Post on 14-Apr-2019
This document is the accepted version, 12th December, 2017
Using a dual-sited organizational ethnography to examine change
within and between community sport organizations.
P.J. Kitchin, School of Sport, Ulster University, Newtownabbey, Northern Ireland.
Abstract
An increasingly diverse range of theories have been used to examine
organizational change in sport. The methodological techniques used have
revealed much, but are increasingly routine. Here, a novel use of organizational
ethnography is used to examine change, both within and between two partners
within an inter-organizational partnership. A longitudinal, dual-sited,
organizational ethnography was performed between 2008 and 2012. This internal
perspective gathered data on the structures, practices and relationships impacted
by a common external stimulus (national sport initiative). One organization’s
values moderated their responses to the implantation of quality control systems
and their attitudes to program expansion. This resistance created tensions
between the partners, resulting in the deterioration of organizational relationships.
This paper provides both a case of organizational change in sport management,
while demonstrating some opportunities and challenges for using this dual
approach. Both theoretical and methodological implications for practice are
discussed and further research opportunities presented.
Key words
Organizational ethnography, organizational change, inter-organizational
partnership, community sport, qualitative methodology
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Using a dual-sited organizational ethnography to examine change
within and between community sport organizations.
Introduction
Over the past two decades in Britain, attention has focused on the use of inter-
organizational partnerships to achieve community sport policy goals (Harris and
Houlihan, 2016). In order to operate at national, regional and local levels, National
Governing Bodies (NGB) have partnered with a myriad of organizations drawn from
the public, commercial and non-profit sectors. Previous studies have shown these
partnerships must navigate through varying social, political and institutional priorities,
which collectively ensure a constant state of environmental change (Bloyce, Smith,
Mead and Morris, 2008; Harris and Houlihan, 2016). Presently, gaps exist in our
understanding of how change is managed within these networks and what this means for
the relationships that are central to these partnerships (Thibault & Harvey, 1997). This
paper seeks to address this gap by entering into the setting of an inter-organizational
partnership and studying how one external stimuli is adopted by two different non-profit
organizations. By doing so questions about how change is managed, both within and
between organizations in the same partnership can be answered.
Previous research on sport and organizational change is resplendent with
theoretical and contextual diversity. However, the present choice of methodological
approach to study organizational change remains traditional. Recent emphasis has been
placed on qualitative methodologies that have the potential to open up new paths over
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well-trodden ground (Hoeber and Shaw, 2017). Here, the purpose of this paper is use a
novel methodological approach – the new route - to study organizational change – the
well-trodden ground. In order to do this, I begin with a brief examination of the
theoretical and methodological foundations upon which sport management’s knowledge
of organizational change rests. Thereafter, the implementation of the longitudinal, dual-
sited organizational ethnography is detailed. Findings reveal that in many ways both
organizations responded similarly to the same stimuli, however their point of departure
was over the acceptance of a top-down practice and its mismatch with an organization’s
existing value framework. The theoretical and methodological implications of this study
are discussed in the conclusions section. On the basis of these contributions, this
methodological approach used provides a novel contribution to the organizational
change in sport literature.
Theoretical background
Sports organization’s organizing and working routines are being constantly adapted to
suit endogenous and exogenous pressures (Cousins and Slack, 2005; O’Brien and Slack,
2003; 2004). As such organizational change is a common feature of sport management
research. Indeed, Ciomaga (2013) identified that this area of study was one of the major
plinths sport management research rests upon. Within these studies, research has
examined the factors that influence both the complexity of change and whether
resistance is generated. A collection of theoretical concepts has been instrumental to
sport management’s collective understanding of institutional and organizational change.
Theories used to examine change have included bureaucratisation (Slack, 1985),
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resource-dependency theory (Thibault & Harvey, 1997), organizational sub-systems
(Amis, Slack and Hinings, 2004; Skinner Stewart and Edwards, 1999), design
archetypes (Cousens, 1997), and a collection of institutional theories, including
isomorphism (O’Brien and Slack, 2003; Skille, 2011), institutional logics (Skirstad and
Chelladurai, 2011), translation (Stenling, 2014), amongst others. From these studies,
we know that organisations adopt structures and practices that attempt to reduce
environmental uncertainty and increase legitimacy. As a result, an organisation’s
structures and routines evolved to become similar to their peers (DiMaggio and Powell,
1983; Perck, Van Hoecke, Westerbeek and Breesch, 2016; Slack and Hinings, 1992;
1994).
In addition to structural and procedural change, further research has examined
how change influences relationships within the organisation. Conflict often arises from
tensions over the maintenance of existing values or the adoption of the emergent values
that change can bring (Kikulis, Slack and Hinings, 1995; Slack and Hinings, 1994;
Stenling, 2013). When changes are adopted, impact occurs in one of two ways.
Existing values are at first delegitimised, and then replaced by the incorporation of the
new values espoused by the desired change. O’Brien and Slack’s studies on the
dominance of commercialism over the amateurism in English rugby union are an
example of this occurring (O’Brien and Slack, 1999; 2003; 2004). A second approach
posits that emergent values can be incorporated into an organization’s existing value
framework (Skille, 2011; Skirstad and Chelladurai, 2011). This latter process suggests
sports organizations can then draw upon diverse values to solve organizational
problems. In her study on Swedish community sports organisations, Stenling (2013)
found both types of impacts. In response to a sport development program, most CSOs
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opportunistically framed their activities to suit their existing competitive values.
However, one organization, with a greater affinity for community development was able
to incorporate the program as the proposed values did not threaten the organization’s
existing value framework.
The sport and organizational change knowledge base is characterised by a
diversity of theoretical approaches. As yet, the methodological approaches undertaken
have remained traditional, and these traditional approaches are characterised by survey
designs that employ questionnaires and interviews. A major limitation of these methods
is that they have mostly reported on the experiences of managers. If our collective
knowledge rests on the opinions of managers, who happen to be situated in positions of
power, then our collective understanding of how change is experienced can be distorted
(Clegg, Rhodes and Kornberger, 2007; Morgan and Spicer, 2009, Mutch, Delbridge and
Ventresca, 2006). Therefore, in order to gather a broader range of perspectives that can
be tracked throughout a period of change, other approaches are required. Ethnography
offers a way forward. Ethnographies on sport and organizational change are uncommon
(Skinner, Stewart and Edwards, 1999; 2004). While this approach is suited for
observing change in one organisation, to consider performing ethnography in multiple
sites could allow comparisons between organizations in the same inter-organizational
network (Marcus, 1998; Zilber, 2014). This is the approach taken in this study,
however before this is outlined it is pertinent to provide the research context.
Research context
Cricket is one of Britain’s oldest organized sports (Wright and Zammuto, 2013). Across
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this region, the scope of the sport’s operations is substantial. Led at the national level
by the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB), the sport is managed at a sub-national
level by 39 regional cricket associations. These associations are responsible for
growing the game, talent identification and supporting elite development. A number of
additional organizations assist the ECB and the regional associations to develop the
grassroots of the game. This includes the national cricket charities, The Lord’s
Taverners and The Cricket Foundation, and four National Disability (Sport) Cricket
Organizations. At the local level, schools, voluntary cricket clubs, sport charities and
local government sport and recreation departments also assist.
Historically, cricket was a popular sport in many schools across England
(Hignell, 2004). However, since the 1980's cricket’s priority in the physical education
curriculum has declined (ECB, 2005; TCF, 2008). In 2005, The Cricket Foundation
launched a national sport development program called Chance to shine to get cricket
back into schools in England where participation had declined he sharpest. These
schools were most often government schools, which comprise the majority of schools in
England. To re-enter these government schools the cricket authorities created a
modified and accessible version of the game. After success in these schools, the
program was extended in 2008 into the community sport sector. This encouraged more
organizations to deliver the program, including voluntary clubs, charities and others.
To deliver a Chance to shine project an organization (termed a delivery agent)
entered into a partnership agreement with The Cricket Foundation and/or their local
regional association. This agreement outlined a number of terms. The delivery agent
was responsible for delivering a 12-week program of 2-hour cricket sessions. The
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organization would receive a fee, 80% of this fee was granted upfront while the
remaining 20% was received upon completion of the project. To ensure Chance to
shine was effective, the delivery agent was also required to collect monitoring data.
This data was collated by the regional association and sent back to The Cricket
Foundation. Periodically representatives from The Cricket Foundation would visit
programs to gather case study data on regular participants. A feature of the Chance to
shine program, which went over and above any previous community cricket initiatives,
was the deliberate focus upon social goals through cricket:
Chance to shine is not primarily a campaign for cricket. Rather it is a campaign for
the education of young people, one that recognizes that competitive sport – and
cricket in particular – can play a vital part within the education of young people by
assisting their personal and social development. It is also a campaign for social
cohesion, one that recognizes the part that competitive sport can play in
encouraging our diverse communities to come together – through clubs, schools
and other partners – at a time when the need to do this is of paramount importance
(TCF, 2008, p. 6).
Methodology
Organizational ethnography refers to the practice of ethnography within an
organizational setting. In organizational ethnography, the researcher is the primary
instrument of analysis. From her internal position, she can collect data from the cultural
object under examination (Reeves-Sandy, 1979). In this case, the focus is on two
organizations who are involved in an inter-organizational partnership involving the
implementation of a national sport development program. This approach permits the
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examination of change as it occurs within and between organisations, in real-time and
over an extended time. This provides a depth of engagement and a high level of rigor
for studying temporal phenomena such as organizational and cultural change (Aull-
Davies, 2008). It is a methodology well suited to my purpose. Organizational
ethnography is important in this study because it opens up opportunities to reach more
diverse organizational actors and stakeholders; staff and/or participants. This avoids a
narrow, managerial view of change (Clegg, et al., 2007; Morgan and Spicer, 2009,
Mutch, et al., 2006). Indeed, Fine, Morrill and Surianarain (2009) suggest that ‘in
perhaps no other substantive area is ethnography more suitable as a method than in
studying the dynamics of organizational change’ (p. 608).
The practice of multiple-site ethnography was developed to “align together
phenomenon that are assumed to be connected but not always grasped within the
purview of a single research site” (Zilber, 2014, p 97). In the context of this study, this
involved studying how dealing with the same external stimuli (the Chance to shine sport
program) impacted on two organizations, and their relationships with each other. To do
this, a dual-sited organizational ethnography was undertaken, requiring my inhabitation
of two organizations over a similar period of time (Marcus, 1998; Yanow, Ybema, and
van Hulst, 2012). Below is an extended overview of how this methodology was
implemented.
Procedure
Organizational ethnographies rarely occur in a sequential process. Van Maanen (1979,
p. 24) has stated that ‘ethnographic research is guided as much from drift as design’.
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Moreover, it often requires a ‘messy’ approach (Parkhe, 1993; Zilber, 2014). To avoid
too much drift, I used Hammersley and Atkinson’s (2007) three-step approach to
managing the fieldwork.
Accessing the field
In organizational ethnography, importance is placed on the ability of the researcher to
“be there” and view phenomena through an ethnographic lens (Van Maanen, 2011). In
order to be there, I was engaged in a field of community sport practice between January
2008 and November 2012. My initial entry into the field was through staff at the sport
charity, Big City Cricket (BCC) (pseudonym). This entry point was negotiated when I
volunteered to assist with BCC’s research and evidence-collection processes. Over
time, I developed relationships with individuals from across the sport development
partnership. One of these partners was the West Regional Association (WRA)
(pseudonym). While selection criteria were used to guide the sampling process, the
nature of the engagement meant that the author accessed this organization through an
opportunistic and convenience approach (Creswell, 2007). Further details on this
process are discussed below.
Managing field relations and accessing insider accounts
In order to assist in my designated role, I attended a number of Chance to shine sessions
between January and May 2008. Rather than rely solely on direct observation, I used
participant observation to assist in either the collection of monitoring data or in
delivering cricket sessions. Initially BCC was more open to this involvement, but over
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time the coaches employed through WRA also saw the value of my assistance. As the
project evolved and the research problems were observed, I started gathering data from
other sources. In my efforts to access insider accounts I selected a sampling strategy,
chose my data sources, and determined the strategies for managing and analysing the
data. Each of these steps is now detailed.
Sampling. One common issue with practicing ethnography is managing sampling (Aull-
Davies, 2008). In this case, balancing the convenience of being close to the participants
with the need to ensure a diverse range of views was difficult. As there were over 50
separate organizations within the field, it was impractical for me to be embedded within
each. To narrow this down, a non-probability, expert sampling strategy was used,
which I conducted through a convenience approach (Silverman, 2011). The following
three selection criteria were used; organizations had to be involved as a partner in the
inter-organizational network that delivered a Chance to shine project; organizations had
to be responsible for the full management of a Chance to shine project; organizations
had to employ either full-time or part-time, paid staff to deliver the project. Those who
relied on volunteers or casual coaches were not selected. Seven organizations met the
criteria for suitability for the next step, however the two chosen were selected on the
basis of opportunism and convenience in that they were willing to provide access
(Creswell, 2007). The process of gaining access to any organization can be difficult,
likewise the process of gaining access to multiple organizations more so, therefore this
convenience approach was justified.
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A brief overview of each focal organization. WRA is a membership-based sports
organization managed by an elected board. It has a long history of producing elite
cricket players who have gone on to play for England. Many members of these type of
associations expect the success of elite, male teams (Formal Interview with Robin.
England and Wales Cricket Board, January 2009). Within a larger, multi-departmental
structure, the WRA operated a community sport section established in 2007. I used both
direct and participant observation in this organization.
The charity BCC is also a non-profit CSO whose mission is to help young
people to ‘grow through sport’ (Formal Interview with Oisin - CEO, BCC, July 2010).
The charity however, had a history of successful engagement with marginalized urban
communities which over time, had enabled BCC to form partnerships with the NGB and
six local regional associations. These partnerships were also sought by regional
associations as it was felt that they lacked competence in reaching these marginalized
communities (Oisin, July 2010). This competence afforded the charity a unique status
amongst its peers, providing it with a higher regional profile than other non-profit
delivery agents, including many voluntary cricket clubs.
My engagement with BCC was considerably more in-depth than with any other
site, but WRA was my second most frequented organization. Table 1 shows the duration
of the total project from which this paper is drawn. Of relevance for this paper is
columns 2 and 3 that outline my engagement with both BCC and WRA.
Insert table 1 about here
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Data Sources. The primary data source I used in this paper were observations.
Observations were turned into field notes generated after any experience with
organizations, program sessions or events. These observations provided an appreciation
of the cultural dynamics of both focal organizations – of themselves and their
relationships between other partners. To support these observations, a number of other
data sources were sought. These data sources are outlined in table 2. Over the course of
these 5 years, over 200 Chance to shine sessions were attended in locations across the
urban and West region. Observations were also gathered at an additional 8-10
competitive events each year, multiple partnership Steering Group Meetings were
attended, plus many other internal meetings at BCC and WRA were observed. Each
instance generated detailed field notes and monthly reflective diaries from May 2008 to
September 2012.
Insert table 2 about here
To enhance these observations, informal interviews and document analysis were
used to populate the field notes. Further supplementing these field notes was a series of
formal, semi-structured interviews focused on an individual’s experiences with change.
These interviews took place between September 2008 and December 2012. Over twenty
managers and development officers from across the field were interviewed. The
selection criteria for a manager’s inclusion were as follows; managers were required to
be responsible for the coordination of multiple Chance to shine programs; managers had
to have a reporting relationship with the regional association and the Cricket
Foundation. The selection criteria for a development officer (staff) included the
responsibility for managing a collection of Chance to shine sessions (one program) in a
single geographic area, or to contribute to the delivery of more than one program across
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multiple geographic areas. By using these criteria, data was drawn from managers and
staff in positions of authority and/or accountability who could share their experiences of
the impact the programs adoption had on each organization.
Data Analysis. An interpretive research framework guided this research process. This
approach posits that reality and all of human experience and actions are socially
constructed (Edwards & Skinner, 2009). This research sought to understand and
explain how and why change occurs within and between two organizations when
presented with the same stimuli. As such, the process of analysis had to be attuned to
the subjective experiences and perspectives of the staff and managers in the field.
Thematic analysis was used to draw out these experiences in order to address the
research question. Arguably, this approach strays into the territory of the traditional
qualitative approaches that in sport management have been well-trodden (Hoeber and
Shaw, 2017) but I posit that the contribution here lies in the longitudinal, internal view
of change and its implications for further study.
My primary concern in the process of data analysis was competently managing
the 5 years of qualitative data that was collected. I required a broad framework that
would allow themes and issues to merge over the course of the fieldwork. Coffey and
Atkinson’s (1996) three-step approach to data analysis ensured that I took deliberate and
rigorous steps through of deductive and inductive analysis to make sense of these
multiple sources. The interplay between both phases provided guidance for the creation
of this research topic, change emerged from observations – it was not the original
starting point in January 2008. It should be apparent that while change was an
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important process, it was not the only reality that participants experienced during this
time. Many day to day routines continued throughout this period that captured much of
the participants’ attention. Given the duration of engagement in the field, the process
was not as succinct as four distinct phases of data reduction described below, however
an analysis of a longitudinal ethnography requires an ongoing, often messy process of
iterations and refinements (Parkhe, 1993).
Step 1 involved the creation of a series of deductive a priori codes. These codes
were drawn from the theoretical perspectives on organizational change in sport
(examples are presented in table 3). Codes were organised into a coding manual that
was used initially on the documents. Saldaña (2009) suggests this step tests the
reliability of the codes. Following this, the codes were applied to the observations and
the formal interviews. In this study, the process of data collection was carried out over
a period of 5 years. During this time, a series of emergent or open codes were drawn
from the data that provided the basis for a more thorough process of analysis that
combined deductive codes with inductive ones (examples are presented in table 4).
Having revealed relationships between the data in the first step, step 2 established
subcategories through which to examine the complexities of change. Both steps sought
to provide a more comprehensive understanding of each organization’s preparation for,
and subsequent management of change. From the subcategories, concept maps were
created into data displays to visually link subcategories and codes (Miles, Huberman
and Saldaña, 2013).
Insert table 3 about here
Insert table 4 about here
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As steps 1 and 2 involved the generation of the initial codes, the third step
involved the creation of axial codes. Axial codes disassemble the categories from step 2
to provide a bigger picture to support final analysis (Edwards & Skinner, 2009).
Saldaña (2016) recommends this extended approach as axial coding is important when
data is coming from multiple sources. In this process, the dimensions of a selected
category are identified and their relationships to other phenomena are drawn out. An
example of this was the creation of the control and compliance category. Within this
category there were a number of codes, such as the ‘rationale’ that participants used to
justify performance management in community cricket. This control and compliance
category was then linked to another category on ‘increasing accountability’ that
included other codes such as administrative routines and funding requirements. From
this process, the relations between codes within different categories were identified and
as a result the themes were stronger in their complexity.
A common limitation of any ethnographic study is addressing the question of
trust (Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007). This includes trust between the researcher and
the research subjects, and also trust with the reader. To establish this multi-dimensional
notion of trust it should be noted that the methodology was dependent on the researcher.
As such, objectivity cannot be established. Even the quality checks that were used to
increase the trustworthiness of this study (Lincoln and Guba, 1985) are subject to
interpretation through the subjective lens of the researcher. Nevertheless, some quality
checks were used to support an ethical stance rather than a specific desire to achieve
objectivity. First, the engagement of the researcher in the field prior to formal data
collection (January 2008 to May 2008) allowed relationships to develop between the
researcher and many individuals within the field. Second, the process of data-
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triangulation used data from formal interviews and document analysis which were then
situated within the observations collected by through field notes and reflective diaries.
Although this is not the only methodological approach that can achieve data-
triangulation, this step plus the duration of the engagement undertaken enhance the
validity of the findings (Denzin, 1997). Finally, while generalizability is difficult to
achieve through case study approaches, some level of transferability is possible.
Greenwood and Hinings (1996) argued that case by case analysis of organizational
change can provide a cumulative understanding of the area. I posit that this case of
change contributes to this cumulative understanding.
Findings and Discussion
The implementation of the Chance to shine program increased the number of young
people playing cricket across the region and throughout England. By 2016, the Cricket
Foundation claimed that more than 3 million children taken part (The Cricket
Foundation, 2017). In this section I situate my analysis of change within the context of
previous change research and the methodologies that enabled their contribution.
Changes within the focal organizations
This organizational ethnography charted how the impact of the Chance to shine
program altered the structures and practices within two organizations. This
longitudinal, dual-sited approach examined how change was facilitated, moderated
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and/or at times resisted. The first of these features observed were structural alterations.
In order to coordinate their responses to the Chance to shine project both
organizations changed their operating structures. While the program was being
implemented, BCC formally rebranded itself, repositioning itself from a community
sport association into a sport-for-development agency. The charity reorganized its
coaching and development team into northern and southern regions. This was
supported by an expansion in management and administration roles at headquarters, and
more than doubling their staff between 2008 and 2012. The WRA took a more
incremental approach to expansion. They created a community department in 2007 to
respond to the growing interest in grassroots cricket. This department’s existence rested
heavily on the Chance to shine program which provided both the funds and the program
of work:
Community cricket here (WRA) is pretty new, we’re still seen as the new guys but
we now need to perform. We live in a [portable office] out the rear of the main
stand, which is nowhere near the other staff and our funding mostly comes from
external sources, including John’s salary. Thankfully the managing director
supports us and we get a bit of funding through him. (Formal interview with
Amanda, Community Cricket Manager. WRA, October 2009)
WRA employed a much more formal and hierarchical structure than BCC. Staff
increases were minimal, however a dedicated disability cricket development officer (the
first in England) was appointed at the start of 2009. Although WRA employed less than
70 staff, communication between the community manager and WRA’s senior
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management was directed via the Head of Participation, who was located in a separate
building. This distance created another barrier to efficient working relations for the
community team.
In addition to structural changes, an increase in finances also occurred as a result
of the program. A comparison of annual reports revealed that the uptake of Chance to
shine programs led to increases in finance - creating valuable income streams - and
workload. Financially, both the BCC and the WRA saw their income grow nearly
300% between 2008 and 2012 (see table 5).
Insert table 5 about here
Despite the influx of funds, tensions arose between and within both
organizations. Because 80% of funds were granted before delivery had occurred, many
organizations saw the program as an important income generator. However, while
income received was a set amount, organizations were free to control the costs spent in
delivering the sessions. This made some organizations better at extracting and retaining
value than others. An example of this was replacing senior staff with those junior, and
cheaper;
Field Notes. July 2010
Mark (a former player) has been given an apprenticeship and although I am sure
Conor will train him well it is clear that they are already getting their pound of
flesh. Mark is delivering most of Tristan’s (senior development officer) projects.
Yes, this frees Tristan’s time up [to do other things], but the cost savings are clear
as Mark is younger and cheaper.
From 2010, BCC offered the chance to some experienced participants who played on
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their existing programs to work as apprentices. These apprentices were trained to work
alongside a coach to assist in the delivery of projects across the city. Once the
apprentices gained sufficient experience they would run the session without the
development officer. This approach focused on both capacity and cost savings. Oddly,
the cost savings on community cricket appeared to contradict the priority managers
verbally placed on community cricket and its central role to BCC’s mission.
Past research has revealed how organizational values change through one of two
ways. First, the delegitimizing of an organization’s existing values occurs before they
are replaced by emergent ones (Amis et al., 2002; Amis et al., 2004; O’Brien and Slack,
1999; 2003). Second, emergent values can enter the organization and end up being
layered upon existing value frameworks (Skirstad and Chelladurai, 2011; Stenling,
2013). The methodology used in this paper allowed me to see that organizational values
were not just statements in an interview, or words in a corporate document but
phenomena that could be observed. For example, values were revealed in the manner in
which meetings took place, what priorities were discussed between senior and junior
staff, how staff were treated, and the manner in which staff delivered their sessions. In
either organization, certain staff embodied these values, yet others did not. When the
collective staff group did not, then the gap between rhetoric and practice was exposed;
I would say we stand for inclusiveness. I think that one of our key things is that we
are completely inclusive and that everybody gets an opportunity (Formal interview
with Conor. BCC, July, 2010).
This contrasted sharply with the way some sessions and events were managed;
Field Notes. October 2008
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A key issue from this was the inclusion of young people with visual impairments
with those in the Pan-disability group, just so they can get a team on the field. This
led to imbalance within the teams and overall a poor experience for most of the
participants.
At other times, a lack of basic planning rather than a lack of spirit made inclusion
difficult for those who the program was so keen to target;
Field Notes. April 2009
Despite the claims about everyone having a great experience on the program,
Mabel [who is categorized B1 – the lowest level of visual acuity in cricket] attends
each week but is still not planned into the lesson.
While these gaps were not uncommon, many sessions I observed were engaging for the
majority of participants, irrespective of either delivery agent. Nevertheless, both
organizations planning of individual sessions did not always reflect their claims about
inclusive practice.
Chance to shine was an ambitious project. It was designed as a competitive
sport program that sought to reignite a nation’s passion for one of its formerly dominant
sports. At the same time it also attempted to achieve social outcomes. As with
Stenling’s (2013) study on change in Swedish sport, the competitive aspects of the
program received greater priority that the social aspects. The focus on competition
found a supportive home in both organizations. Rather than dominating the practices of
BCC, it encouraged the emergence of some pragmatic and performative resistance.
When well organized, BCC’s sessions were an extension of their own values, they
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focused on developing the individual through sport. Yet at times this was not present
with the sports organized at their competitions and events. WRA prioritized a ‘sport for
sport’s sake’ ethos, while BCC aligned to a more with ‘sport for good’ approach
(Houlihan and White, 2002). These philosophies were manifest in their actions and
priorities.
At the WRA, numbers mattered. Increasing the participation of community
cricketers was their main priority and their meetings focused on strategies to achieve
this. They organized and delivered high-quality Chance to shine sessions for
participants that clearly met the intended design of the program. However, despite
succeeding in increasing participation, this type of cricket (community = non-elite)
lacked sufficient profile within the larger association. The community department
seemed unable to boost their internal profile or receive greater financial support from
senior management, despite the increases in community cricket participation and the
department’s income growth. Community cricket seemingly remained at the periphery
of the organization's priorities.
At BCC, people mattered. Their focus on engaging marginalized communities
meant they were less preoccupied with increasing participant numbers. Staff were
content with working with the same young people, over a longer period of time. In
contrast to the WRA approach, BCC used the programs to build a community through
cricket. Sessions were open to all. Naturally there was a focus on players but they also
created a social space for parents, friends and anyone else interested in playing cricket
to come together. Community cricket was everything to BCC and over and above what
Chance to shine facilitated, they created other programs to further their quest to use
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sport for social change. BCC staff were committed to social change through sport.
Internal practices were used to reinforce this. Sharing stories about individuals who they
felt had ‘changed’ through cricket was a regular practice at team meetings. However,
some staff at BCC used competitive sessions as their default option for delivery. Their
quest for inclusion while using competitive games was not seen as problematic for some
coaches.
These rhetorical practices did not feature at the WRA. Team meetings at the
WRA lacked these reaffirmations of faith in sport’s “power” and as a result they seemed
more focused on the technical aspects of program management. It was clear that WRA
staff wanted to grow the game, to reach new communities (particularly in disability
cricket), and to see if talent could be found. Chance to shine was interpreted as an
appropriate extension of WRA’s competitive values toward sport development; indeed,
as Skille (2011) observed, when “competitiveness dominates, the decision of
implementing the actual [initiative is] an easy one because the [initiative is] considered
taking good care of so-called sport development” (p. 87). Possibly, this type of typical
sport development goal made staff at the WRA seem more willing to perform as it was
their ‘bread and butter’. The administrative commitments that accompanied this sport
development program did not stray from the usual WRA conventions.
Staff at BCC were threatened by the practice of monitoring. It was not the
monitoring form that posed the threat, but the message (rightly or wrongly assumed)
that staff were not trusted. Prior to the adoption of Chance to shine they felt that they
excelled in what they did, and if The Cricket Foundation and regional associations
22
wanted their assistance with marginalized populations then they should be trusted to do
this, unhindered. Many BCC staff felt that to deliver cricket to young, often
marginalized people was a calling; they genuinely believed that they were impacting on
these lives. Quantitative monitoring forms prioritized numbers over people. In contrast,
some BCC staff preferred a more subjective and qualitative understanding of the person,
as personal growth ‘can’t be written on a piece of paper’ (Formal interview with Conor.
BCC, July, 2010). These concerns over the nature of monitoring should have been
addressed by their managers, instead resistance from the coaches was interpreted as
reluctance to change. Naïve concerns or not, BCC managers did little to alleviate these
fears, except to tell staff monitoring was a merely a top-down requirement ‘to keep the
funders happy’ (Oisin, July, 2010), shifting the blame onto the funder.
Apart from collecting, or attempting to collect monitoring data, neither
organization showed any genuine interest in quantifying the program’s social outcomes.
It was surprising that the BCC, with their social ethos did not see this suiting their own
priorities. While managers were enticed by the funds, the staff remained uninspired by
the work. Perhaps the mode of monitoring reinforced this. However, rather than reject
the program before taking it on, this conflict resulted in a pragmatic acquiescence. Over
time the program’s data practices became routinized.
Despite their values differing, both organizations still required administrative
competence to process the monitoring data effectively. Staff with prior administrative
experience possessed greater competence in this area. Those who had developed purely
as coaches, such as many of the BCC staff could not draw upon these experiences
within their organization. The difficulties experienced by BCC staff were clear. Odd it
23
may seem that staff just could not fill in the form prior to the session, but it was the
manner in which the sessions were delivered by BCC that made it difficult. BCC would
turn up at a council estate with their cricket equipment and be swamped by young
people, happy to play right then and there. Managing the monitoring in the latter
experience was indeed difficult;
Because in theory, everybody says that when you do your Chance to shine session,
you turn up, you get your paper out, you quickly take the monitoring in, get the
youth worker to sign it—but what happens is you turn up, and as soon as you turn
up the kids are jumping on top of you, ‘Can we get the kit out of the bag, can we do
this, can we do that’, and you’ve got no time to step back and take monitoring and
then at the end of it everyone runs away, so it would just be like a whirlwind and
then you’re left not doing your monitoring properly (Formal interview with
George. BCC, August 2010).
Changes between the focal organizations
While other methodologies can provide comparative data on change, they are less able
to gather data on the power relations that exist between organizations. Organizational
ethnography attunes the researcher into the social organization and relations that exists
between formal organizations (Watson, 2012; Zilber, 2014). Both organizations sought
social acceptance and legitimacy from their peers, however each sought different peer
groups. Staff at the WRA aspired to be leaders in the provision of community cricket –
seeking recognition from other organizations within the cricket establishment,
particularly the ECB. In contrast, BCC sought recognition for their work with
marginalized youth from organizations involved in international sport-for-development.
24
These different peer groups could explain BCC’s resistance to monitoring preferring a
more qualitative style. For BCC, sessions were delivered, monitored (often inefficiently
and performed reluctantly), and reported back. Stories of change were obtained from
their long-term participants. These stories provided useful devices to communicate with
other sport-for-development charities where this form of evidence was better
appreciated.
As time developed, I earnt the trust of the research participants and as a result
more contentious matters were discussed in the open. This gave me another set of
insights into the social relations at work. As discussed above, BCC possessed a strong
reputation for attracting marginalized populations. This reputation was based on their
long history and involvement in in urban community sport. For the 5 regional
associations that surrounded the city (of which the WRA was one), the urban
environment was always assumed by them to be difficult to manage. This afforded the
charity a certain coal-face mystique that enabled them to adopt a central role in the
implementation of Chance to shine. As time passed however, this mystique began to
fade. As more Chance to Shine programs were delivered by the charity, more funding
was obtained. Nevertheless, their inability to manage the data became evident to their
partners, in effect harming their relationships. The loss of quality from the lack of
adequate data, combined with the use of cheaper, inexperienced coaches did not go
unnoticed by the regional associations.
BCC’s commitment to people over numbers also created tension with their
partners. The Cricket Foundation and the regional associations needed quantifiable
participant data that BCC was unable to consistently provide. In this type of data’s
25
place, stories were offered up. The incompatibility led to a rejection of these stories,
which caused an affront to a number of BCC staff. Program expansion was not
palatable for BCC, as the idea of staring more programs would mean forming new
relationships that would require significantly more time to develop and then possible
lead to new stories. As a result, the growth of new Chance to shine programs delivered
by the charity halted. While BCC managers were aware of this gap, staff were
unwilling to close it. Concerned by this lack of development, the WRA and another
regional association pooled their resources to close one gap with their own Chance to
shine project. On the basis of delivering their own program to marginalized populations
the regional association staff began to develop competence in urban delivery. Once the
‘magic’ of urban delivery was revealed to be not as challenging as first assumed, BCC
lost their unique selling proposition. This realization prevented the charity from
obtaining further expansion opportunities across the city, furthermore it re-positioned
them from an essential partner in the city to merely one of a number of cricket clubs
who acted as delivery agents.
Conclusions and Recommendations
Sport development organizations operate in an environment where change is constant.
The formation of inter-organizational partnerships can minimise operational uncertainty
providing a mutually beneficial approach to goal attainment. This paper examined how
change simultaneously impacted on two organizations within the same inter-
organizational partnership. A novel approach was used to study change as it progressed
over time. In this final section I first will outline this paper’s theoretical contributions
before discussing some of the benefits and limitations of the methodological approach.
26
It was revealed that responses to the same external stimuli varied between each
organization. In order to cope with the increased work created by Chance to shine, each
organization altered aspects of their operations. While some of these changes created
little resistance, such as alterations to organizational structures, other practices were
deemed incompatible with the culture of the organization. A number of BCC staff used
a performative approach to the monitoring of their work. Observations and interview
data revealed how an organization’s orientation and values align, or conflict with the
program’s operational requirements. The resistance was culturally ingrained through
both the history of the organization and the staff they employed. Each component
stifling attempts to perform, what appeared to be a rudimentary quality task. Hence, the
failure by BCC to adopt this practice and their unwillingness to expand their provision
impacted on their external position, deteriorating their relationship with the WRA.
Despite BCC’s passion for their work, Chance to shine required a systematic approach
to data collection, one which gave priority to increased participant numbers. That the
BCC was focused on other priorities not only made this difficult but was one of the
causes of their deteriorating relations with the WRA and other regional associations.
Practical lessons for the management of change can be learned from this paper.
First, it is important for sport organizations seeking to launch national programs to
understand partnerships are derived from the mixed economy of sport and leisure. As
revealed in previous studies, this mixed economy has a diverse array of values that may
not always be suitable to strategic alignment (Skille, 2011; Skirstad and Chelladurai,
2011; Stenling, 2013). This suggests a level of flexibility is required. Second,
administration is needed to support program implementation. To support collective
efforts in gathering program data, more effective communication is needed to explain
27
administration practices, like why monitoring was important. If value is placed on
evidence creation then funds should support this, and not just the delivery of the
sporting sessions. Chance to shine is not about simply delivering cricket, but an attempt
to show that sport could also achieve social goals. Whether this could or could not be
achieved, it was reasonable to develop a model that could at least try to prove how it
worked. That this was created but not effectively communicated presented a missed
opportunity. Finally, small sports organizations that seek funds should carefully
consider the level of commitment required before program implementation. Some
detailed cost-benefit analysis would be recommended to ensure the organization can
develop the capacity to handle not just the sport delivery components but also the
administrative duties required to succeed.
In terms of methodological reflection, this paper also demonstrates the utility of
the longitudinal, dual-sited ethnography as a methodology to increase our understanding
of change. By the use of the inductive and deductive design each of the data sources,
and all of their individual data points provided a complex, yet detailed picture of how
two groups of sport development professionals experienced change. Although other
research designs and data collection tools can achieve data-triangulation, this approach
proved useful for witnessing how values seemed instilled in the actions of each
organization’s staff. By positioning myself over an extended period of time in various
roles within each focal organization, I was present through the project life-cycle of
Chance to shine. In the BCC’s case, it evolved from a financial windfall, into a
logistical and operational irritation. Ethnography in general permits you to see how each
individual manager and staff member responds to accomplishment and adversity in the
28
workplace, the method reveals the real experience of change without having to rely on
post-hoc accounts of those who survived the process.
A key limitation was that I could only occupy two organizations, making
comparisons less complex than those achieved through a multi-sited, field-level
ethnography that could examine multiple organizations simultaneously. This multi-site
approach could have made available new variables, such as organizational type on
change. Another limitation was that organizational ethnography was a labor-intensive
methodology, and in addition to this a multi-site project would have exacerbated the
resource limitations experienced here. This is without taking into consideration the daily
commute to attend both sites located across a very large city which could mean up to
three hours travel each day. Further research in organizational ethnography in general,
and multi-site ethnography in particular would require financial and institutional
support.
In the area of organizational change, further research could adopt some form of
multi-level, or micro-level analysis to situate the lived experience of the individual
within organizational change. Observations were collected, outside the focus of this
paper that showed the personal costs of being unable to ‘change with the times’.
Research could then witness the impact of change on the individual staff employed
within. To extend this methodology, further studies of other types of sport organization
and fields of sport development could be made. The method offers not only a
framework for collecting data from the field but a way for researchers to position
themselves within the field, as phenomena evolve. As mentioned the longitudinal
process benefits our understanding of phenomena but also provides benefits to the
29
researcher. This requirement of being there and getting involved could allow sport
management researchers to achieve a greater sense of empathy when understanding the
everyday experiences of the people that they study.
Declaration of interests
The author(s) have no competing interests to declare.
Acknowledgements:
I would like to thank P. David Howe for his general guidance on ethnography and the
various anonymous reviewers for their comments on this and earlier versions of this
paper.
Word count: 7504
30
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Table 1: Engagement activities at each focal organization
Setting /
Engagement ActivityBCC WRA Total project
Initial access/ observations
beginJanuary 2008 May 2008 January 2008
Shift from direct to
participant observation (1-2
days per week in each focal
organization)
September 2008 February 2009 May 2008
Intensive period of
engagement (2-3 days per
week in each focal
organization)
May 2009 -
September 2009
May 2010 –
September 2010
June 2010 –
September 2010
May 2009 –
September 2010
Formal interviews begin September 2008 February 2009 September 2008
Shift from participant
observation to active-
member observations
May 2010 Not applicable
Formal interviews end July 2012 November 2012 December 2012
Organizational documents
collected2008-2012 2008-2012 2002-2012
Source: Author
37
Table 2: Data sources used
Setting /
Data Source
BCC WRA Other Total
Observations/Field
notes/Research Diaries
300+ 50+ 200+ 600
approximate
Informal interviews 50+ 5 40+ 100
approximate
Formal interviews 13 3 10 26
Document analysis 30+ 12 60+ 100
approximate
Source: Author
38
Table 3: Examples of A Priori / Deductive Codes
Code 1
Label Isomorphism
Definition A process to “make organizations more
similar without necessarily making them
more efficient”
(DiMaggio and Powell, 1983: 147)
Description The use of coercive, normative or mimetic
pressures to alter the structures and
operating practices within an organization.
Code 2
Label Institutional logic
Definition “A set of material practices and symbolic
constructions which constitute its
organizing principles, and which is
available to organizations and individuals
to elaborate”
(Friedland and Alford, 1991: 248)
Description An institutional system that enables
organizations and individuals to prioritize
certain values over others that then
supports operating practices.
Source: Author; DiMaggio and Powell, (1983); Friedland and Alford, (1991)
39
Table 4: Examples of inductive codes
Code 1
Label Ethos
Definition “The characteristic spirit of a culture, era,
or community as manifested in its attitudes
and aspirations”
The Oxford English Dictionary (online)
Description An amalgam of beliefs that underpin the
way managers and staff consider solutions
to organizational problems.
Code 2
Label Compliance
Definition “the action of complying with a wish or
command, the meeting of rules or
standards”
The Oxford English Dictionary (online)
Description Efforts to ensure that the requirements of a
program of activity are satisfied.
Source: Author; The Oxford English Dictionary (online).
40
Table 5: Income growth between 2008- 2012
Organization Income 2008 Income 2012 % Change
BCC 323,839 946,448 292
WRA* 27, 634 86,115 312
* Income to Participation Department. This department exists as a non-profit company
separate to commercial organization of WRA.
Source: Author. Internal documents and those published accounts with Companies
House in England and Wales. To protect the anonymity and confidentiality of the focal
organizations these are not referenced.
41