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University of Massachuses - Amherst
ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst
Landscape Architecture & Regional PlanningFaculty Publication Series
Landscape Architecture & Regional Planning
1989
Te Problems of Rural Reindustrialization: A CaseStudy of Monroe, Massachuses
John R. MullinUniversity of Massachuses - Amherst, jmullin@provost.umass.edu
Jeanne H. Armstrong
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~
The roblems Case
Stud
of Rural
of Monroe
Reindustrialization Massachuset
Jeanne H. Armstrona and John R. Mullin
Owing to the departure of the mill indwtryfro m rum1
New
England
m ny
small t o m
have suffered erosion of their economic base. These towns
nd
villagesface a declining
population vacant mills and an aging work force. Monroe Mksa chuse tts s an example
of the prob lem of rural reindwm malization. X s article concludes that state intervention
is requiredfor the restomtion ofprodu ctivity
S
veral hundred small villages and towns across New England are in serious eco-
nomic trouble as a result of erosion of their economic base.' Often located miles
from population centers and relying on outmoded transportation systems, these communi-
ties must
face
the realization that The Mill, their raison d'gtre, will most likely cease
production as tighter environmental controls are established, efficiency
in
operations
becomes more critical, absentee landlords require greater return, and general manufac-
turing de~l ines .~quiet foreboding overshadows these communities located along such
rivers as the Blackstone, the Quinebog, and the Deerfield. There is a feeling that the
communities are alone in their problems and that few, beyond the residents, care about
their future.'
Yet these communities are important to New England. They representits culture and
heritage and, perhaps most important, are often the breeding grounds for the new ideas,
inventions, and innovations that have kept our region economically viable.' There is
clearly a need to help these towns,
to
nurture them, and to stimulate actions that will help
them recover. This article is a plea for state officials across New England to begin to
create programs designed to help these communities. The costs in terms of money, time,
or effort will be small, and the return is likely to be significant.'
We focus on the town of Monroe, Massachusetts, as an example of the plight of the mill
town in New England. Located approximately
126
miles west of Boston, Monroe is nes-
tled against the Vermont border and adjacent to the towns of Rowe and Florida, in Massa-
chusetts, and Readsboro, Vermont. One has to traverse the Mohawk Trail and ten miles of
hilly and narrow road, pass a nuclear power plant, cross a condemned bridge, and negoti-
Jeanne H A m m n g
s
president of LundUse Incorpomted aplanning consultingfinn in
Hadley
Massachusetts. John
R.
Mullin
s
professor of
urb n
planning
a
the Univers ity of Massachusetts ar Amherst.
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
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ew ngland d
f
ublic
h l i c y
atea steep inclineby a vacant mill before oneenters the town center. While the traveler
encountersmuch scenicbeauty, the trip is disconcerting.One may see breathtaking vistas
and hear the roar of a tumbling stream, but one also seespoverty, disinvestment,and an
overpoweringnuclear power plant. Monroehas the look of a dying town place with no
industry,nocommerce, and,most recently, no schooL6 t is a distressed community in
whichpeople are overwhelmed
by
events, undersupported by the state, suspiciousof
outsiders,and dividedamong themselvesconcerning futuredirections. But it
can
stillbe
revived t could be a productiveand economically vibrant community. Monroe need
not slide into bankruptcy, becomea ward of the state,and suffer the indignityof being the
first communityin Massachusettssince Fall River and Millville duringthe Great Depres-
sion to be legally designated incapableof caring for itself.
Monroe is not unique. In fact, scores of towns throughoutNew England could easily
slide into a similar position. Theclosing of a
mill
the loss of a key natural resource, or
the failureof a bridge could lead to the same sortof fate. Themessage isclear: despite
severalyears of prosperity and near full employment, industry-based, rural
New
England
communitiesare still in
aneconomicclimate that is far from secure. For this reason, and
to prevent further Monroes fromoccurring, the story mustbe told.'
The article contains two parts: the first focuseson the criticalelementsthat have caused
Monroe to be what it is, the secondon what can be done to help this community,with a
description of lessonslearned.
he
lbwn
of Monroe
Overview
Incorporated in 1822and named after the fifth president of the United States,Monroe
was
first settledby rail workers employed in constructing the famedHoosacRailroad
'Ibnnel.With its fast-flowingstream,high banks, and buildable land at the water's edge,
the
town
had
l l
the basic requirements for a mill. In 1866 a paper millwas constructed
and
with its accompanyingmill housing, became the lifebloodof the town for the next
120years.
The land is quitehilly, except for the area where theMill is located (commonlyreferred
to as MonroeBridge) and a small cluster of homes in the hills (called Upper Monroe).
This terrain has been a critical factor in keeping the town so sparsely populated; it simply
is not developable: less
than
half a squaremileof the town's
10 85
squaremiles is consid-
ered buildable. s factor, coupled with harsh weather, makes accessibilitydifficultfor
both trucks and cars. Indeed, many of the most skilled truckers (andyesterday's team-
sters)have cursedthe day they were assignedto
make
deliveries to the Mill.
In
any
weather, traversing the roads, with
22
percent slopes,bridges with gaps in the roadbed
and a tendency to shake, and hairpin turns, is difficult. Monroe's inaccessibility,limited
supply of developable land, and distance frommajor populationcenters resulted in its evo-
lution asa rural industrialcommunitywith no agriculturalbase, a communitydependent
for its economicwell-being on the futureof a tired, outmodednineteenth-centurymill.
The
Vi age
A summary of the characteristics of Monroe that one might write for theEncyclopaedia
ritannica would read as follows:
Monroe pop.
142 incorporated lm ,ocated 26
miles west-northwest of Boston in
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
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3
.- .-,
-
2 4 ,
-
w . s
Franklin County, adjacent to the Deerfield River, settled by Italian railroad workers.
m:
Home of the Westfield Paper Company's glassinepaper factory, now closed. m a l l l l
manufacturingtown in Massachusetts.
.'
While the facts are accurate, they tell only part of the story.
@
--
The town is clustered around the Mill in a manner reminiscent of the village pattern o k - .
the Slater Mills common to Rhode Island and southeastern Mas~achuse t t s .~he Mill
stands on the banks of the Deerfield River; one can clearly see the high-water mark along
its concrete basement. A mixture of concrete, brick, and wood, it is a utilitarian complex.
Clearly, the owners, over time, simply created additions to the complex with an eye
toward cost and efficiency rather than beauty.
Climbing from the Mill complex toward the town center, one enters the residential area.
Grouped on either side of a well-kept street are row houses and boardinghouses, now
IF
I
converted to market-rate rental units, and several small, well-kept, single-family homes*
:
which regularly sell for under
60,000
per unit. The town's one restaurant, which is in
the middle of this area, is barely surviving. This is understandable, given that the Mill is
closed, only
142
people live in the town, and Monroe is off the beaten path. Still, it is pi
obvious that the people who live here have not given up hope, since the yards and streets
.
are beautifully maintained.
ma
At the top of the hill is the institutional center of town, where one finds the Mill's
;:
former main office building. It was an impressive structure with features both slightly
Teutonic and slightly Queen Anne-style. While it is still well maintained, the aluminum
-
siding along the lower floor has robbed the structure of much of its former beauty. Imme
;
iately across the street is the impressivelymaintained combination town hall and grade
.
6
school, which sits above the town on a grass knoll overlooking the village. With white
.:
columns and a brick facade, this structure alone presents a picture of Monroe as it m i g h t w
have been in earlier times. To the side of the town hall is the former Mill foreman's house,
in the process of being restored. It is called the amesRamage House, and its position o w
the high ground, overlooking the former homes of the Mill workers, is symbolic. Its s i z e
'
style, and location all reflect the power, prestige, and control of the Mill management over
the workers.I0It is no accident that this building is adjacent to the town hall: town govern; +
ment and M ill business were one and the same. What is missing is the third structural
element common to so many nineteenth-centurymill villages in New England: the Protek-
tant church. The only church in town
was
destroyed by fire in
1934.
Across the street
cc
from the foreman's house is the post office, a run-down structure in need of substantial
aG
improvements. And that's the village ompact, neatly kept for the most part, and quit$,,
functional. But there are problems on the horizon.
a
We must consider the question, What is a village? Clearly it's a community of people
in which face-to-face, incidental contact commonly occurs through the normal function+
of everyday life: shopping, the journey to work or school, the need to pay bills or visit the
post office. If we examine closely the functions noted above, several are either missing or
in danger of elimination from the Mon roe scene. First, there are no shops in the village.
To buy something as common as a toothbrush or a newspaper one must travel on a very
F
=
steep grade four miles to Rowe or five miles to Readsboro, Vermont. Even buying a cup
of coffee may become a problem if the one restaurant in town folds. Thus, in terms ofs
the essential goods required for day-to-day life, the village offers very little.
b-
Second, there is the future of the U.S. post office, which, in small-town America, 1s kLllr
many things in addition to the place where one purchases stamps. It is the symbol of the
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
5/15
h v
ngland
Journal ofPW lic
tbk cy
. --< .
Ti ?=
;
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.
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.
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7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
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pany had to decidewhich plant to close. The Monroe plant was the olderof the two, had-
anolderwork force,older equipment, less space to adapt for new machinery,was in
= ;
worse condition, and
was
moredifficult to serviceby truck. In addition, therewere ru
mors that it required the expenditureof a significantamount of money for environmental
cleanup. Given suchconditions, what choice did the ownershave? Therehavebeen hints
of potential buyers but, to date, they have not been substantiated. As the president of t h m
owningcompany notes, We activelyseek interested parties for the site.
What are the criticalcharacteristicsof thismill closing?
The labor force, although quite skilled,was aging. An olderwork force is
generally more costly and lessadaptable to change.
Therewere alternative opportunities for work in the region, so the stigma
.-
.
.-- ..-
>..~.
unemploymentand the loss of incomewould not be as extensive in Monroe-
.o
as in many other communitiesfacing plant closings.''
Therewas littlereplacement labor on the horizon. The region
was
not
employment. Further, the local birthrate was close t
and women regularly left the community after high
needed on the not too distant horizon.
Built inthe hineteenth century, the Mill was not designed for the mode
production of paper. Theprocess is essentially linear, whil
multifloorconfiguration required vertical movements. s
Access to the Mill is difficult for sixteen-wheeltrucks. We have prev
mentioned the dangerousgradesthat lead to the town from W e . Fo
slopes andhairpin
stressful.
Eight
U.S.
mills were turningout the sameproduct for a de&d that coul
be supplied by only two of them. Monroe's facility was amongthe oldest.
Because eed International had not reinvested in modem paper-making
equipment, it gave its
capture a market share.
eed International
turned out
to
be an
high rate of returnon investment to operateefficiently.
If it is sold again, the Mill will have
to
undergoan environmental inspedtio
to
ensurethat it meetscurrent health standards.Thismeans that the seller
wouldhave
to
bear the potential additional expenseof an environmental
cleanup, which is rarely inexpensive. In Barre, Massachusetts, for exampl
the environmentalproblems associatedwith the BarreMill have kept it
2 :/I
closed for fo~rteen-~ears. '~
T : A= . ; . . .
r ..
..,
-..?. .
4 .- .-I
.
. -.
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
7/15
New
E8a grond
ournal ofwl i
hli y
In
the final analysisa town's character isdetermined by the people who call ithome.
After all the commuters, stateand county bureaucrats, and consultants leave, it is the
must be plowed, bills mu
The town was initially settled by the Italian immigrantswho workedon the
Railroad Tunnel. Having established residence in Monroe, they later began working in the
factoriesof the region and were soonjoined by
other ethnic groups. Today there is still a
smallgroup of familieswith Italian surnames,but the town is a mixture of many groups,
with no dominantethnicrepresentation.
Monroe isa blue-collar town in which no local citizen is a doctor, lawyer, or captain
of industry. The influenceof the Westfield Mill w s such that it and the community
became one. Sinceit called for a large numberof machinistsand other tradesmen,e
there is no mystery about the community's evolvingas it did. The ownersand uppe
.
level managementlived afar, while the workers resided in the Mill's shadow. This
New Englandphenomenonwas repeated constantly inthe region's nineteenth-and - - a :
twentieth-centuryhistory.
a.
v:
Monroe's populationbase is in decline. With an averageage of thirty-four, its peoplezy
are older than the stateaverage, and Massachusettsis among U.S. stateswith the oldest
population. Nothing points this out morevividly than examiningthe birthrates. Over the
past decadethe town's birthrate has declined. Deathshavealso declined,but only as a
result fpeople leaving the communityand dyingelsewhere. Thus with people stillmov-
ing out, a decliningbirthrate, agingpopulation, and newcomersconsistingprimarily of
retirees, the town is in a postureof decline. In fact, all of the fourhomes sold in Monroe
over the pastyear were purchased by retirees. With an averageprice per unit of under
$60,000,housing is the lowestpriced in the county and is obviously a bargain when
comparedto that of other communities.
This senseof declinecan alsobe noted in the participation in town government. re-
view of the town reports shows that only a smallcadreof people actually participate.
Interestingly, the selectmenoften serveas volunteerdriversof the snowplowsinwinter,
which helps the town savemoney. Thereality remains that the problems facing the town
have led to dispiritedcivic morale: it is as if anythingthe town tries causes futureprob-
lems or does not work. Despite Herculean efforts, Monroehas been unable to obtain its
expected share of stategrants. This problem isparticularly severe in rural communities
across the country. These hardworking, dedicated, and well-meaningpeopleare simply
ll equippedto bring aboutrequired changes. Finally, despitethe low priceof housing, no
family in Monroecould afford to purchase its present homeat today's prices. They are, in
a sense, trapped.
And where does the Commonwealthof Massachusettsfit into the future of Monroe?
Manifestly, if the town is to survive, the statewill have toplay a major role. Unfortu-
nately, the statehas not provided any specialconsideration to the town beyond approving
a grant designedto bring officials together to analyzethe town's problems.
Why has this occurred?While there are many reasons, the simplest is that the statehas
no general grantprogram designedto comprehensivelyaddress the needs of communities
that areunder fiscal or economic stress. Further, there are strict requirements for many
other grants that areevaluatedby such criteria as return oninvestmentor in terms of the
greatestnumberof peoplebeing served or of making a positivecontribution to the com-
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
8/15
munity's economic well-being. In truth, many communities that require state aid in antici-
pation of economic growth or for stability are turned away. A community that was grow-
ing or in which a company was to locate would have a higher priority. A community in
distress has a difficult time obtaining the financial assistance of state grants to ameliorate
its condition.
Over the past five years the community submitted applications for eight grants, of
which only two were awarded, one for minor road improvements, the other to study the
town's fiscal problems. It is clear that part of the problem may have been the grant-writ-
ing skills of the townspeople and their poor judgment in applying for high-risk grants. It
is also clear that the statehas not relaxed its standards in favor of the town. As lateas
April 9,1988, at the Conferenceon the Futureof Monroe, Massachusetts, Associate
Commissionerof Public Works Kenneth Kruckemeyer stated that Monroe's applica-
tions for assistance in road improvementswere not ascriticalas those of many other
statecomm~nities.'~
The
Nuclear Power hnl
Oneof Monroe's neighbors, Rowe, is the home of ankeeAtomic Nuclear Reactor num-
ber 1. Rowe and its nuclear power plant have had and continue to have a significantimpact
upon the town.
ankeeAtomic, the largestemployer inRawe, pays approximately
$400,000
in prop-
erty taxes. For this reason Rowehas oneof the lowest tax rates in the stateand is able to
financecivic improvementsof a higher quality than thoseof its neighbors. (Rowe's
t x
rateof $7.10 per thousand is one-third that of Monroe's. Although not a Lexingtonor a
Weston, Rowe is far more affluent than its neighboring FranklinCounty towns.
the best way to des~ribehe town is utility with a flair.
Theroad
to
the nuclearpower p h t s not a typical rural road; there are few ruts or
sharp curves, and vehiclesride almostas smoothly
as
ona major statehighway.
of the road and the depth of the pavement wereobviously calculated to support
servicingthe reactor. But the terrain indicates that there is somethingdifferent
LeavingRowe Center, one sees steep inclinesmarked
by
signs directing Trucks test
brakes and pointing to emergency off ramps. Reaching the bottom and
left turn, one finds the nuclearpower plant.
Painted
in softhues, the buildings more
g
closely resemble Henry Ford's VillageIndustriesof the 1930sthan a structurehousing
one of America's most powerful sourcesof energy.
It is a quiet place; in fact, the absenceof noisemakes oneuncomfortable.
outsidethe gatea person wonders, Is it on, is it down, or is somethingwrong? One
wants the nuclearpower plant todo something, like shake, whine, roar, or
and mist into the air. But itjust sits there quietly, cleanly and steadily providing ener
for
ew
England.
Built in 1954, ankeeAtomic is the nation's oldestactive nuclearplant. Its size, scale,
and energyoutput areminusculecompared
to
a Three Mile Island, a Millstone, or a Sea-
brook. But glidingdawn themountain to the site, onesees a fewmill structures, a geo
desic domed struchm, and a chain-link fence, a l l guarded by seriousamndants. Its
E i
neatness and senseof ordercause it
to
stand out. ocated along the southern edgeof the
Deerfield River, it is approximatelytw miles from the center of Rowe but less than one k.
mile fromthe town center of Monroe on the northern bank of the Deerfield. The factthat
Monroe provides the emergency evacuationroute for the plant, which is closer
to
Mon-
g -?
roe's center of population than Rowe's, is immaterial. This winner take all approach
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
9/15
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concerning tax revenues, regardless of impact, is common to our region. Also, locating
"Locally Unwanted Land Uses" (LULUs) on the borders of a town is a New England
form of long standing. The trained eye need not spy a sign announcing, "You are leav
town." ll it has to do is note the site of the local dump, local airport, local affordable
housing, or regional shopping center to know it is the edge of town. The nuclear
plant fits neatly into this pattern.
Theplant isat once a curseto Monroe and a potential savior. It is a cursebecause of its
proximity to the town: given a choice, would onewant to live in the shadowof a nuclear
power plant? Clearly not. Andwhen the otherproblems of Monroe areadded to this
LULU, one can clearly understand why Monroe is suffering.Of courseit is true that
people get used to living in the shadow of suchpotential threats to life. Nothing brought
thishome to us asmuch as a visit to Indiantown Gap, Pennsylvania, shortly after the acciz,
dent at the nearby Three Mile Island nuclear reactor. Whiletakingan evening stroll,we I&
?.
.
stopped to watch a softball gamebetween two local teams, oneof which was called the
k
-..-.-
Meltdowners It's amazing how quickly we as a people adapt to and laugh off danger. BUT
given a choice, would these people beplaying onthat fieldor living in that community?
,+
We
think
not and stillbelieve, despite external reactions to the contrary, that the psycho-#:
--
logical toll isquitehigh. But what if the managers of the powerplant became activepartic-
ipantsintownaffairs?What if they contributedto the school,the roads, and revitalization?
What if they aided town
boards
What if the company became a modern corporatecitizen
..--: .
participating in the largercommunity of which it
is
really a part, rather than merely fol-&:;:
y
lowing the basic rules of law? We don't haveanswers to these questionsexcept to note that'-'
such involvementcould be accomplished easily and at minimum cost.
The
D e e f i I d
River
Forming the border between Rowe and Monroe, the DeerfieldRiver flowsr
through deep cuts at a rapid "white-water" pace. The true pace of its flow, however, is
governed
by
a Northeastern Power Company (NEPCO) dam immediately to the east of
town. NEPCO regularlyreleases and retainswater according to its power generation
demandsand the rate of natural flow behind the dam Consequently,one cannotpredict $f
,
the river's flow, speed, or depth with any guaranteeof accuracy. NEPCO ownsvirtually
@-:-'-
all the land on eithersideof the river throughout the town.
@ -::
Why
s
the
river importantto the town? Firstof all, it is beautiful. Its steepbanks,
ir . ,
rapids, and explosivenessas it roarsdown a narrow shaft
and
cascadesover rocks isan-
lge any other in western Massachusetts. Its unpredictability, controlled and quiet at one
momentand wild and roaring the next, contributesto a senseof wariness and mystery. By
comparison, a ride on the Concord or the Sudbury is typically serene. Ajourney down the
Connecticutismarked by respect for its sedatepower. A tripon the Charlesor Mystic isl
-
civilized. And the slow-movingBlackstone and Assabet are littlemore than tired rem-
S -.
.
nants of anolder industrial order. The DeerfieldRiver, as it cuts through the land, be-
comes steep and banked. The remnantsof past floodshavecreatedrocky +ges from its m
banks. Beyond the edges is a denseforestthat is rarely traversed. These characteristics &
-
causeoneto feelthat this is a special stream. It really belongs innorthernMaine, hun-
*-
dredsof miles from civilization. Yet it is a controlled river, dominated by the decisionsof
NEPCO technicianswho determinethe time, speed,and regularityof its flow. In effect,
as with Yankee Atomic, the river is controiled by anonymousleverpullerswho are operat-
ingunder policies, rules, and regulations that have littletodowith the people of Monroe.
Who ownsthis river and what should its uses be? We
know
hat there isa whole body of
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
10/15
law governingriparian rights. We now also that there are agreements between the
stateand its utilities concerningwhat can be dammed. Finally, we know that thereare
various federal and state rules governingenvironmentalprotection. Thenet result is that
Monroe has little to say about what happens to the river. The combinationof bureau-
cratic rules and regulationsand long-term agreements with utilities has resulted in the
inability of the town to control its own riverfrontand river uses. Thepowerlessness
of residents is alwaysdifficult to swallow,but never more sothan when one s own town
is in trouble.
If Monroe is to have a prosperous future, the river will play a key role. Somehowthe
town must striveto regain a degreeof control over its use. But what is the likelihoodof
this occurring?With no full-timeprofessional staff, few financial resources,virtually no
legal aid, and a lack of understanding of federal and state rules, the town is unlikely even
to begin the process of assuring that its needs are addressed. Theriver is
n
Monroe but
not
of
Monroe, controlled by the people who use Monroe but don t know Monroe, and
governed for the public good, but somehownot for the good of Monroe.
The Monroe State Forest
The4,250-acreMonroe State Forest is owned by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
and operated by its Departmentof EnvironmentalManagement. Oncethe home of a state
prison camp, the site s buildings and roads are poorly maintained. Perhapsmore signifi-
cant, the forest is minimally used for recreational purposes, and no plans exist to promot
w
furtheruse or upgrade its facilities.It is littlemore than a plot of open spaceprotected by
hr tzG J
the commonwealthfor incidentaluse.I9
P .
But this property is important to the town. The statehas a policy of making payments
ip
ieu of taxes for its forest lands,payments intended to cover the cost of servicesneeded to
ensureprotection of the land. The good news is that the statedoes contributeto the town
treasury; the bad news is that the amount of payment is based upon the town s assessed
value, which is subject to dramatic change. For example, the state makes a largerpayment
for a stateforest in an affluent town than for one in a poor town, regardless of the need for
public support or the impactof the foreston the town s budget. In Monroe, with falling
property values, this policy means that the statewill be paying less money to the town at a
time when every cent is crucial to the town s future. It s a littlebit like kicking a dog when
it s down. Thereare clearly problems with this policy, but it could be changed. in the
meantime, Monroe continues to suffer.
he uture
ndso
Theoutlinedproblems have meaning for the town of Monroeand many other small New
England towns. What can be done? We will attempt to answer the question in
two
ways:
What can Monroe do to improve itself, and what are the lessons learned from the
M~ou>e
experience?
The town c n take a seriesof steps in cooperation with the county and the state:-.
Obtainprofessional grant-writing assistance from the county.
Obtain statehelp to explore the feasibilityof a year-round recreation center
m
emphasizing, for example, kayakingor white-water canoeing. Thispro-
sg
posal would require road improvements,the conversion of the Mill to a
?
:
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New England J o d f
M l i c
Fblicy
restaurant, shops, and club facilities,and the cooperation of the New Eng-
land Power Company.
Achievea fair payment in lieu of taxes for servicesprovided by the town to
the state forest.
=@
Request that the StateDepartment of EnvironmentalManagementupgrade
*-
the state forest
to
attract an increasing number of visitors.
Gain help from the state to provide a shared expense approach for the
chemical cleanup of the old Mill, without which it can never reopen for any
type of use.
Gain technical assistance
to
ensurethat the town remains on sound fiscal
footing.
Will all of the aboveguarantee the recovery of Monroe? Not by themselves, for each is
insufficientto address the problems facing the town. World, national, and regional mar-
ket conditionswill also havean impact on local conditions. However, given reasonably
stable financialmarkets, the cooperation of the stategovernmentand the utilities, and the
long-term commitmentof the Mill ownersand the townspeople, implementationof these
recommendations will help to improve the town's quality of life and place the community
on a sound financial basis. But above all, the essential ingredient is the will of the people.
If they remain disorganizedand allow market conditions to dictate their collective future,
and if they fail to keep their elected officials involved, the futureof the town will be in
jeopardy. The samespirit that led to the town's formationneeds to be applied once again.
If it is, the futurecould once agai
serves such a response.
What
Are the Lessons Learned
Throughout our work in Monroe we often asked: Is this town u
From research and interviews
ence is not an odd incidentbut one that is likely to be replicated many times in the coming
-
years. Three Massachusettsexamplescometo mind:
.. , n :. c ,,'
The town of Barre, with a 1980populationof 4,102, is the home of
-
pF5*:
480,706-square-foot
mill
that has been vacant for fourteenyears. A W -
&-
- -.
it employedover 1,000peoplesm
.@& -
-
The town of Chester's Dresser Mill, an 80,316-square-footfacility,has
& .
been vacant for six years. It employed fifty workers at its peak and paid 12
Es:
percent of the town's reven~es.~' _
_.
kc^
&&
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
12/15
A 4 rR b\
If an old mill building remains vacantand unheated for one winter, i
chancesof recovery decreasedramatically. ur experiencehas shown that %
rr
once the heat is shut off, pipes freeze, insurance is canceled, and vandalism I
tends
to
spread. classic exampleis the UniroyalBuilding in Chicopee, ej x
Massachusetts. In North Adams the Sprague Corporation voluntarilykept ar
s
If anold mill building remains ~&antormore than oneyea
ier to find residential or commercial tenants than industrial ones. Further,
the environmentalconcerns are far less. Theproblem,
scarce and expensive.
The lossof anold mill doesnot necessarily mean widespread unemploy-
ment (given the higher employmentin the larger region).
Old mill buildings in small-townNew Englandpay a disproportionate
amountof tax base. The closingof a mill is ac
assessedat 22percent of the town's total equalizedvalue. The curre
ownersare requesting an abatement.
There are no grant programs designedto help a community in general
distress. U grant moneys are tied
to
specificprograms.
Old mills arepotentiallyhazardous sites, resulting fro
waste-treatmentfacilities,and years of chemicaluse.
Often situatedinpoor areas of rural communitiwor alo
in flood plain areas, old mills havedifficulty in gaining
regulations.
Most old mills in
rural
Massachusettsareowned by absentee1
who w e ittle aboutcommunityneeds.
Most old mills areunsuitable for typical largescalemanufacturing
esses. And most have outmoded electrical, plumbing, and heating s
Given these conditions, it is clear that there is a need for a series of statepolicies and -
initiatives to help these communities Theprograms must be comprehensive,i n c l u d w
incentives, and beeasy toaccess. Without such programs towns likeMonroewill c o w
ue
to
struggle in a region of plenty. What are the recommended initiatives?
e all, there is a need for a distressed towns program that will package appropri%
te actions so that stateagenciesare mutually supporting. Sucha program would
w
period, a strongset of criteria for approval, @*
and common agreementoncritical actions onthe part of stateagencies. Could this occur?
Yes, if eachagencyrelaxed standards. Will it work? That isunlikely unless the highest
levelsof state governmentlend support.
~ a a m w ~i
-
. :.\
.
.
-
9
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
13/15
ew ngland
Joumal OfRhlic
Fblicy
here is a need to address the stateaid formulathat tends to punish communitiesthat
olderand, de facto, have fewerchildrenthan the stateaverage. In effect, the state
punishes communitiesin'decline.
If
a town loses an industry, workers leave, the school
population falls, the mill requests a t x abatement, and property values decline. Under
this scenario, the state-aidformulawould also be cut, thus reinforcing the cycle of decline.
The formula needs to be revised.
There is a need to revise the way the Departmentof EnvironmentalQualityEngineering
enforces the MassachusettsOil and HazardousMaterial Release Prevention and Response
Act (M.G.L., Ch. 21E .This law statesthat ny facilitymust be freeof chemicalcontami-
nants before a salecan be made. In effect the law oftenpreventsan owner whose business
has failed from bailing out while the buildingis stillusable. The law deserves tobe
applauded, but it has the unintended consequenceof causingmills to be abandoned or
closed for a longperiod of time. It would be far more effectiveif the law were revised to
create a combination of incentivesfor the owners, the state, the buyers, the workers, and
the town to fund the cleanuptogether. It is urged that the state institutea granttloanpro-
gram designedto recover old mills in distressed towns. Under such a program, the
owners, state, and towns could
allbe
required to participatefinancially.The ownerscould
be required to market structurestoward the typeof use most beneficial to the community:
for example, if the primary objective isjobs, ownerswould be required to market facili-
ties to industrialusers. Only after a careful saleseffort (up to three years) failed to pro-
duce the preferred reuse might anowner be allowed to sell to a different market. This
type of program could surely be a win-win'' situation.
There is a need to address regional tax-base sharing. It makes little sense that Monroe
receives minimal funds from Yankee Atomic. Such a changegoes against the tradition of
home rule and would require approvalof the state legislature. However, if this tradition
continues, there will
be
towns that continueto sufferwithoutaccessto dueprocess and
without the means to benefit from specificprojects of regional significance.There is also
a need to create policiesdesignedto stimulateeconomicgain even in areas that appear
risky. In other words, rather than reacting to existinggrowth, the statemust provide
technicalassistance, grants, and loans in anticipationof growth in distressed areas. Cur-
rent policy largely runs counter to this point.
Finally, there is a need to create a specialunderstandingof the role of economicdevel-
opment in rural and small-town New England that is nonagriculturallybased. Too often,
at the nationaland state levels, we equate rural and small-town living with farming, which
frequently is not the case. Many areashave strongtourist, recreation, commercial, and
industrial activitiesthat support the local economies.
Partsof Massachusettsare in a post-
agriculturalera in which agriculturehas only a minimal impacton the local economy.
Tomomw
The Monroe situation,whilean extreme, is not isolated. We predict that there will be
many more suchcommunitiesacross New England in the comingyears more mills
close, highways changetransportation patterns, and localpopulationsgrow older. The
problems facingthese communitiescannot
be
resolved locally. Rather, they require a
strong, coordinated, and comprehensiveefforton the part of stategovernment. If suchan
effort is undertaken, there is somepotential that they will recover nd partake of the fruits
of New England's recovery. If the effort is not undertaken, theseareas are likely to take
on the characteristicsof the poorest parts of Appalachia.The choice is ours.
Tomorrow?. a
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The research
or
thisprojectwas undertakenthroughgmnts rom
th
FmnWfnCounty Community
DevelopmentCopomtion andthe Universityof Massachusettsh b l i cServiceGrant Progmm n-,
1987 1988. Special hanks mustbegivento thesevengmduatestudentsof the Masters nRegional
PlanningP m g m who undertook hefield work StuartBeckley, ffiren
JamesMalley David v id SmimSinha, ndDavidTaylor.
NOT S
?P a
1. Steve Dunwell, The Run of the Mil l (Boston: Godine, 1978 .
2. Jeanne H. ArrnstrongandJohn
R
Mullin, Mature lndustrialCommunities:The Realitiesof Rein-
dustrialization, New EnglandJoumalofPublicPolicy
3, l
(WinterlSpring
1987 :7-38.
3. Jeanne H. ArrnstrongandJohn R. Mullin, National lndustrialPolicyandthe LocalPlanners,
JournalofPlanningLiterature2,2 (Spring1987 :119-135.
5. John R. Mullin, Planning nSmallTownMassachusetts(Amherst:Centerfor Rural ~ a s s a c h u - s
setts, January
1988 . 4--.
6. LarryPamass, Small Town PondersBigChange:'Hampshire Gazette, May 1,1989,10.
7. MassachusettsGeneralLawsActs of 1933(Chapter341 .613-617.
8. Departmentof LandscapeArchitectureand Regional Planning,A Planfor the EconomrcStabili
ofMonroe, Massachusetts(Amherst: U n i v e n i f y 1987 .
27
-
9. DavidMacauley, Mill (Boston: HoughtonMifflin, 1983 .
w: :
10. SergeHambourg, NoelPerrin, and KennethBriesch, MillsandFactoriesof NewEngland(New
York: HarryAbrams, 1988 ,37.
11. Gary Kulik, Roger Parks, and Theodore Penn, eds., Records from the Life of S. V S. Wilder, The
New EnglandMill Village, 1790-
1860
(Cambridge: MIT Press, 1982 .
12. Parnass, Small Town Ponders Change, 10.
13.
Francis J. Fitzpatrick, president, Westfield Paper Company, Russell, Massachusetts, personal
communication, June 17,1988.
14. LynnRubinstein, FranklinCountyGrowth PolicyStatement (Greenfield:FranklinCounty Planning
Commission, 1988 ,Appendix 4D
15. This point becameclear duringour work in Leominster. See, for example, Jeanne H.Armstrong,
John R. Mullin, and John K. Whiteman, The RevitalizationofLeominstefsPlasticIndustry: To-
wardaCenterforPlasticsTechnology (Hadley, Mass.: LandUse, Incorporated,1987 .
16. MatteoTriffelo, owner of the Barre Mill, personalcommunication,June 9,1988.
Lpk.9
17. NationalAssociationof State DevelopmentAgencies, RuralEconomicDevelopment: Selected
Sfate Initiatives nReview(NationalAssociationof StateDevelopmentAgencies, 1987 .
18. KennethKmckemeyer, AssociateCommissionerof PublicWorks, commentsat Conferenceon
the Futureof Monroe, April 9,1988.
19.
CarrollHolmes, RegionalSupervisor, MassachusettsDepartmentof EnvironmentalManagement,
commentsat Conferenceonthe Futureof Monroe,April 9,1988.
20. LandUse, Incorporated,The EconomicBaseofBarre, Massachusetts(Hadley, Mass.: LandUse,
Incorporated,1988 .
21. HayesAssociates, TheFutureof the
7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe
15/15
c olicy
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22.
BlackstoneValley RegionalDevelopment Corporation,Economic Impact nalysis Study of the
Blackstone River Canal Heritam State Park Boston: Commonwealthof Massachusetts.De~ar t -
--
rnent of Environmental~anagement , 988), 100-107.
23. Jeanne H.Armstrong a
Restoration Project
Ha