This document is the accepted version, 12th December, 2017

Using a dual-sited organizational ethnography to examine change

within and between community sport organizations.

P.J. Kitchin, School of Sport, Ulster University, Newtownabbey, Northern Ireland.

Abstract

An increasingly diverse range of theories have been used to examine

organizational change in sport. The methodological techniques used have

revealed much, but are increasingly routine. Here, a novel use of organizational

ethnography is used to examine change, both within and between two partners

within an inter-organizational partnership. A longitudinal, dual-sited,

organizational ethnography was performed between 2008 and 2012. This internal

perspective gathered data on the structures, practices and relationships impacted

by a common external stimulus (national sport initiative). One organization’s

values moderated their responses to the implantation of quality control systems

and their attitudes to program expansion. This resistance created tensions

between the partners, resulting in the deterioration of organizational relationships.

This paper provides both a case of organizational change in sport management,

while demonstrating some opportunities and challenges for using this dual

approach. Both theoretical and methodological implications for practice are

discussed and further research opportunities presented.

Key words

Organizational ethnography, organizational change, inter-organizational

partnership, community sport, qualitative methodology

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Using a dual-sited organizational ethnography to examine change

within and between community sport organizations.

Introduction

Over the past two decades in Britain, attention has focused on the use of inter-

organizational partnerships to achieve community sport policy goals (Harris and

Houlihan, 2016). In order to operate at national, regional and local levels, National

Governing Bodies (NGB) have partnered with a myriad of organizations drawn from

the public, commercial and non-profit sectors. Previous studies have shown these

partnerships must navigate through varying social, political and institutional priorities,

which collectively ensure a constant state of environmental change (Bloyce, Smith,

Mead and Morris, 2008; Harris and Houlihan, 2016). Presently, gaps exist in our

understanding of how change is managed within these networks and what this means for

the relationships that are central to these partnerships (Thibault & Harvey, 1997). This

paper seeks to address this gap by entering into the setting of an inter-organizational

partnership and studying how one external stimuli is adopted by two different non-profit

organizations. By doing so questions about how change is managed, both within and

between organizations in the same partnership can be answered.

Previous research on sport and organizational change is resplendent with

theoretical and contextual diversity. However, the present choice of methodological

approach to study organizational change remains traditional. Recent emphasis has been

placed on qualitative methodologies that have the potential to open up new paths over

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well-trodden ground (Hoeber and Shaw, 2017). Here, the purpose of this paper is use a

novel methodological approach – the new route - to study organizational change – the

well-trodden ground. In order to do this, I begin with a brief examination of the

theoretical and methodological foundations upon which sport management’s knowledge

of organizational change rests. Thereafter, the implementation of the longitudinal, dual-

sited organizational ethnography is detailed. Findings reveal that in many ways both

organizations responded similarly to the same stimuli, however their point of departure

was over the acceptance of a top-down practice and its mismatch with an organization’s

existing value framework. The theoretical and methodological implications of this study

are discussed in the conclusions section. On the basis of these contributions, this

methodological approach used provides a novel contribution to the organizational

change in sport literature.

Theoretical background

Sports organization’s organizing and working routines are being constantly adapted to

suit endogenous and exogenous pressures (Cousins and Slack, 2005; O’Brien and Slack,

2003; 2004). As such organizational change is a common feature of sport management

research. Indeed, Ciomaga (2013) identified that this area of study was one of the major

plinths sport management research rests upon. Within these studies, research has

examined the factors that influence both the complexity of change and whether

resistance is generated. A collection of theoretical concepts has been instrumental to

sport management’s collective understanding of institutional and organizational change.

Theories used to examine change have included bureaucratisation (Slack, 1985),

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resource-dependency theory (Thibault & Harvey, 1997), organizational sub-systems

(Amis, Slack and Hinings, 2004; Skinner Stewart and Edwards, 1999), design

archetypes (Cousens, 1997), and a collection of institutional theories, including

isomorphism (O’Brien and Slack, 2003; Skille, 2011), institutional logics (Skirstad and

Chelladurai, 2011), translation (Stenling, 2014), amongst others. From these studies,

we know that organisations adopt structures and practices that attempt to reduce

environmental uncertainty and increase legitimacy. As a result, an organisation’s

structures and routines evolved to become similar to their peers (DiMaggio and Powell,

1983; Perck, Van Hoecke, Westerbeek and Breesch, 2016; Slack and Hinings, 1992;

1994).

In addition to structural and procedural change, further research has examined

how change influences relationships within the organisation. Conflict often arises from

tensions over the maintenance of existing values or the adoption of the emergent values

that change can bring (Kikulis, Slack and Hinings, 1995; Slack and Hinings, 1994;

Stenling, 2013). When changes are adopted, impact occurs in one of two ways.

Existing values are at first delegitimised, and then replaced by the incorporation of the

new values espoused by the desired change. O’Brien and Slack’s studies on the

dominance of commercialism over the amateurism in English rugby union are an

example of this occurring (O’Brien and Slack, 1999; 2003; 2004). A second approach

posits that emergent values can be incorporated into an organization’s existing value

framework (Skille, 2011; Skirstad and Chelladurai, 2011). This latter process suggests

sports organizations can then draw upon diverse values to solve organizational

problems. In her study on Swedish community sports organisations, Stenling (2013)

found both types of impacts. In response to a sport development program, most CSOs

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opportunistically framed their activities to suit their existing competitive values.

However, one organization, with a greater affinity for community development was able

to incorporate the program as the proposed values did not threaten the organization’s

existing value framework.

The sport and organizational change knowledge base is characterised by a

diversity of theoretical approaches. As yet, the methodological approaches undertaken

have remained traditional, and these traditional approaches are characterised by survey

designs that employ questionnaires and interviews. A major limitation of these methods

is that they have mostly reported on the experiences of managers. If our collective

knowledge rests on the opinions of managers, who happen to be situated in positions of

power, then our collective understanding of how change is experienced can be distorted

(Clegg, Rhodes and Kornberger, 2007; Morgan and Spicer, 2009, Mutch, Delbridge and

Ventresca, 2006). Therefore, in order to gather a broader range of perspectives that can

be tracked throughout a period of change, other approaches are required. Ethnography

offers a way forward. Ethnographies on sport and organizational change are uncommon

(Skinner, Stewart and Edwards, 1999; 2004). While this approach is suited for

observing change in one organisation, to consider performing ethnography in multiple

sites could allow comparisons between organizations in the same inter-organizational

network (Marcus, 1998; Zilber, 2014). This is the approach taken in this study,

however before this is outlined it is pertinent to provide the research context.

Research context

Cricket is one of Britain’s oldest organized sports (Wright and Zammuto, 2013). Across

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this region, the scope of the sport’s operations is substantial. Led at the national level

by the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB), the sport is managed at a sub-national

level by 39 regional cricket associations. These associations are responsible for

growing the game, talent identification and supporting elite development. A number of

additional organizations assist the ECB and the regional associations to develop the

grassroots of the game. This includes the national cricket charities, The Lord’s

Taverners and The Cricket Foundation, and four National Disability (Sport) Cricket

Organizations. At the local level, schools, voluntary cricket clubs, sport charities and

local government sport and recreation departments also assist.

Historically, cricket was a popular sport in many schools across England

(Hignell, 2004). However, since the 1980's cricket’s priority in the physical education

curriculum has declined (ECB, 2005; TCF, 2008). In 2005, The Cricket Foundation

launched a national sport development program called Chance to shine to get cricket

back into schools in England where participation had declined he sharpest. These

schools were most often government schools, which comprise the majority of schools in

England. To re-enter these government schools the cricket authorities created a

modified and accessible version of the game. After success in these schools, the

program was extended in 2008 into the community sport sector. This encouraged more

organizations to deliver the program, including voluntary clubs, charities and others.

To deliver a Chance to shine project an organization (termed a delivery agent)

entered into a partnership agreement with The Cricket Foundation and/or their local

regional association. This agreement outlined a number of terms. The delivery agent

was responsible for delivering a 12-week program of 2-hour cricket sessions. The

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organization would receive a fee, 80% of this fee was granted upfront while the

remaining 20% was received upon completion of the project. To ensure Chance to

shine was effective, the delivery agent was also required to collect monitoring data.

This data was collated by the regional association and sent back to The Cricket

Foundation. Periodically representatives from The Cricket Foundation would visit

programs to gather case study data on regular participants. A feature of the Chance to

shine program, which went over and above any previous community cricket initiatives,

was the deliberate focus upon social goals through cricket:

Chance to shine is not primarily a campaign for cricket. Rather it is a campaign for

the education of young people, one that recognizes that competitive sport – and

cricket in particular – can play a vital part within the education of young people by

assisting their personal and social development. It is also a campaign for social

cohesion, one that recognizes the part that competitive sport can play in

encouraging our diverse communities to come together – through clubs, schools

and other partners – at a time when the need to do this is of paramount importance

(TCF, 2008, p. 6).

Methodology

Organizational ethnography refers to the practice of ethnography within an

organizational setting. In organizational ethnography, the researcher is the primary

instrument of analysis. From her internal position, she can collect data from the cultural

object under examination (Reeves-Sandy, 1979). In this case, the focus is on two

organizations who are involved in an inter-organizational partnership involving the

implementation of a national sport development program. This approach permits the

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examination of change as it occurs within and between organisations, in real-time and

over an extended time. This provides a depth of engagement and a high level of rigor

for studying temporal phenomena such as organizational and cultural change (Aull-

Davies, 2008). It is a methodology well suited to my purpose. Organizational

ethnography is important in this study because it opens up opportunities to reach more

diverse organizational actors and stakeholders; staff and/or participants. This avoids a

narrow, managerial view of change (Clegg, et al., 2007; Morgan and Spicer, 2009,

Mutch, et al., 2006). Indeed, Fine, Morrill and Surianarain (2009) suggest that ‘in

perhaps no other substantive area is ethnography more suitable as a method than in

studying the dynamics of organizational change’ (p. 608).

The practice of multiple-site ethnography was developed to “align together

phenomenon that are assumed to be connected but not always grasped within the

purview of a single research site” (Zilber, 2014, p 97). In the context of this study, this

involved studying how dealing with the same external stimuli (the Chance to shine sport

program) impacted on two organizations, and their relationships with each other. To do

this, a dual-sited organizational ethnography was undertaken, requiring my inhabitation

of two organizations over a similar period of time (Marcus, 1998; Yanow, Ybema, and

van Hulst, 2012). Below is an extended overview of how this methodology was

implemented.

Procedure

Organizational ethnographies rarely occur in a sequential process. Van Maanen (1979,

p. 24) has stated that ‘ethnographic research is guided as much from drift as design’.

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Moreover, it often requires a ‘messy’ approach (Parkhe, 1993; Zilber, 2014). To avoid

too much drift, I used Hammersley and Atkinson’s (2007) three-step approach to

managing the fieldwork.

Accessing the field

In organizational ethnography, importance is placed on the ability of the researcher to

“be there” and view phenomena through an ethnographic lens (Van Maanen, 2011). In

order to be there, I was engaged in a field of community sport practice between January

2008 and November 2012. My initial entry into the field was through staff at the sport

charity, Big City Cricket (BCC) (pseudonym). This entry point was negotiated when I

volunteered to assist with BCC’s research and evidence-collection processes. Over

time, I developed relationships with individuals from across the sport development

partnership. One of these partners was the West Regional Association (WRA)

(pseudonym). While selection criteria were used to guide the sampling process, the

nature of the engagement meant that the author accessed this organization through an

opportunistic and convenience approach (Creswell, 2007). Further details on this

process are discussed below.

Managing field relations and accessing insider accounts

In order to assist in my designated role, I attended a number of Chance to shine sessions

between January and May 2008. Rather than rely solely on direct observation, I used

participant observation to assist in either the collection of monitoring data or in

delivering cricket sessions. Initially BCC was more open to this involvement, but over

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time the coaches employed through WRA also saw the value of my assistance. As the

project evolved and the research problems were observed, I started gathering data from

other sources. In my efforts to access insider accounts I selected a sampling strategy,

chose my data sources, and determined the strategies for managing and analysing the

data. Each of these steps is now detailed.

Sampling. One common issue with practicing ethnography is managing sampling (Aull-

Davies, 2008). In this case, balancing the convenience of being close to the participants

with the need to ensure a diverse range of views was difficult. As there were over 50

separate organizations within the field, it was impractical for me to be embedded within

each. To narrow this down, a non-probability, expert sampling strategy was used,

which I conducted through a convenience approach (Silverman, 2011). The following

three selection criteria were used; organizations had to be involved as a partner in the

inter-organizational network that delivered a Chance to shine project; organizations had

to be responsible for the full management of a Chance to shine project; organizations

had to employ either full-time or part-time, paid staff to deliver the project. Those who

relied on volunteers or casual coaches were not selected. Seven organizations met the

criteria for suitability for the next step, however the two chosen were selected on the

basis of opportunism and convenience in that they were willing to provide access

(Creswell, 2007). The process of gaining access to any organization can be difficult,

likewise the process of gaining access to multiple organizations more so, therefore this

convenience approach was justified.

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A brief overview of each focal organization. WRA is a membership-based sports

organization managed by an elected board. It has a long history of producing elite

cricket players who have gone on to play for England. Many members of these type of

associations expect the success of elite, male teams (Formal Interview with Robin.

England and Wales Cricket Board, January 2009). Within a larger, multi-departmental

structure, the WRA operated a community sport section established in 2007. I used both

direct and participant observation in this organization.

The charity BCC is also a non-profit CSO whose mission is to help young

people to ‘grow through sport’ (Formal Interview with Oisin - CEO, BCC, July 2010).

The charity however, had a history of successful engagement with marginalized urban

communities which over time, had enabled BCC to form partnerships with the NGB and

six local regional associations. These partnerships were also sought by regional

associations as it was felt that they lacked competence in reaching these marginalized

communities (Oisin, July 2010). This competence afforded the charity a unique status

amongst its peers, providing it with a higher regional profile than other non-profit

delivery agents, including many voluntary cricket clubs.

My engagement with BCC was considerably more in-depth than with any other

site, but WRA was my second most frequented organization. Table 1 shows the duration

of the total project from which this paper is drawn. Of relevance for this paper is

columns 2 and 3 that outline my engagement with both BCC and WRA.

Insert table 1 about here

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Data Sources. The primary data source I used in this paper were observations.

Observations were turned into field notes generated after any experience with

organizations, program sessions or events. These observations provided an appreciation

of the cultural dynamics of both focal organizations – of themselves and their

relationships between other partners. To support these observations, a number of other

data sources were sought. These data sources are outlined in table 2. Over the course of

these 5 years, over 200 Chance to shine sessions were attended in locations across the

urban and West region. Observations were also gathered at an additional 8-10

competitive events each year, multiple partnership Steering Group Meetings were

attended, plus many other internal meetings at BCC and WRA were observed. Each

instance generated detailed field notes and monthly reflective diaries from May 2008 to

September 2012.

Insert table 2 about here

To enhance these observations, informal interviews and document analysis were

used to populate the field notes. Further supplementing these field notes was a series of

formal, semi-structured interviews focused on an individual’s experiences with change.

These interviews took place between September 2008 and December 2012. Over twenty

managers and development officers from across the field were interviewed. The

selection criteria for a manager’s inclusion were as follows; managers were required to

be responsible for the coordination of multiple Chance to shine programs; managers had

to have a reporting relationship with the regional association and the Cricket

Foundation. The selection criteria for a development officer (staff) included the

responsibility for managing a collection of Chance to shine sessions (one program) in a

single geographic area, or to contribute to the delivery of more than one program across

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multiple geographic areas. By using these criteria, data was drawn from managers and

staff in positions of authority and/or accountability who could share their experiences of

the impact the programs adoption had on each organization.

Data Analysis. An interpretive research framework guided this research process. This

approach posits that reality and all of human experience and actions are socially

constructed (Edwards & Skinner, 2009). This research sought to understand and

explain how and why change occurs within and between two organizations when

presented with the same stimuli. As such, the process of analysis had to be attuned to

the subjective experiences and perspectives of the staff and managers in the field.

Thematic analysis was used to draw out these experiences in order to address the

research question. Arguably, this approach strays into the territory of the traditional

qualitative approaches that in sport management have been well-trodden (Hoeber and

Shaw, 2017) but I posit that the contribution here lies in the longitudinal, internal view

of change and its implications for further study.

My primary concern in the process of data analysis was competently managing

the 5 years of qualitative data that was collected. I required a broad framework that

would allow themes and issues to merge over the course of the fieldwork. Coffey and

Atkinson’s (1996) three-step approach to data analysis ensured that I took deliberate and

rigorous steps through of deductive and inductive analysis to make sense of these

multiple sources. The interplay between both phases provided guidance for the creation

of this research topic, change emerged from observations – it was not the original

starting point in January 2008. It should be apparent that while change was an

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important process, it was not the only reality that participants experienced during this

time. Many day to day routines continued throughout this period that captured much of

the participants’ attention. Given the duration of engagement in the field, the process

was not as succinct as four distinct phases of data reduction described below, however

an analysis of a longitudinal ethnography requires an ongoing, often messy process of

iterations and refinements (Parkhe, 1993).

Step 1 involved the creation of a series of deductive a priori codes. These codes

were drawn from the theoretical perspectives on organizational change in sport

(examples are presented in table 3). Codes were organised into a coding manual that

was used initially on the documents. Saldaña (2009) suggests this step tests the

reliability of the codes. Following this, the codes were applied to the observations and

the formal interviews. In this study, the process of data collection was carried out over

a period of 5 years. During this time, a series of emergent or open codes were drawn

from the data that provided the basis for a more thorough process of analysis that

combined deductive codes with inductive ones (examples are presented in table 4).

Having revealed relationships between the data in the first step, step 2 established

subcategories through which to examine the complexities of change. Both steps sought

to provide a more comprehensive understanding of each organization’s preparation for,

and subsequent management of change. From the subcategories, concept maps were

created into data displays to visually link subcategories and codes (Miles, Huberman

and Saldaña, 2013).

Insert table 3 about here

Insert table 4 about here

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As steps 1 and 2 involved the generation of the initial codes, the third step

involved the creation of axial codes. Axial codes disassemble the categories from step 2

to provide a bigger picture to support final analysis (Edwards & Skinner, 2009).

Saldaña (2016) recommends this extended approach as axial coding is important when

data is coming from multiple sources. In this process, the dimensions of a selected

category are identified and their relationships to other phenomena are drawn out. An

example of this was the creation of the control and compliance category. Within this

category there were a number of codes, such as the ‘rationale’ that participants used to

justify performance management in community cricket. This control and compliance

category was then linked to another category on ‘increasing accountability’ that

included other codes such as administrative routines and funding requirements. From

this process, the relations between codes within different categories were identified and

as a result the themes were stronger in their complexity.

A common limitation of any ethnographic study is addressing the question of

trust (Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007). This includes trust between the researcher and

the research subjects, and also trust with the reader. To establish this multi-dimensional

notion of trust it should be noted that the methodology was dependent on the researcher.

As such, objectivity cannot be established. Even the quality checks that were used to

increase the trustworthiness of this study (Lincoln and Guba, 1985) are subject to

interpretation through the subjective lens of the researcher. Nevertheless, some quality

checks were used to support an ethical stance rather than a specific desire to achieve

objectivity. First, the engagement of the researcher in the field prior to formal data

collection (January 2008 to May 2008) allowed relationships to develop between the

researcher and many individuals within the field. Second, the process of data-

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triangulation used data from formal interviews and document analysis which were then

situated within the observations collected by through field notes and reflective diaries.

Although this is not the only methodological approach that can achieve data-

triangulation, this step plus the duration of the engagement undertaken enhance the

validity of the findings (Denzin, 1997). Finally, while generalizability is difficult to

achieve through case study approaches, some level of transferability is possible.

Greenwood and Hinings (1996) argued that case by case analysis of organizational

change can provide a cumulative understanding of the area. I posit that this case of

change contributes to this cumulative understanding.

Findings and Discussion

The implementation of the Chance to shine program increased the number of young

people playing cricket across the region and throughout England. By 2016, the Cricket

Foundation claimed that more than 3 million children taken part (The Cricket

Foundation, 2017). In this section I situate my analysis of change within the context of

previous change research and the methodologies that enabled their contribution.

Changes within the focal organizations

This organizational ethnography charted how the impact of the Chance to shine

program altered the structures and practices within two organizations. This

longitudinal, dual-sited approach examined how change was facilitated, moderated

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and/or at times resisted. The first of these features observed were structural alterations.

In order to coordinate their responses to the Chance to shine project both

organizations changed their operating structures. While the program was being

implemented, BCC formally rebranded itself, repositioning itself from a community

sport association into a sport-for-development agency. The charity reorganized its

coaching and development team into northern and southern regions. This was

supported by an expansion in management and administration roles at headquarters, and

more than doubling their staff between 2008 and 2012. The WRA took a more

incremental approach to expansion. They created a community department in 2007 to

respond to the growing interest in grassroots cricket. This department’s existence rested

heavily on the Chance to shine program which provided both the funds and the program

of work:

Community cricket here (WRA) is pretty new, we’re still seen as the new guys but

we now need to perform. We live in a [portable office] out the rear of the main

stand, which is nowhere near the other staff and our funding mostly comes from

external sources, including John’s salary. Thankfully the managing director

supports us and we get a bit of funding through him. (Formal interview with

Amanda, Community Cricket Manager. WRA, October 2009)

WRA employed a much more formal and hierarchical structure than BCC. Staff

increases were minimal, however a dedicated disability cricket development officer (the

first in England) was appointed at the start of 2009. Although WRA employed less than

70 staff, communication between the community manager and WRA’s senior

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management was directed via the Head of Participation, who was located in a separate

building. This distance created another barrier to efficient working relations for the

community team.

In addition to structural changes, an increase in finances also occurred as a result

of the program. A comparison of annual reports revealed that the uptake of Chance to

shine programs led to increases in finance - creating valuable income streams - and

workload. Financially, both the BCC and the WRA saw their income grow nearly

300% between 2008 and 2012 (see table 5).

Insert table 5 about here

Despite the influx of funds, tensions arose between and within both

organizations. Because 80% of funds were granted before delivery had occurred, many

organizations saw the program as an important income generator. However, while

income received was a set amount, organizations were free to control the costs spent in

delivering the sessions. This made some organizations better at extracting and retaining

value than others. An example of this was replacing senior staff with those junior, and

cheaper;

Field Notes. July 2010

Mark (a former player) has been given an apprenticeship and although I am sure

Conor will train him well it is clear that they are already getting their pound of

flesh. Mark is delivering most of Tristan’s (senior development officer) projects.

Yes, this frees Tristan’s time up [to do other things], but the cost savings are clear

as Mark is younger and cheaper.

From 2010, BCC offered the chance to some experienced participants who played on

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their existing programs to work as apprentices. These apprentices were trained to work

alongside a coach to assist in the delivery of projects across the city. Once the

apprentices gained sufficient experience they would run the session without the

development officer. This approach focused on both capacity and cost savings. Oddly,

the cost savings on community cricket appeared to contradict the priority managers

verbally placed on community cricket and its central role to BCC’s mission.

Past research has revealed how organizational values change through one of two

ways. First, the delegitimizing of an organization’s existing values occurs before they

are replaced by emergent ones (Amis et al., 2002; Amis et al., 2004; O’Brien and Slack,

1999; 2003). Second, emergent values can enter the organization and end up being

layered upon existing value frameworks (Skirstad and Chelladurai, 2011; Stenling,

2013). The methodology used in this paper allowed me to see that organizational values

were not just statements in an interview, or words in a corporate document but

phenomena that could be observed. For example, values were revealed in the manner in

which meetings took place, what priorities were discussed between senior and junior

staff, how staff were treated, and the manner in which staff delivered their sessions. In

either organization, certain staff embodied these values, yet others did not. When the

collective staff group did not, then the gap between rhetoric and practice was exposed;

I would say we stand for inclusiveness. I think that one of our key things is that we

are completely inclusive and that everybody gets an opportunity (Formal interview

with Conor. BCC, July, 2010).

This contrasted sharply with the way some sessions and events were managed;

Field Notes. October 2008

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A key issue from this was the inclusion of young people with visual impairments

with those in the Pan-disability group, just so they can get a team on the field. This

led to imbalance within the teams and overall a poor experience for most of the

participants.

At other times, a lack of basic planning rather than a lack of spirit made inclusion

difficult for those who the program was so keen to target;

Field Notes. April 2009

Despite the claims about everyone having a great experience on the program,

Mabel [who is categorized B1 – the lowest level of visual acuity in cricket] attends

each week but is still not planned into the lesson.

While these gaps were not uncommon, many sessions I observed were engaging for the

majority of participants, irrespective of either delivery agent. Nevertheless, both

organizations planning of individual sessions did not always reflect their claims about

inclusive practice.

Chance to shine was an ambitious project. It was designed as a competitive

sport program that sought to reignite a nation’s passion for one of its formerly dominant

sports. At the same time it also attempted to achieve social outcomes. As with

Stenling’s (2013) study on change in Swedish sport, the competitive aspects of the

program received greater priority that the social aspects. The focus on competition

found a supportive home in both organizations. Rather than dominating the practices of

BCC, it encouraged the emergence of some pragmatic and performative resistance.

When well organized, BCC’s sessions were an extension of their own values, they

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focused on developing the individual through sport. Yet at times this was not present

with the sports organized at their competitions and events. WRA prioritized a ‘sport for

sport’s sake’ ethos, while BCC aligned to a more with ‘sport for good’ approach

(Houlihan and White, 2002). These philosophies were manifest in their actions and

priorities.

At the WRA, numbers mattered. Increasing the participation of community

cricketers was their main priority and their meetings focused on strategies to achieve

this. They organized and delivered high-quality Chance to shine sessions for

participants that clearly met the intended design of the program. However, despite

succeeding in increasing participation, this type of cricket (community = non-elite)

lacked sufficient profile within the larger association. The community department

seemed unable to boost their internal profile or receive greater financial support from

senior management, despite the increases in community cricket participation and the

department’s income growth. Community cricket seemingly remained at the periphery

of the organization's priorities.

At BCC, people mattered. Their focus on engaging marginalized communities

meant they were less preoccupied with increasing participant numbers. Staff were

content with working with the same young people, over a longer period of time. In

contrast to the WRA approach, BCC used the programs to build a community through

cricket. Sessions were open to all. Naturally there was a focus on players but they also

created a social space for parents, friends and anyone else interested in playing cricket

to come together. Community cricket was everything to BCC and over and above what

Chance to shine facilitated, they created other programs to further their quest to use

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sport for social change. BCC staff were committed to social change through sport.

Internal practices were used to reinforce this. Sharing stories about individuals who they

felt had ‘changed’ through cricket was a regular practice at team meetings. However,

some staff at BCC used competitive sessions as their default option for delivery. Their

quest for inclusion while using competitive games was not seen as problematic for some

coaches.

These rhetorical practices did not feature at the WRA. Team meetings at the

WRA lacked these reaffirmations of faith in sport’s “power” and as a result they seemed

more focused on the technical aspects of program management. It was clear that WRA

staff wanted to grow the game, to reach new communities (particularly in disability

cricket), and to see if talent could be found. Chance to shine was interpreted as an

appropriate extension of WRA’s competitive values toward sport development; indeed,

as Skille (2011) observed, when “competitiveness dominates, the decision of

implementing the actual [initiative is] an easy one because the [initiative is] considered

taking good care of so-called sport development” (p. 87). Possibly, this type of typical

sport development goal made staff at the WRA seem more willing to perform as it was

their ‘bread and butter’. The administrative commitments that accompanied this sport

development program did not stray from the usual WRA conventions.

Staff at BCC were threatened by the practice of monitoring. It was not the

monitoring form that posed the threat, but the message (rightly or wrongly assumed)

that staff were not trusted. Prior to the adoption of Chance to shine they felt that they

excelled in what they did, and if The Cricket Foundation and regional associations

22

wanted their assistance with marginalized populations then they should be trusted to do

this, unhindered. Many BCC staff felt that to deliver cricket to young, often

marginalized people was a calling; they genuinely believed that they were impacting on

these lives. Quantitative monitoring forms prioritized numbers over people. In contrast,

some BCC staff preferred a more subjective and qualitative understanding of the person,

as personal growth ‘can’t be written on a piece of paper’ (Formal interview with Conor.

BCC, July, 2010). These concerns over the nature of monitoring should have been

addressed by their managers, instead resistance from the coaches was interpreted as

reluctance to change. Naïve concerns or not, BCC managers did little to alleviate these

fears, except to tell staff monitoring was a merely a top-down requirement ‘to keep the

funders happy’ (Oisin, July, 2010), shifting the blame onto the funder.

Apart from collecting, or attempting to collect monitoring data, neither

organization showed any genuine interest in quantifying the program’s social outcomes.

It was surprising that the BCC, with their social ethos did not see this suiting their own

priorities. While managers were enticed by the funds, the staff remained uninspired by

the work. Perhaps the mode of monitoring reinforced this. However, rather than reject

the program before taking it on, this conflict resulted in a pragmatic acquiescence. Over

time the program’s data practices became routinized.

Despite their values differing, both organizations still required administrative

competence to process the monitoring data effectively. Staff with prior administrative

experience possessed greater competence in this area. Those who had developed purely

as coaches, such as many of the BCC staff could not draw upon these experiences

within their organization. The difficulties experienced by BCC staff were clear. Odd it

23

may seem that staff just could not fill in the form prior to the session, but it was the

manner in which the sessions were delivered by BCC that made it difficult. BCC would

turn up at a council estate with their cricket equipment and be swamped by young

people, happy to play right then and there. Managing the monitoring in the latter

experience was indeed difficult;

Because in theory, everybody says that when you do your Chance to shine session,

you turn up, you get your paper out, you quickly take the monitoring in, get the

youth worker to sign it—but what happens is you turn up, and as soon as you turn

up the kids are jumping on top of you, ‘Can we get the kit out of the bag, can we do

this, can we do that’, and you’ve got no time to step back and take monitoring and

then at the end of it everyone runs away, so it would just be like a whirlwind and

then you’re left not doing your monitoring properly (Formal interview with

George. BCC, August 2010).

Changes between the focal organizations

While other methodologies can provide comparative data on change, they are less able

to gather data on the power relations that exist between organizations. Organizational

ethnography attunes the researcher into the social organization and relations that exists

between formal organizations (Watson, 2012; Zilber, 2014). Both organizations sought

social acceptance and legitimacy from their peers, however each sought different peer

groups. Staff at the WRA aspired to be leaders in the provision of community cricket –

seeking recognition from other organizations within the cricket establishment,

particularly the ECB. In contrast, BCC sought recognition for their work with

marginalized youth from organizations involved in international sport-for-development.

24

These different peer groups could explain BCC’s resistance to monitoring preferring a

more qualitative style. For BCC, sessions were delivered, monitored (often inefficiently

and performed reluctantly), and reported back. Stories of change were obtained from

their long-term participants. These stories provided useful devices to communicate with

other sport-for-development charities where this form of evidence was better

appreciated.

As time developed, I earnt the trust of the research participants and as a result

more contentious matters were discussed in the open. This gave me another set of

insights into the social relations at work. As discussed above, BCC possessed a strong

reputation for attracting marginalized populations. This reputation was based on their

long history and involvement in in urban community sport. For the 5 regional

associations that surrounded the city (of which the WRA was one), the urban

environment was always assumed by them to be difficult to manage. This afforded the

charity a certain coal-face mystique that enabled them to adopt a central role in the

implementation of Chance to shine. As time passed however, this mystique began to

fade. As more Chance to Shine programs were delivered by the charity, more funding

was obtained. Nevertheless, their inability to manage the data became evident to their

partners, in effect harming their relationships. The loss of quality from the lack of

adequate data, combined with the use of cheaper, inexperienced coaches did not go

unnoticed by the regional associations.

BCC’s commitment to people over numbers also created tension with their

partners. The Cricket Foundation and the regional associations needed quantifiable

participant data that BCC was unable to consistently provide. In this type of data’s

25

place, stories were offered up. The incompatibility led to a rejection of these stories,

which caused an affront to a number of BCC staff. Program expansion was not

palatable for BCC, as the idea of staring more programs would mean forming new

relationships that would require significantly more time to develop and then possible

lead to new stories. As a result, the growth of new Chance to shine programs delivered

by the charity halted. While BCC managers were aware of this gap, staff were

unwilling to close it. Concerned by this lack of development, the WRA and another

regional association pooled their resources to close one gap with their own Chance to

shine project. On the basis of delivering their own program to marginalized populations

the regional association staff began to develop competence in urban delivery. Once the

‘magic’ of urban delivery was revealed to be not as challenging as first assumed, BCC

lost their unique selling proposition. This realization prevented the charity from

obtaining further expansion opportunities across the city, furthermore it re-positioned

them from an essential partner in the city to merely one of a number of cricket clubs

who acted as delivery agents.

Conclusions and Recommendations

Sport development organizations operate in an environment where change is constant.

The formation of inter-organizational partnerships can minimise operational uncertainty

providing a mutually beneficial approach to goal attainment. This paper examined how

change simultaneously impacted on two organizations within the same inter-

organizational partnership. A novel approach was used to study change as it progressed

over time. In this final section I first will outline this paper’s theoretical contributions

before discussing some of the benefits and limitations of the methodological approach.

26

It was revealed that responses to the same external stimuli varied between each

organization. In order to cope with the increased work created by Chance to shine, each

organization altered aspects of their operations. While some of these changes created

little resistance, such as alterations to organizational structures, other practices were

deemed incompatible with the culture of the organization. A number of BCC staff used

a performative approach to the monitoring of their work. Observations and interview

data revealed how an organization’s orientation and values align, or conflict with the

program’s operational requirements. The resistance was culturally ingrained through

both the history of the organization and the staff they employed. Each component

stifling attempts to perform, what appeared to be a rudimentary quality task. Hence, the

failure by BCC to adopt this practice and their unwillingness to expand their provision

impacted on their external position, deteriorating their relationship with the WRA.

Despite BCC’s passion for their work, Chance to shine required a systematic approach

to data collection, one which gave priority to increased participant numbers. That the

BCC was focused on other priorities not only made this difficult but was one of the

causes of their deteriorating relations with the WRA and other regional associations.

Practical lessons for the management of change can be learned from this paper.

First, it is important for sport organizations seeking to launch national programs to

understand partnerships are derived from the mixed economy of sport and leisure. As

revealed in previous studies, this mixed economy has a diverse array of values that may

not always be suitable to strategic alignment (Skille, 2011; Skirstad and Chelladurai,

2011; Stenling, 2013). This suggests a level of flexibility is required. Second,

administration is needed to support program implementation. To support collective

efforts in gathering program data, more effective communication is needed to explain

27

administration practices, like why monitoring was important. If value is placed on

evidence creation then funds should support this, and not just the delivery of the

sporting sessions. Chance to shine is not about simply delivering cricket, but an attempt

to show that sport could also achieve social goals. Whether this could or could not be

achieved, it was reasonable to develop a model that could at least try to prove how it

worked. That this was created but not effectively communicated presented a missed

opportunity. Finally, small sports organizations that seek funds should carefully

consider the level of commitment required before program implementation. Some

detailed cost-benefit analysis would be recommended to ensure the organization can

develop the capacity to handle not just the sport delivery components but also the

administrative duties required to succeed.

In terms of methodological reflection, this paper also demonstrates the utility of

the longitudinal, dual-sited ethnography as a methodology to increase our understanding

of change. By the use of the inductive and deductive design each of the data sources,

and all of their individual data points provided a complex, yet detailed picture of how

two groups of sport development professionals experienced change. Although other

research designs and data collection tools can achieve data-triangulation, this approach

proved useful for witnessing how values seemed instilled in the actions of each

organization’s staff. By positioning myself over an extended period of time in various

roles within each focal organization, I was present through the project life-cycle of

Chance to shine. In the BCC’s case, it evolved from a financial windfall, into a

logistical and operational irritation. Ethnography in general permits you to see how each

individual manager and staff member responds to accomplishment and adversity in the

28

workplace, the method reveals the real experience of change without having to rely on

post-hoc accounts of those who survived the process.

A key limitation was that I could only occupy two organizations, making

comparisons less complex than those achieved through a multi-sited, field-level

ethnography that could examine multiple organizations simultaneously. This multi-site

approach could have made available new variables, such as organizational type on

change. Another limitation was that organizational ethnography was a labor-intensive

methodology, and in addition to this a multi-site project would have exacerbated the

resource limitations experienced here. This is without taking into consideration the daily

commute to attend both sites located across a very large city which could mean up to

three hours travel each day. Further research in organizational ethnography in general,

and multi-site ethnography in particular would require financial and institutional

support.

In the area of organizational change, further research could adopt some form of

multi-level, or micro-level analysis to situate the lived experience of the individual

within organizational change. Observations were collected, outside the focus of this

paper that showed the personal costs of being unable to ‘change with the times’.

Research could then witness the impact of change on the individual staff employed

within. To extend this methodology, further studies of other types of sport organization

and fields of sport development could be made. The method offers not only a

framework for collecting data from the field but a way for researchers to position

themselves within the field, as phenomena evolve. As mentioned the longitudinal

process benefits our understanding of phenomena but also provides benefits to the

29

researcher. This requirement of being there and getting involved could allow sport

management researchers to achieve a greater sense of empathy when understanding the

everyday experiences of the people that they study.

Declaration of interests

The author(s) have no competing interests to declare.

Acknowledgements:

I would like to thank P. David Howe for his general guidance on ethnography and the

various anonymous reviewers for their comments on this and earlier versions of this

paper.

Word count: 7504

30

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Table 1: Engagement activities at each focal organization

Setting /

Engagement ActivityBCC WRA Total project

Initial access/ observations

beginJanuary 2008 May 2008 January 2008

Shift from direct to

participant observation (1-2

days per week in each focal

organization)

September 2008 February 2009 May 2008

Intensive period of

engagement (2-3 days per

week in each focal

organization)

May 2009 -

September 2009

May 2010 –

September 2010

June 2010 –

September 2010

May 2009 –

September 2010

Formal interviews begin September 2008 February 2009 September 2008

Shift from participant

observation to active-

member observations

May 2010 Not applicable

Formal interviews end July 2012 November 2012 December 2012

Organizational documents

collected2008-2012 2008-2012 2002-2012

Source: Author

37

Table 2: Data sources used

Setting /

Data Source

BCC WRA Other Total

Observations/Field

notes/Research Diaries

300+ 50+ 200+ 600

approximate

Informal interviews 50+ 5 40+ 100

approximate

Formal interviews 13 3 10 26

Document analysis 30+ 12 60+ 100

approximate

Source: Author

38

Table 3: Examples of A Priori / Deductive Codes

Code 1

Label Isomorphism

Definition A process to “make organizations more

similar without necessarily making them

more efficient”

(DiMaggio and Powell, 1983: 147)

Description The use of coercive, normative or mimetic

pressures to alter the structures and

operating practices within an organization.

Code 2

Label Institutional logic

Definition “A set of material practices and symbolic

constructions which constitute its

organizing principles, and which is

available to organizations and individuals

to elaborate”

(Friedland and Alford, 1991: 248)

Description An institutional system that enables

organizations and individuals to prioritize

certain values over others that then

supports operating practices.

Source: Author; DiMaggio and Powell, (1983); Friedland and Alford, (1991)

39

Table 4: Examples of inductive codes

Code 1

Label Ethos

Definition “The characteristic spirit of a culture, era,

or community as manifested in its attitudes

and aspirations”

The Oxford English Dictionary (online)

Description An amalgam of beliefs that underpin the

way managers and staff consider solutions

to organizational problems.

Code 2

Label Compliance

Definition “the action of complying with a wish or

command, the meeting of rules or

standards”

The Oxford English Dictionary (online)

Description Efforts to ensure that the requirements of a

program of activity are satisfied.

Source: Author; The Oxford English Dictionary (online).

40

Table 5: Income growth between 2008- 2012

Organization Income 2008 Income 2012 % Change

BCC 323,839 946,448 292

WRA* 27, 634 86,115 312

* Income to Participation Department. This department exists as a non-profit company

separate to commercial organization of WRA.

Source: Author. Internal documents and those published accounts with Companies

House in England and Wales. To protect the anonymity and confidentiality of the focal

organizations these are not referenced.

41