Post on 27-Jun-2020
l\.'lm~xlrnlivc An~1lysis of Nc-p~ll &Jhurkhand
CHAPTERS
MIGRATION FOR DOMESTIC WORK:
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF NEPAL AND JHARKHAND
In the previous two chapters, we observed the dynamics of migration for domestic work from
Nepal and from the state of Jharkhand within India. The political economy approach was
applied to highlight the compulsions and motivations which influence the course, destination
and duration of migration. A gendered analysis was used since it enables us to nuance the
understanding of racial, class and caste stereotypes associated with such migrant communities
and their effect on labour markets locally and globally. In this chapter we will embark upon a
comparative analysis of the two case studies to understand the commonalities and
divergences that emerge in the process of migration for domestic work and its implications
for IR theory. This analysis will be substantiated through excerpts from field notes based on
the in-depth interviews conducted with migrant workers from both source locations.
During the selection of case studies, a set of common criterion was used to enable an
effective comparative analysis. Both districts selected are, by the state's own official
classification, 'remote and underdeveloped' or 'backward'. This recognition of the levels of
poverty and the practice ofbackward agriculture leading to distress driven migration, makes
Sindhupalchok in Nepal and Gumla in India, comparable despite their location in countries
with different overall levels of development. However, the level of underdevelopment was
strikingly similar in both the sampled villages of Nepal and Jharkhand. For this reason, the
selection criteria was refmed for the stratified sample based on the following criterion- tribe
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Con1pnralivc An~1lysis 1Jf Ncpa] & Jharkhand
dominated, mixed distribution of population by socio-religious and villages less than 150
households. 1
DEMOGRAPHIC PARTICULARITIES
Both the sample villages chosen had the presence of upper caste Hindu groups as well as
Dalit households apart from a majority tribal population. Tribe-dominated villages were
chosen since the hypotheses for this research study intended to examine the influence of
racial stereotypes in conjunction with variables such as religion, caste, class and gender. It
was observed that in both sample villages, tribal population was more prone to migrate and
the opportunities available to them were based on the popular stereotypes associated with
these communities. For example, Nepalis (hill origin communities with mongoloid features)
are considered better employees due to their politeness, loyalty and acceptance to work at a
lower wage. Similarly, Oraons are known to be hardworking and obedient. Both communities
have a long history of migration for work in common.
It was noted that the proportion of migrant population recorded in Kot Gaon, Nepal
was much higher than the migrant population recorded in Bandhua, Jharkhand. While
migration for work took place across castes and landholding status in Kot Gaon, migration
for wotk in Bandhua was limited to those with marginal landholdings. Migration for work
was recorded in both the Dalit households in Kot Gaon, but not a single Dalit household
member migrated for work from Bandhua. The disaggregation of the surveyed population in
terms of migrant/non migrant population as percentage of total population is displayed below
in Chart 5.A.
1 Only those villages with less than 150 households were short listed since the entire fieldwork was carried out over a period of two and a half years by the author with the assistance of a translator in each of the locations. This was done to enable an in-depth study of the sample villages, given the limited scale of the research study.
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C0mparative Analysis oi Nepal & Jharkhand
Chart S.A: Migrant/ non migrant population as percentage of total population in the surveyed villages
Non-Migrant
Migrant
Migrant/Non m igrant population as percentage of total population
• Sindhupalchok, Nepal • Jharkhand, India
33%
RELIGION AND CASTE
83%
Chart 5.B below displays the religious profile of the total population in both the sample
villages. We can observe that Roman Catholics (in the case of Jharkhand) and the Buddhists
in the case of Sindhupalchok) are the majority religious group. These religious groups
incidentally, are also the tribal groups in the respective villages. It was interesting to note that
despite Hinduism being the dominant religion in both countries, the tribes in the surveyed
location belonged to a religion other than Hinduism. This indicates that these communities
have not been part of mainstream society in either of the countries and is possibly another
cause for their impoverished and backward status.
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Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
Chart 5. B: Religious profile of the sar'np le village in Jharkhand and N epa!
Religious profile of the sample village in Jharkhand,
India
Iii Hindu Roman Catholic
42%
58%
BACKWARD AGRICULTURE
Religious profile of the sample village in
Sindhupalchok, Nepal
Hindu Buddhist
According to F AO estimates, agriculture is the only source of income for close to 70 per cent
of the world's rural poor population, ofwhich a great part is made up of small farmers . Even
in 2025, when the majority of the world's population is projected to live in urban areas, 60
per cent of the poorest people are expected to remain in rural areas (IF AD 2005), where
inequity and poverty are greater. While important differences exist among various regions
and countries, some common features are present in the rural context of developing countries.
Traditionally, lack of access to fundamental assets and to productive services and inputs -
such as land, water, credit, extension, market information and technical innovations - has
prevented smallholders in developing countries from capitalizing on their agricultural
enterprises and increasing their productivity.
Page I 110
l \ )nlpar :l livc Anal rsjs of Jcpn l &Jharkhand
This phenomenon can also be observed in the surveyed villages. In both villages,
mono-cropping backward agriculture was practiced. Rice was the main food crop and maize
served as the back-up food crop when possible. The 2001 Nepal Census records
Sindhupalchok as composed of 100% rural population and 84.48% of the households are
employed in agriculture and allied activities. According to the India Census 2001 , in terms of
percentage of irrigated land of total agricultural land, Gurnla has the lowest coverage by
irrigation in Jharkhand (a meagre 2.45%)- a pointer to the backward agricultural situation of
that district.
For comparative analysis of landholding pattern, three caste categories can be
deployed. The upper castes in both the villages (Chetris in Nepal and Mals, Ghasis and Naiks
in Jharkhand) are land owning castes. However, it was noted that the Chetris had lesser land
as compared to the Tamangs. On the other hand, the upper castes in Bandhua village owned
more land even though they were a minority community in the village. This could be the case
since they are the only money lending class in the village. We can observe from Table 5.2
below that the majority of Oraon and Tamang households own less than 2.5 acres ofland and
this is not enough to provide food sufficiency. While no landless chetri and tamang
households were recorded in the Nepal survey, there were landless households within all the
caste groups in the Jharkhand sample village. Dalit households in both the villages were
landless.
Table 5. 1: Comparative landholding patterns of sample village in Jharkhand and
Sindhupalchok, Nepal
Jharkhand, India Sindhupalchok, Nepal Landholding size Ora on Mals Ghasi and Naik Dalit Tamang Chetri Dalit Landless 4 2 3 1 0 0 2 0-1 acre 13 8 6 0 68 10 0 1-2.5 acre 15 5 2 0 28 8 0 2.5-5 acre 7 10 2 0 7 1 0 Above 5 acre 4 6 0 0 0 0 0 Total no households 43 31 13 1 103 19 2
Page 1111
Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
Just as there are countries that are more prone to generating emigrants, there are
individuals and households that are more inclined to migrate than others. Generally speaking,
it is not the poorest countries that produce the most migrants - emigration pressures are
usually strongest in ' relatively' poor nations, which nevertheless suffer from deeply rooted
inequalities and low expectations of progress (Alonso 2004). Similarly, the most
disadvantaged households and individuals do not have migration as an available choice. It is
when income or wealth increases above a specific threshold that migration becomes more
likely, while the acquisition of high levels of income or wealth makes migration unnecessary
(McKenzie and Rapoport 2004; Hatton and Williamson 2004; Skeldon 2002).
Chart 5.C: Migrant households by landholding and caste for both the sample villages
Migrant households by landholding and caste for both the sample villages
70
60
V) 50 u 0 ~ llJ 40 V) ::; 0 I
30 '-0
0 z 20
10
0
Tamang Ora on (Tribe, (Tribe,
N
iii Land less 0 4
0-1 acre 68 13
1-2.5 acre 28 15
2.5-5 acre 7 7
Iii Above 5 acre 0 4
Chetri (UC,
10
8
1
0
rvl als (UC,
5
14
7
12
6
Dalit Da lit (Nepal) (I nd ia)
2 1
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
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L\ )nq.);Jr:Jii vc 1\n :1 lysjs of Nq.x1J & Jharkh nd
There is a popular conception that only the poorest households especially in rural
areas migrate. However, in the surveyed villages it emerges that migration is a phenomenon
that occurs across all landholding categories. Specifically, in the case of Jharkhand, we find
that most households with less than 2.5 acres ofland, are more prone to migrate. This holds
true for all caste groups and not just the lowest castes and tribes. Similarly in the case of
Nepal, we find that respondents with less than 20 ropani (2.5 acres) of land have the largest
percentage of migrants. Here again, this applies to all caste groups and tribes.
Interestingly, in both villages, the largest migrant group are the tribes (Oraon and Tamang).
The migrant Oraons and Tamangs belong to all landholding categories. The explanation for
this complex phenomenon (i.e. existence of migrants across all landholding categories) lies in
the structural backwardness ofthe area in general and in the agricultural sector specifically.
The insufficiency of food even with sizeable landholdings and agrarian distress has
compelled even those households with larger landholdings to migrate. Underdevelopment as
the root cause of migration comes out even more clearly in the case of Kot Gaon where all
households owning more than 20 ropani (1 acre) of land have migrant household members.
This shows that by using a rigorous methodology, it is possible to see through popular
generalisations regarding rural-urban migration which can adversely impact the formation of
cohesive developmental policies.2
From the above context, it is evident that agriculture and the rural sector offer limited
and inadequate options to satisfy the needs of rural populations and provide them with
opportunities to improve their quality of life. Rural households may try to move out of
poverty through agricultural entrepreneurship, the rural labour market and the rural non-farm
economy. They may also choose to migrate to towns, cities or other countries. Often these
2 In the conclusion, we will see how the national surveys conflate such important issues under sweeping
generalizations. Hence, the policies that follow are rarely able to mitigate such circumstances and reach desirable outcomes.
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L\ 1111 p~ I rJ t i vc An:1lysis o f Ncp:.1l & Jharkhand
various options are complementary (World Bank 2007). During the last 50 years, 800 million
people have migrated from rural to urban areas, and it is expected that these migrations will
continue to increase (IF AD 2008). Even though internal and international migrations have
differing characteristics, the motivation for displacement is similar - the search for new
options to improve the quality of life - and is thus an indication of limited opportunities.
The data collected from the two sample villages demonstrates this clearly. A
substantial percentage of the total population in each village surveyed had migrants, return
migrants and as well as current migrants. Chart S.B shows the distribution of migrant and
non-migrant population in the sample village. From the chart, we can see that more people
had migrated from the village in Nepal while comparatively lesser persons had migrated from
the village in Jharkhand. The absolute lack of any social security benefits in the case ofN epal
could be a contributing factor to this trend. Hence, if the opportunity arose, most permanent
migrants would take their families, especially children to their migrant destination so that
they could avail better health care and education. An important factor contributing to the high
migration rate in both the sample villages is the rural-urban migration of women for paid
domestic work.
LITERACY
The children most likely to drop out of school or to not attend at all are those from poorer
households, particularly in rural areas. For example, nearly one third of children in rural areas
of the developing world do not attend school, compared with 18 per cent of children in the
same age group living in cities (United Nations 2007, 11). In many countries, the rural/urban
division also substantially magnifies gender inequalities as was observed in the case ofNepal
and India. In the districts selected for the survey, the gender disparity in rural male and rural
female literacy rate was sizeable. In Sindhupalchok, the male literacy rate is 51.5 percent and
Page 1114
Cornpn r:1f ivc ;\n :1Jys is (1 ( Nepa l &jhar kh •md
the female literacy rate is 27.5 percent and this gap was similarly reflected in the data
collected from the sample village in Nepal.
The rural literacy rate for Jharkhand is 49 . I percent for males and 24 percent for
females. However, the sample village in Jharkhand had much higher literacy rates with lesser
gender disparity, i.e. 69.16 percent for men, 52.4 7 percent for women with 60.78 percent as
the average literacy rate. This is due to the presence of mission funded schools which have
contributed to higher literacy rates over the years. Table 5.2 below depicts the literate and
illiterate non migrant population disaggregated by gender for both sample villages.
Table 5.2: Literacy by age group and sex for non-migrant population in the sample villages
Surveyed village, lliARKHAND, INDIA under 14 15 to 59 60 and above
Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
Literate 43 39 82 74 61 135 10 3 13 Illiterate 31 38 69 20 49 69 14 20 34
Surveyed village, SINDHUP ALCHOK, NEPAL under 14 15 to 59 60 and above
Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
Literate 47 58 107 59 28 85 2 1 3 Illiterate 41 39 80 57 94 151 17 25 42
From the following Table 5.3, we can observe that the literacy rate of the migrant
population is higher in both sample villages. Approximately 61 percent of migrant men from
the sample village in Nepal were literate. An overwhelming 81.2 percent of the male migrant
population of the sample village in Jharkhand are literate. Also, 75 percent of the female
migrant population was literate. During the survey it was discovered that at least 15 out of 21
Page 1115
paid domestic workers from the village had completed middle school out of which half had
completed high school education but were working as domestic workers in Delhi.
Table 5.3 : Literacy by age group and sex for migrant population
Surveyed village, ffiARKHAND, INDIA under 14 15 to 59 60 and above
Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
Literate 4 2 6 33 20 53 2 2 4
Illiterate 0 0 0 8 8 16 1 0 1
Surveyed village, SINDHUPALCHOK, NEPAL under 14 15 to 59 60 and above
Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
Literate 3 11 14 70 36 106 4 0 4 Illiterate 6 5 11 39 57 96 4 I 5
GENDER AND MIGRATION PATTERNS
A higher than average female to male ratio was recorded in both the sample villages.
Bandhua village recorded 1008 females per 1000 males while Kot Gaon had 1014 females
per 1000 males. This could be attributed to the existence of a majority tribal population since
the sex ratio in Hindu communities is generally much lower when compared to others due to
practices like son preference and dowry. It would be interesting to observe if the availability
of paid work for migrant women has a positive impact on rural sex ratios, especially from
such regions which witness large scale rural-urban migration.
Page 1116
Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
It was also noted that communities like the Oraons which traditionally practiced
customs like bride price were adopting new customs like dowry to fit into mainstream
societies, since the time Oraon women had started migrating for domestic work and saved
their earnings. Aspirations to own luxury consumer durables like television and expensive
cosmetics were also recorded as motivating factors which fuelled the urge to migrate to cities.
Chart 5.0 : Percentage of Migrant and non migrant population disaggregated by sex in the samp 1e villages.
Percentage of Migrant/Non-Migrant Population Disaggragated by Sex in the Sample
Villages
• Sample Village Sindhupa lchok, Nepal • Sample Village Jharkhand, Ind ia
Non Migrant Women 53% 52%
Non Migrant Men 47% 48%
47% Migrant Women 40%
Migran t Men 53% 60%
Chart 5.0 shows that the percentage gap between migrant and non migrant population
disaggregated by sex in both the surveyed village. In the case ofthe Nepal sample village, the
percentage gap is small, women comprise 47 percent of the migrant population while men
comprise 53 percent. On the other hand, migration of men is considerably higher than women
in the context of Jharkhand. Migrant men comprise 60 percent of the migrant population
compared to 40 percent women in the migrant category.
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CL"'lll p;lr:l li vc Analysis of Ncp:1 l &Jhnrkhn nd
Migration is generally a household decision and is a highly complex procedure that
considers: potential benefits; family, social and economic costs; changes in the division of
labour; migration policies and rules; availability of networks; and many other aspects that
may facilitate decisions to leave or create barriers. Household members tend to act
collectively not only to maximize and diversify income, but also to minimize risks and loosen
constraints created by a variety of market fai lures, including missing or incomplete capital,
insurance and labour markets. This is particularly true in rural areas (Stark and Taylor 1989;
Katz and Stark 1986; Taylor and Martin 2001).
We can deduce from the previous two chapters that a heterogeneous mix of factors
affect mobility and decisions to migrate: wage differentials between areas of origin and
destination; the local employment situation; distance to areas of dynamic economic activity;
total labour supply within the household; and the potential migrant ' s level of education,
labour market experience, access to assets, age, sex, etc. Moreover, these factors vary widely
among countries and regions (Waddington and Sabates-Wheeler 2003). For example, while
education seems to exert very little influence on migration decisions in Morocco and Senegal,
it seems to be fundamental in Egypt and Ghana, especially for women (Schoorl et al. 2000,
14-20).
Likewise, we can observe that better access to education has a positive impact on the
availability of work for migrant women from Jharkhand in cities like New Delhi. Most
domestic workers from Bandhua are not just literate but have completed their education up to
middle school. This seems to have a positive impact on the wages that they receive as well.
However, literacy did not have a significant impact on the diversification of type of work
available to migrant women from Jharkhand. On the other hand, the lack of education lead to
a lower literacy level in the Kot Gaon and limits the possibilities of fmding employment in
any other sector apart from domestic work. Hence both, the availability and the lack, of
education can be a contnbuting factor to migration for domestic work from rural areas like
Jharkhand and Nepal.
Page 1118
MIGRATION BY TYPE OF WORK
Migration can be a potential means to diversify economic activities to overcome risk and
obtain liquidity and capital (Azzarri et al. 2006, 9). However, migration-determining factors
are different for men and women and affect them in diverse ways. Demand for unskilled
female labour is found mainly in the service sector, which includes household help,
babysitting, caretaking of the elderly or handicapped, kitchen help in restaurants, etc. In the
case of unskilled male labour, demand is found mostly in agricultural production process,
construction activities, manufacturing and transport. This is a reflection ofthe gender division
of labour that, in general, assigns responsibility for family and household care to women.
Socio-culturally generated and maintained roles tend to infringe further upon women's
mobility, their access to education, productive services and their ability to participate in
decision-making processes.
Chart 5.E (on the next page) shows the comparative numbers of migrant male workers
by type of work in both villages surveyed. The largest sector of employment for migrant men
from both the surveyed villages was construction work. The next largest category of migrant
employment was factory work for Bandhua (8 migrants) and hotel work for Kot Gaon (21
migrants). Ofthe 21 migrant men working in the hotel services industry, 10 were employed
as cooks, 10 as hotel helpers or waiters and 1 of them worked as a hotel manager. Eight
migrant men from Kot Gaon were employed as drivers. Another common category by type of
work for migrant male workers was security services where 6 men from Kot Gaon and 4 men
from Bandhua worked as security guards.
In terms of employment provided by the state, it was observed that 6 male migrants
from Kot Gaon were employed in the Nepal Army as compared to 1 male migrant with
similar employment in the Indian Army. 3 migrant men were employed by the Nepal Police
while 2 migrant men from Bandhua worked for the Jharkhand Police. This type of
employment could be attributed to the long conflict between the state and the Maoist
movement in both areas that were surveyed. More male migrants had migrated to the city for
study from Kot Gaon as compared to Bandhua since the latter had access to good education
facilities provided through the mission schools that were located near the village or within the
Page 1119
Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
district. Most migrant students from Bandhua in this category had moved to pursue post
graduate or professional degrees. For example, Mukesh Singh, a resident of Bandhua had
migrated to Ranchi fo r his postgraduate study and was in Bangalore pursuing a masters
degree in computer applications (MCA) at the time of the survey.
Chart 5.£: Male migrants by type of work from both surveyed villages in Jharkhand and Nepal
Male Migrants by Type of Work
• Nepa l • Jharkhand
Study
Salesman
Plum ber
Peon
Army
Pol ice
Ho te l
Guard
Factory Work
Dri ver
Dairy Worker
Construction Worker
Domest iC Worker
Computer Technic ian
Carpet weaver
Carpenter
Agricultural Labour
Agent
Tamang men also migrated fo r domestic work as we ll as for work as cooks
and helpers in hotels. Of the 9 male domestic workers interviewed from Kot Gaon, 6
respondents identified themselves as cooks only; they did not carry out any other task Page 1120
l\'~ nl p; rmtiv Am1lysis of Nepa l &jharkhm1d.
including washing utensils. In comparison, only 1 male domestic worker was recorded from
Bandhua. The Oraon men migrated mostly for factory work while only 1 migrant worker
from Kot Gaon had migrated for the same.
Culturally encouraged patterns of machismo are not only prevalent in rural societies,
where they may act as barriers to women's migration, but are present in migrating women' s
destinations as well. Family migration networks are consistently found to be among the most
important variables driving migration decisions, particularly to destinations that are
associated with high migration costs and risks and a scarcity of information (Taylor 2006;
Massey et al.1987). Hence, in most cases we can observe that male migration for work
precedes female migration for work. Even in the case of the surveyed villages, men have
migrating for work for several decades while women 's migration for work is a relatively
newer phenomenon. While initially women accompanied men to the migrant destination,
more recently women have been migrating alone i.e. without a family member or relative or
through a recruitment agent and to destinations which is unfamiliar to the community to
which they belong.
However, the majority of people are not ready to leave what is familiar - especially
their relatives (spouses, sons and daughters) and friends- to run the risk ofbeing cut off from
their socio-cultural context, to face the difficulties implied in learning a different language, or
to take chances or accept sacrifices. Even though the income of the migrants is undoubtedly
higher than in their countries of origin, the people who send money to their family members
must make huge sacrifices, as in reality they must support two households, and one of them is
often located in a country with a high cost of living.
In the case of female migrant domestic workers, the risks involved in migration for
work are manifold. Threat of sexual harassment, abuse and violence looms large, especially
for international migrants who do not possess citizenship rights in the countries of destination
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C0mparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
and are not covered by or do not have access to provisions under the labour laws at the
destinations. Yet, paid domestic work is the largest category in the type ofwork available to
migrant women from both surveyed locations. Also, a large majority of migrant domestic
workers from the surveyed villages are from the non-Hindu communities. This pattern can be
attributed to the fact that Hindu women are married much earlier than their counterparts in
tribal communities. Moreover, tribal women have greater mobility both outside their
household and outside the village as compared to Hindu women who have stricter internal
sanctions on their movement for work, though not for marriage.
Chart 5.F: Female migrants by type ofwork from surveyed villages in Jharkhand & Nepal
Female Migrants by Type of Work
• Nepa l • Jha rkh an d
77% Liv e in PAI D D omestic Wor k
L, ive in UNPAID Dome st ic Wo r k
St u d y
N urse
Fact o ry Wor k
Ca rpet Weav i ng
Be a u t ic ia n
Co n st r u c t ion Wor k
Agricu l tura l Labour
Chart 5.F depicts the distribution of female migrants by type of work from both
surveyed villages in Jharkhand and Nepal. The largest category by type of work for migrant
Page 1122
('(' lll p:Ir:ltivc ,\n :1lys is of N pnJ &jharkha11d
women is paid domestic work since 77 percent of migrant women from Kot Gaon are
employed as domestic workers in cities, not just in the Indian subcontinent but in several
other countries as well. In comparison, 68 percent of migrant women from Jharkhand are
employed as domestic workers, primarily in New Delhi. Ten percent in each case are unpaid
domestic workers, i.e. they have migrated with a family member or relative and are engaged
in domestic work for the migrant household. More women from Jharkhand found
employment as construction workers; these are mainly women belonging to the Hindu
community who migrated with their family members (mostly husbands) in search of work.
Nursing was another employment option for women from the surveyed village in
Jharkhand. About 6 percent of migrant women were employed as nurses after receiving
training through mission-aided institutions. Six percent of migrant women had left the village
to study from Kot Gaon as compared to 3 percent from Bandhua since the latter had access to
good education facilities provided through the mission schools that were located near the
village or within the district.
MIGRATION BY DESTINATION
It is widely believed that the option of migrating - especially migrating internationally- is
not available to all, and often poor and very poor people may be excluded, due to the high
fmancing and economic costs and to factors such as limited access to networks and
information. The possibility of adopting migration as a livelihood strategy is affected by the
availability of economic assets such as land, livestock and savings and the capacity to afford
the costs of migrating. Evidence from India and sub-Saharan Africa indicates that although
poor people have higher migration propensities, the poorest people cannot afford the material
costs of migrating (Waddington and Sabates-Wheeler 2003, 13). It is believed that migration
of the poorest people for survival is linked more to the processes of internal migration.
Overseas displacement involves transportation, insertion and risk costs that the poorest
Page 1123
Comparative Analysis oi Nepal & Jharkhand
people cannot assume (or do not even consider as a possibility) (Hatton and Williamson
2004).
However, international migration from Nepal to India does not involve high search
costs due to the continuation of kin networks or high transport costs since travelling from
Nepal into India is possible by land and does not involve air transfer expenses. Most
importantly, the presence of porous borders and the existence of the Indo Nepal Friendship
Treaty allows for people to travel across both countries without the requirement of passports
and visas. Hence, the costs involved with international migration to India are almost
negligible compared to costs incurred to migrate to other countries.
Chart 5.G: Migrant population by distance from home
Migrant Population within Gumla, with in Jharkhand,
w ithin India
Outside State but w ithin Country
Outside District but with in the State
Within Dist rict
4%
Migrant Population outside Sindhupalchok,
outside Nepal
Outside Country Outside District
9%
Page 1 124
Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
As depicted in Chart 5.G, the survey revealed that only 9 percent the total out of
district migrant population worked outside Sindhupalchok district but within Nepal. The
remaining 91 percent migrated outside the country, mostly to India. For example, all the l 0
migrant men from Kot Gaon who were employed as hotel cooks worked outside the country,
many of them worked in Delhi. In comparison, about 4 percent of the migrant population
from Bandhua worked within Gumla district and another 10 percent worked within the state
of Jharkhand but outside Gumla. The important aspect to consider here is that 86 percent, an
overwhelming majority of the migrant population from Bandhua works outside Jharkhand but
within India.
This comparison shows that both the source locations are backward areas and are
unable to provide employment to the working population in their place of origin. However,
migrants from Jharkhand have not explored employment opportunities outside India unlike
the migrants surveyed in Nepal for whom India serves as a transit point for migration to other
international destinations, especially the GCC countries.
Chart 5.H: Female migration for domestic work by destination from Bandhu, Jharkhand
Female Migration for Domestic Work by destination
Iii Del hi Calcutta W ithin Jharkhand
1% 1%
98%
Page I 125
CL•mparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
Chart 5.I: Female migration fo r domest ic work by destination from Kotgaon, Sindhupalchok
Female Migration for Domestic Work to Delhi & beyond
Delh i
Dubai
Himachal Pradesh
Jaipur
Kuwait
Portugal
Lebanon
Charts 5.H & 5.I, demonstrate the percentage of international migrant domestic
workers by place of destination. An overwhelming number of migrant women went to Delhi
for paid domestic work from both the surveyed villages. Out of the 58 domestic workers who
went to Delhi from Kot Gaon, 8 women went on tQ Dubai for domestic work one of which
went on to work in Lebanon after Dubai. Kuwait was the next destination for 2 domestic
workers while another one went to Portugal for paid domestic work through recruiting agents.
Within India as well, migrant domestic workers from Kot Gaon went on to other destinations
in India after working in Delhi. Himachal Pradesh and Jaipur were the next destination for
one ofthese domestic workers each while 2 domestic workers went on to work in Mumbai .
•
Page I 126
L\ m1pnr:1tiv An:1lys is L) f Ncp:ll & Jharkhand
In all, Delhi was a working transit point for 15 domestic workers from Kot Gaon. Of
the international migrant domest ic workers from the sample village, 7 domestic workers
migrated through recruitment agencies to the GCC countries using Delhi as a transit point but
without having to work in the city as domestic workers. Of the 12 migrant paid domestic
workers who worked in Kathmandu, one each migrated to Dubai and Lebanon through
recruiting agents. Another such worker went from Kathmandu to Kuwait and is currently
employed in Lebanon. From Bandhua, the destination choices for migrant women workers
were limited as most respondents were aware of work opportunities as paid domestic workers
in Delhi and had little knowledge of other options to find decently paid work. Only 1 percent
of these workers had migrated to Calcutta and Ranchi (within Jharkhand) for domestic work.
From the above discussion it becomes clear that work opportunities for rural migrant
women are available in cities, but are limited mostly to paid domestic work. Migrant men on
the other hand, have many more types of work available to them at the urban work
destinations. Yet, we can observe that migrant women from Kot Gaon use New Delhi, not
just as a point of transit to destinations where they will be better paid for the same type of
work but also to earn wages (to possibly contribute to international migration costs) and
develop their skills to enable them to work in modern households. For example, Mina
Pakhrin from Kot Gaon told us,
'I had worked all my life in the kitchen at home in the village. When I came to the city, I had no idea about using the machines available in kitchens. I had never seen a gas stove, did not have a clue about using a blender. I
was paid lesser when I worked in Delhi but I got the opportunity to learn how to use such gadgets. These skills helped me eventually since it made me eligible to get a job in Dubai. '
Page 1127
Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
M IG RAT ION BY DURATION
Charts 5.J & 5.K show the duration of migration for male migrants from both the surveyed
villages. Only 2 percent migrated for less than 6 months from Bandhua and 4 percent from
Kot Gaon. It was also noted that an overwhelming majority, i.e. 94 percent of male migrants
originating from Bandhua worked at their place of destination for more than a year. Similarly,
45 percent of male migrants from Kot Gaon migrated for more than a year. The respondents
explained that the cost of migrating for work could not be recovered within 6 months. It took
a few months to recover travel costs and survive living costs in the city. It took almost a year
of working at the destination before male migrants could begin saving money to bring home.
Several male migrants were employed in the private sector, as drivers, guards, cooks and
leave was not permitted before a year of work was completed. It was also noted that 51
percent of male migrants from Kot Gaon migrated for more than 6 months but less than a
year since they were seasonal migrants and construction labour who could not fmd paid work
throughout the year at their destination.
Chart 5.J: Duration of male migration from Bandhua (Gumla, Jharkhand)
Duration of Male Migration
• M o re th an a year 6 mo nths but less tha n 1 yea r Less than 6 m o nth s
94%
Page I 128
Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
Chart 5.K: Duration of male migration from Kotgaon (Sindhupalchok. Nepal)
Duration of Male Migration
More than a year 6 months but less than 1 year iii Less than 6 months
4%
From Charts 5.L & 5.M, we can observe that only 4 percent of the female migrant
population from Bandhua migrated for less than one year with only 1 percent migrating for
less than 6 months while 96 percent of the migrant women from this surveyed village
migrated fo r more than a year. This was applicable mostly to domestic workers, students and
women who had accompanied their male re latives to their destination. The average duration
was about 2 years in the case of domestic workers, especially those who were international
migrants. There were some cases as well where women had migrated for domestic work for
several years.
Page 1129
Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand
Chart 5.L: Duration ofFemale migration from Bandhua (Gumla, Jharkhand)
Duration of Female Migration
More than a year 6 months but less than 1 year Less than 6 months
1%
96%
Chart 5.M: Duration of Female migration from Kot Gaon (Nepal)
Duration of Female Migration
More than a year 6 months but less than 1 year Less than 6 months
5%
Page I 130
l\JrnJxlralive Ann lysis of Nep~1l & JharkhnHd
From Bandhua, we can observe that only 4 percent of the female migrant population
migrated for less than one year with only 1 percent migrating for less than 6 months while 96
percent of the migrant women from the surveyed village migrated for more than a year. This
was applicable mostly to domestic workers, students and women who had accompanied their
male relatives to their destination.
ROLE OF RECRUITMENT AGENCIES
Successful migrants provide potential migrants with resources and support: information on
procedures (technical and legal), financial help, job prospects, administrative assistance,
access to services (for example, education, health and housing) and emotional solidarity
(Massey et al.1999). For example, for Filipino immigrants to the United States, it has been
demonstrated that the primary source of information about immigration preference
categories, passports and visas is neither the United States embassy, nor newspapers and
travel agents, but personal contacts with relatives and acquaintances already in the United
States (Stalker 2007). Mexican villages are often linked with specific United States farms
through informal networks. Initial migrants may arrange with their employers for friends and
families to arrive at the same workplace, taking responsibility for the new employees (ibid.).
Migration networks are moulded by local histories of migration, national conditions and
sociocultural and gender prerequisites. For example, it has been found that skilled migrants
rely more on networks of colleagues or organizations and less on kin-based networks than do
unskilled workers (Meyer 2001, quoted in Vertovec 2002, 3).
Over the last decade, both legal and illegal agencies have been established to identify
job opportunities, arrange transport and accommodation and deal with bureaucratic
proceedings connected with passports, visas and work permits. Such agencies operate within
source and destination countries. Costs vary according to country destination, risk and
distance. A study in the Thai border town of Mae Sot found that migrant domestic workers
paid brokers 5,000-6,000 baht (approximately US$160to US$190) to find employment, from Page 1131
Compnralivc An~1lysis of ~cp~1l & Jharkhnnd
which they then earned 2,000-4,000 baht per month, with food and accommodation provided
free (Martin 2004; Huguet and Punpuing 2005, 43-48).
In practically all Asian countries, agents are normally licensed by the government to
facilitate the placement of workers abroad. Agents, who originally had been paid by
employers for the procurement of labour, eventually are allowed to charge workers a
regulated, but frequently violated, placement fee for their services. For example, in
Bangladesh, unskilled workers may pay up to US$2,000 to land a job in Saudi Arabia, which
is more than 80 per cent of what they can expect to earn during their first year. Funds for the
transfer are usually raised by borrowing from family members or by mortgaging a house or
land.
In the Philippines, recruiters are limited by law to charging migrants the equivalent of
one month of the salary they are expected to earn abroad. However, since there are more
applicants than jobs, many are ready to pay the equivalent of two to six months' wages to
move up in the queue of workers applying for foreign jobs (Stalker 2007). While some efforts
towards regulating these agencies have been made in the recent few years, this is not the case
in India. Yet, international migration is expensive. Pre-departure expenses of Filipino
migrants to Italy, including agency recruitment fees, could reach up to € 6,000. This amount
is generally borrowed from migrant relatives and may take years to repay, as a live-in
domestic worker, on average, earns € 700 per month (INSTRA W, IF AD and Filipino
Women's Council2008, 15 and 18).
Similarly, respondents in Kot Gaon testified to having borrowed very large sums of
money (in lakhs of rupees usually), to arrange for the migration of a household member for
domestic work abroad. While kin networks were more active in the case of migration to India
from Nepal, they could not avoid recruitment agencies while trying to get their relatives a job
in the same international destination for work due to strict immigration controls and the
paperwork necessary for their travel and stay at the work destination. However, some
Page 1132
l\.)Jnp:Ir:IIivc Analysis of Nepal &Jharkhnnd
domestic workers had been successful in searching for better paid employment while working
in international destinations like the GCC countries.
EARNINGS AND REMITTANCES
In the case of Nepal, international migration was more lucrative since the earnings were
much higher, not just in terms of real wages but also due to the currency exchange value. Due
to the depreciated Nepali rupee (NPR), earnings in a few hundred riyals or dollars converted
to several thousands ofNepali rupees. Similarly, the Indian rupee (INR) is stronger than the
Nepali rupee which is fixed in its conversion rate to the former. For example, a salary of 5000
INR was worth 8000 NPR if remitted. From the survey it was noted that the average earnings
per month of a female migrant domestic worker from Nepal was approximately 51 (INR).
However, the average earnings in India were much lesser than the average earnings in any
better developed country of destination.
Domestic workers earned on an average of 15,000 to 25,000 NPR (in converted
value) as compared with between 1500 to 4000 INR in New Delhi. Similarly, the average
remittance per year for domestic workers from Kot Gaon is 25,000 NPR. However,
remittances from internationally migrant domestic workers from Kot Gaon were much
higher, between 10,000 NPR and 100,000 NPR per year as recorded during the survey. These
remittances were used to repay debts (also taken to pay for agent fees) health, education and
other consumption expenditure.
When compared with migrant male domestic workers from Nepal, the average
earnings per month were approximately 3375 INR. The average remittance per year is 4000
rupees as recorded during survey. For hotel workers, the average wage per moth was 1000
INR and the average remittance was 4000 INR. However, there were exceptions like Tuk
Bahadur Nagarkoti who worked as a hotel manager in Dubai for the past 3 years and earned Page 1133
100,000 NPR per month. For female domestic workers migrating from Jharkhand, the
average earnings per month were 2000 INR as recorded in the survey. The average
remittances per year were 10,000 rupees approximately.
WOMEN'S WORK
Difficulties and obstacles faced by rural women are even greater, as they are frequently
unacknowledged as producers and are discriminated against at all levels. Regardless of the
important contribution of rural women to economic development and their significant
participation in the labour force in developing countries, their access to human, social and
physical resources is substantially less than that of men. They have fewer possibilities to
improve their theoretical and practical knowledge, and their ability to participate in decision
making processes is significantly more limited. Women own less than 2 per cent of all land
and receive only 5 per cent of extension services worldwide. To understand women's work, a
set of questions was posed only to women above age 15. The objective of collecting this data
was to observe if women viewed domestic work done by them within their households as
productive work, even though it was not paid work. They were asked about 'other'
productive activities and also about their willingness to engage in paid work available outside
their household.
Chart 5.N shows, almost 93 percent ofwomen in Kot Gaon reported spending most of
their time (an average of 16 hours a day) on domestic work. Most women (over 86 percent in
both surveyed villages), did not see domestic work done within their households as
productive work since it was not paid. Many of them also reported that they were not
engaged in 'other' productive activities. This question reflects the fact that due to patriarchal
norms that exist, women do not see the work that they do as productive. The common
understanding is that it is productive work only when monetary remuneration is received in
return for labour. Also, the work men usually do is deemed productive since they go outside
the limits of the household to earn. In return for their labour, men receive compensation. Page 1134
Comparative Analysis of ~epal & Jharkhand
Women, on the other hand, receive 'nothing' for their labour since it was within the limits of
the household.
Chart 5.N: Percentage of women responding in affirmative to questions on women's work
Percentage of women responding in affirmative to these questions:
D Sindhupalchok, Nepal
In spite of your pre-occupation with domestic duties, are you willing to accept paid work if it is made
available to you?
Do you consider all the work* done by you for the household as domestic work?
l2iuH~ ~;Hi ¥our ti8mzw.; Jutie) ilm yo~ tihi8 r=ntW~tt:!d in ~~Y 8Ehrr proQ~I§fi¥r llllivl£18? ;1
were you required to spend most of your time on domestic duties almost throughout the last 365 days?
:J Jharkhand,lndia
__ ___JJ 56% ~====:-
_;56%
]88% ---~
~ ~% p ~% i I ;
-- -~ 8&%
97%
---· ··---·-·- __ -_j 83%
* Work includes both, tasks carried out within the household (cooking, cleaning, husking paddy) and outside the home (collecting firewood, water, working in the fields).
Also, social and cultural norms establish a gendered division oflabour by defming the
roles that must be performed by men and women. The same tasks that they performed within
the household were remunerative when done for an unrelated household at a different
location. Hence, by migrating for paid domestic work, migrant women break traditional
patriarchal norms in two ways, by moving out of the limits of the household within which
they are expected to perform certain tasks and by doing 'productive' work through which
they earn remuneration for specified tasks that they perform in the employer's household.
Page 1135
l\"~mp:lr;llivc Analysis of Ncp~ll & Jharkhcmd
However, the risks involved in such isolated work locations, is an inhibiting factor to search
for better work opportunities.
In both villages, women were also eager to accept productive work if it was made
available to them. This was an indication of the fact that despite their preoccupation with
domestic duties, they were willing to take time to work for monetary returns. Upon further
questioning, most women responded that if skill training was imparted, they could spend
some part of their working day in small self-employed initiatives like basket making,
embroidery etc. Even these options were related to their reproductive role as they were not
encouraged to challenge established stereotypes regarding the nature of work done by
women.
In the surveyed village in Jharkhand, although women were more educated, they still
saw the domestic duties carried out by them at home as unproductive. Despite the higher
educational levels, the burden of reproductive labour was born by women in the village and
the lack of other avenues of employment pushed them to migrate for domestic work. An
interesting factor that contributed to their burden was the increased reluctance of men in the
villages to work on the fields or in any agriculture- related activity since they were educated
and wanted to search for 'better work'. Drawn to urban lifestyles, more men were seeking
employment in cities, even if it did not pay them much.
Moreover, women who migrated were stigmatised since their mobility gave them the
freedom to move and spend their hard earned money. Migrant women in both Nepal and
Jharkhand were seen as carriers of disease, especially sexually transmitted diseases like HIV
AIDS even though more men migrated to different and less secure working locations.
Trafficking was another result of the increased temptations to migrate to earn some quick
money.
Page 1136
C('lll}Xlnllivc AnJlysis of ;\!cp:ll & Jhnrkhnnd
SOME INFERENCES FROM THE FIELD
A comparative approach to the questions revolving around issues of gender and migration for
domestic work has proved valuable for the purpose of this research study. Evidence based on
the two case studies presented above leads us to make some fundamental deductions. It has
emerged clearly that agrarian backwardness and related food insecurity are crucial issues that
drive migration at both the surveyed locations. Marginal landholdings and the absence of
institutional support for agriculture have been contributing push factors for migration in
search ofbetter employment opportunities.
An interesting aspect which emerged in the study was the role of caste and race in
determining migrant choices. In the case ofNepal, migration was recorded across caste and
race categories and migration for paid domestic work was witnessed in all communities in the
village, although, the number of Tamang women employed as paid domestic workers was
proportionately greater than other communities. Hence, caste does not have a direct
correlation with migration patterns in the Nepal sample village, probably due to the extent of
agrarian backwardness across castes and classes.
In Jharkhand however, disparate patterns emerged when migration for work was
correlated with landholding status and caste. It was observed that despite migration across
gender and castes (excluding the Dalits households which displayed a lack of mobility with
regard to migration for work), the type of work available to migrants varied depending on
their caste/ racial and gendered status. None of the upper caste men from the sample village
in Jharkhand worked as paid domestic workers and with the exception of a single male
migrant, no other Oraon men were employed as domestic workers. Oraon women migrated
mostly for paid domestic work while the upper caste Hindu women migrated for further
education or for construction work.
Page 1137
Using a gendered lens to examme the correlation between education levels and
migration patterns within a comparative framework yielded some interesting results. It was
found that the literacy levels were very low in the Nepal sample village and so a vast majority
of the male and female migrant population relied upon low-skilled work at the destination.
Overall, however, more ofthe migrant population was literate when compared with the non
migrant population from the village. In the case of Jharkhand, the literacy rate was relatively
much higher and this led to a diversification in the type of work available for men from the
village.
Oraon women, though better educated than Tamang women, were presented with
limited choices and had to rely on domestic work as migrant workers. However, Oraon
women were better paid than their Tamang counterparts since they could access paid
domestic work in elite upper class households in the cities where their educational skills
translated into an ability to be perceived as better workers. However, migrants networks were
much stronger in the case of Nepal as compared with Jharkhand where more domestic
workers relied upon recruitment agents to search for wok. Nevertheless, the increasing role of
recruitment agencies was observed since migration to the GCC countries was more recent
and recruitment agents were crucial to negotiate the paper work and high travel costs.
A striking observation which catches our attention is the vast divergences in the
patterns of remittances sent by migrant workers from both the sample villages. Men from
both the villages reported that they were unable to save much of their wages since a large part
of their earnings were used up to cover boarding and lodging expenses in the cities. Women
migrant workers, especially those employed as paid domestic workers remitted much higher
amounts since they did not incur boarding and lodging costs. Moreover, their mobility and
opportunities as consumers in the city was limited since their workplace was limited to the
household and were more often than not, disallowed from leaving their workplace. Despite
the fact that migrant domestic workers from Jharkhand were better paid, remittances recorded
in the Nepal sample village were much higher, ranging between 10,000 NPR and 100,000
Page 1138
Compnn1tivc Annlysis of ~t'p~tl & jharkhand
NPR per year. These remittances were higher since a large number of domestic workers from
Nepal migrate to the GCC countries as well as India and the currency exchange value
translated into higher remittances which are used to repay debts (also taken to pay for agent
fees) health, education and other consumption expenditure.
Hence, we can state that despite the opportunities for rural women as paid domestic
workers opening up in the wake of globalisation processes, these are mediated by their class,
caste and racial location. However, these opportunities seem to be associated with their
reproductive capacities as women and reinforce the global sexual division of labour. In the
following chapter, we will conclude with an overview of the main findings of the research
study and the implications they hold for IR theory in general and migration research in
particular.
Page 1139