10 Ideas for Equal Justice, 2016

8/18/2019 10 Ideas for Equal Justice, 2016

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EQUAL JUSTICE

POLICY OF THE YEAR NOMINEE

Preventing Bankruptcy from Limiting Water

Access


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Student Editor-In-ChiefDanielle Brown

Roosevelt @ Mt Holyoke ‘18

Alumni Editors Alex Garlick

Roosevelt @ Middlebury ‘08

Jay Hobbs Roosevelt @ Colorado College ‘11

Derek Pugh

Roosevelt @ American University ‘12

Aaron Sayama

Roosevelt @ University of Georgia ‘10

Roosevelt Staff

Joelle Gamble National Director, Roosevelt Network

Aman Banerji

Amy Chen

Brenna Conway

Renée Fidz

Taylor Jo Isenberg

Katie KirchnerChris Linsmayer

Joe McManus

Marcus Mrowka

Tim Price

Liz Sisson

Alan Smith


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Who We Are

The Roosevelt Institute, working to redefine the rules that guide oursocial and economic realities, is home to the nation’s largest network

of emerging doers and thinkers committed to reimagining and re-writing the rules in their communities to create lasting change. Ourmembers, organizing in 130 chapters in 40 states nationwide, partnerwith policy makers and communicators to provide them with clear,principled ideas and visionary, actionable plans. Our members areactively influencing policy on the local, state and national level – fromintroducing legislation on protections for LGBTQ youth to consultingwith local governments on natural disaster flood prevention.

What You’re Holding

Now in its eighth year, the 10 Ideas series promotes the mostpromising student-generated ideas from across our network. This journal, which includes submissions from schools located from

California to Georgia to New York, stands as a testament to the depthand breadth of our network of innovators.

Our 10 Ideas memos are selected for publication because they aresmart, rigorously researched, and, most importantly, feasible. Wewant to see these ideas become a reality.

How You Can Join

As you explore these ideas, we encourage you to take special noteof the “Next Steps” sections. Here, our authors have outlined how their ideas can move from the pages of this journal to implementation. We invite you to join our authors in the process. Contact us on ourwebsite or by tweeting with us @VivaRoosevelt using the hashtag #RooImpact.

Thank you for reading and supporting student generated ideas.

Together we will design the future of our communities, fromtowns to countries and all that lies in-between.


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Dear Readers,

Young people are incredibly important to the American political process.

Millennials and Generation Z now make up the same portion of eligible

voters as the Baby Boomer generation. This emerging generation is also the

most diverse in our nation’s history: Half of all eligible Latino voters in 2016

are between the ages of 18 and 35. We’re told we can make the difference

every election, and candidates and elected officials ask for our votes, time,

and money—but they don’t ask for our ideas.

Young Americans continue to transform our economy and culture.

Now it’s time for us to disrupt our political system.

The 10 Ideas journals, one of our oldest and most competitive publications,

elevate the top student-generated policy ideas from across the country. In

this year’s journals, you will find solutions to problems in places ranging from

South Dakota to North Carolina to Oregon to New York. Whether seeking to

make Pittsburgh an immigrant-friendly city or to reduce recidivism in the

state of Massachusetts, the following proposals take a creative and locally

focused approach to building opportunity for all.

Roosevelters are also committed to turning their ideas into action. Whether

that means meeting with decision-makers, writing opinion pieces in their

local papers, or organizing actions in their communities, we intend to see the

solutions we propose become reality.

Why? As the generation that will inherit the world shaped by today’s

decisions, we have the most to lose or gain. Involving the emerging

generation in the policy process will lead to outcomes that benefit everyone. We believe it matters who rewrites the rules, and we have ideas for how to

change them.

I hope you enjoy reading the proposals in this journal as much as we did.

Onward,

Joelle Gamble

National Director, Network, Roosevelt Institute


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Table of Contents

Preventing Bankruptcy from Limiting Water Access

6 Building Public Trust with Transparent Campaigns

9 Low-Income Single Mothers and Their Children: A Co-Housing/Co-Operative Hybrid Solution

12 Eliminating the TANF Asset Limit in the District of Columbia

15 Expanding Absentee Voting: Removing Unfair

Restrictions on College Voters

17 Get to Work: An Employer–Transit Partnership to

Connect the Boroughs of New York City

19 To Protect and Serve: Enhanced Transparency and

Training for Volunteer Law Enforcement

22 Rescuing Surplus Food from Landfills:

Addressing Food Insecurity in Chicago

25 Decreasing D.C. Gun Violence: Attaching

Breathalyzers to New Guns

28 Drug-Related Restrictions in Public Housing:Decreasing Recidivism by Reuniting Families

31


6/4010 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Preventing Bankruptcy from LimitingWater AccessBy Maggie DeHart and Kathryn Wissman ,Michigan State University

Thesis Access to water should not be dependent on the wealth of a city or of an

individual. The Michigan Legislature should vote to categorize water as an

essential human right for all citizens and guarantee unhindered access to

it. Measures should then be taken to unify Michigan’s water infrastructure

while cutting costs for low-income households.

Background & ContextMichigan’s Local Financial Stability and Choice Act permits the governor

to appoint emergency managers in times of critical financial need and

allows those emergency managers to take almost uninhibited action to

cut spending. In the past five years, the law has been applied in two major

Michigan cities, Detroit and Flint. Flint’s emergency manager cut costs by

using Flint River water rather than remaining on Detroit’s water system. As

a result, Flint is suffering from dangerously low water quality. These cuts

affect the poorest citizens, who cannot afford filtered water or even pay theircurrent water bills, forcing them to drink water with lethal levels of lead.

According to the EPA, the level of lead that warrants concern is 5 parts per

billion and the average Flint citizen’s water was measured at 27 parts per

billion.1 The quality of the city’s water had been compromised for nearly 18

months before health officials advised citizens not to drink it.2 Despite these

problems, residents are being threatened with shutoffs if they do not pay

their bills.3 This is a serious humanitarian issue that requires an immediate

resolution.

Talking Points u In an attempt to cut costs, Flint’s emergency manager has created

irreparable health problems for the city’s residents, especially children.

u Both Detroit and Flint have shut off water to their residents,

disproportionately affecting lower-income citizens.

u President Obama recently declared a state of emergency in Flint,

bringing this issue into the national spotlight and demonstrating the

urgent need for action.4

u Our policy would attempt to address the inequality of water access in

Michigan and its initial causes.


7/40COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. 7

Policy IdeaMichigan legislators need to pass a bill

declaring water as a human right for all

citizens, including discounted rates for

low-income citizens and bill forgiveness.

A referendum to Public Act 436 of 2012(Legislative Council, State of Michigan

2013) should be passed that prevents

Emergency Managers from adjusting

water infrastructure, raising water

bills, or shutting off water to residents.

The state of Michigan should work to

standardize water infrastructure and

source the safest water, not the cheapest.This includes replacing old pipes and

connecting cities to the cleanest available

water nearest them.

Policy AnalysisThis policy would combat several of

the main factors that contribute to

Michigan’s growing water problem,

including the power of emergencymanagers to make adjustments to water

infrastructure and policy that can have

severe consequences for a majority of

citizens. If the proposed solution is not

enacted soon, the cost to both the state

and the cities involved will be staggering.

For example, in 2014, the city of Detroit

hired a private contractor to carry out thetask of physically shutting off residents’

water. Homrich, Inc., charged the city and its taxpayers $5.2 million.5 In

Detroit, around 40 percent of residents had their water shut off by the city’s

emergency manager in 2014.6 This plan would guarantee the rights of all

citizens to fresh and clean water while also preventing water shutoffs for

those who cannot afford water. In Flint, attempts to cut the cost of water

have effectively made it non-potable.7

KEY FACTS

u United NationsResolution 64/292,

enacted in 2010,declares that water is anessential human right.9

u In 2014 and 2015, morethan 120,000 accountswere shut off by theDetroit Department ofWater and Sewage—roughly 40 percent ofthe city’s residentialconsumers.10

u From fiscal years 2006to 2014, the City ofDetroit’s allotted budgetfor its water and sewagesystems has beenreduced by about $1.57

billion.11u The mass shutoffs in

2014 and 2015 costthe City $5.2 million inthe form of a two-yearcontract with demolitioncontractor Homrich, Inc.12



NEXT STEPSThe proposal would require support from the Michigan Legislatureas well as the citizens of the cities that it would affect. Jim Ananich,whose state senate district includes the city of Flint, could be a

valuable ally. Senator Ananich is currently the senate minorityleader and has formally requested hearings to examine the Flintwater crisis.8 He could be convinced to support an effort to resolvethe issues as pressure from his district mounts. There are alreadycitizen organizations in Flint and Detroit that would, throughgrassroots movements, support actions to guarantee safe andaccessible water. These groups include the Detroit Water Brigade,the People’s Water Board, and the Coalition for Clean Water.



Building Public Trust withTransparent Campaigns By Joshua Ferrer and Maria D. Rodriguez , Amherst, Whittier

ThesisIncreasing transparency encourages participation in elections and

enhances political accountability, both of which are sorely needed in Illinois.

Establishing a contribution reporting schedule tied to Illinois’s election

dates would strengthen the state’s currently weak campaign disclosure laws,

addressing the crisis of public trust in state government.

Background & Context

The American public consistently expresses concern over the influence ofmoney in politics.1 In order to build the public’s trust, legislators should

enact policies that promote transparency. As the public trains its attention

on political donations, campaign finance disclosure has proven to be a viable

method of doing this.2 Modern communication technology allows reporting

to happen up to Election Day.3

This policy could have a particularly strong impact in Illinois, where public

trust in government is the lowest in the nation by far.4

In a 2014 Gallup Poll,only 28 percent of residents reported trusting their state government “a

great deal” or a “fair amount.”5 Low voter turnout rates in state and local

elections, and it has created a toxic climate for politics and policy-making in

Illinois.6 7

Despite strengthening its election laws in recent years, Illinois maintains

an egregious reporting loophole that undermines the logic of its disclosure

regulations.8 Current reporting dates do not align with the dates of

consolidated state and local elections.9 This loophole consistently allows

over 20 percent of last-quarter political contributions to go unreported on

Election Day.10 In the 2015 election, donations under $1,000 made between

January 1 and March 31 did not have to be reported until a week after the

election took place.11 In 2016, this loophole will leave the public unaware

until the following year of many donations made to candidates between

October 1 and Election Day.12 This loophole will allow unprecedented

amounts of money to influence local elections without the public’s

knowledge, further eroding trust.

Talking Points u Strong campaign disclosure laws correlate with increased public trust.13



u Implementing time-sensitive

reporting dates could eliminate

unreported last-quarter

contributions.14

u A deficit of trust in Illinois has led

to record-low election turnoutthroughout the state.15

u Mandating reporting dates tied

to elections would put Illinois on

par with other states with strong

campaign finance laws.16 17 18

The Policy IdeaOne way to ensure transparency and gain

the public’s trust is simple: provide full

election reports aligned with election

dates. We propose two election-sensitive

reports in addition to the four quarterly

reports required each year. One would be

due a month before an election and would

cover contributions received since the

last quarterly report up to 72 hours prior

to publication. The other would be dueone week before an election and would

cover all contributions received since the

previous report up to 72 hours prior to

publication.

Policy AnalysisSeveral states have similar disclosure

policies that have informed the public without overburdening candidates. InMassachusetts, all contributions over $500 made in the two weeks leading

up to Election Day must be reported within 72 hours of deposit.19 In Oregon,

all contributions over $100 received in the final 30 days before an election

must be reported within seven days of receipt.20 Alabama requires disclosure

of contributions over $100 every week in the month before an election.21 In

case legislators worry this would create an undue burden, Illinois election

law only applies to campaigns that meet a minimum monetary threshold of

$5,000, meaning only relatively large campaign organizations would have to

follow this reporting protocol. 22

KEY FACTS

u Only 28 percent ofIllinois residents trust

their state government,the lowest of any state.26

u On Election Day 2015,voters didn’t knowabout 22.4 percent of alldonations made in thefinal reporting quarter.27

u In Cook County, theCity of Chicago, andSpringfield alone,unreported donationson Election Day 2015amounted to $4,224,676out of $18,824,606 spentin the final quarter.28

u In the 2016 generalelection, smaller

contributions madebetween October 1 andNovember 8 will gounreported until the nextyear, January 7, 2017.29



The emergence of instant online journalism has increased the possibilities

and stakes of reporting.23 Just as donors can contribute more quickly than

ever before, journalists can instantaneously report those donations—if

strong disclosure policies are in place. Establishing election-sensitive

reports would allow journalists to inform the voters about virtually all

political contributions made to campaigns.24

This would be an importantstep forward, not only to increase transparency in elections, but also to

regain sorely needed trust in Illinois’s government.

NEXT STEPSIn order to pursue policy implementation, we will connect withrelevant stakeholders and legislators who can move our policyforward through the Illinois legislature. We have already reachedout to Representative Will Guzzardi, a progressive leader, alongwith the Illinois branch of the Roosevelt Institute network andIllinois PIRG. All were very receptive to our policy idea. We havealso received political advice from the Illinois Campaign for PoliticalReform. We will seek support from Illinois Senators Julie Morrisonand Matt Murphy and House Majority Leader Barbara FlynnCurrie, who recently sponsored legislation reforming expenditure

disclosures.25 We will reach out to other groups active in Illinoiselection reform, including the Citizen Advocacy Center and theLeague of Women Voters of Illinois, and will continue to work withour existing partners to move this policy forward. The first steptoward implementation will be gaining endorsements from relevantorganizations and getting a legislative sponsor for our policy.



Low-Income Single Mothers and TheirChildren: A Co-Housing/Co-Operative Hybrid SolutionBy Samantha R. Galina , University of North Carolina Chapel Hill

ThesisThere is a profound scarcity of low-income housing for single mothers

and their children living in North Carolina. A co-housing/co-operative

hybrid would provide a cost-effective environment in which women would

function as family units while emphasizing the importance of saving and

homeownership.

BackgroundIn 1937, the U.S. Housing Authority established the first public housing

program. The original intent was to provide housing for those temporarily

affected by the Great Depression. Currently, affordable housing serves the

poor. The number of extremely low-income renters increased due to the

Great Recession. From 2007 to 2011, their numbers grew from 9.6 million to

12.1 million, but only 6.8 million housing units were available.1 Additionally,

the minimum wage adjusted for inflation has decreased by 30 percent since

1968.2 A combination of lower real wages and less affordable housing has

created a housing crisis for low-income families. This is readily apparent in

North Carolina, where, in 2013, 45.6 percent of the 1.7 million people living

in poverty were single mothers with children.3

A viable solution to break the cycle of poverty is the development of a co-

operative/co-housing hybrid in Durham County, NC. Co-housing is an

intentional community in which private living quarters surround shared

spaces; there are more than 160 co-housing communities across 37 states inthe U.S.4 Co-operatives are government-subsidized and residents do not have

any equity in their units. In comparison, the hybrid model integrates the

evidence-based results of each housing solution, removes the pitfalls, and

generates long-term wealth accumulation strategies and habits by providing

residents with government subsidies and limited equity while emphasizing

communal living, shared responsibilities, and the pride associated with

homeownership.

Policy IdeaThe policy idea is a limited equity co-operative/co-housing hybrid

specifically designed for low-income mothers in Durham County, North



Carolina. Prior to becoming residents,

the mothers would need to agree to the

terms of the hybrid. The families would

live in single-family residences with

bedrooms and bathrooms and share

a communal kitchen, laundry room,and living room. The mothers would

be divided into three groups, with each

group assigned different responsibilities;

these would include (1) cooking,

cleaning, and chores; (2) childcare;

and (3) outside employment. Income

earned would be distributed equally

among the families. The women wouldcollectively save money to repay loans,

emphasizing the importance of saving

and homeownership. This model would

also give mothers more quality time with

their children rather than forcing them to

invest time in all three sectors.

Policy Analysis

Homeownership and self-sufficiencyare integral to ending the cycle of

poverty. The children of homeowners

are 33 percent less likely to give birth

as unmarried teens, 35 percent less

likely to receive welfare, and 62 percent

more likely to complete postsecondary

education.5 The HUD-sponsored

program Family Self Sufficiency (FSS)targets low-income families and helps

them work toward self-sufficiency by

increasing their earnings. Job training can be accessed through the U.S.

Department of Labor. Government grants can pay for short-term training or

vocational school.6

The hybrid is a more effective housing model than federally subsidized

limited dividend and nonprofit housing. Co-operatives are economicallysound; average operation costs were 15 percent lower than nonprofit

housing and 35 percent less than the costs of limited dividend housing.7

Single mothers cannot supervise children while working; therefore, child

KEY FACTS

u In Durham Country,18.5 percent of the

population lives inpoverty.10 u Statewide, 43 percent

of children live in “low-income” families; 25percent live in poverty.11

u In 2013, 43.1 percentof single women withchildren in the U.S.made income below thepoverty line.

u In 2013, single mothersheaded 45.5 percentof households in NorthCarolina.12

u North Carolina’sminimum wage is

currently $7.25. $13.33is the hourly wagenecessary to afford atwo-bedroom apartmentat “Fair Market Rent” inNorth Carolina, which ismore than 180 percentof minimum wage.13



care is imperative. Annual child care costs for an infant as a share of full-time

minimum-wage earnings in North Carolina are 61 percent.8 Children left

unsupervised are 27 percent more likely in the future to get “drunk/high,” 28

percent more likely to “steal something,” and 24 percent more likely to “hurt

someone.”9

NEXT STEPSThe institution responsible for the change would be a nonprofit realestate developer focused on creating affordable housing for hard-working, low-income families. The nonprofit would borrow fundsthrough HUD’s Mortgage Insurance for Rental and CooperativeHousing Section 221(d)(4). This program insures mortgage loans

made by private lending institutions to facilitate cooperative housingprojects. The U.S. Department of Labor would provide vital job andchild care training in conjunction with local businesses. Key alliesinclude the proposed community of Durham County, UNC LawSchool’s NC Poverty Research Fund, Durham Housing Authority, andDurham’s Homeless Shelter for Women and Mothers with Children.Such organizations are natural allies because they will benefit froma decrease in poverty, truancy, crime, substance abuse, and welfare

recipients. Additionally, families receiving such services will benefitmost directly from this policy through safer, more affordable placesto live and access to child care while they work. Most importantly,this policy would strengthen community ties and encourage self-sufficiency.



Eliminating the TANF Asset Limit inthe District of ColumbiaBy Stephanie Gill , George Washington University

ThesisGovernment assistance should not only provide temporary financial reliefbut also encourage behaviors that will lift program recipients out of poverty.To reach these goals, the District of Columbia should eliminate the assetlimit as part of eligibility for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families(TANF) and implement a financial services information program designed to

encourage low-income families to save money and accumulate wealth.

Background and ContextCreated in 1996 under the Clinton Administration, TANF is temporarycash assistance for families living in poverty.1 Starting in October 2016,recipients of TANF will lose their benefits completely once they reach a60-month lifetime limit.2 TANF eligibility varies by state; D.C. currentlyrelies on factors such as income and participation in a GED or job trainingprogram, in addition to an asset limit of $2,000 excluding household cars.3 While the purpose of TANF was to “end welfare as we know it,” D.C.’s assetlimit creates paradoxical consequences.4 The asset limit can actually be a

disincentive for families to save and accumulate wealth, as it threatens theireligibility.5 However, asset accumulation is greatly beneficial for familiesin poverty both in the short and long term, as it provides financial stabilityduring emergency situations and fosters individual economic development.6

Encouraging families to save money while also receiving TANF benefits willhelp lift families out of poverty permanently, which is imperative given the

new TANF time limits.

Talking Points

u Eliminating the TANF asset limit will not necessarily lead to an increasein the number of families receiving TANF.7

u Eliminating the TANF asset limit will also simplify the applicationprocess and reduce administrative costs.8

u Encouraging families to accumulate wealth and increase self-sufficiencywill fulfill TANF’s goal of “[reducing] dependency” on the government

for public assistance.9

Policy Idea

The D.C. Department of Human Services (DHS) should eliminate assetlimits for TANF eligibility and should actively encourage families to saveand accumulate wealth by promoting financial literacy. The DHS shouldwork with private banks to help families receiving TANF establish savings



accounts and collaborate with nonprofitorganizations to provide resourcessuch as financial education classes andfinancial coaching sessions.10

Policy Analysis As of July 2014, eight states (Alabama,Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Louisiana,Maryland, Ohio, and Virginia) haveeliminated TANF asset limits.11 D.C.should join them because it is not onlyequitable but also efficient to do so. Stateshave found that eliminating the asset testactually reduced administrative costs,

because time and money are not spenton verifying assets.12 Resources spenton verifying assets were wasted, as fewcases were denied due to excess assets.13 Furthermore, eliminating the asset testdoes not lead to a significant increase inthe TANF caseload.14 In fact, the savingsin administrative costs “far [outweigh] the cost of any additional caseload.”15

For example, while Virginia spent an additional $127,200 on TANF benefits

after eliminating the asset limit test, it also saved $323,050 in administrativecosts.16 States that eliminated the asset limit also streamlined the applicationprocess for applicants by reducing the amount of paperwork needed.17 Alternatives, such as raising the limit, are not as efficient because resourceswould still be spent on verifying assets.18 Ultimately, eliminating the assetlimit could prove to be a cost-saving measure for D.C.

NEXT STEPS

Ultimately, the D.C. City Council would have to pass legislation to implementthis policy change. Throughout the process, working with the DHS andanti-poverty organizations would be imperative. Additionally, lobbying andgaining support from councilmembers would increase traction. Possiblecouncilmembers to support or draft legislation include Yvette Alexander,chair of the Committee on Health and Human Services, and David Grosso,who is on the same committee and co-authored a progressive paid leavebill.19 Support from the private sector and their cooperation with financialliteracy programs would ease the burden on the D.C. government.

The public image benefits of participating in such programs would bean incentive for socially responsible banks. Advisory NeighborhoodCommissions would also serve as valuable allies to host town halls and raise

awareness and support for this policy change.

KEY FACTS

u Low-income families canand do save, albeit at

slow rates, enough togradually improve theirsocial status.20

u This policy would impactapproximately 5,600families in the District ofColumbia.21

u 12 percent of families inD.C. do not have savings

accounts, while 25percent of families areunderbanked.22



Expanding Absentee Voting: RemovingUnfair Restrictions on College VotersBy Walter Hanley and Mario Gruszczynski ,Michigan State University

ThesisTo encourage student voter participation and expand democratic access inMichigan, the State should allow all registered student voters to obtain absentee

ballots.

Background/ContextDemocracy works best when all citizens have a say in the policies that govern us.

Young people, however, are underrepresented in our politics—especially thosestudents who have substantial commitments outside of the classroom. In localelections for the East Lansing City Council in November 2015, the five precinctson Michigan State University’s campus averaged a voter turnout rate of 1.15percent.1 While those on campus represented 12.9 percent of registered voters,they accounted for only 0.7 percent of actual voters. This underrepresentationstems from the transient nature of college students, who float between theirhometowns and universities. For example, the 2016 presidential primaryoccurred during Michigan State’s spring break, leaving students unsure of wherethey would be on Election Day. Rather than discouraging voting, Michigan

should encourage students to have a larger role in our elections.2 Some states,such as Oregon, have taken steps to encourage their residents to participate inthe democratic process by expanding absentee voting.3 Michigan should follow

their lead in treating voting as a fundamental right and not a privilege.

Talking Points

u Students represent a disproportionately small share of our votingpopulation.

u Given the unpredictable conditions under which college students vote, the

government should undertake policies that encourage college students toengage in politics.

u Universal absentee voting for college students would provide much-needed

flexibility in the voting process.

Policy IdeaThe state of Michigan allows certain groups of voters to vote absentee withoutfault, such as senior citizens.4 The right to request an absentee ballot shouldbe extended to all college students registered to vote in Michigan, even if they

currently reside where they are registered. This would allow college students tohave a more proportional role in state and local politics.

Policy AnalysisEasing the restrictions on absentee voting in Michigan would be a potent tool



to address a key barrier to student electionparticipation: access to the polls. Studentsregistered to vote at school must find a wayto get to the polls during a thirteen hour voting window, creating an unreasonableobstacle for college voters, especially those

with work commitments. College studentsoften have uniquely hectic schedules thatkeep them tied up for the entire votingwindow, such as those students whowork at the while they carry a full creditload. These issues would be rectified byan absentee voting system that explicitlyallowed student voters to vote by mail. Absentee status would give students

certainty in their ability to vote, regardlessof schedule or location on Election Day.Currently, Michigan state law only affordscollege students an absentee ballot if theyplan on being out of town on Election Day.Instead, election law should encourage allcollege voters, especially those who plan on voting in the local elections.

A common argument against expandingabsentee voting is an appeal to an increasedrisk of voter fraud. Increasing absentee voting, it is argued, increases the riskthat votes will be coerced or fraudulently obtained. However, this argumentignores the astonishingly low rate of absentee voter fraud in the U.S. From2000–2012, there were only about 491 cases of absentee voter fraud nationwide.56 In addition, the rate of absentee voter fraud varies independently of absentee voting access, casting further doubt on the correlation between absentee voting

and rates of fraud.

KEY FACTS

u On Michigan StateUniversity’s campus,

only about one in100 registered votersactually casts a ballot.7

u While students onMSU’s campus make upnearly 12.9 percent ofregistered voters in themost recent election,they represent only 0.7percent of voters.8

u States that expandaccess to no-faultabsentee votingexperience a long-term increase in voterparticipation.9

NEXT STEPSBecause election law is largely decided at the state level, this policy mustbe enacted through the Michigan legislature. A coalition must be formedamong like-minded actors, such as college students and university groupsfocused on voter turnout. This coalition will be key in mobilizing allies andlobbying for this change. These allies understand that college studentsface unique difficulties in the voting process, and that action must be takento ease those difficulties. Students should present their experiences to

members of the state legislature. State representatives and senators whorepresent districts that include college campuses will be key targets in thiseffort. Their support will be instrumental in passing legislation and swaying

public debate.



Get to Work: An Employer–Transit Partnership to Connect the Boroughsof New York City By Robert Godfried, Sarah Esteban, Saba Mundlay,and Sarah Manney, Columbia, Hofstra, Wheaton, and Stanford

ThesisIn order to address the long commute times of low- and moderate-income

(LMI) workers in New York City’s outer boroughs, the Metropolitan

Transportation Authority (MTA) should work with anchor institutions and

innovative startups to analyze employee commute data and create better bus

routes.

Background/ ContextBetween 1990 and 2008, residential, commercial, and industrial growth in

the outer boroughs—Queens, the Bronx, Staten Island, and Brooklyn—has

surpassed that in Manhattan by more than 30 percent.1 Unfortunately,

transportation systems have not caught up, leaving dozens of burgeoning

LMI neighborhoods disconnected from new centers of job growth.2

Within boroughs, transit times are often over an hour and can be highly

unpredictable. These underserviced areas, termed transportation “deserts,”

pose a distinct challenge for LMI workers who tend to face more rigid

schedules and less job security. To empower these individuals economically

and support job growth, the MTA must address the significant deficiency in

inter- and intra-borough transportation.

Think tanks focused on public–private partnership, such as the Center for an

Urban Future and the Pratt Institute, have called on the MTA to expand bus

service in order to address this problem. Unfortunately, because of budgetrestraints and political stagnancy (not to mention a debt surpassing $34

billion), these well-researched proposals have been met with little action.

Meanwhile, the MTA continues to pursue expansions in Manhattan while

ignoring the needs of outer-borough residents. 3 4 An explanation for this

disinterest is that employers have minimal input in MTA bus route planning.

A lack of employer involvement in route design wastes valuable knowledge

about the demographics, schedule, location, and commutes of workers.

Employer involvement in transportation planning can enhance routeefficiency and job access.



Talking Points u This plan will enable LMI commuters

to get to work more efficiently.

u The MTA transportation network

should be expanded in the outer

boroughs. u A competitive bidding system leads to

the most effective routes.

u Employers, LMI workers, and the

MTA have overlapping incentives to

work together.

The Policy IdeaThrough a public–private partnership

between the MTA and anchor institutions

(large institutions that drive local

economies) in outer boroughs, we can

harness employer data to design routes

that best serve LMI workers. Then, in

a partnership termed a Transit Service

Contract (TSC), the MTA would allow

employers to bid for prospective routes

servicing their area.8 This partnershipwould be fueled by overlapping mutual

incentives: Employers benefit from an

expanded job pool and increased worker

retention while the MTA achieves

increased fare revenues and LMI ridership.9

Policy Analysis

Employers possess detailed data about LMI commuters, including theirresidency demographics and route times, which the MTA currently doesn’t

utilize when developing routes. The Employer–Transit Partnership would

bridge this gap by connecting the MTA with valuable employer knowledge,

allowing the MTA to learn how to best serve LMI workers and reduce their

commute times. In return, employers would receive a host of benefits. As one

major employer in northern Queens explains, “Improved mass transit would

allow our expanding business to draw from a larger labor pool, improve our

ability to attract and retain new workers and make us a more competitivemanufacturer.”10

KEY FACTS

u The Urban MassTransportation

Administrationconcluded thatcompetitive contractingresulted in largereductions in operationcost, between 10 and50 percent per unit ofoutput.15

u The average commute

time is 52 minutesin Brooklyn and 69minutes in StatenIsland.16

u In Staten Island, 29percent of workers arelow-wage earners; inQueens, 37 percent; in

Brooklyn, 41 percent; inthe Bronx, 52 percent.



The MTA’s incentives are also numerous. By setting targets for service

provision for LMI workers in transportation deserts, the MTA can achieve

a more expansive outer-borough transportation network. In addition, data

shows that such routes could be highly profitable for the MTA: Ridership

within the outer boroughs totals 1,671,815 riders per weekday compared to

only 447,585 per weekday in Manhattan.11

The current political climate is favorable toward such a proposal. Our policy

connects the public–private partnerships endorsed by Governor Andrew

Cuomo with Mayor Bill de Blasio’s call for transportation expansion in the

outer boroughs.12 13 Specifically, our proposal would help to achieve Mayor de

Blasio’s OneNYC goal that “in 2040, 90% of New Yorkers can access at least

200,000 jobs within 45 minutes by transit. 14 It would also satisfy Governor

Cuomo’s focus on reducing costs through competitive application and use ofspecific employer knowledge.

NEXT STEPSThe New York City Council as well as the NYC Departmentof Transportation (DOT) are the institutions responsible forimplementing this policy proposal. Additional partners include

agencies such as TransitCenter, which could gather more informationand prove the feasibility of this project. Lastly, a grassroots operationcould improve public relations and recruit LMI workers for thepurposes of lobbying and winning City Council support for the bill.



To Protect and Serve: EnhancedTransparency and Training forVolunteer Law Enforcement By Nathan Leys and Michelle Bennett , George Mason University

Thesis Volunteer reserve police officers commonly operate with little accountability orpreparation. Police departments should require equivalent training for armedreserves and regular police, and should improve transparency in their selection and

oversight.

Background & ContextMore than half of police departments nationwide rely on reserve officers, or unpaidand often unprepared volunteers who serve the same functions as regular police.1 When budgets tightened after the Great Recession, departments turned to reserveofficers, who almost never draw salaries.2 As a result, reserve officers have movedbeyond their original functions, such as directing traffic or completing paperwork,and begun conducting drug busts and armed patrols, exacerbating the risk of violentconfrontation and mishandled justice for officers and citizens alike.3 Additionally,the prevalence among reserve officers of wealthy donors to police departments hasraised questions of “buy-a-badge” or “pay-to-play” schemes.4 In fact, 69 percent ofreserve officers are permitted to carry their weapons while off duty.5 Additionally,reserve officers are permitted to carry guns into weapons-free zones like schoolswhere ordinary concealed carry licenses do not apply, and are sometimes exemptedfrom other measures like bans on high-capacity magazines.6 7 One Michigan attorneynoted of his town, “Essentially, there are no prohibited areas whatsoever with thispermit.”8 Occasionally, individuals have become reserves in towns they have never visited. The lack of restrictions on firearms for reserve officers, and the potentialfor pay-to-play arrangements, calls into question the charitable nature of at leastsome reservists’ donations. There are currently no national standards for howpolice forces use reserve officers, and the Department of Justice has not conducted

a nationwide study since 2006, when it counted 400,000 reserve officers.

9 10

Forcomparison, the most recent Department of Justice Census of State and Local LawEnforcement counted approximately 765,000 sworn personnel.11 With little publicawareness, state and local departments have created a system in which at least athird of officers are not professionals. While the Black Lives Matter movement andrelated protests have raised much-needed awareness over systemic police brutalityand created a political climate conducive to law enforcement agency reform, stateand local communities cannot afford to ignore the dangers posed by opaque andunaccountable reserve officer programs.

Policy IdeaIn order to ensure transparency and accountability from police forces,departments should take the lead on three main levels. First, the Los Angeles PoliceDepartment has an ideal model, creating a tiered system of reserve officers in which



only the top tier is allowed to carry weapons.This level of officers is composed solely ofreserve officers who were previously full-time police officers or active-duty military.Further, any reserve officer with arrestpowers or who is armed should receive the

same training as full police officers. Finally,to prevent buy-a-badge schemes like thosein Oakley, Michigan, and Tulsa, Oklahoma,donors to police departments should beineligible to become armed reserve officers. Working in Fairfax County, VA, which hasextremely lax requirements for reserve officertraining, we hope to raise awareness of thisissue and demonstrate the potential forreform in the home county of many national

policymakers.

Policy AnalysisFollowing the events in Ferguson, muchinvestigation and reform has occurred on anational scale. Unfortunately, reserve officersremain untouched by federal reform largelybecause the 10th Amendment devolvespolice powers to states and localities.

Reform must occur on the local level, wheredepartments not only have authority overtheir reserve officers, but also familiaritywith the communities they protect. Policyalternatives focusing on police reform moregenerally do not address the specific issuesregarding reserve officers. With police useof force under intensified scrutiny, many have called for enhanced police training.Research suggests more training would reduce police use of force overall—a widely-cited 2013 meta-analysis found a number of studies in which different professional

development programs for police reduced violent interactions with civilians.12

Butreserves may not benefit from improved training because they will not receive it inmany places. For example, in Fairfax County, VA, where George Mason Universityis located, reserves receive just 120 hours of training compared to the 760 hourscompleted by the average regular police officer.13 14 As local departments reexaminetraditional police training and introduce new methods like implicit bias training,reserve officers should be included in professional development.15

Police training incurs small upfront costs but could save money down the road.Fairfax County’s Internal Affairs Bureau investigated 112 citizen complaint cases

in 2014 alone. Given how expensive lawsuits and settlements can be for cities andpolice departments, including armed reserve officers in training programs wouldreduce the potential for costly litigation resulting from confrontations involvingreserves.16

KEY FACTS

u 69 percent of reserveofficers can carry

weapons while off-duty.19

u When the last nationalcount was taken in2006, more than400,000 reserve officerswere serving.20

u Oakley, Michigan,requires reserveapplicants to donate$1,200 in exchange fora badge and gun butdoesn’t require reservesto do any actual work.21

u The average policeofficer completes 760hours of training beforebeing sworn in, but in

some states, reservesspend as little as 120hours in training.22



Another potential alternative would be to simply strip weapons from reserveofficers. However, this would be counterproductive and potentially dangerous;increases in the number of mass shootings and attacks on police make the presenceof well-trained, responsible, and armed reserves beneficial for public safety in caseswhere full-fledged officers may not be immediately available.17 18 A more effectivepolicy would be a department-level mandate that all reserve officers empowered to

carry weapons and make arrests receive the same training as professional officers. Additionally, as more departments begin requiring armed officers to wear bodycameras, reserve officers carrying weapons should be issued the same equipmentand accompanying guidelines.

Talking Points u Jurisdictions that accept contributions from and issue reserve officer badges to

the same people create the potential for “buy-a-badge” schemes. u Armed reserve officers are often not required to receive adequate training

before being placed in communities. u Local communities must ensure their own safety by demanding transparency

and accountability from police department leadership.

NEXT STEPSNext steps require contact with stakeholders on all levels. Each jurisdiction’spolicies on reserve officers will be slightly different, but each state hasbranches of the ACLU and police unions. Although nongovernmental,

these organizations are committed to defending the rights of civilians andpolice and should push local departments and government to protect both.Additional pressure needs to be placed on those with tangible authoritywithin municipalities. For example, local candidates for sheriff’s offices—like Fairfax County’s sheriff, Stacey Kincaid—usually hold public forumsor town halls where those interested in reform can ask questions about acandidate’s stance on reserve policing reform. Pressing this issue duringelection seasons forces local government officials and sheriffs to go onrecord during races. If adopted, Fairfax County police could potentiallyapply for an Edward Byrne grant, a federal justice assistance program. If

necessary, the incoming money could enable the department to effectivelyimprove its training.

Additionally, as this issue has remained quantitatively unexplored for toolong, departments should be provided with best practices for the effectiveand appropriate use of reserves. To obtain this information, the Departmentof Justice must be petitioned to conduct a new nationwide survey ofreserve officers. To increase momentum for federal fact-finding, reformersshould consider pushing state representatives or municipal leadersfor smaller-scale studies. At a campus level, university students should

consider contacting their criminology departments about the possibility ofspeaking to students interested in a law enforcement career.



Rescuing Surplus Food from Landfills: Addressing Food Insecurity in ChicagoBy Douglas Ortiz, Rahul Shah, and Jennifer Kim,DePaul, University of Georgia, and Cornell

Thesis StatementIn order to increase the capacity of food programs serving food insecure

individuals in Cook County, the Chicago Department of Procurement

Services (DPS) should require all city food contracts to be awarded to

businesses that participate in the Food Rescue Programs of the Greater

Chicago Food Depository (GCFD).

BackgroundThe United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) defines food

insecurity as a household-level economic and social condition of limited or

uncertain access to adequate food.1 Food insecurity is caused by low wages,

poverty, unemployment, and high housing costs.2 For households with

incomes near or below the federal poverty line, households with children

headed by single parents, and Black- and Hispanic-headed households, rates

of food insecurity are substantially higher than the national average.3

InCook County, Illinois, more than 812,000 individuals, or 232,110 households,

are currently food insecure.4 Chicago, in particular, makes up approximately

54 percent of the population of Cook County.5 Many of these individuals

receive food assistance from the GCFD network of 650 pantries, soup

kitchens, shelters, mobile programs, children’s programs, and older adult

programs.6

The rate of food insecurity in Cook County is alarming and has been growing

in recent years. In a 2014 study, 68 percent of GCFD programs reported

an increase in the volume of clients seeking food assistance over the prior

12 months.7 As a result, 29 percent of the GCFD’s food pantries reported

having to turn away clients, citing many reasons including the lack of food

resources.8 Seventy-three percent of GCFD clients have reported having to

choose between paying for food and paying for utility bills, and, with food

pantries reporting shortages, a policy intervention is needed to tackle food

insecurity in the county.9

Talking Points u 812,000 individuals in Cook County suffer from food insecurity and

depend on the emergency food services and programs of the Greater



Chicago Food Depository, such as

food pantries and soup kitchens.

u Over the last year, in the face of

increasing demand for emergency

food assistance, many of these food

programs have had to turn awayclients due to food shortages.

u In the United States, vast amounts

of wholesome food are thrown away

by various food outlets, including

restaurants, caterers, and retail

grocers.

u To increase food donations to

emergency food assistance programs,the city of Chicago should leverage its

purchasing power to require that food

vendors participate in the GCFD’s

Food Rescue Program in order to be

awarded a city contract.

The Policy IdeaThe DPS, which is responsible for the

procurement of all goods and servicesfor the City of Chicago, should leverage

its purchasing power to require that

all food contracts that it awards go to

businesses that participate in the GCFD’s

Food Rescue Program. This will allow the

GCFD to rescue wholesome, edible food

from many food outlets when it would

otherwise have been thrown out.

Policy AnalysisFood rescue is the process of recovering wholesome, still-edible food by

diverting it from landfills. Businesses throw away food for a variety of

reasons unrelated to edibility, including labeling errors, aesthetic concerns,

and inadequate storage.10 Chicago throws out 55 million pounds of food

each month; much of this waste is generated by food businesses such as

wholesalers, restaurants, and grocery retailers.11

By diverting food to pantries, more food assistance can be provided to food-

insecure communities. Benefits include increased worker productivity,

better child development and performance in school, and better physical

KEY FACTS

u In Cook County, Illinois,more than 812,000

individuals, or 232,110households, arecurrently food insecure.

u Chicago awardscontracts for more than$2 billion of goodsand services annuallythrough an open bidand solicitation process,and much of this amountis awarded to foodbusinesses.19

u The Greater ChicagoFood Depository’s FoodRescue Program rescuesexcess food from morethan 240 retail groceries

in Cook County. As aresult of this program,more than 12 millionpounds of food wasrescued last year.20



and mental health as a result of mitigating food insecurity.12 Participating

in food rescue programs can also benefit the vendors through existing

tax deductions and reduced trash disposal. Food rescue also benefits the

environment by reducing landfill waste and vehicle miles needed for food

disposal.13

Other solutions to fight food insecurity are politically difficult or costly to

implement. For example, the House Budget Committee’s plan would slash

SNAP benefits (federal food assistance for the poor) by $125 billion between

2021 and 2025, suggesting that increased federal spending of food assistance

is unlikely.14 SNAP currently provides about $200 per household, but

greater participation in food rescue can provide food more cost-effectively. 15

Rescued food is donated, so there is no direct cost incurred to GCFD in terms

of purchasing food. And GCFD picks up the rescued food directly from foodbusinesses, so there is no cost to vendors to transport the food.16

NEXT STEPSThe city council will need to pass legislation in order for the DPS to adoptthis policy. Key supporters are the GCFD, which would benefit most fromthis policy, and the Illinois Public Health Institute (IPHI). The IPHI will

be a useful partner because of its history of working on implementingpolicy changes of this nature and because it maintains a number of keypartnerships with other health- and food-based institutions that canprovide more support for the policy. The IPHI has also already reviewedthis policy and expressed enthusiasm about bringing it to action.17 Keyorganizations include those currently involved in helping the food-insecure and the DPS itself, which can put pressure on the city council.Most importantly, constituents of the mayor and the aldermen will haveto be organized for their political support. Many of the constituents who

rely on emergency food assistance are located in areas with a highconcentration of need, which include neighborhoods to the south andwest of downtown Chicago.18 These constituents have a direct stake inensuring that leaders who support the innovative food rescue initiatives ofthe Greater Chicago Food Depository are elected.



Decreasing D.C. Gun Violence: Attaching Breathalyzers to New GunsBy Anna Primosch , Georgetown University

Thesis StatementThe District of Columbia can reduce alcohol-induced gun violence by

funding the research and development of breathalyzer-equipped gun

technology, with the eventual goal of taxing guns without breathalyzers to

fund gun safety programs.

Background and ContextThe U.S. ranks highest in worldwide firearm ownership. The Washington

Post estimates that in 2013, America’s 357 million privately owned gunsoutnumbered its 310 million citizens.1 As gun ownership has swelled, so has

gun violence, particularly in the nation’s capital. Homicide in D.C. claimed

162 victims in 2015, increasing 54 percent from 2014.2

Despite widespread public exasperation with persistent gun violence,

Congress has struggled to pass comprehensive gun legislation. Well-funded

lobbying groups such as the National Rifle Association have defeated

proposed legislation that would have banned the sale of assault weaponsor required more stringent background checks on would-be gun owners

and have already dismissed President Barack Obama’s recently proposed

executive action against gun violence.3

Local ordinances have been more effective than national policy in deterring

gun violence. In August 2015, the Seattle City Council levied a $25 tax per

firearm sold in Seattle, which local officials estimate will raise hundreds of

thousands of dollars for gun violence prevention.4

Identifying the small, local factors behind gun deaths would help generate

more tailored solutions that chip away at larger patterns of gun violence.

One of those factors is substance abuse. Alcohol consumption increases

impulsive behavior and inhibits one’s memory, judgment, and other

executive functioning abilities.5 The British Medical Journal estimates that

one-third of gun deaths are alcohol-induced, as firearm owners are far more

likely to consume alcohol than non-owners.6

The Policy IdeaD.C. should selectively award research grants to nonprofits or government



agencies to develop a prototype

breathalyzer-equipped gun. If non-

equipped firearms were taxed at a

higher rate than equipped firearms,

the latter would appeal more to price-

conscious consumers. This incentivizesmanufacturers to attract new customers

by adding breathalyzer-equipped guns

to their brand. A strategically placed

breathalyzer would prevent the trigger

from firing until the person pulling it has

demonstrated a blood alcohol content

(BAC) under 0.08 percent, the same

BAC at which an individual is legallyconsidered too intoxicated to drive.7

Policy AnalysisBreathalyzers have been effectively used

to reduce automobile accidents. All 50

states and the District of Columbia have

some type of law requiring individuals

convicted of driving under the influence

or while intoxicated to install an ignitioninterlock device—better known as a

breathalyzer—in their cars.8 The ignition

will not operate until the driver blows

into the device, which then determines

whether the driver’s BAC is low enough

to operate the vehicle. To ensure that

the driver does not start drinking

while behind the wheel, the car stopsperiodically to require additional tests.9

Although breathalyzers have not yet been manufactured specifically for

guns, the technology of the device is simple enough to be applied to firearms.

Small enough to be marketed as a smartphone accessory, breathalyzers are

also inexpensive to produce; they are available for purchase for as low as $20

apiece online.10 The device takes between 30 seconds and a minute total to

warm up, measure one’s BAC, and produce results.

Gun rights activists might counter that a breathalyzer would hinder

someone in dire circumstances from using a gun in self-defense. Their

argument rests on the incorrect assumption that guns are primarily used for

KEY FACTS

u Between 1997 and2009, there were

395,366 victims of gunviolence in the US,averaging about 30,000gun deaths per year.13

u Someone under theinfluence of alcohol ordrugs is seven timesmore inclined to commita violent crime than asober individual.14

u 51 percent of D.C.residents favor thereinstatement of the D.C.ban on gun ownershipoverturned by theU.S. Supreme Court in2008.15

u In July 2014, a federal judge overturnedthe District’s ban onconcealed carry weaponpermits, starting a newseries of court battlesover gun rights in D.C.16



self-defense purposes; in a survey of 4,348 Americans, the British Medical

Journal found that less than 1 percent of respondents have used a gun in

self-defense, either by posturing with the weapon or firing it.11 Furthermore,

a breathalyzer would not hinder D.C. recreational hunters, as the District

already lacks viable hunting space.

Talking Points u Gun violence plagues the U.S., particularly in urban areas like the District

of Columbia.

u Encouraging the sale of breathalyzer-equipped guns in D.C. is less

controversial than sweeping gun regulations that have been proposed at

the national level but ultimately fail.

u D.C. needs to generate micro-solutions to combat different forms of gun

violence before concealed carry permits become commonplace.

NEXT STEPSThe Council of the District of Columbia should launch a positivemarketing campaign to generate public support for the tax. Itshould hold public forums and send surveys to registered gunowners’ homes to determine the tax threshold at which they wouldrather buy a breathalyzer-equipped firearm. The council should

then temporarily place said tax on all firearms currently sold in theDistrict to fund long-term research on a breathalyzer-equippedgun prototype. If manufacturers are interested in developing theprototype for sale, the tax will continue to apply to guns that are soldwithout breathalyzers but will not apply to breathalyzer-equippedguns. Whether or not breathalyzer-equipped guns make it to market,once the prototype is complete, the council should redirect the taxto help fund Project ChildSafe, a national gun safety awarenessprogram that distributes free gun locks to registered D.C. gun

owners through the District’s Metropolitan Police Department.12



Drug-Related Restrictions in Public Housing: Decreasing Recidivism by Reuniting FamiliesBy Michael Vitelli , City College of New York

ThesisNew York City should discontinue eviction proceedings for low-leveloffenses, remove outdated zero-tolerance policies, and expand the reachof the New York City Housing Authority’s (NYCHA) Family Re-entry PilotProgram for its public housing tenants. These changes will unite families,

combat homelessness, and reduce recidivism.

Background and ContextNYCHA is responsible for providing housing to the city’s low-incomeresidents through Section 8—the federal housing program—and otherhousing subsidy programs. In 1988, Congress passed its first attempt tooust violent, drug-related criminals living in federally subsidized Section8 housing. In response to the crack epidemic, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of1988 required each public housing administration (PHA)—a local or statepublic housing administrator—to include a lease provision allowing thePHA to terminate a whole family’s tenancy if a tenant, or even a guest of atenant, is ever engaged in any drug-related criminal activity.1 The Clintonadministration’s 1996 “One Strike and You’re Out” policy only served toreiterate those strict drug restrictions.2 The one-strike policy explicitlyencouraged PHAs to evict any tenant who engaged in “drug-related activity,”meaning any person convicted or even charged with manufacturing, selling,distributing, or possessing illegal drugs. Regardless of circumstance, thefederal government gave local PHAs authority to evict tenants for drug-related activity. Those policies were enforced with zero tolerance andopened the window to excessively punitive eviction proceedings. Zero-tolerance eviction policies adversely affect the lives of many low-incomefamilies reliant on Section 8 and other forms of subsidized housingprograms, leading to increased rates of recidivism and homelessness amongex-offenders.3 While the city should be committed to ensuring the safetyof its public housing residents, the drug-related policies implemented toprotect NYCHA tenants are unnecessary and harmful.4 In certain instances,excluding drug-related offenders might be necessary to protect NYCHA’stenants, but the termination of tenancies often disrupts the lives of familieswithout any corresponding net benefit. However, the city, among otherorganizations, has made strides to address these issues; the NYCHA FamilyRe-entry Pilot Program (FRPP) is designed for individuals who are leavingprison or jail to reunite with their families who live in NYCHA housing,and the program also provides re-entry services. Furthermore, to help the



participants get back on their feet afterbeing incarcerated, the FRPP providescase managers to ease their entry back

into society.

Talking Points u Outdated zero-tolerance policies aredetrimental and counterproductiveto the current NYCHA populationand sever important community andfamily ties and relationships. Thesefamily ties and relationships helpcombat homelessness and recidivism.

u People recently released from prison

are less likely to return to crime orlive on the street if they are able tolive with their families.

u Policies modeled after the FamilyRe-Entry Pilot Program can beintroduced in other states’ PHAsto achieve the same effects: unitingfamilies, combating homelessness,

and reducing recidivism.

Policy NYCHA should remove the pre-existing zero-tolerance administrativepolicies, such as the one-strike rule, which prevent people from reunitingwith their families, and adopt a less punitive strategy. In order to stoppunitive eviction proceedings for low-level offenses, NYCHA should notaccept the New York City Police Department’s nor the District Attorney’srecommendations to pursue evictions of low-level offenses that targetunderrepresented tenants. Finally, NYCHA should expand the Family Re-

entry Pilot Program to unite families, combat homelessness, and reducerecidivism rates.

Policy AnalysisThe issues of housing, homelessness, and incarceration are deeplyintertwined. The expansion of the FRPP will alleviate some of the majorburdens on former prisoners by giving them access to public housing,and allowing them to live with family.5 If provided with adequate re-entryassistance and the ability to legally reside with their families, the likelihood

of ex-convicts returning to crime should diminish significantly. Since thecreation of the FRPP in 2013, the program reportedly has not receivedthe influx of referrals and applications that the program’s administrationoriginally expected; however, it is not an issue of effectiveness, but an issueof NYCHA’s lack of advertising.6

KEY FACTS

u People with criminalrecords are banned from

NYCHA premises, evenfor petty crimes likeminor possession.10

u Mayor Bill de Blasiohas persistently tried tomake it easier for PHAsto evict tenants withcriminal records.11

u Exclusions of non-tenants in NYCHAunits have risen by 20percent, from 344 to 415in the past year.12



Bringing more people into this program would decongest the courts’landlord–tenant cases and open space in homeless shelters. The moneyspent on expanding the reach of the program would be nominal compared tothe money spent on shelters and prisons. In 2012, the city spent an averageof $167,731 per inmate.7 In addition, the city also spent an average of $37,603to house a family in a homeless shelter in 2013, a 2 percent rise from 2012.8

NYCHA’s current policies are needlessly broad, and, in response to the crackepidemic, adversely affect a larger population than originally intended. Theexpansion of the FRPP can serve as a close vetting process to determinewhich people deserve and are ready to re-enter public housing, and toseparate those who are potentially true dangers to residents. The FRPP, byproviding case managers, can also assist participants diagnosed with mentalillnesses so that they can be integrated back into society and live with theirfamilies in public housing. Coupled with ending administrative evictionsproceedings for low-level offenses, harmless circumstances will no longerput many families in danger of eviction.

NEXT STEPSTenants in public housing should be allowed to enjoy housing stability andsecurity. Within the first few months, the expansion of the FRPP shouldbe discussed between NYCHA, the Vera Institute for Justice (the partnerorganization for the FRPP), the New York City Council, and other grassrootsorganizations dedicated to re-entry platforms. These bodies would beresponsible for the expansion of the FRPP and the creation of an advisoryboard made up of representatives from different nonprofit and governmentalbodies, can also be implemented to ensure proper leadership for futureaction. Additionally, certain city council members are sympathetic to re-entryand decriminalization positions.9

Initially, the aim of the collaboration should be to increase awareness of

the FRPP and find suitable candidates among the pool of recently releasedconvicts who are NYCHA and Section 8 tenants. These changes will benefitlocal governments by decreasing demands on homeless shelters andreducing recidivism and prison costs. In addition, more tenants will be ableto work, improving the financial position of public housing agencies throughmore stable incomes. Many current and formerly incarcerated people withfamily ties to NYCHA housing would benefit from the policy changes andcan be organized to contact their local representatives to advocate for theseissues through phone calls and through the work of already establishedhousing and re-entry non-profits. Organizations like The Center for Urban

and Community Services (CUCS), The Supportive Housing Network ofNew York, and the Fortune Society are dedicated to supporting peopleand families with re-entry and housing information mirroring the goals of

NYCHA’s FRPP.



EndnotesPreventing Bankruptcy from Limiting Water Access

1 Ingraham, Christopher. 2016. “This Is How Toxic Flint’s Water Really Is.” The Washington Post, January 15. RetrievedJanuary 19, 2016 (https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/01/15/this-is-how-toxic-flints-water-really-is/).

2 Genesee Board of Commissioners. 2015. Public Health Emergency Declaration For People Using the Flint Water Supplywith the Flint River as the Source. Flint, MI.3 Covert, Bryce. 2016. “Residents Of Flint Are Being Billed For Poisoned Water And Threatened With Shutoffs If TheyDon’t Pay.” ThinkProgress. Retrieved January 19, 2016 (http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2016/01/14/3739622/flint-water-crisis-bills/).4 VICE News. 2016. “Obama Declares State Of Emergency in Flint, Michigan Amid Ongoing Water Crisis.” VICE News.Retrieved January 19, 2016 (https://news.vice.com/article/obama-declares-state-of-emergency-in-flint-michigan-amid-ongoing-water-crisis).5 Wedes, Justin. Water Affordability Plan. May 2015, 2015.6 Detroit Water Brigade. 2014. “Detroit Water - A Movement Grows.” YouTube. Retrieved January 19, 2016 (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2vzwk2k7mci).7 Egan, Paul. 2015. “Is Emergency Manager Law to Blame for Flint Water Crisis?” Detroit Free Press. Retrieved January 19,2016 (http://www.freep.com/story/news/politics/2015/10/24/emergency-manager-law-blame-flint-water-crisis/74048854/).8 Ananich Calls on Senate to Hold Hearing on Flint Water Crisis. November 5, 2015. Legislative Council, State ofMichigan.9 General Assembly resolution 64/292, The human right to water and sanitation, A/RES/64/292 (28 July 2010), availablefrom http://www.un.org/es/comun/docs/?symbol=A/RES/64/292&lang=E.10 Detroit Water Brigade.11 Ibid.12 Wedes, Justin. Water Affordability Plan. May 2015, 2015.

Building Public Trust with Transparent Campaigns

1 Abby Blass, Brian Roberts, and Daron Shaw. Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy. December 2012, 11(4): 380-398. doi:10.1089/elj.2011.0120.2 Primo, David M., and Jeffrey Milyo. “Campaign Finance Laws and Political Efficacy: Evidence from the States.” ElectionLaw Journal: 23-39.3 Briffault, Richard. “Campaign Finance Disclosure 2.0.” Election Law Journal 9, no. 4 (2010): 273-303.4 Jones, Jeffrey. “Illinois Residents Least Trusting of Their State Government.” Gallup.com. Accessed November 28, 2015.

http://www.gallup.com/poll/168251/illinois-residents-least-trusting-state-government.aspx.5 Number two on the list, Rhode Island and Maine, are at 40% trust.6 Long, Jim. “Low Local Turnout Defines April Elections.” Illinois Policy.org. April 13, 2015. Accessed July 8, 2015. https://www.illinoispolicy.org/low-local-turnout-defines-april-elections/.7 Robert R. McCormick Foundation, and National Conference on Citizenship. “2009 Illinois Civic Health Index.” America’sCivic Health Index, 2009. Accessed November 28, 2015. http://www.ncoc.net/2gp183.8 An Act Concerning Elections. Pub. L. 096-0832. Illinois General Assembly, 1 Jan 2011. Accessed July 10, 2015. http://www.ilga.gov/legislation/publicacts/96/096-0832.htm.9 Illinois has consolidated election laws. All state and local elections are held on the same date, and campaigns reportdonations to the same place at the same time.10 See Appendix A and B; data from Followthemoney.org. Note “final reporting quarter” refers to the reporting quarterbefore the election (January 1 to March 31), not the calendar year.11 Illinois State Board of Elections. “A GUIDE TO CAMPAIGN DISCLOSURE.” Elections.il.gov. 2015. Accessed November28, 2015. http://www.elections.il.gov/downloads/campaigndisclosure/pdf/campdiscguide.pdf.12 The Illinois State Board of Elections. “STATE OF ILLINOIS ELECTION AND CAMPAIGN FINANCE CALENDAR2016.” Elections.il.gov. September 2, 2015. Accessed November 28, 2015. https://www.elections.il.gov/Downloads/ElectionInformation/PDF/2016ElectionCalendar.pdf.13 Primo, David M., and Jeffrey Milyo. “Campaign Finance Laws and Political Efficacy: Evidence from the States.” ElectionLaw Journal: 23-39.14 See Appendix A and B; data from Followthemoney.org.15 Robert R. McCormick Foundation, and National Conference on Citizenship. “2009 Illinois Civic Health Index.”America’s Civic Health Index, 2009. Accessed November 28, 2015. http://www.ncoc.net/2gp183.16 MA Gen. L. § 55.217 OR Code § 260.04418 AL Code § 17.17.519 MA Gen. L. § 55.220 OR Code § 260.04421 AL Code § 17.17.522 IL Code § 10.5.9-1.823 See: Eksterowicz, Anthony J. Public Journalism and Political Knowledge. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & LittlefieldPublishers, 2000.

24 See Appendix A and B; data from Followthemoney.org.25 See IL SB 248 (99th General Assembly)26 Jones, Jeffrey. “Illinois Residents Least Trusting of Their State Government.” Gallup.com. April 4, 2014. Accessed July10, 2015.27 See Appendix A; data from Followthemoney.org. Note “final reporting quarter” refers to the reporting quarter beforethe election (January 1 to March 31), not the calendar year.28 See Appendix A; data from Followthemoney.org.29 The Illinois State Board of Elections. “STATE OF ILLINOIS ELECTION AND CAMPAIGN FINANCE CALENDAR



2016.” Elections.il.gov. September 2, 2015. Accessed November 28, 2015. https://www.elections.il.gov/Downloads/ElectionInformation/PDF/2016ElectionCalendar.pdf

Low-Income Single Mothers and Their Children: A Co-Housing/Co-Operative Hybrid Solution

1 “Key Facts.” The State of the Nation’s Housing (2013). Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University.2 “Inflation Calculator: Bureau of Labor Statistics.” U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.3 Mitchell, Tazra. “INFOGRAPHIC: Poverty and People in North Carolina.” North Carolina Justice Center.4 “The Cohousing Association.” The Cohousing Directory. The Cohousing Association of the United States5 Harkness, Joseph, and Sandra Newman. “Differential Effects of Homeownership on Children from Higher- and Lower-Income Families.”6 “CareerOneStop.” Careers and Career Information. U.S. Department of Labor7 Sazama, Gerald, and Roger Willcox. “An Evaluation of Limited Equity Housing Cooperatives in the United States.”8 Gould, Elise, and Tanyell Cooke. High Quality Child Care Is out of Reach for Working Families. Rep. no. Issue Brief #404.Economic Policy Institute9 Aizer, Anna. “Home Alone: Supervision After School and Child Behavior.” Journal of Public Economics.10 North Carolina Poverty Research Fund. “N.C. Quick Facts.” Poverty by the Numbers.11 Center on Poverty, Work and Opportunity. Documenting Poverty, Economic Distress and Challenge in North Carolina.12 “Poverty and Opportunity - Women in the States.” Status of Women in the States. http://statusofwomendata.org13 North Carolina Housing Coalition Critical Information on the Issue of Affordable Housing

Eliminating the TANF Asset Limit in the District of Columbia

1. “Policy Basics, an Introduction to TANF,” last modified June 15, 2015, http://www.cbpp.org/research/policy-basics-an-in-troduction-to-tanf.2. “Important Information for TANF Recipients,” last modified October 2015, http://dhs.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/dhs/service_content/attachments/TANF_Fact_Sheet-Nov2015.pdf 3. Erika Huber, Elissa Cohen, Amanda Briggs, and David Kassabian, “Welfare Rules Databook: State TANF Policies asof July 2014,” The Urban Institute (2014): 72, accessed December 1, 2015, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/opre/2014_welfare_rules_databook_final_508_v11.pdf.4. Ibid.5. Henry Chen and Robert I. Lerman, “Do Asset Limits in Social Programs Affect the Accumulation of Wealth?” TheUrban Institute (2004): 5, accessed January 18, 2016, http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publica-tion-pdfs/311223-Do-Asset-Limits-in-Social-Programs-Affect-the-Accumulation-of-Wealth-.PDF.6. Signe-Mary McKernan, Caroline Ratcliffe, Trina Williams Shanks, “Is Poverty Incompatible with Asset Accumulation?”

The Urban Institute (2011): 1, accessed December 1, 2015, http://www.urban.org/research/publication/poverty-incompati-ble-asset-accumulation.7. Department of Human Services, “Requesting a Study on Asset Limits to Qualify for Public Assistance,” last modifiedJanuary 2013, 3, http://humanservices.hawaii.gov/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/2012-HR-124-Asset-Limit-Study.pdf.8. Ibid, 4.9. Office of Family Assistance, “About TANF,” last modified October 29, 2015, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/ofa/pro-grams/tanf/about.10. Capital Area Asset Builders, “Matched Savings,” last modified October 2015, http://www.caab.org/en/programs/matched-savings-programs/matched-savings-programs.11. Erika Huber, et al., “State TANF Policies,” 28.12. Ibid, 4.13. Department of Human Services, “Study on Asset Limits,” 4.14. Ibid, 3.15. Ibid, 14.16. Ibid, 14.

17. Ibid, 9, 14.18. Ibid, 11.19. Darby Hickey, “Grosso Introduces Paid Leave Legislation,” David Grosso DC City Council-at-Large, October 6,2015, accessed January 18, 2016, http://www.davidgrosso.org/grosso-analysis/2015/10/5/grosso-introduces-univer-sal-paid-leave-legislation.20. Signe-Mary McKernan, Caroline Ratcliffe, Trina Williams Shanks, “Can the Poor Accumulate Assets?” TheUrban Institute (2012): 2, accessed January 18, 2016, http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publica-tion-pdfs/412624-Can-the-Poor-Accumulate-Assets-.PDF.21. Office of Family Assistance, “TANF Caseload Data 2015.”22. Capital Area Asset Builders, “Who is Unbanked and Underbanked in Washington, DC? We Need to Know,” accessedDecember 1, 2015, http://www.caab.org/en/who-is-unbanked-and-underbanked-in-washington-dc-we-need-to-know.23. Brett Kakesako and ‘Auli‘i K. George, “How Hawaii Eliminated Their TANF Asset Limit,” (online presentation, ShriverCenter, October 22, 2013): 20, http://povertylaw.org/sites/default/files/files/webinars/asset-limits/Hawaii-TANF-asset-limits.pdf.

Expanding Absentee Voting: Removing Unfair Restrictions onCollege Voters

1 Statement of Vote. Ingham County Clerk. November 3rd, 2015. Accessed November 5th, 2015.2 “Voter Identification Requirement and Voter ID Laws.” National Conference of State Legislatures. Accessed October12th, 2015.



3 “Absentee and Early Voting.” National Conference of State Legislatures. Accessed October 12th, 2015.4 Michigan Election Law. Act 116 of 1954. Absent Voters. Michigan Legislature. 1954.5 “Election Fraud in America.” News 21. Published August 12th, 2012.6 Levitt, Justin. “The Truth About Voter Fraud.” Brennan Center For Justice. November 9th, 2007.7 Statement of Vote. Ingham County Clerk.8 Ibid.9 Leighley, Jan E., and Jonathan Nagler. “The Effects of Non-Precinct Voting Reforms on Turnout, 1972-2008.” PewCharitable Trusts’ Make Voting Work. Pew. (2009): 29.

Get to Work: An Employer–Transit Partnership to Connect theBoroughs of New York City

1 Center for Urban Future. “Behind the Curb.” Center for Urban Future. Last modified February 2011. Accessed July 18,2015. https://nycfuture.org/pdf/Behind_the_Curb.pdf.2 Parrott, James A., Ph.D. “Low-Wage Workers and the High Cost of Living in New York City.” Fiscal Policy Institute. Lastmodified February 27, 2014. Accessed July 22, 2015. http://fiscalpolicy.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/FPI-Parrott-testimony-Low-Wage-workers-and-Cost-of-iving-Feb-27-2014.pdf3 Harshbarger, Rebecca. “Capital spending leaves MTA $34.1 billion in debt.” New York Post. Last modified February 11,2015. Accessed July 21, 2015. http://nypost.com/2015/02/11/subway-costs-leave-mta-34-1-billion-in-debt/.4 Metropolitan Transportation Authority. “MTA Twenty-Year Capital Needs Assessment 2015-2034.” MTA. Last modifiedOctober 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://web.mta.info/mta/capital/pdf/TYN2015-2034.pdf.5 ”Transportation Reinvention Commission.” MTA. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://web.mta.info/mta/news/hearings/index-

reinvention.html.6 Best Workplaces for Commuters. National Center for Transit Research and University of South Florida. “2013 CommuterBenefits.” Best Workplaces for Commuters. Last modified 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://www.bestworkplaces.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/2013-BWC-Commuter-Benefits.pdf.7 Allen, Heather. “Bus reform in Seoul, Republic of Korea.” UN Habitat. Last modified 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://unhabitat.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/GRHS.2013.Case_.Study_.Seoul_.Korea_.pdf.8 Smith, Gwen Chisholm. “Contractual Means of Achieving High-Level Performance.” Transit Cooperative ResearchProgram. Last modified June 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://www.tcrponline.org/PDFDocuments/tcrp_lrd_43.pdf.9 Roosevelt Institute Campus Network. “Rethinking Communities.” Roosevelt Institute Campus Network. Accessed July27, 2015. http://www.rethinkingcommunities.com.10 Center for Urban Future. “Behind the Curb.” Center for Urban Future.11 “MTA Bus Company (MTABUS).” NTD Program. Accessed July 23, 2015.http://www.ntdprogram.gov/ntdprogram/pubs/profiles/2013/agency_profiles/2188.pdf.12 New York State. “Governor Cuomo Announces Second Round of Public-Private Partnership to Prepare Students forHigh-Skill Jobs.” New York State. Last modified August 7, 2014. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://www.governor.ny.gov/newsgovernor-cuomo-announces-second-round-public-private-partnership-prepare-students-high-skill..13 The City of New York. “GOAL 6 New York City’s transportation network will be reliable, safe, sustainable, andaccessible, meeting the needs of all New Yorkers and supporting the city’s growing economy.” #OneNYC. Accessed July22, 2015. http://www1.nyc.gov/html/onenyc/visions/thriving/goal-6.html.14 City of New York. “Mayor de Blasio Releases One New York: The Plan for a Strong and Just City.” NYC. Last modifiedApril 22, 2015. Accessed July 22, 2015. http://www1.nyc.gov/office-of-the-mayor/news/257-15/mayor-de-blasio-releases-one-new-york-plan-strong-just-city#/0.15 Center for Urban Future. “Behind the Curb.” Center for Urban Future.16 Ibid.17 Parrott, James A., Ph.D. “Low-Wage Workers and the High Cost of Living in New York City.” Fiscal Policy Institute.

To Protect and Serve: Enhanced Transparency and Training for Volunteer Law Enforcement

1 Ana Ley, “How Las Vegas’ Volunteer Police Programs Work,” Las Vegas Sun, April 24, 2015, accessed January 19, 2016,ht

10 Ideas for Equal Justice, 2016

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