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Transcript of A Zeitgeist Movement:Exploring Global Consciousness through Collective Action_by_William Dixon
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Table of Contents
Abstract 2
Table of Contents 3Table of figures 4
Introduction 6
Social Change and Sociology 9
Local Connections 12
Global Interactions 16
Collective Frames of Action 24
Theorizing Social Movements 29
The Zeitgeist Movement: Case study 39
Conclusions 48
Appendices
1. Zeitgeist Moving Forward – Press release
2. Countries with members
3. The Zeitgeist Movement Materials
4. Venus Project Design
51
51
54
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57
Bibliography 58
Statement of originality 62
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Tables and Figures
Title Page Description
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
43
48
The Zeitgeist Movement Global Membership.
Fresco‟s Circular City.
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“Only by scanning with an open mind the new historical landscape will
we be able to find shining paths, dark abysses, and muddled breakthroughs into the new society emerging from current crises.”
Manuel Castells, 2010b, p.74.
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Introduction
This undergraduate dissertation is an exercise of sociological enquiry. It has at its
core, a focus on social change; the movements, changes, and transitions that
accompany forms of social life. The study will pay particular attention to the patterns
of social interconnectivity that continue to spread across our worlds, both in the
physical sense, and the accompanying perceived „realities‟ (Goffman, 1974) of our
„imagined worlds‟ (Appadurai, 2008). This dissertation will investigate and promote
the notion, that the “production of ideas, of conceptions, of consciousness,” if still
“interwoven” with human “material activity” and “intercourse” (Marx and Engels,
1975, p. 65-66), is therefore now a production enacted and achieved on global scales.
The world is increasingly seen as a “singular place”, and, in many academic political
and social arenas, there is talk of an emergent “global consciousness” (Lechner and
Boli, 2008, p.2).
The focus of the dissertation is on the historical and sociological contextualization of
a new “historical landscape” (Castells, 2010b, p.74) and proclaimed “global
consciousness” (Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.2). Literature reviews will be used to
track the disembedding of collective consciousness from its early localised
constraints, then recognising in its place, the fluid and interconnected means by which
contemporary social formations emerge.
The research will thus take a “deductive” approach, beginning with theories of social
change and globalization, and then exercise them “to explain certain observations”
(Gilbert, 2001, p.27). In this instance a global social movement case study will be
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provided to illuminate and explore said theories of “global consciousness” (Lechner
and Boli, 2008, p.2). Conclusions are drawn around basic observations between the
discussed theory of global consciousness and the observed social movement.
Suggestions for further research will also be included.
Gilbert highlights “three major ingredients in social research”, namely; “the
construction of theory”, “the design methods for gathering data”, and the actual
“collection of data” (2001, p.22). This dissertation will follow a similar route. The
preponderance of discussion will be directed at literature reviews of relevant theory,
including firm attention to methodology and then a short deductive case study to
compliment previously presented theories. All primary research is literature and
document based hence ethical considerations are largely omitted.
Following this introduction, chapter 1 will introduce the wider topic of social change
and outline key sociological overtones. Chapter 2 will provide sociological theory
that seeks to establish the characteristics of early pre-modern social forms. Chapter 3
will address changes in these patterns and move towards a theory of global
interconnectivity.
After widening the scope and potential of global interaction, chapter 4 will introduce
theories of collective action frames, specifically moving towards social movements,
or collective action, which is seen to mirror wider patterns of social change and
provide loci of study. Chapter 5 will further introduce and discuss the research
methods used in the study of collective action, in turn selecting and highlighting the
particular method to be used in this instance.
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Chapter 6, the penultimate section of this work, will provide a social movement case
study which serves to example the theories presented. Conclusions will be drawn as
to the congruency of theory and data, with a focus on suggestions for further research.
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1.
Social Change and Sociology
The departure point for this dissertation is some “436,000 to 806,000” years ago, a
departure point at which best estimates locate the origin of the human species. This
departure, in the form of a “transition”, saw the human species evolve, forging its own
path divergent to that of its shared ancestors. The exact location of this transition is as
yet unknown; moreover, due to the historical distance at which this transition
occurred, it is not known whether it was a “single-origin” or “multi-origin”
evolutionary transition (Wills, 1995, p. 593). For the purposes of this dissertation, it
is not important how or where this particular transition occurred, but rather what
occurred after its beginnings, and, to an extent, throughout the entirety of human
history.
Since the birth/s of “mitochondrial eve” (Wills, 1995, p. 593) the human species has
grown and evolved to occupy all corners of the Earth; from “hunters and wanderers”
(Hinkle, 1936, p. 137) to the inhabitants of complex modern societies; humans
continue to explore and navigate the world, both physically and mentally, in one
direction or another. Humans are, “by design or default… on the move” (Bauman,
1998, p.2). This movement of people, along with all that has accompanied it, is of
special interest to “historians and sociologists”, who, for Appadurai, “have long been
aware that the world has been a congeries of large-scale interactions for many
centuries” (2008, p. 95). Evidence can be seen of these historical interactions; from
the early signs of „culture‟ to emerge in “prehistoric man” (Hinkle, 1936, p. 137)
through to the contemporary studies of human behaviour; examples of differing
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material and social structures come to the fore. Just as humans are on the move, so
too are the contours of their existences, and thus we see, retrospectively, a species
with a history of change and transition. These interactions, changes, and transitions to
be highlighted, are an overarching theme running throughout this dissertation and will
be addressed in the chapters to follow.
It is important to highlight at this stage, that the interactions, changes and transitions
addressed in this dissertation, are primarily social in nature, and that this dissertation
is, first and foremost, an exercise of sociological enquiry. Sociology, as a discipline,
has at its core the ability to “defamiliarize the familiar”, to open up new areas of
attention (Bauman and May, 2001, p.10). This is achieved through awareness that to
understand any matter of individual concern or “trouble”, one must first locate and
understand the wider context or “public issue” in which that trouble is located.
“Troubles”, explains C. Wright-Mills, “occur within the character of the individual,”
and they have to do with “those limited areas of social life of which he is directly and
personally aware.” “Issues”, alternatively, “have to do with matters that transcend the
local environments of the individual” (p.8, 2000). “Social facts” are phenomenon that
exist beyond the individual (Durkheim, p.50, 1982), and thus by moving away from
individual value based perceptions and adopting what Weber termed a “value-free”
approach with “scientific integrity” (in Berger, p.15, 1966), it is possible to “open our
eyes to new horizons beyond our immediate experiences… to widen scope” (B auman
and May, 2001, p.11).
The fore mentioned human movements, the interactions changes and transitions, are
to be viewed sociologically. If then, focus is on one particular contemporary social
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phenomenon in this dissertation, it first needs to be located and contextualised within
its wider historical and social placement. It is hoped that this process will serve to
illuminate matters beyond that of individual perception, and to produce,
sociologically, evidence of continued social change and transition.
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2.
Local Connections
In adopting a sociological approach, aimed primarily toward the understanding of the
fore mentioned movements, changes and transitions of humans , it is necessary to
highlight some key historical features. In returning to our initial departure point, the
early happenings of mankind, observations can be made as to the effects of geo-
physical conditions. Zygmunt Bauman succinctly achieves this, describing how
“geophysical factors”, or the “natural and artificial” borders of populations, served as
“speed limits” to early life (Bauman, 1998, p 12).
Bauman suggests that the “constraints imposed on the freedom of movement” served
to “separate” population and cultural identities, thus providing clear distinctions
between „inside‟ and „outside‟ (1998, p.12). Moreover, the “inside‟ vs. „outside‟,
„here‟ vs. „out there,‟ „near‟ vs. „far away” oppositions, denoted the extent to which
the “surrounding world” had been tamed, domesticated, or familiarised (p.13). In
essence, Bauman is detailing how early communities were homogenised and
contained . The shared perspectives or familiarities of such communities, gained
solely through the means of wetware, generated information and messages that served
to “reiterate and reinforce” each other (Bauman, 1998, p.16). Giddens also reflects
that “all forms of social life are… constituted by actors‟ knowledge of them”, where
knowing how to be “is intrinsic to the conventions which are drawn upon and
reproduced by human activity” (1991, p.38). Communities were, for the
preponderance of human history, contained and spatially divided geographically;
what people were able to „draw on‟ was restricted to the local. Congruently Giddens
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highlights that in pre-modern societies “the spatial dimensions of social life are…
dominated by „presence‟ – by localised activities” (1991, p.18). The important point
here, for the purposes of this study, is to acknowledge that what people were aware
of, the worlds they lived in and made sense of, their reality, was restricted to what
they could see, hear, touch, feel and remember. Their world , or what they were “alive
to” (Goffman, 1974, p.8) was the product of shared physical perspective and action,
of wetware, and the restricting time/distance of the outside, out there and far away
worlds.
Common Ground
To introduce the notion of consciousness then, in the simplest form of what people
are conscious of and hence the basis for action; attention can be paid to the localised
means by which it was formed. Erving Goffman, introducing his text Frame Analysis
(1974), begins with a discussion of the nature of reality. His aim is to locate in
society “frameworks of understanding” that are used to make “sense of events”
(p.10), or more generally, how “the organization of experience” is constituted (p.11).
Albert Cohen, metaphorically, clarifies this notion:
“Our beliefs about what is, what is possible and what consequences flow from whatactions do not necessarily correspond to what is „objectively‟ true. „The facts‟ never
simply stare us in the face. We see them always through a glass, and that glass
consists of the interests, preconceptions, stereotypes and values we bring to the
situation. This glass is our frame of reference” (2005, p.51, emphasis added).
It is positioned, that the frames of reference in pre-modern societies; be it agrarian or
hunter wanderer, through to early industrial society, were frames based on local
information and constraints; frames constructed through wetware. Historically,
evidence can be seen of the development of differing frames of reference at different
locations on the planet. More specifically, different collectives of beliefs and values
can be seen to develop at differing geographical and historical locales. The important
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point here is that these “frameworks or schemata of interpretation” (Goffman, 1974,
p.21) developed and perpetuated by communities, were formed and pertained to
localised contexts. Exchange of information between communities was subject to the
fore mentioned “speed limits” and hence “the separation and the maintenance of
collective identities” (Bauman, 1998, p.12).
Distant Neighbours
A prominent study to highlight these separated identities is Max Weber‟s The
Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism (1967). Although for Weber the focus
is on the development of one particular social mode, Capitalism, he does so by
contrasting and comparing different societal belief systems, mainly Religious systems
to emerge and pertain to different population groupings. For Max Weber; religion
“swept through the great communities like a firebrand, welding them together” (pg.
155, 1993).
The focus here is not on Religion, but on the homogenised and localised frames
developed by historically isolated communities, or as Bauman termed, separated
“identities” (1998, p.12). Religion was simply an emergent theme found to
accompany such frames of reference. Brief attention can be paid to how such
different religious themes were generated by turning to the writings of Marx and
Engels, who highlight that the “production of ideas, of conceptions, of consciousness,
is at first directly interwoven with the material activity and the material intercourse of
men” (1975, p. 65-66). The early material activity of man, as discussed, was
occurring in isolation from his neighbour, separated or restricted by geophysical
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factors. The production of ideas, conceptions and consciousnesses, often religious in
form, occurred in different locations and was each a product of wetware. For Engels:
“All religion …is nothing but the fantastic reflection in men‟s minds of those
external forces which control their daily life, a reflection in which the terrestrialforces assume the form of supernatural forces. In the beginnings of history it was theforces of nature which were first so reflected, and which in the course of further
evolution underwent the most manifold and varied personifications among the
various peoples” (1975, p. 128).
For Bauman, ethical codes, mainly Religious in form, were designed to give the actor
“priori certainty” as to what should and should not be done (1995, p 4). Giddens also
makes reference to traditional proviso of a “framework for action” (2002, p 41). If a
collective or individual “frame of reference” is to form from “Beliefs… interests,
preconceptions, stereotypes and values” (A. Cohen, 2005, p51), and to subsequently
determine “subjective involvement” in events (Goffman, 1974, p.10), examples of
historical collective frames mainly come in the form of “religious cosmologies” and
“tradition” (Giddens, 1991, p.102).
Local Consciousnesses
Subtracting the religious associations, attempt has been made to highlight the nature
of early human movements. These early communities or separate identities have been
outlined as restricted in interaction, with homogenising and reinforcing
characteristics. Collective identities were established and maintained through
wetware, from which, multiple but separated and localised frameworks of reference
emerge; containing beliefs, values, conceptions and ultimately localized forms of
consciousness.
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3.
Global Interactions
Moving Out
Many key sociological texts (Weber, 1993; Giddens, 1991; Bauman, 1998; Sennett,
1999) address the nature of pre modern societies as being linear in essence and
rationalized according to local homogenized cultures. When focus is paid to early
shifts in this aspect of social being, homogenized societies can be seen to experience
what Bauman termed a „reversal‟ of wetware; „separate identities‟ having their speed
limits removed. This is effective to both the individual (Bauman, 1998, p 12) and the
contained communities, which began to move outward; “the local became the
national”, the national becoming the global (Bauman, 1998, p 17). Here, instead of
information serving to reinforce and homogenise, different communities are exposed
to each other, and hence different messages appear, each “clamouring for attention”
(1998, p. 16). As Bauman details; the “implosion” of communication time means that
“space and spatial markers cease to matter” (1998, p 13). Likewise for Giddens, the
“separation of time and space” is fundamental to the “dynamism of modernity” (p.16,
1991), where social relations of “individuals or groups” are ordered and reordered “in
the light of continual inputs of knowledge” (p.17).
Technological developments can be seen to have had large effects on communication
and interaction between global communities. Dicken surmises the history of transport
developments until „recent‟ times:
“For most of human history, the speed and efficiency of transportation were
staggeringly low and the costs of overcoming the friction of distance prohibitively
high. Movement over land was especially slow and difficult before the development
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Floating and Fixed
As a premise then, this dissertation will proceed simply by stating that modern forms
of identity, or consciousness, if again seen as “interwoven with the material activity
and the material intercourse of men” (Marx and Engels, 1975, p. 65-66), are no longer
confined to local contexts. Contemporary “frameworks or schemata of interpretation”
(Goffman, 1974, p.21) are constructed through “disembedded” social systems, which,
essentially, have been lifted out from their “local contexts of interaction” and
restructured “across indefinite spans of time-space” (Giddens, 1991, p.21).
“Modern organisations are able to connect the local and the global in ways which
would have been unthinkable in more traditional societies and in so doing routinely
affect the lives of many millions of people” (Giddens, 1991, p.20).
At this stage it is important to clarify that the processes leading to this state of
interconnectedness have not occurred equally. More specifically, if the term
globalization is to be used in reference to an increasing global interconnectivity, then
globalization has not happened to everybody, at least, not in the same way. It is
essential to stress, that although a reversal of wetware has occurred, and, to further
use Bauman‟s metaphor of the “speed limits” (1998, p.12) to human movement being
removed; that this removal has not been universally experienced. As Bauman details,
with regards to the movement of „elites‟, those who do not have ability to pay for
securities are simply „fenced off‟ (1998, p.21) or as Giddens states:
“[W]e must recognise the dialectical character of globalisation and also the influence
of processes of uneven development. Loss of autonomy on the part of some states or
groups of states has often gone along with an increase in that of others” (1991, p.67).
Focus on only certain aspects of the processes attributed to globalization can be
misgiving, furthermore, examining only technological changes can be critiqued as
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narrowly deterministic, failing to see the many different aspects of the world that are
now at play on each other and the effects they have had. Specifically, when debate
over homogenization, heterogeneity and hybridity (Holton, 2000) is had, focus is
often on one element of globalization or modernity and not the multitude of
influences that intersect.
Giddens notes a “tendency” for sociological work to “look for a single institutional
nexus in modern societies”. Furthermore, for Giddens, it is a “mistaken” premise to
reduce the institutional dimensions of modernity to a singular mode. Capitalism and
industrialism are seen to both be involved in modernity, one is not simply part of the
other (1991, p.55). Giddens expands to include four institutional dimensions to
Modernity: Capitalism, Industrialism, Military Power, and Surveillance (1991, p.59).
Another multidimensional model of globalization is that put forward by Appadurai.
Here it is shown that the interconnectivity of modern social life is also not the
function of a sole determinant, but rather that a multitude of flows intersect and play
on each other in different ways. Appadurai outlines them as ethnoscapes,
mediascapes, technoscapes, financescapes, and ideoscapes (2008, p.98).
Global Consciousness
The movements, changes, and transitions discussed, from the early restricted motions
of pre modern societies, towards an era of interconnectivity, have seen the world
becoming a “single place”. As discussed, this is not to say that all has become alike,
but rather “local events bear the imprint of global processes” in some degree or
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another (Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.3). As mentioned, the institutions or flows that
comes to play on modern societies (Giddens, 1991; Appadurai, 2008) mean that even
if people are not aware of the “larger structures” in play, “their everyday life is
nevertheless embedded in a world culture that transcends their village, town, or
country” (Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.2).
As highlighted in the initial chapters of this work, early pre modern societies were
characterised by localised restraints, geophysical factors and wetware, homogeneity
was the product of shared perspectives and frameworks of interpretation built on
localised activity. Contemporary social formations, in an era of global
interconnectivity, have seen these restraints lifted and are now able to draw on a
multitude of global influences in the understanding of their “realities”. More
specifically, the “organisation of experience” or construction of “frameworks of
reference” (Goffman, 1974, p.11) is freed from local constraints and achieved through
a perspective that is, for some at least, global in scope. As Giddens highlights, the
individual is faced with questions of “what to do? How to act? Who to be?” For
Giddens these are central questions for people living in „late modernity,‟ furthermore,
these questions are automatically answered through behavioural or discursive means
(Giddens, 1991b, p 70). This work will look at such discourse and behaviour, with
specific regard to globally organised social experience.
There now seems present an emergent one “world culture and consciousness” where,
in many ways the world is seen and understood as a “single place” (Lechner and Boli,
2008, p.2). Again, this is not to suggest all is becoming one, but simply that new
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cultures, institutions, identities, and forms of consciousness are now being formed and
maintained through non localised means, around seeing the world or planet as a
singular unit. The Globalization debate “expresses a common global consciousness,
though not, of course, a global consensus” (Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.10).
The Network Society
Although this work will not cling to any particular theoretical model, Castells
description of The Network Society (2010) is of use for understanding the multitude
of flows that play on modern social forms. For Castells, this new kind of “social
structure” is formed from “networks in all the key dimensions of social organization
and social practice”. Key, but by no means a sole determinant of these forms, is the
development of “horizontal communication networks” (p.xviii). This sees a shift
from the linear nature of pre modern societies (Castells, 2010; Weber, 1993; Giddens,
1991; Bauman, 1998; Sennett, 1999), to an increasing linked and interconnected
world where “horizontal networks of interactive communication… connect the local
and the global” through integrated forms of media (Castells, 2010, p.xxvii) . As
Giddens also clearly states, modern local communities are not “saturated”
environments of “familiar, taken for granted meanings, but in some large part a
locally-situated expression of distanciated relations” (1991, p.109), the local and the
global are “inextricably intertwined” (p.108).
It is beyond the scope or purpose of this work to highlight all possible ways in which
people are affected by these new forms of social organisation, or to cover the
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4.
Collective Frames of Action
Global Frameworks
As discussed and mirrored in much literature, although the movements changes and
transitions leading to contemporary forms of life have not reached any global
“consensus”, there does present a theme of “global consciousness” (Lechner and Boli,
2008, p.10). There now exists, in contrast to the previously noted localised
“frameworks of reference” (Goffman, 1974, p.11); “global linkages, global
institutions, and global values” (Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.3), and, as world societies
interact, “individuals become conscious of being enveloped in global networks,
subject to global forces, governed by global rules” (p.4). Again, if a collective or
individual “frame of reference” is to form from “Beliefs… interests, preconceptions,
stereotypes and values” (A. Cohen, 2005, p51), and to subsequently determine
“subjective involvement” in events (Goffman, 1974, p.10), then in the contemporary
world these frames and involvements are global in scope.
Appadurai highlights the notion of “imagined worlds”, in that the global flows, or
“scapes”, are “fluid and irregular” in their relation to each other. More specifically,
that as different sorts of “actors” navigate these global flows, the “imagined worlds”
are the largely perspective based “constructs” that result from differing “angle[s] of
vision” held by individuals or collectives (Appadurai, 2008, p.98). This again bears
resonance with Goffman‟s earlier discussion of the nature of “reality” and the
perspective based means by which one constructs a “framework of understanding” in
order to “make sense of events” (1974, p.10). Common also to the notions of both
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Goffman and Appadurai is that these frameworks or worlds, logically, do not pertain
only to the individual but are the joint property of collective “groupings” and
“communities.” In fact, for Appadurai, the individual is the “last locus” of these
perspective based constructs; for these worlds are “navigated by agents who both
experience and constitute larger formations” (Appadurai, 2008, p.98). Looking at
these larger formations, Goffman identifies what he calls “primary” frameworks,
modes of understanding employed by people toward the perception and identification
of events. A “schemata of interpretation” (1974, p.21) or way “to make sense” (p.10)
of the world is utilised.
As with Goffman‟s study, this dissertation is concerned with locating “frameworks of
understanding” (1974, p.10) or “perspectival constructs” (Appadurai, 2008, p.98) used
by actors to make “sense of events” (Goffman, 1974, p.10). Furthermore, this work
has as its primary concern, frameworks located in an era of global interconnectivity,
in the era of The Network Society (Castells, 2010).
A History of Protest
To focus attention toward specific collective frameworks found with in the network
society, attention can be paid to „social movements‟, described by McCarthy as
“ongoing collective efforts to bring about consequential social change” (1997, p.244).
Again, maintaining a historical approach means understanding contemporary social
movements in relation to their larger contextual setting. Feixa et al. (2009) set out to
describe how social movements have evolved over the years, initially discussing „old‟
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and „new‟ social movements. „Old social movements‟ are said to have risen alongside
“industrial society… perceived as masculine, adult and class- based struggles” (p.423).
Located in the nineteenth century; „old social movements‟ bear resemblance to the
struggles detailed by Marx and Engels Communist Manifesto (1998). Similarly,
Feixa et al. detail “the revolutionary wave of 1948” as taking the old social movement
form, alongside “the Paris Commune and Soviet revolution,” These struggles were
defined by “concrete boarders of class, nation and social condition” (2009, p.426).
„New social movements‟ are said to have developed in “North America and Europe
after World War II.” These struggles tended to involve “identity-based criteria”, such
as “generation, gender, sexual orientation … [and] marginalized communities”. For
Feixa et al., new social movements are said to be predominantly conceived as “youth
and gender-based movements”. Student movements in 1960s Berkeley, Paris, Rome
and New York are described as „foundational moments‟ (2009, p.426).
Having outlined the nature of „old‟ and „new‟ social movements, Feixa et al.
introduce the contemporary notion of a „New, New‟ Social movement. This new
form is said to straddle the “frontier of physical and virtual space” at the turn of the
„new millennium‟. They are detailed to have emerged in response to the rise of global
„informational capitalism‟ (p. 426), and, as Feixa et al. outline, are said to operate in
the „globally networked space‟ identical to that which the „neo-liberal system‟ they
oppose also functions through. „New, New‟ Social movements „comprise a wide field
of individuals‟ operating through a decentralized network that is flexible and strong.
Importantly, this „decentralization‟ constitutes a „localized internationalism‟, where
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activists link their „locally routed troubles‟ to an international movement. This is
referred to as „Glocality‟ (2009, p. 427).
„New, New‟ Social Movements have emerged since the implementation of these new
technologies, indeed they can be seen as evolving with them. Contemporary
Sociological questions arise as to the nature of such interconnected communities;
more specifically to the frame of reference or “schemata of interpretation” they
present or identify with (Goffman, 1974, p. 21). If „New, New‟ Social Movements
are Global movements, then questions as to the nature of global collective expression
can be researched, both from the perspective of the sociologist, and the global citizen.
Cohen and Kennedy highlight that until now, social movements have mainly been
theorized by sociologists on a „nation-state‟ level, largely due to the „constraints‟
making „global activity difficult‟ (2007, p.445). As discussed, and echoed by Cohen
and Kennedy, advances on several fronts have enabled effective global
communications and provide „good reasons‟ to „operate transnationally‟.
Furthermore, social movements can be „better equipped‟ to utilise global f unctioning;
detachment from national territories or interests enables among many freedoms, the
ability to “cooperate and generate alternative ideas and solutions more easily than
states” (Cohen and Kennedy, 2007, p.446).
It is with this rational, that the study of a „New, new social movement‟ was chosen, as
a means to explore new collective voices in an age of increased interconnectedness
and global activity. The case study will be analyzed to determine its „collective frame
of reference.‟ Benford and Snow detail the concept of “frame” as deriving from the
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theories of Goffman (1974); again, denoting a “schemata of interpretation,” a way to
“locate, perceive, identify, and label occurrences” in life “and the world at large”
(Benford and Snow, 2000, p.614).
It is proposed that the central aim of this dissertation, and what this literature review
has provided rational for; is that social change can be addressed through conducting
empirical research on collective action frames. Specifically, that as a site for struggle
and social change, „new, new social movement‟ frame analysis can provide insight to
emergent global consciousnesses, therefore of human interests that transcend the local
and speak of global shared interests.
“A couple of hundred years ago we had reason to rise from the level of local
community to the then not-yet-imagined community of the state, of the nation. Now,
we have to make another step, a giant leap as a matter of fact – to rise to the level of
humanity as such” (Bauman, In Franklin, 2003, p.215).
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5.
Theorizing Social Movements
Methodology
The noted developments of social movements can be seen to fit the larger pattern of
social change discussed in this work. Specifically, in early modern times, social
movements can be seen to develop and operate in localised forms, then, as discussed,
the gradual development of global interconnectivity has led to the disembedded and
networked form found in many contemporary social movements. Besides this clear
resonance with larger overarching sociological theory, there exists “a proliferation of
research on social movements” (Carty, 2011, p.1), specifically with regard to the
„New, New‟ Social movements mentioned (Feixa et al., 2009) the “emergence of new
information technologies” has strongly influenced this research (Carty, 2011, p.1).
Before this work proceeds to study one particular social movement and contribute to
the fore mentioned research, a brief review of methods and concepts used in existing
theory will help provide direction and clarity for this particular piece of research. As
the “theoretical” models that are used to study social movements have been developed
and supported by evidence, discussions of “collective behaviour” have advanced
(Carty, 2011, p.19). In order for this singular case study to maximise its potential,
effort will be made to utilise the most developed and appropriate methodology
available.
The dominant theoretical perspectives used to study social movements include
“traditional theories of collective behaviour” such as “political process” and “resource
mobilization.” More recently developed models include culturally orientated themes
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such as “framing” perspectives and collective identity (Carty, 2011, p.7; see also,
Porta and Diani, 1999; McCarthy, 1997; Bedford and Snow, 2000). To provide
contextual rational for the chosen methodology, these perspectives will be outlined
only briefly before continuing to detail the approach to be used in this case study.
Collective Behaviour Theory
Carty details that Sociologists in the “first half of the twentieth century” theorised
social movements “as random occurrences, deviant-based, and emotionally-charged
responses among aggrieved individuals to unsatisfactory situations and condit ions.”
The main motivation for social movements to occur were “grievances” and largely
seen to emerge in those “who were not fully integrated into society.” Theories of
“structural strain and relative deprivation” addressed this (Carty, 2011, p.8).
Developments in this theoretical perspective were seen to originate from the “Chicago
School,” where “analysis of collective behaviour” was developed as a “specialist field
of sociology”. Contrasting to the dominant theories put forward by “collective
psychology”, attention was paid to “situations of rapid change in social structures and
prescriptions”, specifically, to the conditions that pushed “individuals to search for
new patterns of social organization (Porta and Diani, 1999, p.5).”
Relative to the overarching theme of this dissertation, is the notion that “collective
behaviour” theory is concerned with “change”, and, in particular, social movements
are seen as “both an integral part of the normal functioning of society and the
expression of a wider process of transformation” (Porta and Diani, 1999, p.5).
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Resource Mobilization Theory
Collective behaviour theory, both “interactionist” and “functionalist,” was critiqued
for seeing social movement actors as simply “irrational” and the sole product of
malfunctioning societies. Beginning in American sociological studies during the
1970s, research began to devalue theories of reactive irrationality and instead started
to focus analysis on the “processes by which the resources necessary for collective
action are mobilized”. Importantly, social movement action was seen as the result of
individual actors engaging in “a rational way” (Porta and Diani, 1999, p.7). As Carty
explains, resource mobilization sees
“[S]ocial movements develop when individuals with grievances are able to mobilize
sufficient resources… [Resource mobilization] focuses on organizational dynamicsand specifically on how individuals, groups, and organizations access and utilize
resources. These resources include knowledge, money, media attention, labor,
solidarity, organizational structure, legitimacy, and support from political elites.
Participants are characterized as purposeful and motivated on the basis of a
calculation of the costs and benefits regarding participation” (2011, p.10).
As stated, resource mobilization theory focuses on the availability of a groups
“material” or “non-material” resources, and, their capacity to organize and mobilize
them. Again, of key relevance, is the “existence of horizontal solidarity links” (Porta
and Diani, 1999, p.8).
Although this theoretical perspective made “important innovations” regarding the
rationality and “choice” of social movement actors, criticisms as to the “indifference
to the structural sources of conflict” arose (Porta and Diani, 1999, p.9). A central
drawback of resource mobilization theory, and a critique that has led to new forms of
social movement theory, is its lack of “attention to the cultural and symbolic
dimension of social life that often underpins such strategic action” (Carty, 2011,
p.10).
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Political Process Theory
Continuing to develop on the notion of social movement actors as rational , “political
process” theory gave “systematic attention to the political and institutional
environment in which social movements operate” (Por ta and Diani, 1999, p.9).
Likewise, choice is still a central element of an actor‟s involvement; however, this
choice is in relation to evaluations of the “political environment” and subsequent
“calculations” regarding the “impact of their collective action”.
“The political context therefore affects mobilizing efforts and influences which
claims will be pursued, which alliances are likely to ferment, and which political
strategies and tactics will be chosen” (Carty, 2011, p.10).
McCarthy highlights an interesting aspect of political process theory, in that as
“authority” takes an increasingly “transnational form”, social movements themselves
will become “transnational in scope and target” (1997, p.255). This echoes the
sentiments of Feixa et al., who stated that „New, New‟ social movements had emerged
in response to the rise of global „informational capitalism‟ and indeed occupy the
same „globally networked space‟ (2009, p. 426).
While this theory can be seen to include the best aspects of its predecessors, yet also
invoking a “political dimension,” criticisms again arose, this time to a so-called
“political reductionism” (Porta and Diani, 1999, p.10). Carty notes that this
“drawback” was said to ignore “the “cognitive” processing of the social movement
actor, instead, presupposing “that all aspects of social movements – their emergence,
dynamics, cognition of participants and their susceptibility to join political protest,
and outcomes – are determined by macro structural relations” (Carty, 2011, p.11).
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Frame Analysis
Political environments and resource management alone do not adequately “explain the
emergence of social movements, reasons for participation, and the strategic choices
that social movement actors make.” Carty states that “other mitigating factors” help
explain how actors “ perceive and define” situations, hence subsequently “decide what
action should be taken.” Theorists writing about “new” social movements began to
include elements of “social constructionism” to their work, thus marking a “cultural
turn” away from the „how‟ of collective action towards the „why‟ (Carty, 2011, p.12).
Research utilising this approach asserts that social movement participants are not
simply “utility-maximisers”, but instead, “often immersed in rich normative
commitments as a result of close ties to other individuals, groups, traditions, and
broader ethical or moral sentiments” (Carty, 2011, p.12). “Collective identity”
presents as an “immaterial quality”, “a perception of a shared status or relationship”
that acts to motivate individuals to act together. Importantly, these perceptions can be
“imagined rather than experienced directly”, but nethertheless perspectives that if
highlighted, illuminate “how individuals come to decide they shar e certain
orientations and grievances and decide to act collectively” (Carty, 2011, p.13).
In contrast to the fore mentioned structural and political determinism, framing
processes help to “compliment” theories of political process and resource
mobilization “by helping to bridge the gap between the structural foundations for
action and the collective action itself” (Carty, 2011, p.13). Frame analysis brings
together central features of the fore mentioned theories. The creation of new values
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and beliefs, as denoted in collective behaviour theory as an automatic response to
change or conflict (Porta and Diani, 1999, p.6) can instead be seen as rational action,
whereby collective identity is seen as “an interactive, shared process that links
individuals or groups to a social movement through sustained interaction”. For
Melucci, collective identity “is constructed and continually negotiated, and provides a
shared cognitive world view” (in Carty, 2011, p.13).
-
At this point a brief aside is made to bring together some key points from the
preceding chapters and to make explicit, ties to the proposed methodology for this
research; frame analysis.
Considerable time has been taken to familiarise the reader with the notion of frame.
Defined here by Carty as an “interpretive schema that an individual or group uses to
interpret reality” (2011, p.13), the term originates, as discussed, from the work of
Erving Goffman (1974). As with Carty‟s introduction of framing, Goffman clearly
states its perception based notion of reality (1974, p.11), where, as discussed in earlier
chapters, a “framework of understanding” (Goffman, 1974, 10) or a “frame of
reference” is to form from “Beliefs… interests, preconceptions, stereotypes and
values” (A. Cohen, 2005, p51). It is used to make “sense of events” and to
subsequently determine “subjective involvement” in them (Goffman, 1974, p.10).
Additionally, Carty‟s notion of collective frame identity being real or perceived
(2011, p.13) links with A ppadurai‟s “imagined wor lds”, the largely perspective based
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“constructs” that result from differing “angle[s] of vision” held by individuals or
collectives that navigate the world flows or scapes (Appadurai, 2008, p.98). As
outlined earlier also, contemporary “frameworks or schemata of interpretation”
(Goffman, 1974, p.21) are constructed through “disembedded” social systems, which
have been lifted out from their “local contexts of interaction” and restructured “across
indefinite spans of time-space” (Giddens, 1991, p.21). This was likened to a Network
Society (Castells, 2010).
Thus when the perspective of frame analysis is used for the study of contemporary
social movements, specifically “‟New, New‟ social movements” (Feixa et al., 2009,
p.426), then the framing of movement values and beliefs is done on a global scale,
essentially, the methodology for the framing of a global social movement or global
identity; the framing and exploration of a global consciousness.
-
Framing Global Action
“Framing” is defined as a “conscious strategic effort by groups of people” to facilitate
“shared understandings” of both the “world” and “themselves”. This in turn serves to
“legitimate and motivate collection action.” This perspective, and the analyses of it,
is grounded in the work of Benford and Snow (McCarthy, 1997, p.244); hence to
quote them at length
“Frames help to render events or occurrences meaningful and thereby function toorganise experience and guide action. Collective action frames also perform this
interpretive function by simplifying and condensing aspects of the „world out there,‟
but in ways that are „intended to mobilize potential adherents and constitutes, to
garner bystander support, and to demobilize antagonists.‟ Thus, collective action
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frames are action-orientated sets of beliefs and meanings that inspire and legitimate
the activities and campaigns of a social movement organization” (Benford and Snow,
2000, p.614).
As Benford and Snow highlight, frames “simplify and condense aspects of the „world
out there‟” (2000, p.614), therefore, in the case of the global social movements, and
specifically ones that are orientated around the world being a “single place” (Lechner
and Boli, 2008, p.3), “great obstacles” present as to the amount of simplification and
condensing possible. As McCarthy states, if “strategic framing is difficult at the
national level, it is far more difficult at the transnational level”. He elaborates that
social movements seek to build frames that “resonate” in multiple and “diverse
cultural settings”. One obvious barrier also is the vast range of languages on the
planet; less obvious but of central importance, is that frames which “resonate with
diverse local personal experiences are not easily discovered” (1997, p.245). As was
seen as characteristic of global „New‟ New Social Movements, a “localized
internationalism” sought to link participants “locally routed troubles” to a
transnational idea or movement (Feixa et al., 2009, p. 427). Framing on a Global
scale then is probable to be a long, “extensive, and multifaceted process” (McCarthy,
1997, p.245).
The size and scope of the framing processes utilized by global social movements has
some clear impacts on the degree to which they can be identified and researched,
particularly in a work of this size and resource. Before proceeding to the next chapter
in which a specific case study will be identified and discussed, some parameters for
research will be set. Scope and direction for further research will be addressed in the
subsequent chapter and conclusion that follow, from this point though, so called “core
framing tasks” (Benford and Snow, 2000, p.615) will be performed in hope of
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providing initial insight and outlines of the select global social movement. As
touched on in the previous chapter, the individual is seen as the “last locus” of these
perspective based constructs; for these worlds are “navigated by agents who both
experience and constitute larger formations” (Appadurai, 2008, p.98). It is therefore a
necessary parameter of this research that focus will be held towards the core framing
tasks as displayed by the macro level structure of the social movement; the individual
will remain aloof in this instance, a subject in waiting of subsequent research.
Identity, Adversary, Goal
Benford and Snow place “core framing tasks” as the negotiation of “a shared
understanding of some problematic condition or situation social movement actors
define as in need of change.” Furthermore, these core framing tasks outline who or
what is regarded as causing the “condition or situation,” and what in turn should be
done about it. These are given the descriptions diagnostic, prognostic, and
motivational frames (2000, p.615).
For the purposes of this research a slight change is made to the proposed
methodology. An adaptation of sorts is used by Castells (2010b) in his lengthy study
featuring social movements. It is of particular relevance to this study because the
movements he uses are contextualized within The Network Society (2010a).
Congruently, for Castells this model helps to “put some order into a mass of disparate
material” and derives from Touraine‟s defining of social movements in line with
“three principles”; Identity, Adversary, Goal (Castells, 2010, p.74). This will be the
methodology used for this research.
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In a similar vein to the “core framing tasks” outlined by Benford and Snow (2000,
p.615), Castells model includes diagnostic features. Instead however these are
combined into “the movement‟s adversary” or “principle enemy” (p.74). Thus the
problem, and who or what is causing it is combined. This still follows a central
principle of frame analysis, “adversarial framing” seeks to “delineate the boundaries
between „good‟ and „evil‟ and construct movement protagonists and antagonists”
(Benford and Snow, 2000, p.616).
Castells model also clearly provides scope for prognostic and motivational framing
elements, specifically, his use of “societal goal refers to the movement‟s vision of the
kind of social order, or social organization, it would wish to attain in the historical
horizon of its collective action” (2010b, p.74). Motivational framing specifically
addresses the movements “call to arms” or “rationale for… collective action”
(Benford and Snow, 2000, p.615) and will be addressed under the “societal goal”
(Castells, 2010b, p.74) heading used in the case study.
Finally, the central reason for switching to Castells model is the inclusion of
“Identity” as a specific point of interest. On topic with this dissertation, Castells
search of the social movement‟s identity includes a vital element, that is, “the self -
definition of the movement of what it is” (2010b, p.74). As was stressed earlier in
this work, and is its central focus essentially, the emergent glo bal “culture and
consciousness” sees identities being articulated around the notion of the world being a
“singular place” (Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.2). Inclusion of Identity will enable this
as a specific focus.
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6.
The Zeitgeist Movement
Case Study Introduction
“Zeitgeist began as a public performance, an attempt at a vaudevillian concept… a
creative work… film and live music… I did it mainly because I had been stuck in the
corporate reality and I wanted to do something for myself to make myself feel better
about a world that‟s going to shit essentially… it was just an expression, in fact a
very angry but solemn expression… I never expected it to turn out to be what it wasat all… so I tossed it up online, what happened completely blew my mind.”
(Peter Joseph, 2010a)
By way of brief introduction, Cohen‟s General Theory of Subcultures (2005) can shed
light on the emergence of The Zeitgeist Movement in early 2009. Referring again to
“the frame of reference,” Cohen highlights that actors who experience problems to
which there are no “ready-at-hand solutions,” will be left with feelings of “tension,
frustration, resentment, guilt, bitterness, anxiety or hopelessness.” Essentially, a
“change in that frame of reference” is sought (2005, p.51).
Intended to be an artistic expression, The Zeitgeist Movie (Joseph, 2007) can be seen
as an “exploratory gesture… a casual, semi-serious, non-committal or tangential
remark”. Such a gesture is seen by Cohen as a way to stick ones “neck out” and look
for like minded individuals to respond to a problem. The emergence of a new cultural
form is crucially dependant both on the “number of actors with similar problems” and
their ability to interact with “one another” (Cohen, 2005, p.54). As highlighted
previously, the development of horizontal communication in The Network Society has
facilitated new forms of social organization (Castells, 2010), and the Zeitgeist
Movement is one such example. As Cohen expresses, “the final product” or
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With a plethora of materials available, The Zeitgeist Movement presents as a truly
multimedia phenomenon, whilst simultaneously demonstrating physical embodiment
in a range of globally and locally coordinated events. On the 15th
January, 2011, the
third film in the Zeitgeist series was released in over 300 venues worldwide in more
than 30 different languages (See Appendix 1). Currently, there are 49 international
chapters comprising of nationally organised groups, and a subsequent 813 sub-
national chapters and project teams. These are networked and all accessible via a
gateway page (The Zeitgeist Movement, 2011a). Data on the growth of these groups,
as well as individual membership has been collected for over 12 months, subsequent
studies supported by adequate data processing power would enable network
modelling and further growth exploration. A short compilation of core movement
materials has been listed in appendix 3, but stress is made that to identify all materials
related are beyond the scope of this study. At this point, research will continue within
the set parameters of framing the movement‟s identity, adversary, and goal.
Identity
“The term „zeitgeist‟ is defined as the intellectual moral cultural climate of an era.
The term „movement‟ simply implies motion or change. Therefore the ZeitgeistMovement is thus an organisation that urges change in the dominant intellectual
moral and cultural climate of the time. Specifically, to values and practices which
would better serve the wellbeing of the whole of humanity, regardless of race
religion creed or any other form of contrived social status” (Joseph, 2009).
The identity of the Zeitgeist Movement, as defined by its founder, is that of an
organization that urges change. In line with the over riding theme of this work, and
the aforementioned global consciousness, the Zeitgeist Movement acknowledges that
“it‟s one world… a single round planet” and, furthermore, stresses “its time that we
recognise it as such… The world‟s going to have to learn to work together” (Joseph,
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2011b). The zeitgeist movement has at the centre of its identity a belief in equality,
and that a move to a global social system that benefits all is required. Thus the
Zeitgeist Movement does not recognise itself as a “political movement… it does not
recognise divisionary notions such as nations, governments, races, religions, creeds or
class.” Rather, it recognises the world as “one organism with the human species as a
singular f amily.”
“Simultaneously, we acknowledge that we depend entirely on our environment, not
only in regard to the necessities of life, such as food air and water, but also for
influence and guidance in regards to life‟s processes. We recognise and understand
that aligning ourselves with natural processes is the most progressive and productive
disposition we can have” (Joseph, 2011c).
The Zeitgeist Movement advocates, in this direction, “the application of the scientific
method for social concern.” Thus another core element of its identity is its alignment
with science, which, it states, has been responsible for the biggest advances and
developments in history (Joseph, 2011c). Thus congruently, the Zeitgeist Movement
materials are found to be heavily cited and referenced with science from many
disciplines. The latest film release featured, including others; Dr Robert Sapolsky,
Professor of Neurobiology at Stamford University (1992); Dr Gabor Maté, Physician
author, Portland Society (2011); Professor of Social Epistemology Richard
Wilkinson, University of Nottingham (2010); Dr James Gilligan, former Director for
the Study of Violence, Harvard Medical school (2000); and Dr John McMurtry,
Professor Emeritus of Guelph University (2002; 1992). This is not to say that the fore
mentioned scholars are members of the movement, but simply that identity and claims
made, are based and justified on the scientific discourses of those mentioned. In all
cases, scholars were interviewed and provided consent for materials to be used by the
movement.
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In summary, the Zeitgeist Movement‟s identity is that of a global species, deciding to
firmly ignore and challenge divisional concepts. Instead they bear a heavy
humanitarian stance, promoting science and technology as a means to achieve
sustainability and wellbeing for all.
Adversary
“So, when we recognise the fact that the human organism, which has a great deal of
adaptive flexibility allowing us to survive in many different conditions, is also
rigidly programmed for certain environmental requirements or, human needs; asocial imperative begins to emerge. Just as our bodies require physical nutrients, the
human brain demands positive forms of environmental stimulus at all stages of
development, whilst also being protected from negative sorts of stimulus. And if
things that should happen do not, or if things that shouldn‟t happen do, it is now
apparent that the door can be opened not only for a cascade of mental and physical
diseases, but many detrimental human behaviours as well” (Joseph, 2011d).
There are many of hours of dedicated materials directed towards the “bio-psycho-
social” nature of human beings. Again, with no divides being drawn between the
basic human needs of one group or another, heavy attention is paid, and scientific
evidence provided, for the fundamental notion that humans have behavioural ties to
the environment around them. Fundamental questions are addressed as to the
“condition we have created in the modern world,” specifically, to whether our “socio-
economic system” supports our “health” and can be seen as “a positive force for
human and social development;” or whether “the foundational gravitation of our
society is actually going against the core evolutionary requirements needed to create
and maintain our personal and social wellbeing” (Joseph, 2011d).
Vast arrays of articulations towards these questions are offered. A central tenant of
them is monetary economics. Attention is paid to specific liberal free market
capitalism, however, it is pushed that “regardless” of what “social system” states
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claim to use, every economy in the world sees “money pursued for the sake of
money” and national wealth tied to “production.” It is proposed that the “money
sequence of value” has become completely decoupled from “the life sequence of
value,” furthermore, that in the “economic doctrine” deriving and qualified by Adam
Smith et al., complete confusion is made over the fact that money sequence values are
held to deliver life sequence values. Essentially this is ref erred to as a “system
disorder,” and a strong and empirically supportive argument is made that the GDP of
a country does not equate to its social wellbeing, in fact the effects of unequal and
competition based social systems on human behaviours and societal health is strongly
correlated (Joseph, 2011d: See also Wilkinson and Pickett, 2010).
Lengthy discussions are hence paid to the design of our “classic economic models”,
highlighting foundational principles, such as “cyclical consumption” and “patterns of
monetary exchange that simply cannot be allowed to stop or even substantially slow”.
The waste and social environmental consequences are also firmly addressed at length;
“But, hold on, I thought an economy was meant to, I don‟t know, economize?
Doesn‟t the very term have to do with preservation and efficiency, and a reduction of waste? So how does our system which demands consumption, and the more the
better, efficiently preserve or economize at all? Well, it doesn‟t” (Joseph, 2011d).
“Absence of waste, that‟s what efficiency is; absence of waste. This system is more
wasteful than all the other existing systems in the history of the planet. Every levelof life organization and life system is in a state of crisis and challenge and decay or
collapse. No peer review journal in the last thirty years will tell you anything
different, that is that every life system is in decline. As well as social programs, ourwater access, try to name any means of life that isn‟t threatened or endangered. You
can‟t, there isn‟t one, and that‟s very, very despairing. But we haven‟t even figured
out the causal mechanism yet, we don‟t want to face the causal mechanism, we just
want to go on, you know, that‟s what insanity is, where you keep doing the same
thing over again although it clearly doesn‟t work” (McMurtry, in Joseph, 2011d).
The Zeitgeist Movement lays out an argument against, or adversarial frame, in the
form of the “monetary-market system” itself, a “causal mechanism” which does,
according to Joseph and evidence used, do “the exact opposite of what a real economy
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is supposed to do”. Before proceeding to the movements framed societal goal, an
important aspect to reiterate is that the movement‟s adversary is positioned as the
system itself. Attention is paid to those who benefit most and least from the system,
thus those more likely to defend it; but key to the movement is that those divisions, as
with the aforementioned behaviours, are “symptomatic of the system” itself (2011d).
“Make no mistake, the greatest destroyer of ecology, the greatest source of waste and
depletion and pollution, the greatest purveyor of violence, war, crime, poverty,
animal abuse and inhumanity, the greatest generator of personal and social neurosis,
mental disorders, depression, anxiety, not to mention the greatest source of social
paralysis stopping us from moving into new methodologies, for personal health,
global sustainability and progress on this planet; is not some corrupt government, or
legislation, not some rouge corporation or banking cartel, not some flaw of human
nature, and not some hidden secret cabal that controls the world. It is in fact, thesocio-economic system itself” (Joseph, 2011d).
Societal Goal
Fig. 2. (Buxton, 2011)
Forms of resistance to corporate globalization have often been criticized for lacking in
“alternatives” and hence “unworthy of serious attention” (Friedman, in International
Forum on Globalization, 2008). This is certainly not true of the Zeitgeist Movement.
Building on the work of Jacques Fresco (2002), a 95 year old “social engineer” from
Venus, Florida, a completely new societal design has been proposed. Computer aided
design models are available for numerous aspects of this concept, figure 2 shows
Fresco‟s circular city design, modelled by Buxton (2002; original concept, Fresco,
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2006), appendix 4 displays additional designs, but as stated by Fresco, these are just
“visual aides” and included for the reader in such a context; the actual appearance
would vary dependant on the “current state of technology.” It is claimed that all
designs are based on currently available methods (Fresco, in Gazecki, 2006). The
wider specific “goal” behind such designs, as directly outlined by director Joseph, is
to build a society that is “sustainable and supportive of human life” (2011d).
As a movement with science as a central feature of its identity, it is logical that
science, or more specifically “the scientific method”, is placed at the centre of the
proposed societal goal. Fresco asserts that “science tells the truth,” that:
“Science is the closer approximations to the way the world really works… a scientist
doesn‟t try to get along with people, they tell them what their findings are… allsystems that can be put to test should be put to test, all decisions should be based
upon research” (Fresco, in Joseph, 2011d).
For the Zeitgeist Movement, the science points towards “systems theory,” a train of
logic that recognises the “fabric of the natural world, f rom human biology, to the
earthly biosphere, to the gravitational pull of the solar system itself, is one huge
synergistically connected system.” Sequential to its adversarial frame, The Zeitgeist
Movement hence outlines a new type of socio-economic model, better designed to
meet current challenges. This is referred to as a “Resource Based Economy” and its
core components consist of a global “resource management system”, “global
production systems management, and a “global demand and distribution tracking
system”. A central axiel principle is that of “dynamic equilibrium,” a recognition that
we live on a planet of finite resources and that no resource needed for life should be
used faster than is possible to grow or replace. As articulated in many movement
materials, this represents a “true economy” where resources are managed on a global
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scale, by “a unified, dynamically updating, global economic management machine…
designed to take care of humanity as a whole” (Joseph, 2011d).
“A resource based economy is simply the scientific method applied for socialconcern, an approach utterly absent in the world today. Society is a technical
invention, and the most efficient methods of optimized health, physical production,distribution, city infrastructure and alike, reside in the field of science and
technology, not politics or monetary economics” (Joseph, 2011d).
In the societal goal articulated by the Zeitgeist Movement, the adversarial “money-
market paradigm” is simply removed, and replaced with an “intelligent global
management system”. Central to this idea, is the radical, yet logically presented
notion that “no money” or “market” is “needed” in a resource based economy.
Moving from a social system based on “ownership”, global resource management
would see production and distribution formed around a global “access” system.
Again, this “access” is to be based on universal human needs and necessities, not what
a market permits. The central point is that this resource access is made available to all
human beings and delivered in line with the “Earths natural referents” (Joseph,
2011d).
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7.
Conclusion
It is not the task of the dissertation to draw conclusions as to the viability of the
movement highlighted. Should further research be pursued in this direction, Benford
and Snow‟s concept of framing credibility may be of use, designed to address „ frame
consistency, empirical credibility and articulator credibility‟ (2000, p.619).
Additionally, the discussed theorization of social movements could be applied more
widely, more specifically; applying political process and resource mobilization
perspectives, along side those of frame analysis, would enable a more complete
picture of any such social movement or collective action. As stressed by Carty, and
broached in this work; inclusion of “collective identity” links the „how‟ and „why‟ of
“collective behaviour”, exploring how social actors decide to share meanings and “act
collectively” (2011, p.13). Likewise, beyond further exploration of the macro
structures of collective action, research conducted on the “last locus of these
perspective based constructs”; the individual actor, would prove fruitful (Appadurai,
2008, p.98). Intriguing research would surely be the relationship between the two;
exactly how the macro level framework imparts and emerges with the individual, or
how „glocalization‟ occurs (Feixa et al., 2009, p.427).
The focus of this dissertation however, is not the specific movement or case study
discussed, but rather on the wider placement and exploration of a global
consciousness. As proposed, the modern world is adrift with dissembedded forms of
identity, where beliefs, values, and consciousnesses‟ are no longer restricted to
localized means of construction. The case study, provided only to compliment the
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wider literature review and contextualization of such global narratives, served to
illuminate articulations as to the world being seen as a “single place” (Joseph, 2011b;
Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.2). The Zeitgeist Movement displays such values and
beliefs, and even though it is beyond the scope of this dissertation to fully detail all of
its facets, clear evidence is provided for a discourse based on global perspectives and
human regard in the whole. Transcending or emerging from existing forms of
sociability and cultural values and beliefs, this “realignment of groups”, as Cohen
states, is “emergent on a group level” (2005, p.55). The world can be said to be
pregnant with such realignments, and, in a world of increasingly networked
connectivity, multiple global consciousnesses‟ will likely continue to emerge. Unseen
however, is the forming of a “global consensus” (Lechner and Boli, 2008, p.10).
Emergent processes, such as the “findings” and “discourse of sociology”, demonstrate
circulatory patterns and continual reflexive restructuring (Giddens, 1991, p.45). This
leads not to certainty, but to the “puzzling” presence of more “questions.” This
“phenomenon” does not pertain solely to the lengthy works of scholars and eager
undergraduate students, but “filters” down, “into anxieties that press on everyone”
(p.49). This “new historical landscape” (Castells, 2010b, p.74) presents and
articulates new questions for the sociologist and global citizen, and, it is vital that
these new questions are pursued. Furthermore, emergent articulations and ideas
found in the global community, such as the removal of money for a global resource
based economy, can all too easily be dismissed and be seen to violate commonsense.
But sociology, if it is to be true to itself, must be prepared to address these kinds of
questions from a “value free” standpoint (Weber, in Berger, p.15, 1966), and to
exercise a key function, to “defamiliarize the familiar” (Bauman and May, 2001,
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Appendix 1 – Zeitgeist Moving Forward Press Release
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Appendix 2. Countries with Members.
Afghanistan Cuba Ivory Coast (Cote D'Ivoire)
Albania Cyprus Jamaica
Algeria Czech Republic Japan
American Samoa Denmark Jordan
Andorra Djibouti Kazakhstan
Angola Dominica Kenya
Anguilla Dominican Republic Kiribati
Antarctica East Timor Kuwait
Antigua and Barbuda Ecuador Kyrgyzstan
Argentina Egypt Laos
Armenia El Salvador Latvia
Aruba Equatorial Guinea Lebanon
Australia Estonia Lesotho
Austria Ethiopia Liberia
Azerbaidjan Falkland Islands Libya
Bahamas Faroe Islands LiechtensteinBahrain Fiji Lithuania
Bangladesh Finland Luxembourg
Barbados Former Czechoslovakia Macau
Belarus Former USSR Macedonia
Belgium France Madagascar
Belize France (European Territory) Malawi
Benin French Guyana Malaysia
Bermuda French Southern Territories Maldives
Bhutan Gabon Mali
Bolivia Gambia Malta
Bosnia-Herzegovina Georgia Martinique (French)
Botswana Germany MauritaniaBouvet Island Ghana Mauritius
Brazil Gibraltar Mayotte
British Indian Ocean Territory Great Britain Mexico
Brunei Darussalam Greece Micronesia
Bulgaria Greenland Moldavia
Burkina Faso Grenada Monaco
Burundi Guadeloupe (French) Mongolia
Cambodia Guam (USA) Montserrat
Cameroon Guatemala Morocco
Canada Guinea Mozambique
Cape Verde Guinea Bissau Myanmar
Cayman Islands Guyana Namibia
Central African Republic Haiti Nauru
Chad Honduras Nepal
Chile Hong Kong Netherlands
China Hungary Netherlands AntillesChristmas Island Iceland Neutral Zone
Cocos (Keeling) Islands India New Caledonia (French)
Colombia Indonesia New Zealand
Comoros Iran Nicaragua
Congo Iraq Niger
Cook Islands Ireland Nigeria
Costa Rica Israel NiueCroatia Italy Norfolk Island
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North Korea Tanzania
Northern Mariana Islands Thailand
Norway Togo
Oman Tokelau
Pakistan Tonga
Palau Trinidad and Tobago
Panama Tunisia
Papua New Guinea Turkey
Paraguay Turkmenistan
Peru Turks and Caicos Islands
Philippines Tuvalu
Pitcairn Island Uganda
Poland Ukraine
Polynesia (French) United Arab Emirates
Portugal United Kingdom
Puerto Rico United States
Qatar Uruguay
Reunion (French) UzbekistanRomania Vanuatu
Russian Federation Vatican City State
Rwanda VenezuelaS. Georgia & S. Sandwich
Isls.Vietnam
Saint Helena Virgin Islands (British)
Saint Kitts & Nevis Anguilla Virgin Islands (USA)
Saint Lucia Wallis and Futuna Islands
Saint Tome and Principe Western Sahara
Saint Vincent & Grenadines Yemen
Samoa Yugoslavia
San Marino ZambiaSaudi Arabia Zimbabwe
Senegal
Seychelles
Sierra Leone
Singapore
Slovak Republic
Slovenia
Solomon Islands
Somalia
South Africa
South Korea
Spain
Sri Lanka
Sudan
Suriname
Svalbard and Jan MayenIslands
Swaziland
Sweden
Switzerland
Syria
Tadjikistan
Taiwan
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Appendix 3 - The Zeitgeist Movement Resources
Films
Zeitgeist: The Movie (2007)Zeitgeist Addendum (2008)
Zeitgeist: Moving Forward (2011)
All available at: http://www.zeitgeistmovie.com/
Lectures/Presentations
Activist Orientation
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=3932487043163636261#
Where are we now? (2009)
http://vimeo.com/6346955
Where are we going? (2009)
http://vimeo.com/7857584
Social Pathology (2010)
http://vimeo.com/10707453
Audio
Bi-Monthly radio broadcasts from March, 2009.
http://www.blogtalkradio.com/peter-joseph
Literature
Activist Orientation Guide
http://www.thezeitgeistmovement.com/The%20Zeitgeist%20Movement.pdf
Designing the Future by Jacques Fresco
http://www.thezeitgeistmovement.com/A-DesigningtheFutureE-BOOK-small.pdf
Recent Global Events
Zeitgeist Day (2011)
http://www.zdayglobal.org/
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Appendix 4 – Venus Project Design
Solar Power. (Fresco, 2006).
Inside city. (Buxton, 2011)
Geothermal. Fresco, 2006)
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