The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe

7/25/2019 The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe

1/15

University of Massachuses - Amherst

ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst

Landscape Architecture & Regional PlanningFaculty Publication Series

Landscape Architecture & Regional Planning

1989

Te Problems of Rural Reindustrialization: A CaseStudy of Monroe, Massachuses

John R. MullinUniversity of Massachuses - Amherst, [email protected]

Jeanne H. Armstrong

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Mullin, John R. and Armstrong, Jeanne H., "Te Problems of Rural Reindustrialization: A Case Study of Monroe, Massachuses"(1989).Landscape Architecture & Regional Planning Faculty Publication Series. Paper 12.hp://scholarworks.umass.edu/larp_faculty_pubs/12
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~

The roblems Case

Stud

of Rural

of Monroe

Reindustrialization Massachuset

Jeanne H. Armstrona and John R. Mullin

Owing to the departure of the mill indwtryfro m rum1

New

England

m ny

small t o m

have suffered erosion of their economic base. These towns

nd

villagesface a declining

population vacant mills and an aging work force. Monroe Mksa chuse tts s an example

of the prob lem of rural reindwm malization. X s article concludes that state intervention

is requiredfor the restomtion ofprodu ctivity

S

veral hundred small villages and towns across New England are in serious eco-

nomic trouble as a result of erosion of their economic base.' Often located miles

from population centers and relying on outmoded transportation systems, these communi-

ties must

face

the realization that The Mill, their raison d'gtre, will most likely cease

production as tighter environmental controls are established, efficiency

in

operations

becomes more critical, absentee landlords require greater return, and general manufac-

turing de~l ines .~quiet foreboding overshadows these communities located along such

rivers as the Blackstone, the Quinebog, and the Deerfield. There is a feeling that the

communities are alone in their problems and that few, beyond the residents, care about

their future.'

Yet these communities are important to New England. They representits culture and

heritage and, perhaps most important, are often the breeding grounds for the new ideas,

inventions, and innovations that have kept our region economically viable.' There is

clearly a need to help these towns,

to

nurture them, and to stimulate actions that will help

them recover. This article is a plea for state officials across New England to begin to

create programs designed to help these communities. The costs in terms of money, time,

or effort will be small, and the return is likely to be significant.'

We focus on the town of Monroe, Massachusetts, as an example of the plight of the mill

town in New England. Located approximately

126

miles west of Boston, Monroe is nes-

tled against the Vermont border and adjacent to the towns of Rowe and Florida, in Massa-

chusetts, and Readsboro, Vermont. One has to traverse the Mohawk Trail and ten miles of

hilly and narrow road, pass a nuclear power plant, cross a condemned bridge, and negoti-

Jeanne H A m m n g

s

president of LundUse Incorpomted aplanning consultingfinn in

Hadley

Massachusetts. John

R.

Mullin

s

professor of

urb n

planning

a

the Univers ity of Massachusetts ar Amherst.


3/15

ew ngland d

f

ublic

h l i c y

atea steep inclineby a vacant mill before oneenters the town center. While the traveler

encountersmuch scenicbeauty, the trip is disconcerting.One may see breathtaking vistas

and hear the roar of a tumbling stream, but one also seespoverty, disinvestment,and an

overpoweringnuclear power plant. Monroehas the look of a dying town place with no

industry,nocommerce, and,most recently, no schooL6 t is a distressed community in

whichpeople are overwhelmed

by

events, undersupported by the state, suspiciousof

outsiders,and dividedamong themselvesconcerning futuredirections. But it

can

stillbe

revived t could be a productiveand economically vibrant community. Monroe need

not slide into bankruptcy, becomea ward of the state,and suffer the indignityof being the

first communityin Massachusettssince Fall River and Millville duringthe Great Depres-

sion to be legally designated incapableof caring for itself.

Monroe is not unique. In fact, scores of towns throughoutNew England could easily

slide into a similar position. Theclosing of a

mill

the loss of a key natural resource, or

the failureof a bridge could lead to the same sortof fate. Themessage isclear: despite

severalyears of prosperity and near full employment, industry-based, rural

New

England

communitiesare still in

aneconomicclimate that is far from secure. For this reason, and

to prevent further Monroes fromoccurring, the story mustbe told.'

The article contains two parts: the first focuseson the criticalelementsthat have caused

Monroe to be what it is, the secondon what can be done to help this community,with a

description of lessonslearned.

he

lbwn

of Monroe

Overview

Incorporated in 1822and named after the fifth president of the United States,Monroe

was

first settledby rail workers employed in constructing the famedHoosacRailroad

'Ibnnel.With its fast-flowingstream,high banks, and buildable land at the water's edge,

the

town

had

l l

the basic requirements for a mill. In 1866 a paper millwas constructed

and

with its accompanyingmill housing, became the lifebloodof the town for the next

120years.

The land is quitehilly, except for the area where theMill is located (commonlyreferred

to as MonroeBridge) and a small cluster of homes in the hills (called Upper Monroe).

This terrain has been a critical factor in keeping the town so sparsely populated; it simply

is not developable: less

than

half a squaremileof the town's

10 85

squaremiles is consid-

ered buildable. s factor, coupled with harsh weather, makes accessibilitydifficultfor

both trucks and cars. Indeed, many of the most skilled truckers (andyesterday's team-

sters)have cursedthe day they were assignedto

make

deliveries to the Mill.

In

any

weather, traversing the roads, with

22

percent slopes,bridges with gaps in the roadbed

and a tendency to shake, and hairpin turns, is difficult. Monroe's inaccessibility,limited

supply of developable land, and distance frommajor populationcenters resulted in its evo-

lution asa rural industrialcommunitywith no agriculturalbase, a communitydependent

for its economicwell-being on the futureof a tired, outmodednineteenth-centurymill.

The

Vi age

A summary of the characteristics of Monroe that one might write for theEncyclopaedia

ritannica would read as follows:

Monroe pop.

142 incorporated lm ,ocated 26

miles west-northwest of Boston in


4/15

3

.- .-,

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w . s

Franklin County, adjacent to the Deerfield River, settled by Italian railroad workers.

m:

Home of the Westfield Paper Company's glassinepaper factory, now closed. m a l l l l

manufacturingtown in Massachusetts.

.'

While the facts are accurate, they tell only part of the story.

@

--

The town is clustered around the Mill in a manner reminiscent of the village pattern o k - .

the Slater Mills common to Rhode Island and southeastern Mas~achuse t t s .~he Mill

stands on the banks of the Deerfield River; one can clearly see the high-water mark along

its concrete basement. A mixture of concrete, brick, and wood, it is a utilitarian complex.

Clearly, the owners, over time, simply created additions to the complex with an eye

toward cost and efficiency rather than beauty.

Climbing from the Mill complex toward the town center, one enters the residential area.

Grouped on either side of a well-kept street are row houses and boardinghouses, now

IF

I

converted to market-rate rental units, and several small, well-kept, single-family homes*

:

which regularly sell for under

60,000

per unit. The town's one restaurant, which is in

the middle of this area, is barely surviving. This is understandable, given that the Mill is

closed, only

142

people live in the town, and Monroe is off the beaten path. Still, it is pi

obvious that the people who live here have not given up hope, since the yards and streets

.

are beautifully maintained.

ma

At the top of the hill is the institutional center of town, where one finds the Mill's

;:

former main office building. It was an impressive structure with features both slightly

Teutonic and slightly Queen Anne-style. While it is still well maintained, the aluminum

-

siding along the lower floor has robbed the structure of much of its former beauty. Imme

;

iately across the street is the impressivelymaintained combination town hall and grade

.

6

school, which sits above the town on a grass knoll overlooking the village. With white

.:

columns and a brick facade, this structure alone presents a picture of Monroe as it m i g h t w

have been in earlier times. To the side of the town hall is the former Mill foreman's house,

in the process of being restored. It is called the amesRamage House, and its position o w

the high ground, overlooking the former homes of the Mill workers, is symbolic. Its s i z e

'

style, and location all reflect the power, prestige, and control of the Mill management over

the workers.I0It is no accident that this building is adjacent to the town hall: town govern; +

ment and M ill business were one and the same. What is missing is the third structural

element common to so many nineteenth-centurymill villages in New England: the Protek-

tant church. The only church in town

was

destroyed by fire in

1934.

Across the street

cc

from the foreman's house is the post office, a run-down structure in need of substantial

aG

improvements. And that's the village ompact, neatly kept for the most part, and quit$,,

functional. But there are problems on the horizon.

a

We must consider the question, What is a village? Clearly it's a community of people

in which face-to-face, incidental contact commonly occurs through the normal function+

of everyday life: shopping, the journey to work or school, the need to pay bills or visit the

post office. If we examine closely the functions noted above, several are either missing or

in danger of elimination from the Mon roe scene. First, there are no shops in the village.

To buy something as common as a toothbrush or a newspaper one must travel on a very

F

=

steep grade four miles to Rowe or five miles to Readsboro, Vermont. Even buying a cup

of coffee may become a problem if the one restaurant in town folds. Thus, in terms ofs

the essential goods required for day-to-day life, the village offers very little.

b-

Second, there is the future of the U.S. post office, which, in small-town America, 1s kLllr

many things in addition to the place where one purchases stamps. It is the symbol of the


5/15

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Journal ofPW lic

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6/15

pany had to decidewhich plant to close. The Monroe plant was the olderof the two, had-

anolderwork force,older equipment, less space to adapt for new machinery,was in

= ;

worse condition, and

was

moredifficult to serviceby truck. In addition, therewere ru

mors that it required the expenditureof a significantamount of money for environmental

cleanup. Given suchconditions, what choice did the ownershave? Therehavebeen hints

of potential buyers but, to date, they have not been substantiated. As the president of t h m

owningcompany notes, We activelyseek interested parties for the site.

What are the criticalcharacteristicsof thismill closing?

The labor force, although quite skilled,was aging. An olderwork force is

generally more costly and lessadaptable to change.

Therewere alternative opportunities for work in the region, so the stigma

.-

.

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unemploymentand the loss of incomewould not be as extensive in Monroe-

.o

as in many other communitiesfacing plant closings.''

Therewas littlereplacement labor on the horizon. The region

was

not

employment. Further, the local birthrate was close t

and women regularly left the community after high

needed on the not too distant horizon.

Built inthe hineteenth century, the Mill was not designed for the mode

production of paper. Theprocess is essentially linear, whil

multifloorconfiguration required vertical movements. s

Access to the Mill is difficult for sixteen-wheeltrucks. We have prev

mentioned the dangerousgradesthat lead to the town from W e . Fo

slopes andhairpin

stressful.

Eight

U.S.

mills were turningout the sameproduct for a de&d that coul

be supplied by only two of them. Monroe's facility was amongthe oldest.

Because eed International had not reinvested in modem paper-making

equipment, it gave its

capture a market share.

eed International

turned out

to

be an

high rate of returnon investment to operateefficiently.

If it is sold again, the Mill will have

to

undergoan environmental inspedtio

to

ensurethat it meetscurrent health standards.Thismeans that the seller

wouldhave

to

bear the potential additional expenseof an environmental

cleanup, which is rarely inexpensive. In Barre, Massachusetts, for exampl

the environmentalproblems associatedwith the BarreMill have kept it

2 :/I

closed for fo~rteen-~ears. '~

T : A= . ; . . .

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7/15

New

E8a grond

ournal ofwl i

hli y

In

the final analysisa town's character isdetermined by the people who call ithome.

After all the commuters, stateand county bureaucrats, and consultants leave, it is the

must be plowed, bills mu

The town was initially settled by the Italian immigrantswho workedon the

Railroad Tunnel. Having established residence in Monroe, they later began working in the

factoriesof the region and were soonjoined by

other ethnic groups. Today there is still a

smallgroup of familieswith Italian surnames,but the town is a mixture of many groups,

with no dominantethnicrepresentation.

Monroe isa blue-collar town in which no local citizen is a doctor, lawyer, or captain

of industry. The influenceof the Westfield Mill w s such that it and the community

became one. Sinceit called for a large numberof machinistsand other tradesmen,e

there is no mystery about the community's evolvingas it did. The ownersand uppe

.

level managementlived afar, while the workers resided in the Mill's shadow. This

New Englandphenomenonwas repeated constantly inthe region's nineteenth-and - - a :

twentieth-centuryhistory.

a.

v:

Monroe's populationbase is in decline. With an averageage of thirty-four, its peoplezy

are older than the stateaverage, and Massachusettsis among U.S. stateswith the oldest

population. Nothing points this out morevividly than examiningthe birthrates. Over the

past decadethe town's birthrate has declined. Deathshavealso declined,but only as a

result fpeople leaving the communityand dyingelsewhere. Thus with people stillmov-

ing out, a decliningbirthrate, agingpopulation, and newcomersconsistingprimarily of

retirees, the town is in a postureof decline. In fact, all of the fourhomes sold in Monroe

over the pastyear were purchased by retirees. With an averageprice per unit of under

$60,000,housing is the lowestpriced in the county and is obviously a bargain when

comparedto that of other communities.

This senseof declinecan alsobe noted in the participation in town government. re-

view of the town reports shows that only a smallcadreof people actually participate.

Interestingly, the selectmenoften serveas volunteerdriversof the snowplowsinwinter,

which helps the town savemoney. Thereality remains that the problems facing the town

have led to dispiritedcivic morale: it is as if anythingthe town tries causes futureprob-

lems or does not work. Despite Herculean efforts, Monroehas been unable to obtain its

expected share of stategrants. This problem isparticularly severe in rural communities

across the country. These hardworking, dedicated, and well-meaningpeopleare simply

ll equippedto bring aboutrequired changes. Finally, despitethe low priceof housing, no

family in Monroecould afford to purchase its present homeat today's prices. They are, in

a sense, trapped.

And where does the Commonwealthof Massachusettsfit into the future of Monroe?

Manifestly, if the town is to survive, the statewill have toplay a major role. Unfortu-

nately, the statehas not provided any specialconsideration to the town beyond approving

a grant designedto bring officials together to analyzethe town's problems.

Why has this occurred?While there are many reasons, the simplest is that the statehas

no general grantprogram designedto comprehensivelyaddress the needs of communities

that areunder fiscal or economic stress. Further, there are strict requirements for many

other grants that areevaluatedby such criteria as return oninvestmentor in terms of the

greatestnumberof peoplebeing served or of making a positivecontribution to the com-


8/15

munity's economic well-being. In truth, many communities that require state aid in antici-

pation of economic growth or for stability are turned away. A community that was grow-

ing or in which a company was to locate would have a higher priority. A community in

distress has a difficult time obtaining the financial assistance of state grants to ameliorate

its condition.

Over the past five years the community submitted applications for eight grants, of

which only two were awarded, one for minor road improvements, the other to study the

town's fiscal problems. It is clear that part of the problem may have been the grant-writ-

ing skills of the townspeople and their poor judgment in applying for high-risk grants. It

is also clear that the statehas not relaxed its standards in favor of the town. As lateas

April 9,1988, at the Conferenceon the Futureof Monroe, Massachusetts, Associate

Commissionerof Public Works Kenneth Kruckemeyer stated that Monroe's applica-

tions for assistance in road improvementswere not ascriticalas those of many other

statecomm~nities.'~

The

Nuclear Power hnl

Oneof Monroe's neighbors, Rowe, is the home of ankeeAtomic Nuclear Reactor num-

ber 1. Rowe and its nuclear power plant have had and continue to have a significantimpact

upon the town.

ankeeAtomic, the largestemployer inRawe, pays approximately

$400,000

in prop-

erty taxes. For this reason Rowehas oneof the lowest tax rates in the stateand is able to

financecivic improvementsof a higher quality than thoseof its neighbors. (Rowe's

t x

rateof $7.10 per thousand is one-third that of Monroe's. Although not a Lexingtonor a

Weston, Rowe is far more affluent than its neighboring FranklinCounty towns.

the best way to des~ribehe town is utility with a flair.

Theroad

to

the nuclearpower p h t s not a typical rural road; there are few ruts or

sharp curves, and vehiclesride almostas smoothly

as

ona major statehighway.

of the road and the depth of the pavement wereobviously calculated to support

servicingthe reactor. But the terrain indicates that there is somethingdifferent

LeavingRowe Center, one sees steep inclinesmarked

by

signs directing Trucks test

brakes and pointing to emergency off ramps. Reaching the bottom and

left turn, one finds the nuclearpower plant.

Painted

in softhues, the buildings more

g

closely resemble Henry Ford's VillageIndustriesof the 1930sthan a structurehousing

one of America's most powerful sourcesof energy.

It is a quiet place; in fact, the absenceof noisemakes oneuncomfortable.

outsidethe gatea person wonders, Is it on, is it down, or is somethingwrong? One

wants the nuclearpower plant todo something, like shake, whine, roar, or

and mist into the air. But itjust sits there quietly, cleanly and steadily providing ener

for

ew

England.

Built in 1954, ankeeAtomic is the nation's oldestactive nuclearplant. Its size, scale,

and energyoutput areminusculecompared

to

a Three Mile Island, a Millstone, or a Sea-

brook. But glidingdawn themountain to the site, onesees a fewmill structures, a geo

desic domed struchm, and a chain-link fence, a l l guarded by seriousamndants. Its

E i

neatness and senseof ordercause it

to

stand out. ocated along the southern edgeof the

Deerfield River, it is approximatelytw miles from the center of Rowe but less than one k.

mile fromthe town center of Monroe on the northern bank of the Deerfield. The factthat

Monroe provides the emergency evacuationroute for the plant, which is closer

to

Mon-

g -?

roe's center of population than Rowe's, is immaterial. This winner take all approach


9/15

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concerning tax revenues, regardless of impact, is common to our region. Also, locating

"Locally Unwanted Land Uses" (LULUs) on the borders of a town is a New England

form of long standing. The trained eye need not spy a sign announcing, "You are leav

town." ll it has to do is note the site of the local dump, local airport, local affordable

housing, or regional shopping center to know it is the edge of town. The nuclear

plant fits neatly into this pattern.

Theplant isat once a curseto Monroe and a potential savior. It is a cursebecause of its

proximity to the town: given a choice, would onewant to live in the shadowof a nuclear

power plant? Clearly not. Andwhen the otherproblems of Monroe areadded to this

LULU, one can clearly understand why Monroe is suffering.Of courseit is true that

people get used to living in the shadow of suchpotential threats to life. Nothing brought

thishome to us asmuch as a visit to Indiantown Gap, Pennsylvania, shortly after the acciz,

dent at the nearby Three Mile Island nuclear reactor. Whiletakingan evening stroll,we I&

?.

.

stopped to watch a softball gamebetween two local teams, oneof which was called the

k

-..-.-

Meltdowners It's amazing how quickly we as a people adapt to and laugh off danger. BUT

given a choice, would these people beplaying onthat fieldor living in that community?

,+

We

think

not and stillbelieve, despite external reactions to the contrary, that the psycho-#:

--

logical toll isquitehigh. But what if the managers of the powerplant became activepartic-

ipantsintownaffairs?What if they contributedto the school,the roads, and revitalization?

What if they aided town

boards

What if the company became a modern corporatecitizen

..--: .

participating in the largercommunity of which it

is

really a part, rather than merely fol-&:;:

y

lowing the basic rules of law? We don't haveanswers to these questionsexcept to note that'-'

such involvementcould be accomplished easily and at minimum cost.

The

D e e f i I d

River

Forming the border between Rowe and Monroe, the DeerfieldRiver flowsr

through deep cuts at a rapid "white-water" pace. The true pace of its flow, however, is

governed

by

a Northeastern Power Company (NEPCO) dam immediately to the east of

town. NEPCO regularlyreleases and retainswater according to its power generation

demandsand the rate of natural flow behind the dam Consequently,one cannotpredict $f

,

the river's flow, speed, or depth with any guaranteeof accuracy. NEPCO ownsvirtually

@-:-'-

all the land on eithersideof the river throughout the town.

@ -::

Why

s

the

river importantto the town? Firstof all, it is beautiful. Its steepbanks,

ir . ,

rapids, and explosivenessas it roarsdown a narrow shaft

and

cascadesover rocks isan-

lge any other in western Massachusetts. Its unpredictability, controlled and quiet at one

momentand wild and roaring the next, contributesto a senseof wariness and mystery. By

comparison, a ride on the Concord or the Sudbury is typically serene. Ajourney down the

Connecticutismarked by respect for its sedatepower. A tripon the Charlesor Mystic isl

-

civilized. And the slow-movingBlackstone and Assabet are littlemore than tired rem-

S -.

.

nants of anolder industrial order. The DeerfieldRiver, as it cuts through the land, be-

comes steep and banked. The remnantsof past floodshavecreatedrocky +ges from its m

banks. Beyond the edges is a denseforestthat is rarely traversed. These characteristics &

-

causeoneto feelthat this is a special stream. It really belongs innorthernMaine, hun-

*-

dredsof miles from civilization. Yet it is a controlled river, dominated by the decisionsof

NEPCO technicianswho determinethe time, speed,and regularityof its flow. In effect,

as with Yankee Atomic, the river is controiled by anonymousleverpullerswho are operat-

ingunder policies, rules, and regulations that have littletodowith the people of Monroe.

Who ownsthis river and what should its uses be? We

know

hat there isa whole body of


10/15

law governingriparian rights. We now also that there are agreements between the

stateand its utilities concerningwhat can be dammed. Finally, we know that thereare

various federal and state rules governingenvironmentalprotection. Thenet result is that

Monroe has little to say about what happens to the river. The combinationof bureau-

cratic rules and regulationsand long-term agreements with utilities has resulted in the

inability of the town to control its own riverfrontand river uses. Thepowerlessness

of residents is alwaysdifficult to swallow,but never more sothan when one s own town

is in trouble.

If Monroe is to have a prosperous future, the river will play a key role. Somehowthe

town must striveto regain a degreeof control over its use. But what is the likelihoodof

this occurring?With no full-timeprofessional staff, few financial resources,virtually no

legal aid, and a lack of understanding of federal and state rules, the town is unlikely even

to begin the process of assuring that its needs are addressed. Theriver is

n

Monroe but

not

of

Monroe, controlled by the people who use Monroe but don t know Monroe, and

governed for the public good, but somehownot for the good of Monroe.

The Monroe State Forest

The4,250-acreMonroe State Forest is owned by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts

and operated by its Departmentof EnvironmentalManagement. Oncethe home of a state

prison camp, the site s buildings and roads are poorly maintained. Perhapsmore signifi-

cant, the forest is minimally used for recreational purposes, and no plans exist to promot

w

furtheruse or upgrade its facilities.It is littlemore than a plot of open spaceprotected by

hr tzG J

the commonwealthfor incidentaluse.I9

P .

But this property is important to the town. The statehas a policy of making payments

ip

ieu of taxes for its forest lands,payments intended to cover the cost of servicesneeded to

ensureprotection of the land. The good news is that the statedoes contributeto the town

treasury; the bad news is that the amount of payment is based upon the town s assessed

value, which is subject to dramatic change. For example, the state makes a largerpayment

for a stateforest in an affluent town than for one in a poor town, regardless of the need for

public support or the impactof the foreston the town s budget. In Monroe, with falling

property values, this policy means that the statewill be paying less money to the town at a

time when every cent is crucial to the town s future. It s a littlebit like kicking a dog when

it s down. Thereare clearly problems with this policy, but it could be changed. in the

meantime, Monroe continues to suffer.

he uture

ndso

Theoutlinedproblems have meaning for the town of Monroeand many other small New

England towns. What can be done? We will attempt to answer the question in

two

ways:

What can Monroe do to improve itself, and what are the lessons learned from the

M~ou>e

experience?

The town c n take a seriesof steps in cooperation with the county and the state:-.

Obtainprofessional grant-writing assistance from the county.

Obtain statehelp to explore the feasibilityof a year-round recreation center

m

emphasizing, for example, kayakingor white-water canoeing. Thispro-

sg

posal would require road improvements,the conversion of the Mill to a

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New England J o d f

M l i c

Fblicy

restaurant, shops, and club facilities,and the cooperation of the New Eng-

land Power Company.

Achievea fair payment in lieu of taxes for servicesprovided by the town to

the state forest.

=@

Request that the StateDepartment of EnvironmentalManagementupgrade

*-

the state forest

to

attract an increasing number of visitors.

Gain help from the state to provide a shared expense approach for the

chemical cleanup of the old Mill, without which it can never reopen for any

type of use.

Gain technical assistance

to

ensurethat the town remains on sound fiscal

footing.

Will all of the aboveguarantee the recovery of Monroe? Not by themselves, for each is

insufficientto address the problems facing the town. World, national, and regional mar-

ket conditionswill also havean impact on local conditions. However, given reasonably

stable financialmarkets, the cooperation of the stategovernmentand the utilities, and the

long-term commitmentof the Mill ownersand the townspeople, implementationof these

recommendations will help to improve the town's quality of life and place the community

on a sound financial basis. But above all, the essential ingredient is the will of the people.

If they remain disorganizedand allow market conditions to dictate their collective future,

and if they fail to keep their elected officials involved, the futureof the town will be in

jeopardy. The samespirit that led to the town's formationneeds to be applied once again.

If it is, the futurecould once agai

serves such a response.

What

Are the Lessons Learned

Throughout our work in Monroe we often asked: Is this town u

From research and interviews

ence is not an odd incidentbut one that is likely to be replicated many times in the coming

-

years. Three Massachusettsexamplescometo mind:

.. , n :. c ,,'

The town of Barre, with a 1980populationof 4,102, is the home of

-

pF5*:

480,706-square-foot

mill

that has been vacant for fourteenyears. A W -

&-

- -.

it employedover 1,000peoplesm

.@& -

-

The town of Chester's Dresser Mill, an 80,316-square-footfacility,has

& .

been vacant for six years. It employed fifty workers at its peak and paid 12

Es:

percent of the town's reven~es.~' _

_.

kc^

&&


12/15

A 4 rR b\

If an old mill building remains vacantand unheated for one winter, i

chancesof recovery decreasedramatically. ur experiencehas shown that %

rr

once the heat is shut off, pipes freeze, insurance is canceled, and vandalism I

tends

to

spread. classic exampleis the UniroyalBuilding in Chicopee, ej x

Massachusetts. In North Adams the Sprague Corporation voluntarilykept ar

s

If anold mill building remains ~&antormore than oneyea

ier to find residential or commercial tenants than industrial ones. Further,

the environmentalconcerns are far less. Theproblem,

scarce and expensive.

The lossof anold mill doesnot necessarily mean widespread unemploy-

ment (given the higher employmentin the larger region).

Old mill buildings in small-townNew Englandpay a disproportionate

amountof tax base. The closingof a mill is ac

assessedat 22percent of the town's total equalizedvalue. The curre

ownersare requesting an abatement.

There are no grant programs designedto help a community in general

distress. U grant moneys are tied

to

specificprograms.

Old mills arepotentiallyhazardous sites, resulting fro

waste-treatmentfacilities,and years of chemicaluse.

Often situatedinpoor areas of rural communitiwor alo

in flood plain areas, old mills havedifficulty in gaining

regulations.

Most old mills in

rural

Massachusettsareowned by absentee1

who w e ittle aboutcommunityneeds.

Most old mills areunsuitable for typical largescalemanufacturing

esses. And most have outmoded electrical, plumbing, and heating s

Given these conditions, it is clear that there is a need for a series of statepolicies and -

initiatives to help these communities Theprograms must be comprehensive,i n c l u d w

incentives, and beeasy toaccess. Without such programs towns likeMonroewill c o w

ue

to

struggle in a region of plenty. What are the recommended initiatives?

e all, there is a need for a distressed towns program that will package appropri%

te actions so that stateagenciesare mutually supporting. Sucha program would

w

period, a strongset of criteria for approval, @*

and common agreementoncritical actions onthe part of stateagencies. Could this occur?

Yes, if eachagencyrelaxed standards. Will it work? That isunlikely unless the highest

levelsof state governmentlend support.

~ a a m w ~i

-

. :.\

.

.

-

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13/15

ew ngland

Joumal OfRhlic

Fblicy

here is a need to address the stateaid formulathat tends to punish communitiesthat

olderand, de facto, have fewerchildrenthan the stateaverage. In effect, the state

punishes communitiesin'decline.

If

a town loses an industry, workers leave, the school

population falls, the mill requests a t x abatement, and property values decline. Under

this scenario, the state-aidformulawould also be cut, thus reinforcing the cycle of decline.

The formula needs to be revised.

There is a need to revise the way the Departmentof EnvironmentalQualityEngineering

enforces the MassachusettsOil and HazardousMaterial Release Prevention and Response

Act (M.G.L., Ch. 21E .This law statesthat ny facilitymust be freeof chemicalcontami-

nants before a salecan be made. In effect the law oftenpreventsan owner whose business

has failed from bailing out while the buildingis stillusable. The law deserves tobe

applauded, but it has the unintended consequenceof causingmills to be abandoned or

closed for a longperiod of time. It would be far more effectiveif the law were revised to

create a combination of incentivesfor the owners, the state, the buyers, the workers, and

the town to fund the cleanuptogether. It is urged that the state institutea granttloanpro-

gram designedto recover old mills in distressed towns. Under such a program, the

owners, state, and towns could

allbe

required to participatefinancially.The ownerscould

be required to market structurestoward the typeof use most beneficial to the community:

for example, if the primary objective isjobs, ownerswould be required to market facili-

ties to industrialusers. Only after a careful saleseffort (up to three years) failed to pro-

duce the preferred reuse might anowner be allowed to sell to a different market. This

type of program could surely be a win-win'' situation.

There is a need to address regional tax-base sharing. It makes little sense that Monroe

receives minimal funds from Yankee Atomic. Such a changegoes against the tradition of

home rule and would require approvalof the state legislature. However, if this tradition

continues, there will

be

towns that continueto sufferwithoutaccessto dueprocess and

without the means to benefit from specificprojects of regional significance.There is also

a need to create policiesdesignedto stimulateeconomicgain even in areas that appear

risky. In other words, rather than reacting to existinggrowth, the statemust provide

technicalassistance, grants, and loans in anticipationof growth in distressed areas. Cur-

rent policy largely runs counter to this point.

Finally, there is a need to create a specialunderstandingof the role of economicdevel-

opment in rural and small-town New England that is nonagriculturallybased. Too often,

at the nationaland state levels, we equate rural and small-town living with farming, which

frequently is not the case. Many areashave strongtourist, recreation, commercial, and

industrial activitiesthat support the local economies.

Partsof Massachusettsare in a post-

agriculturalera in which agriculturehas only a minimal impacton the local economy.

Tomomw

The Monroe situation,whilean extreme, is not isolated. We predict that there will be

many more suchcommunitiesacross New England in the comingyears more mills

close, highways changetransportation patterns, and localpopulationsgrow older. The

problems facingthese communitiescannot

be

resolved locally. Rather, they require a

strong, coordinated, and comprehensiveefforton the part of stategovernment. If suchan

effort is undertaken, there is somepotential that they will recover nd partake of the fruits

of New England's recovery. If the effort is not undertaken, theseareas are likely to take

on the characteristicsof the poorest parts of Appalachia.The choice is ours.

Tomorrow?. a


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The research

or

thisprojectwas undertakenthroughgmnts rom

th

FmnWfnCounty Community

DevelopmentCopomtion andthe Universityof Massachusettsh b l i cServiceGrant Progmm n-,

1987 1988. Special hanks mustbegivento thesevengmduatestudentsof the Masters nRegional

PlanningP m g m who undertook hefield work StuartBeckley, ffiren

JamesMalley David v id SmimSinha, ndDavidTaylor.

NOT S

?P a

1. Steve Dunwell, The Run of the Mil l (Boston: Godine, 1978 .

2. Jeanne H. ArrnstrongandJohn

R

Mullin, Mature lndustrialCommunities:The Realitiesof Rein-

dustrialization, New EnglandJoumalofPublicPolicy

3, l

(WinterlSpring

1987 :7-38.

3. Jeanne H. ArrnstrongandJohn R. Mullin, National lndustrialPolicyandthe LocalPlanners,

JournalofPlanningLiterature2,2 (Spring1987 :119-135.

5. John R. Mullin, Planning nSmallTownMassachusetts(Amherst:Centerfor Rural ~ a s s a c h u - s

setts, January

1988 . 4--.

6. LarryPamass, Small Town PondersBigChange:'Hampshire Gazette, May 1,1989,10.

7. MassachusettsGeneralLawsActs of 1933(Chapter341 .613-617.

8. Departmentof LandscapeArchitectureand Regional Planning,A Planfor the EconomrcStabili

ofMonroe, Massachusetts(Amherst: U n i v e n i f y 1987 .

27

-

9. DavidMacauley, Mill (Boston: HoughtonMifflin, 1983 .

w: :

10. SergeHambourg, NoelPerrin, and KennethBriesch, MillsandFactoriesof NewEngland(New

York: HarryAbrams, 1988 ,37.

11. Gary Kulik, Roger Parks, and Theodore Penn, eds., Records from the Life of S. V S. Wilder, The

New EnglandMill Village, 1790-

1860

(Cambridge: MIT Press, 1982 .

12. Parnass, Small Town Ponders Change, 10.

13.

Francis J. Fitzpatrick, president, Westfield Paper Company, Russell, Massachusetts, personal

communication, June 17,1988.

14. LynnRubinstein, FranklinCountyGrowth PolicyStatement (Greenfield:FranklinCounty Planning

Commission, 1988 ,Appendix 4D

15. This point becameclear duringour work in Leominster. See, for example, Jeanne H.Armstrong,

John R. Mullin, and John K. Whiteman, The RevitalizationofLeominstefsPlasticIndustry: To-

wardaCenterforPlasticsTechnology (Hadley, Mass.: LandUse, Incorporated,1987 .

16. MatteoTriffelo, owner of the Barre Mill, personalcommunication,June 9,1988.

Lpk.9

17. NationalAssociationof State DevelopmentAgencies, RuralEconomicDevelopment: Selected

Sfate Initiatives nReview(NationalAssociationof StateDevelopmentAgencies, 1987 .

18. KennethKmckemeyer, AssociateCommissionerof PublicWorks, commentsat Conferenceon

the Futureof Monroe, April 9,1988.

19.

CarrollHolmes, RegionalSupervisor, MassachusettsDepartmentof EnvironmentalManagement,

commentsat Conferenceonthe Futureof Monroe,April 9,1988.

20. LandUse, Incorporated,The EconomicBaseofBarre, Massachusetts(Hadley, Mass.: LandUse,

Incorporated,1988 .

21. HayesAssociates, TheFutureof the


15/15

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22.

BlackstoneValley RegionalDevelopment Corporation,Economic Impact nalysis Study of the

Blackstone River Canal Heritam State Park Boston: Commonwealthof Massachusetts.De~ar t -

--

rnent of Environmental~anagement , 988), 100-107.

23. Jeanne H.Armstrong a

Restoration Project

Ha

The Problems of Rural Reindustrialization_ a Case Study of Monroe

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