navis and Glynn,
2010; Wry et al., 2011). Although they do not use the term, institutional scholars imply that
legitimation capabilities – the routines, practices, and processes firm leaders and employees
enact to convince stakeholders that their firms and industries are acceptable and desirable – are
perhaps the most important element of success in a nascent context (Aldrich and Fiol, 1994;
Navis and Glynn, 2010; Wry et al., 2011).
The aim of this research is to understand whether and how legitimation capabilities
impact the development of other capabilities firms need to survive and thrive in nascent
industries. Through a three-year, in-depth case-study of SusTech, a (disguised) firm in the
nascent smart cities industry, we describe how leaders’ legitimation efforts negatively impacted
the firm’s internal development through unanticipated cognitive effects. A number of strategy
scholars have argued that capabilities can sometimes constrain a firm’s growth and survival
through unintended cognitive channels (e.g. Leonard-Barton, 1992; Tripsas and Gavetti, 2000;
Tripsas, 2009). We demonstrate that certain capabilities can simultaneously benefit and hinder
firms; as SusTech leaders developed their legitimation capability, they constrained the firm’s
ability to respond to changes in its environment. Our longitudinal research reveals a downside to
legitimacy-building, and highlights the unique challenges of competing in a nascent industry.
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Strategy scholars have argued that building a capability can have unintended, negative
consequences on a firm’s development and survival (Nelson and Winter, 1982; Tushman and
Anderson, 1986; Levinthal and March, 1993; Benner and Tushman, 2003; Durand and Vergne,
2011). The core capabilities that underlie a firm’s advantage (Prahalad and Hamel, 1990) can
turn into rigidities that prevent it from pursuing projects that fall beyond the scope of that core
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(Levitt and March, 1988; Leonard-Barton, 1992). The tightly linked, complex sets of capabilities
that can prevent imitation are often resistant to change and evolution, and can become
maladaptive in dynamic environments (Levinthal, 1997; Rivkin, 2000). Some of these barriers
are cognitive: the development of particular capabilities can affect managers and employees’
beliefs about the nature of the firm and its industry, such that they ignore or reject changes or
opportunities incongruent with these beliefs (Tripsas and Gavetti, 2000; Kaplan, Murray, and
Henderson, 2003; Kaplan and Tripsas, 2008; Tripsas, 2009).
Existing research has not explored the interaction between capability development,
cognition, and firm performance in nascent industry contexts. A nascent industry emerges when
small numbers of firms begin to develop category-defying products and services based on new
technologies or new ideas about consumer demands (Williamson, 1975; Henderson and Clark,
1990; Klepper and Graddy, 1990; Klepper, 1997). Nascent industries are characterized by
ambiguity, which Weick (1995) defined as “an on-going stream that supports several different
meanings at the same time” (p. 99). In ambiguous situations, reality is unknown; many causal
explanations and connections are plausible.
In the unformed competitive space of a nascent industry, ambiguity takes on two forms.
First, institutional scholars have argued that stakeholders do not understand a nascent industry’s
meaning, boundaries, and desirability (Aldrich and Fiol, 1994; Hill and Levenhagen, 1995;
Lounsbury and Glyn, 2001; Navis and Glynn, 2010; Wry et al., 2011). That is, the industry lacks
legitimacy, or endorsement by and support of external stakeholders (Hannan and Freeman, 1989;
Hannan and Carroll, 1992). Prospective partners, customers, and shareholders might not
understand the need for the industry, and whether or how it will develop. In his analysis of the
nascent automobile industry, for instance, Rao (1994) argued that stakeholders disagreed on how
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automobiles should look and perform, and how important they would become: “the only point of
agreement about the automobile was that it could not be powered by animals” (p. 33).
Second, in a nascent industry, markets, customers, competitors, and business models are
not yet understood (Aldrich and Fiol, 1994; Santos and Eisenhardt, 2009; Benner and Tripsas,
2012), and different firms hold multiple interpretations about how, and for whom, to deliver
value (Kaplan and Tripsas, 2008; Benner and Tripsas, 2012). Firms must therefore grapple with
shifting industry boundaries and compete against varying conceptions of value (Benner and
Tripsas, 2012). They do this by experimenting with alternative strategies, technologies, and
products, until the industry begins converge on a single dominant design and a shared
understanding of the competitive context (Utterback and Abernathy, 1975; Clark, 1985;
Anderson and Tushman, 1990; Klepper, 1997; Kaplan and Tripsas, 2008).
These two challenges present different imperatives for strategic action. On the one hand,
leaders in nascent industries might need to employ symbolic strategies to legitimate their firms
and industries (Dobrev and Gotsopoulos, 2010; Zimmerman and Zeits, 2010; Navis and Glynn,
2010; David, Sine, and Haveman, 2012). This might call for the development of capabilities that
help stakeholders understand and appreciate the industry; as Aldrich and Fiol (1994) wrote in a
conceptual paper, practices and processes that allow leaders to “build a reputation of the new
industry as a reality, as something that naturally should be taken for granted by others” (p. 657).
On the other hand, leaders may also need to develop an ability to adapt and change course, given
the ambiguity of a nascent industry context. This might call for the development of dynamic
capabilities (Teece et al., 1997; Helfat and Peteraf, 2003) that allow leaders to act quickly to
develop models they test and change in learning loops that have been labeled continuous change
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(Brown and Eisenhardt, 1997), opportunistic adaptation (Bhide, 2000), continuous morphing
(Rindova and Kotha, 2001), or discovery-driven planning (McGrath, 2010).
Existing research has focused primarily on the first imperative by exploring how leaders
can legitimate their firms and nascent industries. Navis and Glynn (2011), for instance, explored
the process by which the leaders of XM and Sirrius attempted to legitimate the nascent satellite
radio market through sensegiving efforts (Navis and Glynn, 2010). Santos and Eisenhardt (2009)
argued that the most successful firms are those that engage in sensegiving efforts that privilege
their own position in the nascent industry; that is, those that legitimate both the firm and the
industry by “defining a distinct identity for both…so that the two become synonymous” (p. 649).
This research emphasizes the role of symbolic actions, including the crafting and dissemination
of stories that balance uniqueness and embeddedness in existing models (Lounsbury and Glynn,
2001; Martens, Jennings, and Jennings, 2007; Santos and Eisenhardt, 2009; Navis and Glynn,
2010), and the use of analogies, templates, and metaphors (Hill and Levenhagen, 1995; Santos
and Eisenhardt, 2009; Cornelissen and Clarke, 2010). An implication is that leaders in nascent
industries should develop capabilities that allow them to successfully manipulate symbols to
legitimate their firms and industries, a form of cultural entrepreneurship (Wry et al., 2011).
Dobrev and Gotsopoulos (2010) recently argued that legitimation capabilities might
interfere with a firm’s attempts to respond and adapt to a dynamic environment. Existing
research, however, has not explored the unintended, internal effects of legitimation capabilities.
Institutional scholars have focused on legitimation as an essential outcome. Meanwhile, most of
the strategy literature on negative consequences of capabilities has focused on firms in
established industries (e.g. Tripsas and Gavetti, 2000; Tripsas, 2009). Strategy scholars focused
on nascent industries have largely ignored legitimacy questions and explored whether firms
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enter, when they enter, and whether they survive (e.g. Mitchell, 1989; Mitchell, 1991; Klepper
and Simons, 2000; Dowell and Swaminathan, 2006). As a result, although strategy scholars have
identified nascent industries as a unique context characterized by tremendous ambiguity (e.g.
Benner and Tripsas, 2012), we lack understanding of the potential effects of legitimation
capabilities on the internal development of firms in this setting.
The case-study described below suggests that activities aimed at legitimating a nascent
industry can negatively impact the development of other a firm. The leaders of SusTech, an early
entrant in the nascent smart cities industry, developed a legitimation capability: routines,
practices, and processes that leveraged resources to help stakeholders understand and appreciate
the firm and its industry. Developing this capability had unintended cognitive consequences we
conceptualize as cognitive crowding, attentional constraints, and identity commitments.
Executives and employees became resistant to negative feedback; they began to narrow attention
on externally- rather than internally-oriented activities; they formed deep identity attachments to
a particular course of action. The three cognitive consequences constrained the firm’s learning
and ability to shift in response to its ambiguous environment.
The SusTech case provides rich insight into the challenges inherent in a nascent industry,
and begins to deepen our understanding of this context. By exploring how a firm’s attempts to
respond to its institutional environment affect its internal development, we respond to recent
calls for research that integrates institutional and strategic perspectives (Durand, 2012). In doing
so, we explore a fundamental strategic trade-off firms across contexts must consider: should they
commit to particular strategic choices to shape their environments (e.g. Ghemawat, 1991), or
should they remain flexible to adapt to the shifting demands of the environment (e.g. Brown and
Eisenhardt, 1997)? Our research suggests this trade-off is particularly salient in the ambiguous
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setting of a nascent industry. Finally, we argue that understanding managerial cognition is
essential to explaining why an apparently beneficial capability can have unintended, negative
effects. While prior research in this tradition has emphasized that capabilities can become
maladaptive as an environment changes (e.g. Leonard-Barton, 1992; Tripsas and Gavetti, 2000;
Tripsas, 2009), we suggest that certain capabilities can simultaneously benefit and hinder firms
through their unintended cognitive effects.
METHOD
We used a longitudinal, in-depth qualitative research design to generate new theory, consistent
with the paucity of literature on the internal impact of legitimation activities (Edmondson and
McManus, 2007). We view SusTech as a revelatory case (Yin, 2003): by observing and tracking
the firm’s development in real-time over a period of three years, we were able to appreciate both
the anticipated and unanticipated longitudinal effects of decisions and activities. Gibbert,
Ruigrok, and Wicki (2008) constructed a guide to evaluate the rigor of case study research. We
follow Arino and Ring (2010) in presenting an overview of how our study accounts for all of
these procedures in Appendix 1.
We chose this design to build deep understanding of an unfolding process. We were able
to do this because SusTech provided significant, and usually difficult to obtain, access to data
over time. We collected qualitative data from a number of sources, including observations,
interviews, and archival document review, allowing us to leverage the strength of each and
triangulate insights from a single site over time. As Siggelkow (2007) argued, such “rich
longitudinal research is needed to provide the details of how…[dynamic] processes actually play
out” over time (p. 22). Our unique access allowed us to explore the unanticipated, often counter-
intuitive effects of firm decisions and actions in a nascent industry.
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Our design is consistent with current ideas about building theory through single-case
research (Eisenhardt, 1989; Eisenhardt and Graebner, 2007). Our focus is on a previously-
unexplored process (the effects of legitimation activities) that calls for deep engagement with the
phenomenon in question. We argue that our in-depth study can provide what Siggelkow
describes as a “very powerful example” from a single organization (p. 20). We chose this design
rather than a multiple-site comparison to develop understanding of this process before attempting
to explain possible variation across sites. As a result, we do not attempt to generalize our
findings to all firms in nascent industries. Instead, our study reveals the potentially negative
effects of legitimacy-building that managers, entrepreneurs, and scholars should consider when
building or studying a firm in a nascent industry. Future research can attempt to extend, modify,
or test our findings on a larger sample of firms.
Research setting: The smart cities industry
We studied a firm in the nascent smart cities industry. When we began our research in late 2009,
several new and existing technology companies had announced efforts to make new and existing
cities more “intelligent.” These companies planned to develop and deploy internet and
information technology (IT) to improve the operational efficiency, environmental sustainability,
and quality of life in the world’s cities (Lindsay, 2010; The Economist, 2010).
To learn more about smart city developments, we gathered primary and secondary data
on these initiatives. We conducted over a dozen interviews with relevant players and observers,
including architects and engineers, leaders of several technology companies, and governmental
officials working on smart city projects around the world. We gathered reports on smart cities
from companies and think-tanks including McKinsey Consulting, IBM, Cisco, HP, Oracle, and
Forrester. We tracked publications about smart cities, which appeared in sources including The
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Economist, the Financial Times, and Fast Company. This background research revealed that,
from 2009 until 2012, stakeholders were beginning to conceptualize the smart cities– or,
alternatively, ‘sustainable cities’ or ‘eco-cities’– as a nascent industry.
Our research suggested that the industry began to develop in response to two broad social
trends that pointed to cities as a domain for government and business innovation. First, the
world is rapidly urbanizing. The United Nations’ 2007 urbanization report, for example,
projected that 70% of the world’s population would reside in cities by 2050. At the same time, a
burgeoning public dialogue on climate change and environmental risks gave rise to interest in
sustainable development. These simultaneous trends led some global technology companies to
recognize the opportunity to develop technological solutions that could make new and existing
cities more sustainable. Some smaller companies developed specific technologies, for example,
for managing traffic flows on city streets or for reducing energy consumption through sensors
and automation systems. Larger companies tended to develop integrated solutions that could be
deployed in entire cities. In the latter category, the most well-known included IBM’s Smarter
Cities and Cisco’s Smart + Connected Communities. Several announced or began the
development of new neighborhoods or cities, connected by smart networks that would deliver
and optimize technologically-driven applications. According to a Cisco (2010) report, the aim
was to “transform physical communities;” a smart cities approach encapsulated “a new way of
thinking about how communities are designed, built, managed, and renewed to achieve social,
economic, and environmental sustainability.”
The company
We conducted an inductive, 36-month study of SusTech, a growing (disguised) firm based in
Europe in the smart cities industry. We were introduced to SusTech in late 2009 by a colleague
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who met John Natley (a pseudonym), the CEO and co-founder. Given our interest in nascent
industries in general and smart cities in particular, SusTech provided a perfect opportunity for
grounded research. We were introduced to SusTech’s employees and partners as researches
tracking the development of the firm.
We began our research at SusTech in December 2009. SusTech began operations in early
2008. The firm was founded by two former IT executives who identified an opportunity to apply
technology to transform the built environment. Several years earlier, the pair had worked
together on a large real-estate development project. Coming from the rapidly shifting technology
industry, they were struck by the observation that the construction industry hadn’t experienced
major innovation in decades. The two began to form an idea for a firm dedicated to
“transforming,” Natley recalled, “the way the world constructs.” They would apply information
technology to the challenge of building intelligent urban structures efficiently.
The founders hoped to accomplish this through the development of a state-of-the-art
urban demonstration project, dubbed SusTech City. SusTech City would serve as a showcase or
prototype demonstrating sustainable, intelligent technological solutions. They believed solutions
developed and tested there – including an “operating system” conceptualized as a smart grid
using sensors to gather and use data about the environment to manage buildings efficiently –
could be deployed in existing and new cities in the future.
When we began our research in 2009, SusTech employed a small team focused on
developing SusTech City. Natley had worked with a local governmental leader who guaranteed
access to a tract of unused land to house the project. By 2009, SusTech had grown to twelve full-
time employees who worked in a small hotel space near a large city and were paid only in stock.
By the end of our research in October 2012, SusTech had grown to 50 employees before
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shrinking again to 25; the company had faced a constant stream of opportunities and challenges,
from unanticipated projects in new bases to failed attempts at securing funding, excited bouts of
hiring to disappointing sequences of layoffs. Although the company had attracted a large number
of well-known corporate partners to participate in the development of SusTech City (including
real-estate developers and established technology companies), executives were often distraught
by what they perceived as the slow pace of progress on the project.
By the end of 2011, the team had developed a conceptual master-plan, but had not yet
begun building the City. Meanwhile, a growing technology team had developed a ‘lite’ version
of its operating system that could be demonstrated in smaller-scale implementations. The
company began sending out this demonstration technology to its corporate partners in early
2012. Nonetheless, executives and employees still hoped to continue the eventual development
of the stalled SusTech City.
Data sources
We gathered data through several complimentary sources to triangulate our findings.
Beginning in 2009, the authors and two research assistants visited SusTech 11 times, usually but
not always in pairs, with visits ranging from five days to fifteen days. The authors spent about 50
full days in the field, taking extensive field notes during each visit. These included detailed notes
on what was said, descriptions of how members interacted, and ongoing personal reflections on
unfolding events. We transcribed each set of notes within two days of their initial notation. As
observers, we could track company developments in real-time. Our frequent interactions with
members allowed us to build the trust necessary to investigate a sensitive, social phenomenon. At
the same time, we did not participate in operations or voice our opinions during meetings or
conversations to avoid influencing the process we were studying.
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Observation at SusTech took several forms. While on site, we shadowed selected
employees; we attended relevant meetings, including meetings between company members and
representatives from potential partner companies, investors and the government, meetings of the
executive team, and various other planning and strategy meetings. While away from the site, the
primary author called in on a number of firm-wide operations meetings and board meetings.
Overall, we observed 39 meetings, each ranging from 45 minutes to 3.5 hours. We took detailed
field notes during the meetings.
SusTech’s original site provided extensive opportunities for observation of company
operations, culture, and interactions. Employees worked in a spacious restaurant in a small hotel.
Because the restaurant only served breakfast, the room was available for work and coffee
throughout the rest of the day. With laptop computers set up around the periphery of the
communal work space, informal encounters occurred in an unscheduled manner throughout the
day, and SusTech employees constantly engaged with one another and with us. Being in the field
entailed spending eighteen-hour days with members, engaging in activities from morning runs, to
trips outside of the hotel for lunch, and dinner and drinks late into the evening. In these settings,
we conducted informal interviews, taking limited notes and then writing down notable
conversations as soon as possible. We also attended a number of events where leaders presented
the firm and its business model. Our data include notes from 10 of these presentations.
In addition to our frequent informal interviews, we formally interviewed SusTech’s
founders, leaders, employees, and executives at partner companies at regular intervals over 36
months. These semi-structured formal interviews ranged from 60 minutes to three hours, and
were tape-recorded and transcribed. The interviews focused on the company’s development; we
questioned participants on their work, the challenges they faced, and the opportunities they
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foresaw. In total, we conducted 72 formal interviews with 38 individuals. By interviewing the
same individuals over a prolonged period, we began to develop a thick description of the firm’s
decisions and activities from the point of view of its members, allowing us to triangulate our
observational data. We also interviewed three former employees after they had left the company.
We gathered many internal documents from SusTech, including successive business
plans and presentations made to investors and the government. These data allowed us to track
changes in SusTech’s business model and strategy. We were copied on many emails exchanged
between the executive team, providing us with another way to track the firm’s development. Our
data includes 105 emails between SusTech’s employees and executive team. Table 1
summarizes our data sources.
---- Insert Table 1 About Here ----
Data analysis
Our research process was inductive. We entered the field hoping to discover the strategic
processes that unfold in a nascent industry. Our iteration between data collection and data
analysis (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) resulted in surprises that shaped our unfolding contribution.
First, as noted, we began our research without a pre-determined question. Following an initial
round of interviews and observations, we worked on a case study on SusTech to describe the
firm’s founding, time-line, evolving strategy, culture, and future perspectives. This descriptive
case provided a foundation that allowed us to begin analyzing SusTech’s evolution.
As our research at SusTech unfolded, we engaged in cycles of open coding, where we
analyzed the data for notable themes and patterns, both by thoroughly reading our notes and
interview transcripts, and through the use of QSR NVivo, the qualitative data analysis software.
We wrote a number of memos and papers tracking themes in the company’s growth, and
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engaged in countless discussions about our codes and the company’s progress. We began to
recognize that SusTech executives dedicated much of their time to spreading their vision for the
firm and the industry through press releases, speeches, and publications. We also identified the
unintended, negative consequences of these efforts. At this point, we began to iterate between the
data and the literature on nascent industries by comparing our unfolding findings to suggestions
from prior literature (Eisenhardt, 1989). We recognized that these activities were very similar to
legitimation efforts described in prior literature. However, the literature had not explored the
potentially negative impact of these activities. This comparison of the literature with our data led
to the refinement of our research question, and we focused data collection and coding on
exploring the internal impact of legitimation activities, until we felt we had fully captured the
complex relationship between legitimation activities and cognitive effects.
LEGITIMATING A FIRM AND ITS NASCENT INDUSTRY
SusTech’s value proposition consisted of developing and delivering technologies that could be
integrated into urban spaces to make them more connected and sustainable, beginning with the
prototype implementation of SusTech City. Executives saw themselves as helping create the
nascent smart cities industry. “If we succeed,” an executive predicted in an interview, “we will
become part of a new cluster of economic development – smart cities.” An executive who had
previously worked on the development of a small, energy-efficient urban automobile explained
how the two efforts were alike:
At the time, the niche didn’t exist. There was no market…. And this is what we’re trying
to do with SusTech…. We are sending everybody on a journey on what a smart city
could be. And nobody knows what a smart city is.
SusTech executives – particularly its co-founder and CEO, John Natley – worked to
develop a legitimation capability: routines, practices, and processes that leveraged resources to
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legitimate the firm’s value proposition and nascent industry. Executives believed this capability
was necessary to thrive in the nascent industry. One executive explained:
You can compare this to the early days of computers. In the early days, the
competition…was around getting everyone to accept the idea of the personal computer as
a platform. And that’s the stage where we are, with smart cities…. This is a new industry.
That’s something that takes a lot of energy, to communicate that – to any type of
audience, whether its investors, corporations you want to partner with, governments,
banks. It takes some time to get it across.
The legitimation capability comprised three sets of practices and processes. First,
executives drew on symbolic resources (a problematized version of the present, an analogy-
driven vision of the future, and the firm’s proposed solutions) to craft and refine a story about the
firm and its industry. They leveraged this story through two kinds of activities. They developed
practices and processes aimed at disseminating the story through speeches and presentations,
press releases and interviews, and other public actions to generate support from large technology
companies, construction companies, government groups, and the public. They also drew on the
story in building a partnering process aimed at developing affiliations with prominent
individuals, corporate partners, and institutions. Together, these activities helped legitimate the
firm and its industry, and helped attract employees and partners.
Crafting a symbolic story
SusTech executives invested in developing an internally consistent story about the firm and the
smart cities industry. Institutional scholars have argued that stories that draw on symbols can
help leaders and entrepreneurs explain, rationalize, and legitimate their firms (Louinsbury and
Glynn, 2001; Martens et al., 2007) and their nascent industries (Navis and Glynn, 2010). Our
data indicate Natley and SusTech executives deliberately crafted SusTech’s story in ways that
sought to legitimate both the firm and the smart cities industry. While helping prepare a
presentation deck for investors in mid-2010, for instance, Natley told two employees the “story”
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he wanted the deck to communicate: “This is a big idea. It’s like sitting here thinking, I want a
PC on every desk. That’s my city….We will make buildings more efficient in the same way that
computers [made work more efficient].” Executives thought about ways to refine and re-work
the story; for instance, in a 2010 email to the executive team, SusTech’s co-founder noted:
Our story rambles and embraces far too much at this stage… Help me in getting our story
succinct. I think each of us should try and get the story down to one page as we
individually understand it… and then each of us will have a great elevator pitch.
In crafting SusTech’s story, Natley and fellow executives leveraged symbols by
problematizing the present, presenting an analogy-based vision for the future, and emphasizing
the firm’s solutions. Institutional entrepreneurs and activists sometimes use accounts that
emphasize inconsistencies between social ideals and the status quo to motivate and explain their
ventures (Snow, Rochford, Worden, and Benford, 1986; Rao, Monin, and Durand, 2003; David
et al., 2012). When relaying SusTech’s story, Natley and other executives would begin by
problematizing the present: noting that the world is increasingly urbanizing, and the construction
industry is not producing solutions that can meet the demands of an urban population at risk of
depleting the world’s natural resources. Speaking in front of a crowd of hundreds at a major
school of architecture in the United States, Natley stressed that a “huge cognitive shift” was
needed – a new way of thinking about cities.
SusTech’s story presented the smart cities industry as the answer to this problematic
present. Institutional scholars have demonstrated that leaders can mobilize external support and
drive legitimacy by providing strong theoretical rationales for the adoption of their practices
(Rao et al., 2003). SusTech’s story rationalized the smart cities industry by stressing that it
would transform the problematic present in a profound way through the application of IT. “We
founded SusTech because we started thinking about this problem and how to change it,” Natley
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told an investor in early 2010. Institutional scholars have stressed the power of analogies and
metaphors in helping leaders and entrepreneurs build support for their companies and visions
(e.g. Hill and Levenhagen, 1995; Cornelissen and Clarke, 2010; Gavetti, 2012). SusTech’s story
drew on analogies between smart cities and other technologically-driven new industries. In a
2012 press speech, Natley displayed his iPhone and explained that a city could be thought of as a
platform where different companies build applications that make it intelligent and sustainable.
The potential for smart cities was as broad as the possibilities for the iPhone had proven to be:
“Apple wasn’t thinking about healthcare when they designed the iPhone,” he stated, “but now
there are 1 million health care applications for it. We can apply this approach to urban
environments” to solve the problems of urbanization.
SusTech’s story also positioned SusTech as a leader in the smart city space. Telling the
story, executives often emphasized the vital role that solutions the company had not yet finished
developing would play in shaping the smart city market. During the aforementioned speech,
Natley emphasized that the firm’s (still undeveloped) operating system will “support shifting
urban lifestyles,” redefining “the meaning of cities.” Executives also emphasized the future
impact of SusTech City, envisioned as one of the first smart cities in the world. “Nobody has
built a smart city yet,” an executive told us in an interview. “We will be the first ones.” An
executive described this as a deliberate strategy: “We need to freeze the market – and that means
telling them we have the solution even if it will take us years.”
Disseminating the symbolic story
SusTech’s story became a symbolic resource executives could draw on in order to legitimate the
smart cities industry and SusTech’s value proposition. Executives invested time and effort in
developing and refining practices and processes aimed at disseminating the story. Institutional
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scholars have demonstrated that favorable media coverage is critical in developing legitimacy for
new organizational forms and practices (Rao et al., 2003). Natley and other executives spent
much of their time on external communications and with the press, hoping to generate favorable
media coverage. Executives spent time with investors and potential partners; Natley gave
speeches and presentations at conferences and numerous events, and granted frequent interviews
to the press.
During these events, executives relayed SusTech’s symbolic story. We witnessed Natley
problematize the present, present his vision for the future, and emphasize SusTech’s future
solutions during (among other instances) a speech to dozens of business school students in 2010,
a presentation at a business-to-business event hosted by a global technology company in 2011,
and a press event announcing several critical partnerships in 2012. During a press event in 2010,
for instance, Natley spoke about problems in the way cities are built and managed, and stressed
that the company’s vision for SusTech City could transform this present: “What we are doing
with SusTech City is about more than just the city. It’s about innovation and technology; it’s a
vision that can create innovative cities to solve problems of present.” In an interview in mid-
2012, Natley described some of these efforts:
We’ve had quite a lot of press, which is a good thing…. We’re holding an event [on
smart cities], and I think we’ll be oversubscribed on that…. When people are willing to
spend money to come to your event, it’s quite a good sign. It’s interesting – in the last
few weeks, I’ve had 8 or 10 speaking engagements where they paid us to present, paid for
our travel. That’s generally a good sign that you’re at least somewhat credible.
Affiliating with prominent partners
SusTech executives also spent significant time and effort developing a partnering process in
order to affiliate with well-known individuals and established companies. Scholars have argued
that affiliating with prominent third parties can imbue firms and even industries with legitimacy
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(e.g. Stuart, Hoang, and Hybels, 1999; Khaire, 2009; Navis and Glynn, 2010). Natley and
SusTech executives frequently talked to executives at major firms in an attempt to attract
prominent advisors and corporate partners. Nearly all of SusTech’s operations meetings began
with an update on partnerships, and many employees worked on developing what they termed a
“partnering process;” a process for contacting, attracting, and managing partner relationships
effectively. Executives acknowledged that the purpose of many of these affiliations was
legitimating the firm and industry. The company website prominently displayed the names of
corporate partners and individual advisors. Our partners can bring us “validation and credibility,”
one executive stated during an internal operations meeting. Similarly, in a 2010 board meeting,
an executive spoke of the importance of SusTech’s recent partnership with TechCo, a globally-
known technology company: “We are in a great position, especially with the TechCo deal.
Everyone will sit up if TechCo is in.” Corporate partners even acknowledged the legitimating
impact of these efforts. For instance, one executive at a renowned real-estate development
company told us, “We know SusTech has leveraged the association with us very highly…. They
were able to go out to the market and say they were in cahoots with us and they were looking to
make sustainable cities work with us.”
In affiliating with potential individual and corporate partners, executives drew on
SusTech’s symbolic story. As observers, we saw Natley relay this story dozens of times in
meetings with potential partners. During a 2010 meeting with a major utility provider SusTech
aimed to partner with, for instance, Natley spoke about the problems of urbanization and
construction, and stressed that “SusTech has developed a process for physical spaces that
implements technology early in design,” and “built IP” that could revolutionize the way cities are
made. “The project is exciting and meaningful,” he added. A business leader who agreed to
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21
become an advisor, and who persuaded his company to become a corporate partner explained
how Natley and executives approached him with this story: “They gave me the, “If we don't do
this, we’re all f-ed,” speech…. You’ve heard that. Well, [Natley] means it. And he’s right—we
are all f-ed if nobody is doing anything about this.”
The impact of SusTech’s legitimation capability
We conceptualize these sets of practices and processes as SusTech’s legitimation capability.
Natley and SusTech’s executives successfully drew on symbols to craft a story that became a
resource they could leverage and manipulate. Their dissemination efforts resulted in a number of
articles in highly-respected publications, and led to outcomes as Natley and SusTech being
featured in a documentary film on smart cities. Their affiliation efforts resulted in relationships
with a large number of well-known individuals and companies. Table 2 summarizes SusTech’s
legitimation capability.
---- Insert Table 2 About Here ----
Taken together, this capability helped legitimate the firm’s value proposition and the
industry. Legitimation was important for a number of reasons. First, the firm managed to attract a
number of employees, highly motivated by SusTech’s story and its media prominence and high-
status partnerships. A former employee told us that he joined the company because he was
excited by the idea of the smart city industry, and saw SusTech as a vehicle for the idea:
The idea is absolutely compelling…. And that’s why everybody goes there and gets
involved: the idea is compelling; it’s solving a big problem. It could be a good way of
going forward for…cities in the future. That’s why I joined; that’s why everyone joined.
The Chairman of SusTech’s board told us that employees were motivated because “there’s a
sense of excitement that we’re at the beginning of a transformation in the way we see and build
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urban communities.” An employee described how SusTech’s legitimation efforts, including its
story, participation in events, and high-status affiliations attracted her to the company:
I met with John the day we won the business plan competition…. He was the head of the
finals of one of the most important business plan competitions in Europe…. And he was
interested in hiring me…. When I looked at the website, I thought this company was
incredible…. The project itself made complete sense. It was going in the right direction,
trying to improve cities, trying to improve the social and environmental side of cities. It
was something that was doing good for the world…. [Meeting SusTech’s prominent
advisors] made me believe in the project even more…. [I thought] if all those
experienced people are working there, it must be something incredible.
Second, the firm managed to attract an even larger number of corporate partners. Like
SusTech’s employees, these partners were motivated by the perceived inevitability of SusTech’s
vision, as relayed through its story. Partners were also attracted by the company’s existing
affiliations, which signaled competence and quality. Natley and fellow executives emphasized
their affiliations in meetings, presentations, and interviews. For instance, Natley began a meeting
with a major national utilities company by stating: “I’m telling you this confidentially, but
TechCo has agreed to become a major partner significantly invested” in SusTech’s success. The
head of an established real-estate development firm emphasized how SusTech’s story and
affiliations convinced him to work with the company:
One of my great passions is flying. It’s a bit like the Wright Brothers here. We wanted
to fly, but we didn't have the mechanism. We worked and worked away, and then…[with
the Wright brothers] the world changed. My world changed when I met John, because I
suddenly realized that there was somebody who was like-minded and who had the
technology and the contacts, through TechCo, ExecCo, and all those other partners to
actually do it.
Finally, this capability reduced ambiguity about the nascent smart city industry, as
stakeholders began to believe the firm’s story of the industry’s inevitable emergence. An
executive at a global engineering firm reasoned:
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It will be a challenge, but someone, somewhere is going to build a smart city. It will
happen. Being the first team to do it will be pretty huge, and there’s no reason that John
and SusTech couldn't be at the forefront.
During a staff meeting in late 2012, the Chairman of SusTech’s Board of Directors
highlighted the importance of its legitimation capability. “We helped to create the smart cities
industry,” he told the team; “we have carved out a niche that is bigger than us.” In an interview,
he described the impact of this capability:
People are now beginning to realize they can’t just talk about smart cities and [then] build
un-smart cities…. It’s becoming an accepted norm that the next generation of
construction and urban development needs to incorporate technology.
During a strategy meeting in late 2012, Natley emphasized how the ability to leverage the
legitimation capability had turned SusTech into a cognitive referent (Santos and Eisenhardt,
2009) in the market:
We’ve become synonymous with smart cities. I get calls from journalists and analysts all
the time. Whenever there is a key article in the smart cities space, we always get called.
Without a question, we are one of the first companies in the world that people call when
they want to learn about smart cities.
THE COGNITIVE EFFECTS OF LEGITIMATION
Our analysis revealed that SusTech’s legitimation capability also had three unanticipated
cognitive effects. First, SusTech’s internally consistent, frequently disseminated story led to
employee over-confidence; employees began to dismiss negative feedback as skepticism about
or ignorance of the nascent industry. Second, executives and employees increasingly focused
their attention on externally-oriented activities (disseminating the story and affiliations), to the
detriment of internal development. Taken together, legitimation led to premature identity
commitments, as employees formed attachments to courses of action with unproven value.
Cognitive crowding
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Prior research has indicated that an individual’s perceived ability to influence an environment
can engender an illusion of control and over-confidence, and that both can lead to over-
estimations of success and the rejection of negative information (Langer, 1975; Schwenk,1984;
Bourgeois, 1985; Hayward and Hambrick, 1997; Durand, 2003). The certain tone and frequent
dissemination of its story made SusTech’s development of the smart cities industry seem
inevitable, something institutional scholars have described as critical in building legitimacy (e.g.
Aldrich and Fiol, 1994). This led executives and employees to become convinced of SusTech’s
ability to influence the industry, despite problems the company occasionally faced. The
perceived inevitability of the firm’s success in driving smart cities forward was also evident in
this interview exchange with an executive:
Executive: This doesn't happen overnight, but ultimately we’re going to make such huge
savings in reducing waste and being able to trim down the amount of specialist areas that
we need.… Development is going to be cheaper and so much more efficient….
Maintenance is going to be cheaper and more efficient. It’s all obvious stuff, really.
We’ll get there. We’ll get there in the end.
Second Author: So you’re optimistic?
Executive: Oh, yeah….I think you’ll see, in 12 months’ time, we’re going to change the
face of the way people think about this stuff.
The certainty that they were helping shape the development of the smart cities industry
and the future gave rise to feelings of control and confidence (Langer, 1975). In 2011, the firm
faced financing issues; it had failed to raise funds, and many employees had not been paid.
Asked about this challenge, and how the firm intended to secure financing, an executive stated:
Well, I guess if [we] really knew the answer to that question right now, we’d all be
feeling a little bit more comfortable. But the one thing we’re convinced of is that it will
flow and when it does it will be great.
As a result, employees and executives began to dismiss negative feedback as a lack of
understanding of the company and the smart cities industry. During an internal meeting, for
instance, the Chairman of SusTech’s Board told executives that financing and partnerships were
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often difficult to come by not because of SusTech’s shortcomings, but because “sometimes the
scale of project scares people.” Rather than working to incorporate and address feedback by
adapting their models, executives and employees typically responded by reasoning that they
needed to work harder to prove their concept – that is, to focus even more fervently on
legitimation.
For instance, employees received periodic feedback that funding SusTech City would be
difficult, and typically dismissed it. A SusTech manager explained her experience presenting the
project to a bank:
They told me, this is absolutely impossible. There is no project in the world that can grow
so fast, that can reach that size….Of course, at the time I was so convinced that my
reaction was that I will work twice as much to prove them wrong…. They must be
wrong. We are so new that they just don't understand.
Similarly, a potential hire, an expert from the real-estate industry, told SusTech’s executives over
breakfast in 2010 that SusTech City was not viable from a real-estate perspective. Reflecting on
this statement, an executive told the others the problem was “a cultural issue” because the
potential hire came from the real-estate industry couldn’t appreciate the company’s proposition.
“How can we help her understand?” he mused.
Attentional constraints
Scholars have argued that executives and managers can only dedicate attention to part of their
environment at any given time, and that attention can become path-dependent (Ocasio, 1997). By
focusing their time and attention on disseminating SusTech’s story and affiliating with prominent
individuals and corporate partners, SusTech executives often left their internal development
unattended. In interviews, a number of employees echoed one who said Natley in particular and
the executive team more generally focused their attention on “explaining our vision to the
outside world.” In 2012, Natley explained his priorities in a similar way:
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26
The …years up to last year – 2011 – were about working with the analyst community
and press to start to communicate our vision much more aggressively, get feedback by
getting out there and talking to the market, and feeding that into our messaging.
While this focus was critical in developing a legitimation capability, it led executives to
neglect the internal development of the firm. Executives’ narrow focus led them to view the
firm’s resources and employees through a legitimation lens. The company hired a number of
well-known executives and advisors, and emphasized these affiliations in its legitimation efforts.
During a meeting with a prospective partner in 2010, for instance, Natley emphasized that the
company had “just hired full-time [an extremely well-known entrepreneur’s] chief architect and
chief engineer.” While the hiring of senior executives brought media attention to SusTech, these
individuals rarely worked on developing its technology. Reflecting on the company’s progress in
2012, its COO explained:
Even the tech people who were hired were famous. We hired people that had a good
resume to show outsiders, ‘Look at who we have involved behind us.’ But they were
people in their 40s and 50s who [did not] sit and code. It was great to show that we’ve got
a world class organization…[but it wasn’t able] to deliver technology [quickly].
A former young employee explained how this hiring impacted the company internally:
The composition of the team was unbalanced. All we had were senior people…. We were
the only juniors. For a young company, you need a lot of doers to have something
tangible….All the managers were just discussing the technology when they should have
been getting their hands dirty and just building it.
Moreover, executives’ narrow focus of attention led them to dedicate employees largely
to the development of externally-oriented legitimation efforts. During a 2010 prioritization
meeting, SusTech executives decided to allot nearly half of their employees to building
partnering capabilities and communication. This focus left SusTech employees with little time to
develop the firm’s technology. “We have too many partners to take care of,” a senior executive
stated. SusTech’s Chief Technology Officer described a young engineer who had initially come
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27
in to work on technology development: “I would have been happy to have him as part of the
corporate technology team, but [another executive] managed to persuade him that his future was
in partner management.”
This narrow focus of attention and resulting pattern of hiring and employee deployment
helped build legitimacy for the firm and smart cities industry. Media reports on SusTech’s efforts
stressed the company’s senior hires and renowned partners, emphasizing that the involvement of
this broad spectrum of experts indicated that, in the words of one report, “cities…will make the
world smart.” But executives’ narrow focus of attention meant the firm was constrained in its
ability to develop internal technological capabilities.
Identity commitments
Institutional scholars have argued that legitimation requires commitment to a consistent story
(Aldrich and Fiol, 1994). However, psychological research on self-perception has suggested that
public commitments can profoundly shape individuals’ sense of selves and their attachments
(Bem, 1967), and strategy scholars have suggested that a sense of identity can constrain future
action (Tripsas and Gavetti, 2000; Tripsas, 2009). SusTech’s legitimation activities led
executives and employees to form what we term identity commitments. Because they committed
to particular courses of action privately and publically, they began to internalize these
commitments as part of the firm’s identity.
Specifically, SusTech’s story emphasized the importance of its reference project,
SusTech City. SusTech City is our “critical project,” Natley told us as early as 2009. “It’s our
attempt to demonstrate an example of what is possible in controlled conditions….and completely
optimal circumstances.” SusTech executives publically committed to SusTech City through their
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press activities and partnership pitches; the project featured prominently in the company’s story,
and was widely reported on in media coverage of the smart cities industry.
As a result, employees and executives began to view the company’s identity – and
indeed, their own identity – as inextricably linked to the development of the project. “Our goal,”
an employee told us in 2011, “is to completely change the way cities are built and made.”
SusTech City, he continued, can “change the way we think about cities.” An executive explained
what excited her about SusTech City: “Usually people who create legacies don’t get to see them.
We could see this happen in a few years.” In response to a question on what excited him most
about working for the company, an employee stated: “SusTech City. The richness of it. There are
so many facets to it, everything from the technology to the socio-economic aspects, economic
development, anthropology…a fascinating thing.” Another explained the importance he
attributed to the City project in very personal terms: “I have three boys. I want them to be proud.
I want them to feel that I’ve left something for this new generation.”
These strong identity commitments led executives and employees to reject courses of
action that threatened the development of SusTech City. As SusTech employees worked on
developing the company’s technologies, they began to pursue other opportunities for their
commercialization. However, most rejected the idea of abandoning SusTech City at the expense
of other, potentially more profitable, opportunities. Speaking to employees about a new
opportunity the company could pursue during an operations meeting in 2010, Natley emphasized
that “we have to be careful not to get de-railed while still working on delivering SusTech City.”
Even as the project’s success became increasingly questionable, employees continued to defend
it. In an interview in 2012, an executive stated:
We are seeing the time-line for SusTech City slip…. It might get started a year or two
from today. We would like to break ground this year, but we’re probably looking at next
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year. It’s not dependent on us. It’s more dependent on…economic problems in region.
We need to be realistic about the opportunity. Having said that, we are not going to stop
fighting for it…We’re inundated with questions – John and I – internally [about why we
are pursuing the project]….But it makes all the sense in the world.
Natley and other executives acknowledged that this was due to the identity commitments
executives and employees had formed around the project. “This project is larger than us at this
point,” Natley stated in response to a question on whether the company might dedicate its
resources to the development of other opportunities rather than SusTech City. “The problem
would be abandoning some people and the emotional commitments we have made – so we
wouldn’t be able to do it.” A late hire, an engineer focused on developing SusTech’s technology,
explained that although he felt the firm had possibilities to apply its technologies beyond
SusTech City, many others did not feel that way. “There’s definitely fall-back points for
technology. For people’s aspirations, maybe not.”
Impact of cognitive effects on internal capability development
Together, these three effects constricted learning and constrained the SusTech’s ability to
respond to shifts in the industry. Scholars have argued that, given the ambiguity of a nascent
industry, firms and entrepreneurs need to build capabilities that allow them to respond quickly to
environmental changes (Dobrev and Gostopolis, 2010). During the course of our research, we
noted that the smart cities industry began to shift away from cities-from-scratch to technological
solutions for retrofits. An Economist article in late 2012 noted that:
Originally, “smart cities” was mainly a label for ambitious projects to build a shiny new
metropolis on green fields—or in the desert…. Whereas these top-down projects are
struggling, some existing cities are getting smarter from the bottom up.
Companies that were thriving in this environment, a number of articles argued, were those that
provided technological solutions that could benefit existing cities rather than top-down projects
like SusTech City.
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Although SusTech began to shift its emphasis towards technology development at the
very end of our research, observers and executives noted that its response to changes was slow.
Beginning in early 2010, executives and employees had begun receiving feedback that the
development of SusTech City was unlikely, including from banks and real-estate experts, as
described above. But executives began to acknowledge this difficulty with a significant lag, only
in mid-2011. Even then, they hesitated to abandon plans for SusTech City in favor of
technological development, noting only that the time-line for the City might not be as ambitious
as they had previously imagined. In mid-2011, an executive told us:
Trying to be realistic, I would say [sighs] – the market has moved. The ability to get a
hold of the money [for a large-scale project] is really the limiting factor at the moment…
If what I’m hearing is correct, it’s likely that by – I’m going to say Christmas – we could
start developing the project.
By the end of our research in late 2012, Natley emphasized in an operations meeting that the firm
was pursuing other opportunities to embed its technology – but that the development of SusTech
City remained important.
Our research suggests SusTech’s focus on developing a legitimation capability resulted in
cognitive effects that prevented the company from developing the ability to respond quickly to
shifts in the environment. Cognitive crowding led executives and employees to ignore or reject
information and negative feedback from outside sources. Excessive attention on legitimation
meant employees were not focused on building technologies or internal capabilities. Even when
it became clear that the industry was changing course, the firm’s identity commitments resulted
in an inability to shift away from SusTech City. In 2012, SusTech’s COO reflected that
SusTech’s legitimation efforts resulted in what he termed as his biggest disappointments in the
firm’s development. “The company is a great name and marketing-wise has done tremendously,
but it hasn’t been balanced internally.” He described the company’s focus in colorful language:
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31
SusTech went ass-backwards. I guess I can say that – it’s a technical term….Instead of
hiring techs, building technology, growing from that, it went straight to marketing, and
sold a vision…. It helped the company be famous in many ways, but there’s a balance,
and we didn’t react fast enough to the balance.
Another executive echoed this in stating: “One of the things the company has generally
struggled with for a while has been talking about itself and how fantastic it is, rather than
focusing on what we are doing to do.” Figure 1 illustrates these cognitive effects, their impact,
and their relationship to SusTech’s legitimation capability.
---- Insert Figure 1 About Here ----
Shortly before leaving the firm, SusTech’s COO reflected that perhaps the key to success
in a nascent industry is attention to both legitimation and internal development:
I met a company the other day that does exactly what we do from a technological
standpoint. They’ve been around for 20 years. They have zero partnerships with any
vendor…they’re barely profitable, they’ve almost gone bankrupt a few times…because
they never spent enough time convincing people that this is the right way to go forward.
They never tried to do the marketing aspect. [Pause]. Maybe there’s a middle ground.
DISCUSSION
Leaders and entrepreneurs in nascent industries play a particularly vital role in shaping the
future. The activities of such pioneers can exert a powerful influence for years into the future.
Their successes become models to emulate; their failures tripwires to avoid. By exploring the
development of a firm in a nascent industry, our study poignantly illustrates the trade-offs and
challenges inherent in this ambiguous context.
Our study makes several contributions to the literature. Of course, a single case study
presents limitations. The goal of our study, given the paucity of literature on the topic, was to
generate rather than test theory. Our ideas are necessarily tentative, and further research on a
larger sample of firms in nascent industries is needed to test, refine, or refute our contribution.
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First, we propose the idea of a legitimation capability: routines, processes, and practices
that allow leaders to leverage resources to legitimate their firms and industries. Although prior
studies have illustrated actions that firms and leaders can undertake in service of legitimation –
including the crafting of stories that balance uniqueness and embeddedness in existing models
(Lounsbury and Glynn, 2001; Hargadon and Douglas, 2001; Martens et al., 2007), the use of
analogies and metaphors (Hill and Levenhagen, 1995; Cornelissen and Clarke, 2010), building
trust through displaying socially valued characteristics (Huy and Zott, 2010), and affiliating with
prominent third parties (Stuart et al., 1999; Khaire, 2009) – these activities have not been
conceptualized as a cohesive legitimation capability. We describe how SusTech’s legitimation
capability consisted of three elements: the crafting of a symbolic story, the dissemination of that
story, and affiliations with prominent individuals and corporate partners.
We also illustrate how a legitimation capability can interfere with a firm’s ability to learn
and adapt to an ambiguous environment. Classic research on cognition and strategy has
demonstrated that capabilities developed to suit a particular environment can have a negative
impact on a firm’s development through unanticipated cognitive channels (e.g. Leonard-Barton,
1992; Tripsas and Gavetti, 2000; Tripsas, 2009). Our study illustrates how a firm’s legitimation
capability, critical in building understanding of and support for the firm and its nascent industry,
can also constrain its ability to learn, adapt, and shift course. While existing research has shown
that capabilities can become maladaptive over time (e.g. Leonard-Baron, 1992), our findings
support the idea that certain capabilities have simultaneous positive and negative effects.
This trade-off has not been acknowledged by prior literature. On the one hand,
institutional scholars have argued that leaders in nascent industries might need to employ
strategies to legitimate their industry and their firms (Lounsbury and Glynn, 2001; Navis and
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33
Glynn, 2010; Zimmerman and Zeits, 2010; David et al., 2012). But by focusing on legitimation
as the sole outcome, these studies have not appreciated the consequences of these strategies on
firm development. On the other hand, both popular and scholarly accounts have emphasized that
developing and sustaining viable business can depend on experimentation and iteration, through
fast responses to feedback from the environment (e.g. Rindova and Kotha, 2001; Brown and
Eisenhardt, 1997; Edmondson, 2011). This approach often requires improvising (Hmieleski and
Corbett, 2008), acceptance of failure (Edmondson, 2011) and trial-and-error learning
(Chesbrough, 2010). Our research indicates that a company’s legitimation capability can
threaten or block its ability to learn and adapt through three related cognitive effects: cognitive
crowding, attentional constraints, and identity commitments.
Our third contribution is to theorize the challenge of a nascent industry context, where
leaders and entrepreneurs have to simultaneously legitimate their firms and industries and learn
from feedback to respond to industry shifts. This challenge speaks to a fundamental strategic
trade-off all firms must make: the choice between committing to particular courses of action in
order to shape the environment (e.g. Ghemawat, 1991), and developing the ability to
dynamically respond to changes in the environment (e.g. Brown and Eisenhardt, 1997). We
argue that this trade-off is most salient in the ambiguous environment of a nascent industry,
where leaders must both commit to a symbolic story that legitimates the firm and industry, and
adapt to frequent shifts in the industry. Leaders and entrepreneurs in a nascent context must
therefore become cultural managers (Lounsbury and Glynn, 2001; Zott and Huy, 2007) who
legitimate new industries in favorable ways and opportunistic entrepreneurs able to shift in
response to environmental feedback. The simultaneity of these two goals intensifies the
challenge – hence our notion of ambiguity-squared.
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Finally, our research suggests that, to succeed in a nascent industry, firms may need to
invest in two types of capabilities, perhaps led by different individuals. Seminal work on
innovation suggests that organizations divide distinct activities in separate but coordinated
centers focused on, for instance, exploration versus exploitation (March, 1991), or for sustaining
versus disruptive innovations (Christensen and Raynor, 2003). Our research suggests that leaders
and entrepreneurs in nascent industries may need to engage different people to legitimate their
industries and drive internal learning and development.
On the one hand, leaders who invest in internal development and do not engage in
building legitimacy may develop technologies that, although financially and technologically
plausible, are not perceived by enough customers as desirable. For instance, a number of
companies developed solar hot water heaters in the early 1930s, but their products lost a battle to
gas heaters because they were not embedded in existing systems, nor were they defended with a
grand vision (Madrigal, 2011). This small failure helped produce a large failure – the stunting of
the development of a viable solar energy industry for decades (Madrigal, 2011). On the other
hand, history is sprinkled with visionaries who invested in building and promoting a vision for
their firms and new industries but who could not sustain viable enterprises, such that the world
failed to gain fully from their powerful insights. Buckminster Fuller, the futurist designer and
inventor, provides an apt example. Writing and speaking as early as the 1930s about energy
efficient, affordable, and sustainable solutions for construction and housing, his attempts to
industrialize fell short (Fuller, 1938; Bergdoll and Christensen, 2008). More than half a century
would pass before similar thinking would take shape again in the popular imagination, led by
more established enterprises (Bergdoll and Christensen, 2008).
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At the same time, the interactive nature of these capabilities suggests these activities must
be coordinated and collaborative in nature. The leaders both who take steps to encourage and
promote a new industry and focus sufficiently on internal development – visionaries like Thomas
Edison, who both developed and championed a new system of electric lighting (Hargadon and
Douglas, 2001) –give birth to the industries of the future. We hope that our findings can inform
future studies and theories to benefit entrepreneurs, firms, and the development of nascent
industries.
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TABLES AND FIGURES
Table 1: Data Sources
Formal Interviews
Founders and Employees 57
Partners 15
Total 72
Observation
Site Visits 11
Meetings 39
Presentations 10
Approximate Hours in
Field
800+
Other
Official Documents 100+ pages
Email Access 44 pages
Table 2: SusTech’s legitimation capability
Resource Practices/Processes Outcome
Crafting a
symbolic
story
Problematized present
Analogy-driven vision of
future
Vision for SusTech’s
solutions
Symbols manipulated to
create and refine a
symbolic story.
Story became
resource in
developing further
legitimation
activities.
Disseminating
the symbolic
story
Symbolic story
Executive time and
attention
Giving speeches and
presentations; holding
press events; granting
interviews and spending
time with press members.
SusTech frequently
mentioned in press
and analyst reports on
smart cities; Natley
and executives
invited to present and
speak at prominent
events.
Affiliating
with
prominent
individuals
and corporate
partners
Symbolic story
Executive and employee
time and attention
Developing a “partnering
process;” meeting
frequently with potential
partners; emphasizing
affiliations in other
activities.
SusTech attracted a
number of prominent
individual and
corporate partners.
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41
Figure 1. Cognitive impact of SusTech’s legitimation capability.
Crafting a
symbolic story
Disseminating the
symbolic story
Affiliating with
prominent
individuals and
corporate partners
Cognitive Crowding
Sense of control, inevitability of success
“It sounds very arrogant, but the main competition is
the noise in the marketplace…. I have no doubt that
there will be others who try to copy our model as it
becomes more well-known” – Executive interview,
2011
Rejection of negative feedback
Author: Why did the bank refuse to finance you?
Executive: “The vision is so overwhelming that it
scares people of.” – Executive interview, 2010
Attentional constraints
Attention to legitimation activities at expense of
internal development
Natley flew to another country to give a public speech.
B (an employee) had been working on business plan
for company. T (an executive) told him “the future of
the company is in your hands.” Finished slides, sent to
Natley – but Natley didn’t look over them while at
event, and couldn’t get in touch with him because at
event. – Excerpt from memo on field notes, 2010
Identity commitments
Commitment to decisions
During lunch, Chairman of Board confides that the
development of SusTech City seems increasingly
unlikely…. The next day, I have breakfast with R., an
executive. She tells me the firm will “never abandon”
SusTech City. “Natley would die to make it happen.” –
Excerpt from memo on field notes, 2012
Lack of learning from external
feedback
“When engaging with some big
companies, it’s taken a while to remove a
bit of arrogance. It’s like kids. It’s quite
charming when a 3-year old says, I
wanna do this, I want it, I want it. When
they’re still saying it and they’re 18,
there’s a problem…. It’s very easy to go
into broadcast mode and say, this is my
vision, this is how we should be doing
stuff. Sometimes it’s quite good to listen
to others….” – Board Member interview,
2012
Lack of technological and internal
development
“The company is a great name and
marketing-wise has done tremendously,
but it isn’t balanced it internally, yet, in
execution and operations.” – Executive
interview, 2012
Lack of ability to shift course
“John had a big vision for SusTech City…. He
decided to not do anything until that big vision is
baked and ready and good to launch…. He had
ready-made vertical solutions [with the
technology]…. He said, “No, I’m not going to
release them because that’s going to dilute my
vision and I’m going to wait until I build
everything.” Great, how do you put food in
people’s mouth in the meantime, right?” –
Executive interview, 2012
Legitimation Practice/Process
Cognitive Effect Outcome
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42
Appendix 1. Procedures used for ensuring validity of single-case research (adapted from Arino and Ring (2010))
Validity test1 Suggested procedures Implementation in design of study
Construct validity: “establishing correct
operational measures for the concepts
being studied”
Use multiple sources of evidence to
triangulate findings.
Have informants review draft case study
report.
We used multiple sources of evidence:
(1) Observations of diverse firm
activities, including internal
meetings, executive conversations,
partner presentations, press events.
(2) Informal and formal interviews
with a diverse set of respondents,
including executives, employees,
former employees, and partners.
(3) Documents and records, including
business plans and emails.
Due to the sensitivity of our findings,
SusTech members did not read a draft.
However, we discussed and presented our
findings to several informants, including a
former corporate partner and a former
board member. Both agreed with our
analysis and findings.
Internal validity: “establishing a causal
relationship, whereby certain conditions
are shown to lead to other conditions.”
Have a general analytical strategy (rely on
theory to guide the analysis OR develop a
case description).
Have a dominant analytical procedure
(search for patterns OR build explanations
OR use time-series analysis).
We constructed a case description first,
then compared it to existing theory.
We relied on pattern analysis, and searched
our notes and data for patterns. From this
search for patterns, ideas about SusTech’s
legitimation capabilities and their intended
and unintended effects emerged. We
1 Source: Arino and Ring, 2010.
Zuzul and Edmondson
43
Use analytical techniques to manipulate
the data.
connected these patterns over time, allowing us to construct causal accounts
between concepts.
We used a number of established
techniques for analyzing qualitative data,
including searching for patterns through
qualitative data analysis software;
constructing time-lines of company
development; organizing evidence by type,
time period, and respondent and searching
for patterns between and across type;
creating tables summarizing data on
important categories. We reviewed these
techniques in frequent discussions with the
members of a research group focused on
qualitative research.
External validity: “establishing the domain
to which a study’s findings can be
generalized.”
Use replication logic. Since our study is a revelatory case,
replication logic does not apply.
Reliability: “demonstrate that the
operations of a study…can be repeated.”
Develop case-study database. Our database includes field notes,
transcripts of interviews, archives of
documents and emails, and memos written
by the authors.