l\.'lm~xlrnlivc An~1lysis of Nc-p~ll &Jhurkhand

CHAPTERS

MIGRATION FOR DOMESTIC WORK:

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF NEPAL AND JHARKHAND

In the previous two chapters, we observed the dynamics of migration for domestic work from

Nepal and from the state of Jharkhand within India. The political economy approach was

applied to highlight the compulsions and motivations which influence the course, destination

and duration of migration. A gendered analysis was used since it enables us to nuance the

understanding of racial, class and caste stereotypes associated with such migrant communities

and their effect on labour markets locally and globally. In this chapter we will embark upon a

comparative analysis of the two case studies to understand the commonalities and

divergences that emerge in the process of migration for domestic work and its implications

for IR theory. This analysis will be substantiated through excerpts from field notes based on

the in-depth interviews conducted with migrant workers from both source locations.

During the selection of case studies, a set of common criterion was used to enable an

effective comparative analysis. Both districts selected are, by the state's own official

classification, 'remote and underdeveloped' or 'backward'. This recognition of the levels of

poverty and the practice ofbackward agriculture leading to distress driven migration, makes

Sindhupalchok in Nepal and Gumla in India, comparable despite their location in countries

with different overall levels of development. However, the level of underdevelopment was

strikingly similar in both the sampled villages of Nepal and Jharkhand. For this reason, the

selection criteria was refmed for the stratified sample based on the following criterion- tribe

Page 1107

Con1pnralivc An~1lysis 1Jf Ncpa] & Jharkhand

dominated, mixed distribution of population by socio-religious and villages less than 150

households. 1

DEMOGRAPHIC PARTICULARITIES

Both the sample villages chosen had the presence of upper caste Hindu groups as well as

Dalit households apart from a majority tribal population. Tribe-dominated villages were

chosen since the hypotheses for this research study intended to examine the influence of

racial stereotypes in conjunction with variables such as religion, caste, class and gender. It

was observed that in both sample villages, tribal population was more prone to migrate and

the opportunities available to them were based on the popular stereotypes associated with

these communities. For example, Nepalis (hill origin communities with mongoloid features)

are considered better employees due to their politeness, loyalty and acceptance to work at a

lower wage. Similarly, Oraons are known to be hardworking and obedient. Both communities

have a long history of migration for work in common.

It was noted that the proportion of migrant population recorded in Kot Gaon, Nepal

was much higher than the migrant population recorded in Bandhua, Jharkhand. While

migration for work took place across castes and landholding status in Kot Gaon, migration

for wotk in Bandhua was limited to those with marginal landholdings. Migration for work

was recorded in both the Dalit households in Kot Gaon, but not a single Dalit household

member migrated for work from Bandhua. The disaggregation of the surveyed population in

terms of migrant/non migrant population as percentage of total population is displayed below

in Chart 5.A.

1 Only those villages with less than 150 households were short listed since the entire fieldwork was carried out over a period of two and a half years by the author with the assistance of a translator in each of the locations. This was done to enable an in-depth study of the sample villages, given the limited scale of the research study.

Page 1108

C0mparative Analysis oi Nepal & Jharkhand

Chart S.A: Migrant/ non migrant population as percentage of total population in the surveyed villages

Non-Migrant

Migrant

Migrant/Non m igrant population as percentage of total population

• Sindhupalchok, Nepal • Jharkhand, India

33%

RELIGION AND CASTE

83%

Chart 5.B below displays the religious profile of the total population in both the sample

villages. We can observe that Roman Catholics (in the case of Jharkhand) and the Buddhists

in the case of Sindhupalchok) are the majority religious group. These religious groups

incidentally, are also the tribal groups in the respective villages. It was interesting to note that

despite Hinduism being the dominant religion in both countries, the tribes in the surveyed

location belonged to a religion other than Hinduism. This indicates that these communities

have not been part of mainstream society in either of the countries and is possibly another

cause for their impoverished and backward status.

Page I 109

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

Chart 5. B: Religious profile of the sar'np le village in Jharkhand and N epa!

Religious profile of the sample village in Jharkhand,

India

Iii Hindu Roman Catholic

42%

58%

BACKWARD AGRICULTURE

Religious profile of the sample village in

Sindhupalchok, Nepal

Hindu Buddhist

According to F AO estimates, agriculture is the only source of income for close to 70 per cent

of the world's rural poor population, ofwhich a great part is made up of small farmers . Even

in 2025, when the majority of the world's population is projected to live in urban areas, 60

per cent of the poorest people are expected to remain in rural areas (IF AD 2005), where

inequity and poverty are greater. While important differences exist among various regions

and countries, some common features are present in the rural context of developing countries.

Traditionally, lack of access to fundamental assets and to productive services and inputs -

such as land, water, credit, extension, market information and technical innovations - has

prevented smallholders in developing countries from capitalizing on their agricultural

enterprises and increasing their productivity.

Page I 110

l \ )nlpar :l livc Anal rsjs of Jcpn l &Jharkhand

This phenomenon can also be observed in the surveyed villages. In both villages,

mono-cropping backward agriculture was practiced. Rice was the main food crop and maize

served as the back-up food crop when possible. The 2001 Nepal Census records

Sindhupalchok as composed of 100% rural population and 84.48% of the households are

employed in agriculture and allied activities. According to the India Census 2001 , in terms of

percentage of irrigated land of total agricultural land, Gurnla has the lowest coverage by

irrigation in Jharkhand (a meagre 2.45%)- a pointer to the backward agricultural situation of

that district.

For comparative analysis of landholding pattern, three caste categories can be

deployed. The upper castes in both the villages (Chetris in Nepal and Mals, Ghasis and Naiks

in Jharkhand) are land owning castes. However, it was noted that the Chetris had lesser land

as compared to the Tamangs. On the other hand, the upper castes in Bandhua village owned

more land even though they were a minority community in the village. This could be the case

since they are the only money lending class in the village. We can observe from Table 5.2

below that the majority of Oraon and Tamang households own less than 2.5 acres ofland and

this is not enough to provide food sufficiency. While no landless chetri and tamang

households were recorded in the Nepal survey, there were landless households within all the

caste groups in the Jharkhand sample village. Dalit households in both the villages were

landless.

Table 5. 1: Comparative landholding patterns of sample village in Jharkhand and

Sindhupalchok, Nepal

Jharkhand, India Sindhupalchok, Nepal Landholding size Ora on Mals Ghasi and Naik Dalit Tamang Chetri Dalit Landless 4 2 3 1 0 0 2 0-1 acre 13 8 6 0 68 10 0 1-2.5 acre 15 5 2 0 28 8 0 2.5-5 acre 7 10 2 0 7 1 0 Above 5 acre 4 6 0 0 0 0 0 Total no households 43 31 13 1 103 19 2

Page 1111

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

Just as there are countries that are more prone to generating emigrants, there are

individuals and households that are more inclined to migrate than others. Generally speaking,

it is not the poorest countries that produce the most migrants - emigration pressures are

usually strongest in ' relatively' poor nations, which nevertheless suffer from deeply rooted

inequalities and low expectations of progress (Alonso 2004). Similarly, the most

disadvantaged households and individuals do not have migration as an available choice. It is

when income or wealth increases above a specific threshold that migration becomes more

likely, while the acquisition of high levels of income or wealth makes migration unnecessary

(McKenzie and Rapoport 2004; Hatton and Williamson 2004; Skeldon 2002).

Chart 5.C: Migrant households by landholding and caste for both the sample villages

Migrant households by landholding and caste for both the sample villages

70

60

V) 50 u 0 ~ llJ 40 V) ::; 0 I

30 '-0

0 z 20

10

0

Tamang Ora on (Tribe, (Tribe,

N

iii Land less 0 4

0-1 acre 68 13

1-2.5 acre 28 15

2.5-5 acre 7 7

Iii Above 5 acre 0 4

Chetri (UC,

10

8

1

0

rvl als (UC,

5

14

7

12

6

Dalit Da lit (Nepal) (I nd ia)

2 1

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

Page 1112

L\ )nq.);Jr:Jii vc 1\n :1 lysjs of Nq.x1J & Jharkh nd

There is a popular conception that only the poorest households especially in rural

areas migrate. However, in the surveyed villages it emerges that migration is a phenomenon

that occurs across all landholding categories. Specifically, in the case of Jharkhand, we find

that most households with less than 2.5 acres ofland, are more prone to migrate. This holds

true for all caste groups and not just the lowest castes and tribes. Similarly in the case of

Nepal, we find that respondents with less than 20 ropani (2.5 acres) of land have the largest

percentage of migrants. Here again, this applies to all caste groups and tribes.

Interestingly, in both villages, the largest migrant group are the tribes (Oraon and Tamang).

The migrant Oraons and Tamangs belong to all landholding categories. The explanation for

this complex phenomenon (i.e. existence of migrants across all landholding categories) lies in

the structural backwardness ofthe area in general and in the agricultural sector specifically.

The insufficiency of food even with sizeable landholdings and agrarian distress has

compelled even those households with larger landholdings to migrate. Underdevelopment as

the root cause of migration comes out even more clearly in the case of Kot Gaon where all

households owning more than 20 ropani (1 acre) of land have migrant household members.

This shows that by using a rigorous methodology, it is possible to see through popular

generalisations regarding rural-urban migration which can adversely impact the formation of

cohesive developmental policies.2

From the above context, it is evident that agriculture and the rural sector offer limited

and inadequate options to satisfy the needs of rural populations and provide them with

opportunities to improve their quality of life. Rural households may try to move out of

poverty through agricultural entrepreneurship, the rural labour market and the rural non-farm

economy. They may also choose to migrate to towns, cities or other countries. Often these

2 In the conclusion, we will see how the national surveys conflate such important issues under sweeping

generalizations. Hence, the policies that follow are rarely able to mitigate such circumstances and reach desirable outcomes.

Page 1113

L\ 1111 p~ I rJ t i vc An:1lysis o f Ncp:.1l & Jharkhand

various options are complementary (World Bank 2007). During the last 50 years, 800 million

people have migrated from rural to urban areas, and it is expected that these migrations will

continue to increase (IF AD 2008). Even though internal and international migrations have

differing characteristics, the motivation for displacement is similar - the search for new

options to improve the quality of life - and is thus an indication of limited opportunities.

The data collected from the two sample villages demonstrates this clearly. A

substantial percentage of the total population in each village surveyed had migrants, return

migrants and as well as current migrants. Chart S.B shows the distribution of migrant and

non-migrant population in the sample village. From the chart, we can see that more people

had migrated from the village in Nepal while comparatively lesser persons had migrated from

the village in Jharkhand. The absolute lack of any social security benefits in the case ofN epal

could be a contributing factor to this trend. Hence, if the opportunity arose, most permanent

migrants would take their families, especially children to their migrant destination so that

they could avail better health care and education. An important factor contributing to the high

migration rate in both the sample villages is the rural-urban migration of women for paid

domestic work.

LITERACY

The children most likely to drop out of school or to not attend at all are those from poorer

households, particularly in rural areas. For example, nearly one third of children in rural areas

of the developing world do not attend school, compared with 18 per cent of children in the

same age group living in cities (United Nations 2007, 11). In many countries, the rural/urban

division also substantially magnifies gender inequalities as was observed in the case ofNepal

and India. In the districts selected for the survey, the gender disparity in rural male and rural

female literacy rate was sizeable. In Sindhupalchok, the male literacy rate is 51.5 percent and

Page 1114

Cornpn r:1f ivc ;\n :1Jys is (1 ( Nepa l &jhar kh •md

the female literacy rate is 27.5 percent and this gap was similarly reflected in the data

collected from the sample village in Nepal.

The rural literacy rate for Jharkhand is 49 . I percent for males and 24 percent for

females. However, the sample village in Jharkhand had much higher literacy rates with lesser

gender disparity, i.e. 69.16 percent for men, 52.4 7 percent for women with 60.78 percent as

the average literacy rate. This is due to the presence of mission funded schools which have

contributed to higher literacy rates over the years. Table 5.2 below depicts the literate and

illiterate non migrant population disaggregated by gender for both sample villages.

Table 5.2: Literacy by age group and sex for non-migrant population in the sample villages

Surveyed village, lliARKHAND, INDIA under 14 15 to 59 60 and above

Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total

Literate 43 39 82 74 61 135 10 3 13 Illiterate 31 38 69 20 49 69 14 20 34

Surveyed village, SINDHUP ALCHOK, NEPAL under 14 15 to 59 60 and above

Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total

Literate 47 58 107 59 28 85 2 1 3 Illiterate 41 39 80 57 94 151 17 25 42

From the following Table 5.3, we can observe that the literacy rate of the migrant

population is higher in both sample villages. Approximately 61 percent of migrant men from

the sample village in Nepal were literate. An overwhelming 81.2 percent of the male migrant

population of the sample village in Jharkhand are literate. Also, 75 percent of the female

migrant population was literate. During the survey it was discovered that at least 15 out of 21

Page 1115

paid domestic workers from the village had completed middle school out of which half had

completed high school education but were working as domestic workers in Delhi.

Table 5.3 : Literacy by age group and sex for migrant population

Surveyed village, ffiARKHAND, INDIA under 14 15 to 59 60 and above

Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total

Literate 4 2 6 33 20 53 2 2 4

Illiterate 0 0 0 8 8 16 1 0 1

Surveyed village, SINDHUPALCHOK, NEPAL under 14 15 to 59 60 and above

Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total

Literate 3 11 14 70 36 106 4 0 4 Illiterate 6 5 11 39 57 96 4 I 5

GENDER AND MIGRATION PATTERNS

A higher than average female to male ratio was recorded in both the sample villages.

Bandhua village recorded 1008 females per 1000 males while Kot Gaon had 1014 females

per 1000 males. This could be attributed to the existence of a majority tribal population since

the sex ratio in Hindu communities is generally much lower when compared to others due to

practices like son preference and dowry. It would be interesting to observe if the availability

of paid work for migrant women has a positive impact on rural sex ratios, especially from

such regions which witness large scale rural-urban migration.

Page 1116

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

It was also noted that communities like the Oraons which traditionally practiced

customs like bride price were adopting new customs like dowry to fit into mainstream

societies, since the time Oraon women had started migrating for domestic work and saved

their earnings. Aspirations to own luxury consumer durables like television and expensive

cosmetics were also recorded as motivating factors which fuelled the urge to migrate to cities.

Chart 5.0 : Percentage of Migrant and non migrant population disaggregated by sex in the samp 1e villages.

Percentage of Migrant/Non-Migrant Population Disaggragated by Sex in the Sample

Villages

• Sample Village Sindhupa lchok, Nepal • Sample Village Jharkhand, Ind ia

Non Migrant Women 53% 52%

Non Migrant Men 47% 48%

47% Migrant Women 40%

Migran t Men 53% 60%

Chart 5.0 shows that the percentage gap between migrant and non migrant population

disaggregated by sex in both the surveyed village. In the case ofthe Nepal sample village, the

percentage gap is small, women comprise 47 percent of the migrant population while men

comprise 53 percent. On the other hand, migration of men is considerably higher than women

in the context of Jharkhand. Migrant men comprise 60 percent of the migrant population

compared to 40 percent women in the migrant category.

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CL"'lll p;lr:l li vc Analysis of Ncp:1 l &Jhnrkhn nd

Migration is generally a household decision and is a highly complex procedure that

considers: potential benefits; family, social and economic costs; changes in the division of

labour; migration policies and rules; availability of networks; and many other aspects that

may facilitate decisions to leave or create barriers. Household members tend to act

collectively not only to maximize and diversify income, but also to minimize risks and loosen

constraints created by a variety of market fai lures, including missing or incomplete capital,

insurance and labour markets. This is particularly true in rural areas (Stark and Taylor 1989;

Katz and Stark 1986; Taylor and Martin 2001).

We can deduce from the previous two chapters that a heterogeneous mix of factors

affect mobility and decisions to migrate: wage differentials between areas of origin and

destination; the local employment situation; distance to areas of dynamic economic activity;

total labour supply within the household; and the potential migrant ' s level of education,

labour market experience, access to assets, age, sex, etc. Moreover, these factors vary widely

among countries and regions (Waddington and Sabates-Wheeler 2003). For example, while

education seems to exert very little influence on migration decisions in Morocco and Senegal,

it seems to be fundamental in Egypt and Ghana, especially for women (Schoorl et al. 2000,

14-20).

Likewise, we can observe that better access to education has a positive impact on the

availability of work for migrant women from Jharkhand in cities like New Delhi. Most

domestic workers from Bandhua are not just literate but have completed their education up to

middle school. This seems to have a positive impact on the wages that they receive as well.

However, literacy did not have a significant impact on the diversification of type of work

available to migrant women from Jharkhand. On the other hand, the lack of education lead to

a lower literacy level in the Kot Gaon and limits the possibilities of fmding employment in

any other sector apart from domestic work. Hence both, the availability and the lack, of

education can be a contnbuting factor to migration for domestic work from rural areas like

Jharkhand and Nepal.

Page 1118

MIGRATION BY TYPE OF WORK

Migration can be a potential means to diversify economic activities to overcome risk and

obtain liquidity and capital (Azzarri et al. 2006, 9). However, migration-determining factors

are different for men and women and affect them in diverse ways. Demand for unskilled

female labour is found mainly in the service sector, which includes household help,

babysitting, caretaking of the elderly or handicapped, kitchen help in restaurants, etc. In the

case of unskilled male labour, demand is found mostly in agricultural production process,

construction activities, manufacturing and transport. This is a reflection ofthe gender division

of labour that, in general, assigns responsibility for family and household care to women.

Socio-culturally generated and maintained roles tend to infringe further upon women's

mobility, their access to education, productive services and their ability to participate in

decision-making processes.

Chart 5.E (on the next page) shows the comparative numbers of migrant male workers

by type of work in both villages surveyed. The largest sector of employment for migrant men

from both the surveyed villages was construction work. The next largest category of migrant

employment was factory work for Bandhua (8 migrants) and hotel work for Kot Gaon (21

migrants). Ofthe 21 migrant men working in the hotel services industry, 10 were employed

as cooks, 10 as hotel helpers or waiters and 1 of them worked as a hotel manager. Eight

migrant men from Kot Gaon were employed as drivers. Another common category by type of

work for migrant male workers was security services where 6 men from Kot Gaon and 4 men

from Bandhua worked as security guards.

In terms of employment provided by the state, it was observed that 6 male migrants

from Kot Gaon were employed in the Nepal Army as compared to 1 male migrant with

similar employment in the Indian Army. 3 migrant men were employed by the Nepal Police

while 2 migrant men from Bandhua worked for the Jharkhand Police. This type of

employment could be attributed to the long conflict between the state and the Maoist

movement in both areas that were surveyed. More male migrants had migrated to the city for

study from Kot Gaon as compared to Bandhua since the latter had access to good education

facilities provided through the mission schools that were located near the village or within the

Page 1119

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

district. Most migrant students from Bandhua in this category had moved to pursue post

graduate or professional degrees. For example, Mukesh Singh, a resident of Bandhua had

migrated to Ranchi fo r his postgraduate study and was in Bangalore pursuing a masters

degree in computer applications (MCA) at the time of the survey.

Chart 5.£: Male migrants by type of work from both surveyed villages in Jharkhand and Nepal

Male Migrants by Type of Work

• Nepa l • Jharkhand

Study

Salesman

Plum ber

Peon

Army

Pol ice

Ho te l

Guard

Factory Work

Dri ver

Dairy Worker

Construction Worker

Domest iC Worker

Computer Technic ian

Carpet weaver

Carpenter

Agricultural Labour

Agent

Tamang men also migrated fo r domestic work as we ll as for work as cooks

and helpers in hotels. Of the 9 male domestic workers interviewed from Kot Gaon, 6

respondents identified themselves as cooks only; they did not carry out any other task Page 1120

l\'~ nl p; rmtiv Am1lysis of Nepa l &jharkhm1d.

including washing utensils. In comparison, only 1 male domestic worker was recorded from

Bandhua. The Oraon men migrated mostly for factory work while only 1 migrant worker

from Kot Gaon had migrated for the same.

Culturally encouraged patterns of machismo are not only prevalent in rural societies,

where they may act as barriers to women's migration, but are present in migrating women' s

destinations as well. Family migration networks are consistently found to be among the most

important variables driving migration decisions, particularly to destinations that are

associated with high migration costs and risks and a scarcity of information (Taylor 2006;

Massey et al.1987). Hence, in most cases we can observe that male migration for work

precedes female migration for work. Even in the case of the surveyed villages, men have

migrating for work for several decades while women 's migration for work is a relatively

newer phenomenon. While initially women accompanied men to the migrant destination,

more recently women have been migrating alone i.e. without a family member or relative or

through a recruitment agent and to destinations which is unfamiliar to the community to

which they belong.

However, the majority of people are not ready to leave what is familiar - especially

their relatives (spouses, sons and daughters) and friends- to run the risk ofbeing cut off from

their socio-cultural context, to face the difficulties implied in learning a different language, or

to take chances or accept sacrifices. Even though the income of the migrants is undoubtedly

higher than in their countries of origin, the people who send money to their family members

must make huge sacrifices, as in reality they must support two households, and one of them is

often located in a country with a high cost of living.

In the case of female migrant domestic workers, the risks involved in migration for

work are manifold. Threat of sexual harassment, abuse and violence looms large, especially

for international migrants who do not possess citizenship rights in the countries of destination

Page 1121

C0mparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

and are not covered by or do not have access to provisions under the labour laws at the

destinations. Yet, paid domestic work is the largest category in the type ofwork available to

migrant women from both surveyed locations. Also, a large majority of migrant domestic

workers from the surveyed villages are from the non-Hindu communities. This pattern can be

attributed to the fact that Hindu women are married much earlier than their counterparts in

tribal communities. Moreover, tribal women have greater mobility both outside their

household and outside the village as compared to Hindu women who have stricter internal

sanctions on their movement for work, though not for marriage.

Chart 5.F: Female migrants by type ofwork from surveyed villages in Jharkhand & Nepal

Female Migrants by Type of Work

• Nepa l • Jha rkh an d

77% Liv e in PAI D D omestic Wor k

L, ive in UNPAID Dome st ic Wo r k

St u d y

N urse

Fact o ry Wor k

Ca rpet Weav i ng

Be a u t ic ia n

Co n st r u c t ion Wor k

Agricu l tura l Labour

Chart 5.F depicts the distribution of female migrants by type of work from both

surveyed villages in Jharkhand and Nepal. The largest category by type of work for migrant

Page 1122

('(' lll p:Ir:ltivc ,\n :1lys is of N pnJ &jharkha11d

women is paid domestic work since 77 percent of migrant women from Kot Gaon are

employed as domestic workers in cities, not just in the Indian subcontinent but in several

other countries as well. In comparison, 68 percent of migrant women from Jharkhand are

employed as domestic workers, primarily in New Delhi. Ten percent in each case are unpaid

domestic workers, i.e. they have migrated with a family member or relative and are engaged

in domestic work for the migrant household. More women from Jharkhand found

employment as construction workers; these are mainly women belonging to the Hindu

community who migrated with their family members (mostly husbands) in search of work.

Nursing was another employment option for women from the surveyed village in

Jharkhand. About 6 percent of migrant women were employed as nurses after receiving

training through mission-aided institutions. Six percent of migrant women had left the village

to study from Kot Gaon as compared to 3 percent from Bandhua since the latter had access to

good education facilities provided through the mission schools that were located near the

village or within the district.

MIGRATION BY DESTINATION

It is widely believed that the option of migrating - especially migrating internationally- is

not available to all, and often poor and very poor people may be excluded, due to the high

fmancing and economic costs and to factors such as limited access to networks and

information. The possibility of adopting migration as a livelihood strategy is affected by the

availability of economic assets such as land, livestock and savings and the capacity to afford

the costs of migrating. Evidence from India and sub-Saharan Africa indicates that although

poor people have higher migration propensities, the poorest people cannot afford the material

costs of migrating (Waddington and Sabates-Wheeler 2003, 13). It is believed that migration

of the poorest people for survival is linked more to the processes of internal migration.

Overseas displacement involves transportation, insertion and risk costs that the poorest

Page 1123

Comparative Analysis oi Nepal & Jharkhand

people cannot assume (or do not even consider as a possibility) (Hatton and Williamson

2004).

However, international migration from Nepal to India does not involve high search

costs due to the continuation of kin networks or high transport costs since travelling from

Nepal into India is possible by land and does not involve air transfer expenses. Most

importantly, the presence of porous borders and the existence of the Indo Nepal Friendship

Treaty allows for people to travel across both countries without the requirement of passports

and visas. Hence, the costs involved with international migration to India are almost

negligible compared to costs incurred to migrate to other countries.

Chart 5.G: Migrant population by distance from home

Migrant Population within Gumla, with in Jharkhand,

w ithin India

Outside State but w ithin Country

Outside District but with in the State

Within Dist rict

4%

Migrant Population outside Sindhupalchok,

outside Nepal

Outside Country Outside District

9%

Page 1 124

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

As depicted in Chart 5.G, the survey revealed that only 9 percent the total out of

district migrant population worked outside Sindhupalchok district but within Nepal. The

remaining 91 percent migrated outside the country, mostly to India. For example, all the l 0

migrant men from Kot Gaon who were employed as hotel cooks worked outside the country,

many of them worked in Delhi. In comparison, about 4 percent of the migrant population

from Bandhua worked within Gumla district and another 10 percent worked within the state

of Jharkhand but outside Gumla. The important aspect to consider here is that 86 percent, an

overwhelming majority of the migrant population from Bandhua works outside Jharkhand but

within India.

This comparison shows that both the source locations are backward areas and are

unable to provide employment to the working population in their place of origin. However,

migrants from Jharkhand have not explored employment opportunities outside India unlike

the migrants surveyed in Nepal for whom India serves as a transit point for migration to other

international destinations, especially the GCC countries.

Chart 5.H: Female migration for domestic work by destination from Bandhu, Jharkhand

Female Migration for Domestic Work by destination

Iii Del hi Calcutta W ithin Jharkhand

1% 1%

98%

Page I 125

CL•mparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

Chart 5.I: Female migration fo r domest ic work by destination from Kotgaon, Sindhupalchok

Female Migration for Domestic Work to Delhi & beyond

Delh i

Dubai

Himachal Pradesh

Jaipur

Kuwait

Portugal

Lebanon

Charts 5.H & 5.I, demonstrate the percentage of international migrant domestic

workers by place of destination. An overwhelming number of migrant women went to Delhi

for paid domestic work from both the surveyed villages. Out of the 58 domestic workers who

went to Delhi from Kot Gaon, 8 women went on tQ Dubai for domestic work one of which

went on to work in Lebanon after Dubai. Kuwait was the next destination for 2 domestic

workers while another one went to Portugal for paid domestic work through recruiting agents.

Within India as well, migrant domestic workers from Kot Gaon went on to other destinations

in India after working in Delhi. Himachal Pradesh and Jaipur were the next destination for

one ofthese domestic workers each while 2 domestic workers went on to work in Mumbai .

•

Page I 126

L\ m1pnr:1tiv An:1lys is L) f Ncp:ll & Jharkhand

In all, Delhi was a working transit point for 15 domestic workers from Kot Gaon. Of

the international migrant domest ic workers from the sample village, 7 domestic workers

migrated through recruitment agencies to the GCC countries using Delhi as a transit point but

without having to work in the city as domestic workers. Of the 12 migrant paid domestic

workers who worked in Kathmandu, one each migrated to Dubai and Lebanon through

recruiting agents. Another such worker went from Kathmandu to Kuwait and is currently

employed in Lebanon. From Bandhua, the destination choices for migrant women workers

were limited as most respondents were aware of work opportunities as paid domestic workers

in Delhi and had little knowledge of other options to find decently paid work. Only 1 percent

of these workers had migrated to Calcutta and Ranchi (within Jharkhand) for domestic work.

From the above discussion it becomes clear that work opportunities for rural migrant

women are available in cities, but are limited mostly to paid domestic work. Migrant men on

the other hand, have many more types of work available to them at the urban work

destinations. Yet, we can observe that migrant women from Kot Gaon use New Delhi, not

just as a point of transit to destinations where they will be better paid for the same type of

work but also to earn wages (to possibly contribute to international migration costs) and

develop their skills to enable them to work in modern households. For example, Mina

Pakhrin from Kot Gaon told us,

'I had worked all my life in the kitchen at home in the village. When I came to the city, I had no idea about using the machines available in kitchens. I had never seen a gas stove, did not have a clue about using a blender. I

was paid lesser when I worked in Delhi but I got the opportunity to learn how to use such gadgets. These skills helped me eventually since it made me eligible to get a job in Dubai. '

Page 1127

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

M IG RAT ION BY DURATION

Charts 5.J & 5.K show the duration of migration for male migrants from both the surveyed

villages. Only 2 percent migrated for less than 6 months from Bandhua and 4 percent from

Kot Gaon. It was also noted that an overwhelming majority, i.e. 94 percent of male migrants

originating from Bandhua worked at their place of destination for more than a year. Similarly,

45 percent of male migrants from Kot Gaon migrated for more than a year. The respondents

explained that the cost of migrating for work could not be recovered within 6 months. It took

a few months to recover travel costs and survive living costs in the city. It took almost a year

of working at the destination before male migrants could begin saving money to bring home.

Several male migrants were employed in the private sector, as drivers, guards, cooks and

leave was not permitted before a year of work was completed. It was also noted that 51

percent of male migrants from Kot Gaon migrated for more than 6 months but less than a

year since they were seasonal migrants and construction labour who could not fmd paid work

throughout the year at their destination.

Chart 5.J: Duration of male migration from Bandhua (Gumla, Jharkhand)

Duration of Male Migration

• M o re th an a year 6 mo nths but less tha n 1 yea r Less than 6 m o nth s

94%

Page I 128

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

Chart 5.K: Duration of male migration from Kotgaon (Sindhupalchok. Nepal)

Duration of Male Migration

More than a year 6 months but less than 1 year iii Less than 6 months

4%

From Charts 5.L & 5.M, we can observe that only 4 percent of the female migrant

population from Bandhua migrated for less than one year with only 1 percent migrating for

less than 6 months while 96 percent of the migrant women from this surveyed village

migrated fo r more than a year. This was applicable mostly to domestic workers, students and

women who had accompanied their male re latives to their destination. The average duration

was about 2 years in the case of domestic workers, especially those who were international

migrants. There were some cases as well where women had migrated for domestic work for

several years.

Page 1129

Comparative Analysis of Nepal & Jharkhand

Chart 5.L: Duration ofFemale migration from Bandhua (Gumla, Jharkhand)

Duration of Female Migration

More than a year 6 months but less than 1 year Less than 6 months

1%

96%

Chart 5.M: Duration of Female migration from Kot Gaon (Nepal)

Duration of Female Migration

More than a year 6 months but less than 1 year Less than 6 months

5%

Page I 130

l\JrnJxlralive Ann lysis of Nep~1l & JharkhnHd

From Bandhua, we can observe that only 4 percent of the female migrant population

migrated for less than one year with only 1 percent migrating for less than 6 months while 96

percent of the migrant women from the surveyed village migrated for more than a year. This

was applicable mostly to domestic workers, students and women who had accompanied their

male relatives to their destination.

ROLE OF RECRUITMENT AGENCIES

Successful migrants provide potential migrants with resources and support: information on

procedures (technical and legal), financial help, job prospects, administrative assistance,

access to services (for example, education, health and housing) and emotional solidarity

(Massey et al.1999). For example, for Filipino immigrants to the United States, it has been

demonstrated that the primary source of information about immigration preference

categories, passports and visas is neither the United States embassy, nor newspapers and

travel agents, but personal contacts with relatives and acquaintances already in the United

States (Stalker 2007). Mexican villages are often linked with specific United States farms

through informal networks. Initial migrants may arrange with their employers for friends and

families to arrive at the same workplace, taking responsibility for the new employees (ibid.).

Migration networks are moulded by local histories of migration, national conditions and

sociocultural and gender prerequisites. For example, it has been found that skilled migrants

rely more on networks of colleagues or organizations and less on kin-based networks than do

unskilled workers (Meyer 2001, quoted in Vertovec 2002, 3).

Over the last decade, both legal and illegal agencies have been established to identify

job opportunities, arrange transport and accommodation and deal with bureaucratic

proceedings connected with passports, visas and work permits. Such agencies operate within

source and destination countries. Costs vary according to country destination, risk and

distance. A study in the Thai border town of Mae Sot found that migrant domestic workers

paid brokers 5,000-6,000 baht (approximately US$160to US$190) to find employment, from Page 1131

Compnralivc An~1lysis of ~cp~1l & Jharkhnnd

which they then earned 2,000-4,000 baht per month, with food and accommodation provided

free (Martin 2004; Huguet and Punpuing 2005, 43-48).

In practically all Asian countries, agents are normally licensed by the government to

facilitate the placement of workers abroad. Agents, who originally had been paid by

employers for the procurement of labour, eventually are allowed to charge workers a

regulated, but frequently violated, placement fee for their services. For example, in

Bangladesh, unskilled workers may pay up to US$2,000 to land a job in Saudi Arabia, which

is more than 80 per cent of what they can expect to earn during their first year. Funds for the

transfer are usually raised by borrowing from family members or by mortgaging a house or

land.

In the Philippines, recruiters are limited by law to charging migrants the equivalent of

one month of the salary they are expected to earn abroad. However, since there are more

applicants than jobs, many are ready to pay the equivalent of two to six months' wages to

move up in the queue of workers applying for foreign jobs (Stalker 2007). While some efforts

towards regulating these agencies have been made in the recent few years, this is not the case

in India. Yet, international migration is expensive. Pre-departure expenses of Filipino

migrants to Italy, including agency recruitment fees, could reach up to € 6,000. This amount

is generally borrowed from migrant relatives and may take years to repay, as a live-in

domestic worker, on average, earns € 700 per month (INSTRA W, IF AD and Filipino

Women's Council2008, 15 and 18).

Similarly, respondents in Kot Gaon testified to having borrowed very large sums of

money (in lakhs of rupees usually), to arrange for the migration of a household member for

domestic work abroad. While kin networks were more active in the case of migration to India

from Nepal, they could not avoid recruitment agencies while trying to get their relatives a job

in the same international destination for work due to strict immigration controls and the

paperwork necessary for their travel and stay at the work destination. However, some

Page 1132

l\.)Jnp:Ir:IIivc Analysis of Nepal &Jharkhnnd

domestic workers had been successful in searching for better paid employment while working

in international destinations like the GCC countries.

EARNINGS AND REMITTANCES

In the case of Nepal, international migration was more lucrative since the earnings were

much higher, not just in terms of real wages but also due to the currency exchange value. Due

to the depreciated Nepali rupee (NPR), earnings in a few hundred riyals or dollars converted

to several thousands ofNepali rupees. Similarly, the Indian rupee (INR) is stronger than the

Nepali rupee which is fixed in its conversion rate to the former. For example, a salary of 5000

INR was worth 8000 NPR if remitted. From the survey it was noted that the average earnings

per month of a female migrant domestic worker from Nepal was approximately 51 (INR).

However, the average earnings in India were much lesser than the average earnings in any

better developed country of destination.

Domestic workers earned on an average of 15,000 to 25,000 NPR (in converted

value) as compared with between 1500 to 4000 INR in New Delhi. Similarly, the average

remittance per year for domestic workers from Kot Gaon is 25,000 NPR. However,

remittances from internationally migrant domestic workers from Kot Gaon were much

higher, between 10,000 NPR and 100,000 NPR per year as recorded during the survey. These

remittances were used to repay debts (also taken to pay for agent fees) health, education and

other consumption expenditure.

When compared with migrant male domestic workers from Nepal, the average

earnings per month were approximately 3375 INR. The average remittance per year is 4000

rupees as recorded during survey. For hotel workers, the average wage per moth was 1000

INR and the average remittance was 4000 INR. However, there were exceptions like Tuk

Bahadur Nagarkoti who worked as a hotel manager in Dubai for the past 3 years and earned Page 1133

100,000 NPR per month. For female domestic workers migrating from Jharkhand, the

average earnings per month were 2000 INR as recorded in the survey. The average

remittances per year were 10,000 rupees approximately.

WOMEN'S WORK

Difficulties and obstacles faced by rural women are even greater, as they are frequently

unacknowledged as producers and are discriminated against at all levels. Regardless of the

important contribution of rural women to economic development and their significant

participation in the labour force in developing countries, their access to human, social and

physical resources is substantially less than that of men. They have fewer possibilities to

improve their theoretical and practical knowledge, and their ability to participate in decision­

making processes is significantly more limited. Women own less than 2 per cent of all land

and receive only 5 per cent of extension services worldwide. To understand women's work, a

set of questions was posed only to women above age 15. The objective of collecting this data

was to observe if women viewed domestic work done by them within their households as

productive work, even though it was not paid work. They were asked about 'other'

productive activities and also about their willingness to engage in paid work available outside

their household.

Chart 5.N shows, almost 93 percent ofwomen in Kot Gaon reported spending most of

their time (an average of 16 hours a day) on domestic work. Most women (over 86 percent in

both surveyed villages), did not see domestic work done within their households as

productive work since it was not paid. Many of them also reported that they were not

engaged in 'other' productive activities. This question reflects the fact that due to patriarchal

norms that exist, women do not see the work that they do as productive. The common

understanding is that it is productive work only when monetary remuneration is received in

return for labour. Also, the work men usually do is deemed productive since they go outside

the limits of the household to earn. In return for their labour, men receive compensation. Page 1134

Comparative Analysis of ~epal & Jharkhand

Women, on the other hand, receive 'nothing' for their labour since it was within the limits of

the household.

Chart 5.N: Percentage of women responding in affirmative to questions on women's work

Percentage of women responding in affirmative to these questions:

D Sindhupalchok, Nepal

In spite of your pre-occupation with domestic duties, are you willing to accept paid work if it is made

available to you?

Do you consider all the work* done by you for the household as domestic work?

l2iuH~ ~;Hi ¥our ti8mzw.; Jutie) ilm yo~ tihi8 r=ntW~tt:!d in ~~Y 8Ehrr proQ~I§fi¥r llllivl£18? ;1

were you required to spend most of your time on domestic duties almost throughout the last 365 days?

:J Jharkhand,lndia

__ ___JJ 56% ~====:-

_;56%

]88% ---~

~ ~% p ~% i I ;

-- -~ 8&%

97%

---· ··---·-·- __ -_j 83%

* Work includes both, tasks carried out within the household (cooking, cleaning, husking paddy) and outside the home (collecting firewood, water, working in the fields).

Also, social and cultural norms establish a gendered division oflabour by defming the

roles that must be performed by men and women. The same tasks that they performed within

the household were remunerative when done for an unrelated household at a different

location. Hence, by migrating for paid domestic work, migrant women break traditional

patriarchal norms in two ways, by moving out of the limits of the household within which

they are expected to perform certain tasks and by doing 'productive' work through which

they earn remuneration for specified tasks that they perform in the employer's household.

Page 1135

l\"~mp:lr;llivc Analysis of Ncp~ll & Jharkhcmd

However, the risks involved in such isolated work locations, is an inhibiting factor to search

for better work opportunities.

In both villages, women were also eager to accept productive work if it was made

available to them. This was an indication of the fact that despite their preoccupation with

domestic duties, they were willing to take time to work for monetary returns. Upon further

questioning, most women responded that if skill training was imparted, they could spend

some part of their working day in small self-employed initiatives like basket making,

embroidery etc. Even these options were related to their reproductive role as they were not

encouraged to challenge established stereotypes regarding the nature of work done by

women.

In the surveyed village in Jharkhand, although women were more educated, they still

saw the domestic duties carried out by them at home as unproductive. Despite the higher

educational levels, the burden of reproductive labour was born by women in the village and

the lack of other avenues of employment pushed them to migrate for domestic work. An

interesting factor that contributed to their burden was the increased reluctance of men in the

villages to work on the fields or in any agriculture- related activity since they were educated

and wanted to search for 'better work'. Drawn to urban lifestyles, more men were seeking

employment in cities, even if it did not pay them much.

Moreover, women who migrated were stigmatised since their mobility gave them the

freedom to move and spend their hard earned money. Migrant women in both Nepal and

Jharkhand were seen as carriers of disease, especially sexually transmitted diseases like HIV

AIDS even though more men migrated to different and less secure working locations.

Trafficking was another result of the increased temptations to migrate to earn some quick

money.

Page 1136

C('lll}Xlnllivc AnJlysis of ;\!cp:ll & Jhnrkhnnd

SOME INFERENCES FROM THE FIELD

A comparative approach to the questions revolving around issues of gender and migration for

domestic work has proved valuable for the purpose of this research study. Evidence based on

the two case studies presented above leads us to make some fundamental deductions. It has

emerged clearly that agrarian backwardness and related food insecurity are crucial issues that

drive migration at both the surveyed locations. Marginal landholdings and the absence of

institutional support for agriculture have been contributing push factors for migration in

search ofbetter employment opportunities.

An interesting aspect which emerged in the study was the role of caste and race in

determining migrant choices. In the case ofNepal, migration was recorded across caste and

race categories and migration for paid domestic work was witnessed in all communities in the

village, although, the number of Tamang women employed as paid domestic workers was

proportionately greater than other communities. Hence, caste does not have a direct

correlation with migration patterns in the Nepal sample village, probably due to the extent of

agrarian backwardness across castes and classes.

In Jharkhand however, disparate patterns emerged when migration for work was

correlated with landholding status and caste. It was observed that despite migration across

gender and castes (excluding the Dalits households which displayed a lack of mobility with

regard to migration for work), the type of work available to migrants varied depending on

their caste/ racial and gendered status. None of the upper caste men from the sample village

in Jharkhand worked as paid domestic workers and with the exception of a single male

migrant, no other Oraon men were employed as domestic workers. Oraon women migrated

mostly for paid domestic work while the upper caste Hindu women migrated for further

education or for construction work.

Page 1137

Using a gendered lens to examme the correlation between education levels and

migration patterns within a comparative framework yielded some interesting results. It was

found that the literacy levels were very low in the Nepal sample village and so a vast majority

of the male and female migrant population relied upon low-skilled work at the destination.

Overall, however, more ofthe migrant population was literate when compared with the non­

migrant population from the village. In the case of Jharkhand, the literacy rate was relatively

much higher and this led to a diversification in the type of work available for men from the

village.

Oraon women, though better educated than Tamang women, were presented with

limited choices and had to rely on domestic work as migrant workers. However, Oraon

women were better paid than their Tamang counterparts since they could access paid

domestic work in elite upper class households in the cities where their educational skills

translated into an ability to be perceived as better workers. However, migrants networks were

much stronger in the case of Nepal as compared with Jharkhand where more domestic

workers relied upon recruitment agents to search for wok. Nevertheless, the increasing role of

recruitment agencies was observed since migration to the GCC countries was more recent

and recruitment agents were crucial to negotiate the paper work and high travel costs.

A striking observation which catches our attention is the vast divergences in the

patterns of remittances sent by migrant workers from both the sample villages. Men from

both the villages reported that they were unable to save much of their wages since a large part

of their earnings were used up to cover boarding and lodging expenses in the cities. Women

migrant workers, especially those employed as paid domestic workers remitted much higher

amounts since they did not incur boarding and lodging costs. Moreover, their mobility and

opportunities as consumers in the city was limited since their workplace was limited to the

household and were more often than not, disallowed from leaving their workplace. Despite

the fact that migrant domestic workers from Jharkhand were better paid, remittances recorded

in the Nepal sample village were much higher, ranging between 10,000 NPR and 100,000

Page 1138

Compnn1tivc Annlysis of ~t'p~tl & jharkhand

NPR per year. These remittances were higher since a large number of domestic workers from

Nepal migrate to the GCC countries as well as India and the currency exchange value

translated into higher remittances which are used to repay debts (also taken to pay for agent

fees) health, education and other consumption expenditure.

Hence, we can state that despite the opportunities for rural women as paid domestic

workers opening up in the wake of globalisation processes, these are mediated by their class,

caste and racial location. However, these opportunities seem to be associated with their

reproductive capacities as women and reinforce the global sexual division of labour. In the

following chapter, we will conclude with an overview of the main findings of the research

study and the implications they hold for IR theory in general and migration research in

particular.

Page 1139