WEALTH AND POWER IN YAYOI PERIOD NORTHERN KYUSHU
by
KEN STARK
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
in
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Anthropology)
We accept this thesis as conforming
to the required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
18 July 1989
© Ken Stark, 1989
In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced
degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it
freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive
copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my
department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or
publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written
permission.
Department
The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada
Date Au*jJ*i-£J1<Uft
DE-6 (2/88)
ABSTRACT
This thesis is concerned with the analysis of grave goods, from Yayoi
period cemetery sites in northern Kyushu, to test for the presence of status
rivalry and competition between leaders of different . communities. The study
consists of a test of two major hypotheses that were derived from a model that
links economic and political success of chiefs with wealth display and the
mortuary ritual. Hypothesis 1 stated that status rivalry was present in the
development of social ranking within communities in northern Kyushu. The key
pattern in this case is that change in political authority is indicated by change
in patterns of wealth distribution and display. Since there was a trend toward a
lack of change in the number of separate wealth rank levels among burials,
meaning a lack of change in patterns of wealth distribution, the analysis results
disproved Hypothesis 1. Hypothesis 2 stated that status rivalry and competition
ensured short-term political success and fluctuations in patterns of wealth
distribution between sites in a regional exchange hierarchy. As a result, major
structural changes occurred in the organization of the existing wealth exchange
network. Since the analysis revealed that regions with the most developed
hierarchy experienced the greatest upheaval and change in organizational
structure, Hypothesis 2 was not disproven. Overall, the results show that
structural change in wealth exchange systems occurred on a regional scale more
than change in internal rank ordering and wealth control within sites. If wealth
possession was an indicator of power, political control in Yayoi period northern
Kyushu was of a very precarious nature.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1
Chapter II. THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU 10 1. Northern Kyushu: The Environment 10 2. The Archaeology of Yayoi Period Japan 14
Chapter III. STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER 31 1. Political Control in Complex Societies 32 2. The Base of Political Power in Ranked Societies 33 3. The Display of Chiefly Power 36 4. Wealth Display and the Mortuary Ritual 37 5. Elite Interaction and the Display of Power 40 6. Prestige Good Systems and Social Evolution 43 7. A Model of Status Rivalry and Change in Regional
Power Structure 51 8. Major Hypotheses to be Tested 57
Chapter IV. ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY 59
1. Introduction 59 2. Analysis of Intra-Site Ranking 59 3. Results of Test For Intra-Site Ranking 81 4. Conclusions 85 5. Analysis of Change in Regional Wealth Hierarchies 90 6. Wealth Hierarchy During the Early Yayoi Phase 97 7. Wealth Hierarchy During the Middle Yayoi Phase 101 8. Wealth Hierarchy During the Late Yayoi Phase 104 9. Change in Regional Wealth Hierarchy 108
10. Analysis Results I l l 11. Conclusions 115
Chapter V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 120
REFERENCES CITED 129
iii
L i s t of Tables
Table 1. Summary of Percentage Values for Burials with 66 Grave Goods out of Total Sample f o r Sites used i n Analysis of Intra-Site Ranking.
Table 2. Kanenokuma Site Grave Good Tabulations. 69
Table 3« Yoshitake Oishi Site Grave Good Tabulations. 71
Table 4. Yoshitake Takaki Site Grave Good Tabulations. 72
Table 5. Toshitake Hiwatashi Site Grave Good 74-Tabulations.
Table 6. Tate'iwa Site Grave Good Tabulations. 76
Table 7. Mikumo Site Grave Good ̂ Tabulations. • 79
Table 8. Suku Okamoto (Sugu Yamanokuchi) Site Grave 80 Good Tabulations.
Table 9- Summary of Test Results f o r the Degree of 82 Ranking at the Intra-Site Level Within Seven Yayoi Period Cemetery S i t e s .
Table 10. Summary Table of Bronze Index of Accumulation 98 Values f o r each of the Five Regional Samples During the Early Yayoi Period.
Table 11. Summary Table of Bronze Index of Accumulation 102 Values f o r each of the Five Regional Samples During the Middle Yayoi Period.
Table 12. Summary Table of Bronze Index of Accumulation 105 Values f o r each of the Five Regional Samples During the Late Yayoi period.
Table 13- Number of Sites Possessing Each Wealth Rank 109 Type f o r Five Regional Samples During the Yayoi Period.
Table 14-. Summary of Test Results f o r Inter-Site - 112 Ranking Within the Five Regional Samples During ?• the Yayoi period i n Northern Kyushu.
i v
L i s t of Figures
Figure 1. The Location of Northern Kyushu Within Japan. ' 3
Figure 2. Hap of Basic Physiographic Features i n 11 Northern Kyushu.
Figure 3. The Fukuoka P l a i n i n Northern Kyushu. 12
Figure 4-. Diagram of a Model of Status Rivalry and 52 Change i n Regional Power Structure.
Figure 5. Locationssof the seven Sites used i n Analysis. 67 of Intra-Site Ranking.
Figure 6. The Five River Drainage Basins i n Northern 92 Kyushu.
Figure 7» Map Showing the Locations of Sites Containing 99 Wealth Ranks 1, 2 and 3 During the Early Yayoi Period.
Figure 8. Map Showing the Locations of Sites Containing 103 Wealth Ranks 1, 2 and 3 During the Middle Yayoi Period.
Figure 9. Map Showing the Locations of Sites Containing 106 Wealth Ranks 1, 2 and 3 During the Late Yayoi Period.
Figure 10. Diagram Showing Change i n Regional Wealth 110 Hierarchy Structure Between the Five Regions i n Northern Kyushu.
V
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My greatest thanks go to Professor Richard Pearson, my thesis advisor, who suggested the topic of my thesis after initially sparking my interest in Japanese archaeology at the undergraduate level. Dr. Pearson was a constant source of information and support throughout the initial designing, writing and production of the thesis. I am most grateful to Dr. Pearson for his many contributions to my development as an undergraduate and graduate student in archaeology and as a person. The other members of my committee also played major roles in the completion of the thesis. Dr. Michael Blake was a constant source of new and interesting theoretical insights on the subject of complex societies and cultural evolution through graduate seminars and discussions. Dr. Blake was also kind enough to assist me in determining the appropriate methods of visual display for the data presented in this thesis. Dr. David Pokotylo was a constant source of support and was instrumental in assisting me in selecting the appropriate methods of analysis to use. This was a long and complicated task and Dr. Pokotylo's many valuable insights and suggestions were very much appreciated.
This project was also initiated through the interest I developed during a two month stay in Japan during the summer of 1987. After Professor Pearson arranged for the trip, I was taken care of by many people in Tokyo, Fukuoka and Ogori City that all contributed to making my stay in Japan a very pleasant and rewarding experience. In particular, Professor Kobayashi Tatsuo of Kokugakuin University and Professor Nishitani Tadashi were very generous and helpful in taking me to see many archaeological sites and museums. I deeply appreciate the hospitality and assistance provided by the the archaeologists and staff at the Ogori City Center for Buried Cultural Relics. In particular, Mr. Kataoka Koji was very gracious in sponsoring me while I excavated in Ogori for several weeks. I also greatly appreciate the assistance of Dr. Brian Chisholm who met me at Narita Airport in Tokyo and helped me get over the initial shock that lasted for the first few days.
Special thanks go to Kazue Pearson for translating all 244 Japanese site names in the data set used in this thesis. Without her kind assistance, I would probably still be translating today! A large number of the tables presented in this thesis were done by Andrew Mason. Without his assistance the thesis production work, especially in Chapter 4, would have been extremely difficult and time consuming.
Many friends and colleagues provided support throughout the writing of this thesis, for which I am very grateful. I deeply appreciate all the help and
v i
support I have received from my mom, dad and brother over the past five years while I have been at U B C . Together, they housed me, fed me, drove me, put up with my bizarre schedules and basically kept me alive so I could come out on campus to work another day. They deserve just as much credit as I do for the completion of this thesis.
v i i
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION
This thesis is concerned with political power and the material rewards
that come to those who possess it. In particular, this study looks at the role of
competition or status rivalry between chiefs in the development of complex society
in prehistoric Japan during the Yayoi period. I have developed this topic through
research on Yayoi period archaeology and fieldwork in the Fukuoka Plain of
northern Kyushu in Japan.
Through research work on the Jomon and Yayoi cultures of ancient
Japan, I became aware of the vast number of works that dealt with prehistoric
subsistence and paleoenvironmental reconstruction in the Japanese archipelago. In
particular, the number of articles documenting the beginnings of wet rice
agriculture in the Yayoi period is staggering. Many articles on Yayoi period food
production explain the introduction of rice agriculture in terms of the diffusion of
an entire subsistence complex that originated in the Yangtze River Valley of
China through the Korean peninsula to the island of Kyushu in southwestern
Japan. Once in Kyushu, change in the development of the complex is explained
in terms of further diffusion northward through the Japanese archipelago.
In most articles internal development within the island of northern Kyushu
is overlooked with the exception of palynological studies which document the
destruction of the dense Laurilignosa forest in this area. Due to this particular
focus, research on political or social change within this region is rare. The
exceptions to this pattern are the works of Pearson (1976) and Barnes (1986;
1
INTRODUCTION / 2
1988). Pearson presents various classes of data which document the existence of
multiple levels of interaction between China, Japan and Korea during the Jomon
and Yayoi periods (Pearson 1976:185). Pearson states that it is useful to view
the Yellow Sea region between these countries as an interaction sphere at this
time (Pearson 1976:184). Barnes looks at the interaction of peer polities between
continental elites of East Asia and elites within the Kinai region of southwestern
Japan that participated in the exchange of prestige goods. This exchange network
symbolized the existence of a homogeneous elite culture within this area (Barnes
1986:91). This thesis, which is concerned with political development on the island
of Kyushu, shown in Figure 1, the result of an interest in explaining social
change in prehistoric Japan and a need to complement other research that has
dealt with this problem.
Another feature that has led to this particular topic is an interest in the
ceramic jar burials and the bronze objects found within them. Apart from their
interesting appearance, looking like cracked egg shells, jar burials were located
only within this small region of the entire Japanese archipelago. The obvious
question that I considered was why? This interest in the Yayoi period jar burials
of northern Kyushu led to a perusal of the archaeological literature on mortuary
analysis. In reading the works of processual archaeologists, who related mortuary
patterning to levels of social organization, and the symbolic archaeologists, who
were concerned with specific cultural attitudes towards death, I became interested
in the relationship between change in mortuary patterning and changes within
society at large.
INTRODUCTION / 3
INTRODUCTION / 4
Some researchers argue that such a link exists to the point that changes in the
social order are indicated through changing patterns in the mortuary ritual and
its material offerings. Others argue that there may be a link, but it is difficult
to decode the nature of this relationship without first hand observation of the
behavior involved.
With thoughts of burials and social change floating around my head, I
was able to see, first hand, the particular area I was interested in through two
months of excavation and assorted festivities in the Fukuoka area of northern
Kyushu in Japan. While working under the supervision of the Kyushu University
Department of Archaeology and the Ogori City Board of Education, Center of
Buried Cultural Relics, I became more familiar with the environmental context,
artifact assemblages and the internal structure of Yayoi period, village and
cemetery sites in the area. I also benefited greatly from discussions with the
Ogori City archaeologists and students and professors in the Archaeology
Department of Kyushu University. Due to the rapid pace of development, the
major concern of local archaeologists is the excavation, conservation and protection
of buried cultural relics. Still, when not trying to stay one step ahead of a
back-hoe, the archaeologists and students were very receptive to discussions of a
more theoretical nature.
Topics of discussion around the dinner table ranged from the effects of
interaction and assimilation between prehistoric Japan and Korea, symbolism in
Jomon and Bell Beaker pottery to Marxist approaches in archaeology. Population
pressure, competition and warfare are all thought to have been key processes in
INTRODUCTION / 5
the development of Yayoi society in northern Kyushu, by local archaeologists.
Unfortunately, there is no time or space in the excavation reports published by
the Board of Education to dwell on these topics.
I was impressed by the amount of data, as yet unpublished, present in
sites throughout northern Kyushu, that support the notion of competition and
warfare in the Yayoi period. I was taken to several sites that contained huge
cemeteries, sometimes containing up to 1,000 jar burials, within large circular
ditches. I was also shown several excavation photographs of decapitated
individuals that were unearthed in these cemeteries. Researchers thought that
warfare was the only explanation for this method of interment to have occurred
on such a wide scale. My experiences in Japan sparked an interest in the role
of competition and warfare in social change which was nurtured through further
research and discussion with the members of my thesis committee.
The data base for this thesis was also provided by my colleagues in
Japan. After meeting with the archaeologists at the Fukuoka City Center for
Buried Cultural Relics, I was graciously offered two shopping carts full of
excavation reports that had been printed within the past five years. The
spectacle created by a foreigner, together with two very helpful and
understanding students from Kyushu University, wheeling two shopping carts full
of excavation reports down the streets of Fukuoka City to the post office was
large, to say the least!
Included within this large collection of reports was a volume on the
INTRODUCTION / 6
archaeology and nature of Yayoi period society in the Sawara District of
Fukuoka, which is an area located southwest of the city center. This volume
contained a summary table of cemetery sites in northern Kyushu that contained
burials with grave goods. The burials and associated grave goods were tabulated
in the appendix of this volume. The information provided in this table is the
primary data base on which the analysis in this thesis takes place. Through
consultation with Professor Richard Pearson, my thesis advisor, it was decided
that the data in this volume would be appropriate for a study of social
complexity in Yayoi period Japan. The thesis topic represents the culmination of
several activities that I have experienced over the past few years. The work
represents not only a piece of research, but also a barometer of my development
as an archaeology student over the past three years.
In this thesis, I provide further information on the material discussed in
the works mentioned previously using mortuary data from 244 cemeteries in
northern Kyushu that date from the Early to Late Yayoi Phases. The model
that provides the framework for the analysis has been developed from a
theoretical perspective that places emphasis on political motives leading to the
development of complex society.
There are two major goals for this particular thesis. First, I wish to
make a contribution to the work of archaeologists, both Japanese and foreign,
who do research on the Yayoi period in northern Kyushu. As I mentioned
earlier, most work in this area deals with rice agriculture, cultural diffusion from
the Asian continent and paleoenvironmental degradation. By looking at internal
INTRODUCTION / 7
political development within northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period, I hope to
complement the work of previous archaeologists and stress the need for further
research of this nature.
I also wish to make a theoretical contribution to archaeological studies
that look at status rivalry, wealth control and socio-political change. From the
model I have developed, I have presented some expected patterns to look for in
mortuary data from the archaeological record and ways to document and explain
changes in these patterns within the context of status rivalry. I also stress the
need for a diachronic approach to the analysis of mortuary data. Instead of
searching for a particular social organization and its various stages, it is
important to begin looking at the internal dynamics involved between these stages
and how mortuary data can help us achieve this goal.
The framework of the present thesis is as follows. A discussion of the
culture history of northern Kyushu during the Japanese Yayoi period is presented
in Chapter 2. The first section contains a discussion of the rice agricultural
complex that was introduced to northern Kyushu at the beginning of the Early
Yayoi Phase. Evidence for population growth in northern Kyushu from the Early
to Late Yayoi Phases is presented in the next section. This is followed by a
discussion of evidence for social ranking and craft specialization in Yayoi society.
The next section deals with the development of competition and conflict during
the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases. Finally, Chapter 2 concludes with a
discussion of interaction between the Yayoi peoples of northern Kyushu and
continental cultures. The goal of this chapter is to provide background information
INTRODUCTION / 8
on Yayoi society and the context within which the processes outlined in the
model presented in Chapter 3 occurred.
Chapter 3 provides the theoretical basis for the present research problem
which is concerned with several topics. First, a brief discussion of the political
model used for the explanation of social evolution is presented. This is followed
by a discussion of status rivalry and the struggle for power. Status rivalry often
leads to interaction between elites of distant societies, which is the next topic of
discussion in Chapter 3. Several examples of elite interaction are presented that
are based on both archaeological and ethnographic research.
In the next section of Chapter 3, I discuss the internal dynamics involved
in wealth exchange, or prestige good, systems and their evolutionary potential. In
the following section, I present a model of status rivalry and change in
community power structure. This involves a presentation of two hypotheses and a
description of how I plan to operationalize the theoretical components of Chapter
3 with the analysis of the data in Chapter 4.
In Chapter 4, the hypotheses and model are tested against burial data
from northern Kyushu. The chapter begins with a discussion of the data used in
this thesis in terms of major artifact classes and the regional sample boundaries
used. This is followed by the analysis of ranking at the intra-site level using
burial data from seven cemetery sites. The methodology consists of grouping
burials into separate classes, based on the amount of wealth present, in each
cemetery. The goal of this particular study is to establish a wealth rank scale
INTRODUCTION / 9
of burials based on the amount of wealth present to test for social ranking. The
second part of the test is an analysis of inter-site ranking using data from 244
cemetery sites in northern Kyushu. The goal of this analysis is to establish a
rank ordering of sites, based on the concentration of wealth present, to establish
a possible site hierarchy within the northern Kyushu area. The next section of
Chapter 4 contains an analysis of change in the wealth exchange network
hierarchy. By plotting the time trajectory lines, for each region, which shows the
number of wealth ranks, or exchange levels, present, I show how the hierarchical
structure of the regional wealth exchange network changes through time in
northern Kyushu.
Chapter 5 consists of a summary of the work carried out in the 3
previous chapters. This includes an evaluation of the hypothesis test results, a
conclusion of the test results and a discussion of their implications for the
explanation of cultural evolution within northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period.
This is followed by a discussion of the possibilities for future research, using this
particular line of inquiry, into studies of this nature on prehistoric Japan.
C H A P T E R II. THE YA Y O I PERIOD IN NORTHERN K Y U S H U
In this chapter, I describe some of the major features of Yayoi period
society in northern Kyushu. The chapter begins with a brief discussion of the
local environment, followed by a section on Yayoi period food production in the
area. This is followed by a discussion of evidence for population growth, social
ranking and specialization. The chapter ends with a discussion of competition,
warfare and interaction with the Asian continent.
1. Northern Kyushu: The Environment
The island of Kyushu, like most of Japan, consists of rugged, high
mountains with few sizable plains. Northern Kyushu, which is the least
mountainous portion of the island, contains the Tsukushi mountain range which is
disconnected and low with a complex series of faults (Noh and Kimura 1983:30).
This and the other basic physiographic features of northern Kyushu are shown
in Figure 2. This mountain system extends west to the Hizen Peninsula and to
the Amakusa and Goto Islands (Noh and Kimura 1983:30). The remainder of
northern Kyushu is covered by a series of numerous, small alluvial plains that
are well developed with thick deposits, located between the Sea of Genkai and
the Onga River basin to the east (Minato 1977:48; Noh and Kimura 1983:31).
Two of these smaller northern plains are the Fukuoka Plain and Sawara Plain
located south of Hakata Bay. The larger Tsukushi Plain to the south is bordered
by Ariake Bay to the west. This low flat delta is composed of deltaic material
10
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 11
from the Chikugo River which empties into Ariake Bay.
F i g u r e 2 . Map of B a s i c P h y s i o g r a p h i c F e a t u r e s of N o r t h e r n Kyushu.
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 12
Figure 3. The Fukuoka P l a i n Region of Northern Kyushu.
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 13
These plains are the product of rivers created by the heavy rains that fall on
the Kyushu mountains to the south.
The northern Kyushu coast, which borders Iki Strait and the Genkai Sea
to the north, consists of sandy deposits. In areas where low coast faces open
sea, dune and beach ridges are common. These coastal features obstruct the
natural seaward movement of drainage waters, which leads to the development of
marsh and swamp land (Trewartha 1960:20). This geomorphic characteristic of
northern Kyushu may have had some effect on the movement and settlement of
early rice growers in prehistoric Japan, who searched for wet lands suitable for
growing rice, before the use of irrigation systems. With natural swampy lands
being utilized for the earliest rice cultivation, little energy expenditure would have
been required for initial land clearance (Hitchins 1976:146). As a result, intensive
fallow techniques would not have been necessary at this early stage of
development in the rice agricutural complex of northern Kyushu.
The northwest and western boundaries of northern Kyushu consist of a
coast characterized by indented bays, sea cliffs and tiny islands resistant to
erosion made up of hard crystalline schists and older sedimentary structures that
have been greatly folded (Minato 1977:65; Hall and Beardsley 1965:15). This
portion of northern Kyushu consists of few low plain areas compared to northern
Kyushu's central and eastern regions.
Northern Kyushu is situated in the warm temperate broad-leafed evergreen
forest zone, like the southern tip of Korea, the Ryukyu Islands and central
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 14
China. This zone contains bamboos, oaks, camellias, tea, chestnuts and many
other edible and useful plant resources (Pearson 1976:176). Northern Kyushu
forests underwent transformation as early as the Late Jomon period while even
more drastic changes occurred during the Middle Yayoi period. Pollen records
show that the ratio of pine to evergreen trees increased rapidly during this stage
indicating that the Yayoi peoples of northern Kyushu cleared land for rice
cultivation (Kanaseki and Sahara 1976:19; Tsukada 1986:50). This particular topic
will be discussed at greater length in the following section of this chapter which
looks at the archaeological record of northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period.
2. The Archaeology of Yayoi Period Japan
The Yayoi period (300 B.C.-300 A.D.) represents a key era in the
development of Japanese society. It is characterized by agricultural intensification,
the development of ranked society, rapid population growth, intercommunity
conflict and increased interaction with the Asian mainland. Each of these
processes was linked to the growth of social complexity in Yayoi society.
The beginning of the Yayoi period is marked by the introduction of wet
rice agriculture. Some researchers have argued that the Yayoi rice agricultural
complex spread originally from the Yangtze River region of central China
(Akazawa 1982; Aikens and Higuchi 1982). Others agree that rice cultivation
spread from China, but this spread could have occurred over more than one
route (Kim 1982:516; Choe 1982:520). It is possible that rice was brought into
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 15
southwestern Korea across the Yellow Sea, either directly from the Yangzte River
area or from the Shantung and Liaotung Peninsulas further north.
Evidence for the early proliferation of the rice agricultural complex has
been found in Early Yayoi Phase sites in northern Kyushu, such as Itazuke,
located in the city of Fukuoka by Hakata Harbour (Aikens and Higuchi
1982:200). Features such as ditches, charred rice grains and ground-stone
semi-lunar reaping knives reminiscent of those found in early rice growing regions
in southern Korea make up the Itazuke assemblage. Itazuke remains the type
site for all rice agricultural villages of the Early Yayoi Phase in northern
Kyushu.
One of the key artifact types involved in the diffusion of the rice
agricultural complex from China through Korea to Japan was the ground stone
knife. There were four basic types of stone knives found in Bronze Age and
Neolithic sites of coastal East Asia and Japan: (1) rectangular polished, (2)
straight edge with convex back, (3) convex edge with convex back, (4) convex
edge with straight back (Choe 1982:523; Kim 1982:515). Type 1, which
represents the oldest form, originated in the Yangshao Culture of northern China
and was subsequently introduced to the Yangtze River area of central China
(Choe 1982:523). Type 4, convex edge with straight back, is the typical
semi-lunar knife which is regarded as a rice harvesting tool. This type was
concentrated mainly in the Yangtze River area, the western part of North Korea,
South Korea and the northern Kyushu region of Japan (Choe 1982:523). This is
the only one of the four types that is commonly found in northern Kyushu
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 16
Yayoi period assemblages.
The tool is made from a smooth, flat stone by striking off a number of
flakes from both sides, followed by trimming and shaping the edge, and finished
by grinding all surfaces (Choe 1982:521). Most knives show wear patterns around
holes, usually two, located near the straight back. Fiber string was possibly
attached to the holes in order to hold the tools with fingers or handles (Choe
1982:521). These particular tools are significant since their appearance in China,
Korea and Japan seems to correlate with the spread of the rice agricultural
complex which entered northern Kyushu and developed into one of main modes
of subsistence in this area by the beginning of the Early Yayoi Phase.
Rice agriculture was one of the methods of food production at this time.
Still, it made up only a small portion of the Early Yayoi peoples' diet.
Excavation reports from Early Yayoi sites, such as Itazuke, indicate that shells
from Corbicula japonica, oysters and Japanese carpet shells have been found.
Remains of wild boar, deer and fish also provide evidence that the inhabitants of
the Itazuke site ate more than rice (Hitchins 1976:145).
Pollen profiles indicate that rice yields from Itazuke, and many other
Early Yayoi sites, were low. To offset these low rice yields, Yayoi settlements in
the Early Phase maintained a diversified subsistence base (Hitchins 1976:145).
While the rice complex was still in its early stages of development in northern
Kyushu, other subsistence practices were used in conjunction with rice agriculture.
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 17
There is good evidence to suggest that rice agriculture was introduced to
Japan from the Asian mainland; however, it is important to remember that
reliance on lines of diffusion to explain similar patterns of development between
regions often obscures significant local developments within each area. Nelson
states that using such an argument to explain similar patterns of development
between regions is insufficient to explain how past human systems operated at
this time (Nelson 1982:531). Nelson's comments follow the same argument
provided earlier by Pearson and Pearson who state that paddy rice cultivation of
the Yayoi period represents an intensive technique that could not "diffuse" from
the continent without requisite population density, social organization and
integration and prior agricultural knowledge (Pearson and Pearson 1978:23). I
would also add that it is important to avoid discussion of the rice agricultural
complex as the "key" feature of Yayoi period Japan. Agricultural intensification-
was linked to several other processes, mentioned above, that all contributed to
the development of Yayoi society.
Agricultural intensification is tied in with several indicators of rapid
population growth in southwestern Japan during the Middle Yayoi Phase. In the
Early Yayoi Phase, site densities in northern Kyushu were roughly the same as
the earlier Jomon period. At the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase, there was
a rapid increase in the number of sites and in their areal distribution (Bleed
1972:12). These sites were still located in alluvial areas but were much larger
than Early Yayoi and Jomon period sites in the same areas.
Tsukada (1986:50) uses pollen profiles and archaeological evidence from
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 18
several areas in northern Kyushu to argue that the activities of Yayoi
agriculturalists led to population increase with a subsequent shortage of land to
accomodate this growth. As a result, Yayoi peoples migrated in search of
wetlands for agricultural use. When swampland was unavailable, they cleared
forests in dry lowlands to make paddy fields. When prime lands were
overexploited, movement into marginal areas occurred.
This pattern is confirmed in the archaeological record of Kyushu. In the
Early Yayoi Phase, sites tended to cluster in lowland swampy areas containing
alluvial deposits while many Middle and Late Yayoi village sites are found in
drier upland areas away from the major floodplains. Population pressure provides
one possible explanation for this change in regional settlement pattern.
Yasuda states that pollen profiles from Late Jomon sites, located on
alluvial plains in the Kyushu district, show high percentage values for
Castanopsis and Cyclobalanopsis (evergreen oak-like trees) suggesting a dense
forest cover at this time (Yasuda 1978:241). However, pollen profiles from sites
such as Itazuke and Kashiwada, located in Fukuoka prefecture, show a
substantial decrease in the amount of Castanopsis and Cyclobalanopsis with a
sudden increase in Oryza, Pinus and Graminiae around 3,200 years B.P. (Yasuda
1978:242). Yasuda argues that pollen spectra from several sites such as these
provide evidence for the destruction of the dense Laurilignosa forest in northern
Kyushu at this time.
Although Yasuda (1978) and Tsukada (1986:22) disagree on some of the
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 19
finer distinctions in the overall sequence, based on methodological differences, both
would agree that extensive forest clearance began in northwestern Kyushu with
the introduction of agriculture around 3,000 years B.P. This pattern shows that
population pressure was becoming an important factor in Late Jomon society and
became even more prevalent in the lives of the Yayoi peoples in northern
Kyushu.
Tsukada (1986:50) provides a population estimate of between one to two
million people present during the Yayoi Period. It is very difficult to determine
the accuracy of this estimate from the archaeological record of southwestern
Japan. Still, the density of sites in this region is many times greater than for
Jomon sites of the previous period, despite the fact that the Yayoi Period was
much briefer (Aikens and Higuchi 1982:244). Different kinds of evidence point to
a period of rapid population growth during the Yayoi Period.
Evidence for social ranking and craft specialization is found in burial
remains and material traces left from the production of durable goods. Ranking
was poorly developed during the Early Yayoi Phase while the existence of elite
burials throughout northern Kyushu, during the Middle Yayoi Phase suggests the
concentration of wealth in the hands of a few individuals (Bleed 1972:7;
Ikawa-Smith 1985:393). Bronze mirrors, jade and glass beads, carriage fixtures,
iron swords and axes, all of Former and Later Han manufacture, plus Korean
made bronze mirrors and weapons have been excavated in great numbers, as
grave goods, in northern Kyushu (Sahara 1987:38). What is most important, is
that these rich burials represent a very small proportion of the total cemetery
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 20
sample which was characterized mainly by individuals without grave goods.
(Fukuoka Shiritsu Rekishi Shiryokan 1986:129-148).
This pattern provides evidence for the existence of social ranking in which
elites control the acquisition and distribution of wealth objects. The fact that most
Yayoi period burials do not contain any wealth objects provides some insight into
the limited access of these items that was given to the majority of the people
in northern Kyushu. To acquire these luxury goods, one would have to exchange
equally desirable goods in return. If this scheme did not work, one would have
to provide support, through labor or other means, to an elite already possessing
luxury goods and hope to receive one as a token of this relationship (See
Chapter 3 Page 43). The homogeneous nature of these wealth assemblages and
their sparse distribution in the archaeological record provides a picture in which
the general population had limited access to these wealth networks, while a
select few enjoyed the enviable position of being participants.
Other evidence for status differences between Yayoi peoples comes from
historical records compiled by foreign observers who travelled to Japan at this
time. The Wei Chih, compiled in 297 A.D., contains records and occurences of
the Wei Dynasty in northern China. This document contains a section which
describes the foreign country of Wa (Japan). Located within this country, is the
kingdom of Yamatai ruled by Queen Himiko (Ledyard 1983:305). It is said that
Himiko maintained special relations with both gods and demons to legitimize her
rule (Wheatley and See 1978:24). According to the Wei Chih, Wei Dynasty
officials recognized Himiko as the legitimate ruler of Wa, and there was
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 21
considerable commerce between this country and the coastal towns of Korea and
China (Ledyard 1983:305).
This description of Wa and Yamatai also contains a reference to the level
of social complexity attained by the people of this foreign land. There is much
evidence which points to the existence of political and social stratification in
Yayoi society. Passages in the chronicle refer to class distinctions, rulers, vassals,
ambassadors, foreign missions, taxes and markets supervised by officials (Aikens
and Higuchi 1982:247). Tattoo designs on the bodies of local inhabitants are said
to differ from community to community and in accordance with social positions
(Lu 1974:9).
There are many problems in using data from the Wei Chih, and other
historical chronicles, to explain the nature of Yayoi society in northern Kyushu.
In spite of the useful description provided, it is very difficult to ascertain
Yamatai's exact location in relation to China and Korea (Young 1958:38). Most
scholars (Young 1958; Ledyard 1983) tend to place the location of Yamatai
either in northern Kyushu or the Kinai region of central Honshu, but its exact
location remains uncertain.
Another problem stems from a lack of archaeological evidence for many of
the elaborate descriptions of the material culture associated with the country of
Yamatai. It is stated that Himiko had 1,000 women as attendants, resided in a
palace surrounded by towers and stockades and ruled over a major political
center of 70,000 households (Ledyard 1983:306). Most scholars emphasize the fact
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 22
that there has been no archaeological discovery of this magnitude from the Yayoi
period of northern Kyushu.
However, recent excavations of the Yoshinogari site located on the Saga
Plain near the Seburi mountains in northern Kyushu may change this current
view. The Yoshinogari site, which was occupied from the end of the Early to
the Late Yayoi Phases, is a large hilltop community surrounded by two large
moats (Takakura 1989). The inner moat, which runs 70 metres from east to
west and 150 metres from north to south, has a V-shaped cross section and is
6.5 metres wide and more than three metres deep. The outer moat, which
extends 900 metres from north to south, is filled with thousands of intact and
fragmented pottery vessels (Takakura 1989).
Inside the moat, more than 100 pit houses have been discovered along
with over 2,300 burials. A large burial mound 40 metres in diameter has also
been unearthed which contains a jar burial with one bronze sword and ten
tubular shaped beads (Takakura 1989). Further excavation has revealed evidence
that researchers think may suggest the erection of a watch tower during the
Late Yayoi for defensive purposes. There is no conclusive evidence that the
Yoshinogari site is Yamatai, however, its discovery does suggest the existence of
a large major political centre located on the Saga Plain between the late part of
the Early and Late Yayoi Phases.
Evidence for specialization has been found in many forms in Yayoi period
Japan. The production of many artifacts found in Yayoi sites would not have
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 23
been possible without some degree of craft specialization. Kidder argues that
there was a tendency toward specialization in pottery making (Kidder 1977:49).
In particular, the large double jars for burials in the Middle Yayoi were not the
work of ordinary potters. Pottery was not the only artifact class that required
skills beyond those of an ordinary laborer to make.
The bronze and iron weapons and tools found in elite burials of northern
Kyushu also provide good evidence for craft specialization in metallurgy. There
are three major classes of bronze weapon found in grave assemblages throughout
the Yayoi period; each has imported and native examples. The continental ones
are distinguishable from local objects by size and the quality of the material.
Bronze weapons from Japan were cast with less tin than those from the Asian
mainland (Kidder 1959:110).
The bronze sword of Yayoi Japan was double-edged with a slender blade
and narrow handle with a shape resembling a lanceolate point (Kidder 1959:110;
Robinson 1961:15). This object belonged to a very early age in the introduction
of bronze into Japan between the first and second centuries B.C. (Kidder
1959:110). As with other bronze weapons, swords first appeared in their original
narrow forms that they possessed in northeast Asia (Egami 1973:120). The form
was gradually broadened and elongated to the extent that later examples were
probably used as weapons of war and symbols for visual display.
Halberds and tanged and socketed spears also follow this pattern. In its
earlier continental form, the socketed spear began as a short, sturdy, slender
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 24
blade roughly 20 cm. in length. Through time, it was changed into a metre long
implement with a very wide, flat blade shaped like a canoe paddle. Obviously,
visual display and ceremony would be main use for such a large, unwieldy object
cast in a raw material of high wealth value.
The earliest bronze weapons entered Kyushu at the end of the Early
Yayoi Phase. Through the study of lead isotope ratios, researchers have shown
that bronze objects in Japan's prehistoric and proto-historic ages were, without
exception, of continental origin (Mabuchi, Hirao and Nishida 1985:151). In fact,
virtually all bronze in Japan, prior to the 7th Century has been demonstrated to
be of continental origin (Barnes 1988:258). As a result, Yayoi elites in northern
Kyushu would have been dependent on foreign exchange links for wealth.
Until recently, Kyushu had been interpreted as an area where bronze
weapons predominate while the Kinki district was referred to as the center for
bronze bells in Yayoi period Japan (Aikens and Higuchi 1982:246; Sahara
1987:50). Recent discoveries on the island of Kyushu have forced many
archaeologists to reconsider their position on this particular topic.
In 1979, bronze bell moulds were discovered at the Yasunagata site in
Saga Prefecture, northern Kyushu (Sahara 1987:51). Excavations in 1982 at the
Akonoura site, in Fukuoka prefecture, led to the discovery of a bronze bell
mould (Sahara 1987:51). Moulds for smaller bells have been recovered from the
Okamoto 4 chome and Otani sites, both in Fukuoka prefecture (Sahara 1987:52).
Evidence such as this now clearly shows that bronze bells were cast at several
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 25
locations in Kyushu, and it is quite likely that the custom of using bronze bells
also extended into this region (Sahara 1987:51). More archaeological discoveries of
this nature in the Kyushu and Kinki Districts will provide further evidence for
interaction between these two areas.
Much like their bronze counterparts, iron weapons were also exported to
northern Kyushu from the Asian mainland. Iron weapons are found in forms
similar to bronze weapons, such as swords, spears and halberds, however, unlike
bronze objects, utilitarian tools were cast in iron.
The most important metal for the production of agricultural tools in Yayoi
period Japan was iron. At the beginning of the Yayoi period, iron woodworking
tools (knives, adzes) were used to manufacture the wooden spades and hoes used
for rice cultivation. Iron-tipped agricultural implements only became popular in the
Late Yayoi Phase when rice growing was expanded into the higher dry areas
where sharper, sturdier tools were needed to work the harder soil (Barnes
1981:46).
It appears that these iron implements were used for more than utilitarian
purposes. Iron planeheads, chisels, sickles, hoes and many other tools for
agriculture and woodworking, along with iron weapons, are found in Yayoi burial
assemblages (Fukuoka Shiritsu Rekishi Shiryokan 1986:129-148). In this particular
context, these utilitarian objects were probably used to indicate the occupational
status of the deceased or emphasize the importance of subsistence-related labor to
the maintenance and stability of village life.
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 26
The iron objects found in Yayoi Period sites in northern Kyushu are
different from those in China and Korea. Japanese examples are usually wrought
iron while those from the continent are cast iron (Hashiguchi 1974:1). Iron
objects are not as dominant as their bronze counterparts in Yayoi Period burial
assemblages in northern Kyushu. Kidder points to the rapid deterioration of iron
in marshy Yayoi sites as one possible explanation for this scanty distribution
(Kidder 1964:16). The iron tools and weapons may have also had to withstand
more frequent use, due to their value as functional implements. Bronze objects,
on the other hand, would have had a much less rigorous cycle of utilization
since their primary function was that of decoration or visual display. Metallurgy
provides evidence not only for craft specialization, but also social ranking since it
appears that elites would have initiated the production of these wealth objects to
be competitive with other elites who required status objects for exchange or their
own consumption.
Competition and conflict appear to have played important roles in the
development of Yayoi society. Evidence for this is provided by large numbers of
bronze and iron weapons found in burials which shows the importance of power
and authority in the maintenance of social order. Decapitated war victims were
not an uncommon feature in many of the large cemetery sites, such as
Yoshinogari, in Saga prefecture (Hayami: personal communication). There are also
many examples, like the Nejikome site in Nagasaki prefecture, where bronze
arrowheads have been found imbedded in the skull of an individual interred in a
burial jar (Kanaseki and Sahara 1976:25). Weapons of war and the victims are
not the only form of evidence for intercommunity conflict.
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 27
There is evidence to suggest that measures were taken to enhance the
defensibility of villages in the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases with the
construction of fortification ditches around hilltop settlements (Aikens and Higuchi
1982:244). The large ditches and possible watchtower at the Yoshinogari site
provide further evidence for this pattern. Kanaseki and Sahara point to the
simultaneous appearance of highland settlement with evidence for the mass
production of weapons in the Kinki district of central Honshu (1976:25). Perhaps,
further excavation will also reveal the existence of this pattern in northern
Kyushu.
Kanaseki argues that fighting may have occurred among villages over
water rights, harvests and cultivated land (1986:318). Kanaseki states that
stronger villages came to control others, and eventually, entire local areas were
unified as result of this competition. This notion of unification and hierachy is an
intriguing idea . which Barnes (1988) tests on data from the Nara Basin during
the Yayoi and Kofun periods. I am unaware of any attempts to test for this
pattern through the analysis of Yayoi period sites in northern Kyushu. This
would be a useful study to pursue by researchers who have complete Yayoi
period site inventories for the northern Kyushu region.
The Yayoi period represents a time of increased interaction between Yayoi
society and cultures on the Asian mainland. Many features of northern Kyushu
culture are directly related to Korea. Stone cist, dolmen and jar burials are
found in both regions, although the cists and dolmens tend to be rare and
localized in Japan. Bronze weapons are also found in the rich burials of northern
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 28
Kyushu and the Korean peninsula (Okazaki 1975:197). Pearson argues that the
dispersal of bronze luxury goods in maritime areas of the Korean peninsula and
northern Kyushu marks the beginning of a new level of interaction between the
two regions (1976:184).
Barnes argues that interaction between Korea and Yayoi period Japan
occurred between political groupings that were "peer" or equal to each other
(Barnes 1986:82). It was elite interaction, within the centralized political
hierarchies, that provided the driving force for social development and
organizational elaboration. The elaborate goods made from bronze and precious
stone found in rich Yayoi, and later Kofun, burials were more than indicators of
wealth; they were the material symbols of group membership (Barnes 1986:83).
Barnes argues that Korean and Yayoi rulers formed a large supralocal elite
grouping symbolized by a homogeneous material culture denoting group
membership.
This model seems appropriate for the situation in the Kinai region of
Kofun period Japan. There is clear evidence for the existence of a homogeneous
body of material objects, stone bracelets, triangular-rim bronze mirrors, large
cylindrical beads and curved magatama jewels, deposited in tombs (Barnes
1986:88). Settlement pattern analysis reveals the presence of two hierarchical
polities in the Kinai region during the Early Kofun period. Each polity was
characterized by a two-tiered settlement hierarchy indicated by the spatial
clustering of keyhole-shaped tombs within their boundaries (Barnes 1988:279). The
first level contained clusters of medium-sized keyhole tombs, while the higher
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 29
level was represented by clusters of large keyhole tombs.
The Transitional and Early Kofun period elite materials found in tombs
are distributed at wider intervals across the landscape than during the Late
Yayoi in this region (Barnes 1988:281). Barnes argues that this sparse,
continuous distribution of wealth materials could mean that they were used only
by the elite segment of society (Barnes 1988:281). This argument is well
supported by archaeological evidence in the Kinai region; however, the situation
in northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period may have been quite different.
An alternative argument is presented in the next chapter. As Barnes
states, northern Kyushu's relationship with Korea played a role in its
development. The model that I test does not focus on interaction as a prime
source of social change. Instead, I look at local development and change in the
political structure of Yayoi society in northern Kyushu. Status rivalry and the
conversion of local subsistence products into tangible wealth items may have also
set things in motion. I argue that competition for control over resources (people,
subsistence goods, land) and wealth and the power that stems from this control
provided the engine that led to political and economic development in the
northern Kyushu region. I also argue that this competitive system set a limit on
the amount of absolute control one particular leader, or community, could possess.
This notion is further developed in the next chapter. Chapter 3 includes a
discussion of status rivalry and political power, wealth display and the mortuary
ritual. This is followed by a section on wealth exchange systems and their
THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 30
evolutionary potential within the context of status rivalry. I also present a model
of status rivalry and change in community and regional power structures and the
two major hypotheses to be tested in this thesis.
C H A P T E R III. STATUS R I V A L R Y AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER
In this chapter, I discuss a model that I have developed to explain the
role of status rivalry and competition in the growth of social complexity in
ranked societies. The research is based on the work of anthropologists who use
political models to explain the rise of social complexity. One model suggests that
the control and manipulation of wealth are key factors in building political power
(Brumfiel and Earle 1987:3). Within this framework, elites are viewed as prime
movers, or causal agents that have a direct influence on social change (Marcus
1983:11). As causal agents behind events, elites represent a way of conceiving
power in society and attributing responsibility to persons rather than to
impersonal'processes (Marcus 1983:10). Any study of this nature calls for the
researcher to deal with wealth control by elites and how they use this wealth to
bolster their own political careers and how this affects cultural change.
Wealth can come into play in the initial stages of societal ranking. An
individual may establish superior social rank by displaying the symbols associated
with an already established foreign elite or by monopolizing and manipulating the
sacred symbols of his or her own population's cosmology (Brumfiel and Earle
1987:3; Flannery 1968:105; Wheatley 1975:239). Control over wealth, which
stems from control over production, can be used to attract clients and allies to
compete for political leadership and to cement alliances that enhance existing
power (Brumfiel and Earle 1987:3; Healey 1978:206; Helms 1979:77). The main
argument of researchers who use this particular perspective is that wealth can
be used to attain, strengthen and centralize political control. Political complexity
31
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 32
results from the elaboration of various means to control wealth which
subsequently leads to the strengthening of political and economic control (Earle
1987:67; Webster 1975:469).
The model developed in this thesis is concerned with the internal dynamics
that lead to the struggle for political power. I argue that status rivalry is a key
factor that leads to the growth of political complexity. The quest for power can
lead to the strengthening of political and economic control; however, the reverse
may also occur. Many built-in contraints, within chiefly societies, often set limits
on the amount of control that a chief may possess in a community or that a
single community may hold in a regional settlement system. I will now discuss
some of the internal dynamics involved in status rivalry.
1. P o l i t i c a l Control i n Complex Societies
One of the most important concerns of a ruling body governing a group
of individuals is, how does one maintain effective political control? One of the
ways this may be accomplished is through force or coercion in which the choice
given is to provide support to the ruling aparatus or suffer physical discomfort
(Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:22). This form of control is possible in
state-level societies which are complex systems with a large amount of internal
differentiation and specialization (Flannery 1972:409). States are governed by
bureaucratic or military rulers that are separated from the rest of society by a
number of administrative levels in such a way that the whole system forms a
control hierarchy (Flannery 1972:411). Order is maintained by full-time military
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 33
or law enforcement specialists to provide protection for the general population and
the ruling government. The civil law and formal government, of state societies,
are distinguishable from the usual forms of political control in less complex
societies by the fact that they are institutionalized and they employ the actual
use of force (Service 1975:14). Law and government can be backed by force
rather than public opinion alone or some form of independent personal action
(Service 1975:15). This is not the case in the governing systems of ranked
societies.
2. The Base of Pol i t i c a l Power i n Ranked Societies
Ranked societies are regionally organized and composed of a number of
local communities tied by their placement in a regional hierarchy under the rule
of a paramount chief (Earle 1978:2). Ranked societies have centralized direction,
hereditary hierarchical status arrangements, but no formal, legal apparatus to
implement force (Service 1975:16). Unlike the bureaucratic or military rulers that
govern state societies, chiefdom elites are linked to the kinship-based organizations
that structure their ranked societies. Power rests solely on an hierarchical
relationship between persons or groups, so that obedience is not compelled by
force but rather by custom, habit, ideas of propriety, benefits or other
considerations that effectively reinforce and legitimize the power and make it
acceptable (Service 1975:11). Since chiefdoms lack the strong governmental
aparatus of state societies, a chiefs use of power is limited by kin-based
sanctions (Earle 1978:2; Helms 1987:77; Service 1962:159; Webster 1975:466). A
chief may lose support, and thus, his ability to rule, if his actions do not meet
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 34
the approval of his subjects.
As a result, chiefs must rule by consensual power in which effectiveness
depends on legitimacy (Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:22). Legitimacy is a type
of support that derives from values held by the individuals involved in the power
play between ruler and supporters (Tilley 1984:116). Expectations are that the
the chief will, under certain circumstances, meet certain obligations that are held
by those who view him as a legitimate ruler (Swartz, Turner and Tuden
1966:11). Legitimacy is support through confidence, on the part of a chiefs
followers, that he has the ability to deal with a given situation in which the
end result will be desirable to all those involved.
Power rests on legitimacy; power may be regarded as the dynamic aspect
of legitimacy; as legitimacy put to the test as social action (Swartz, Turner and
Tuden 1966:14). Goldman uses this framework to explain the relationship between
power and status in Polynesian chiefdoms. In Polynesian society, status was
based on hereditary rank, or genealogical descent from a founding ancestor or
lineage (Goldman 1970:5; Kaeppler 1971:188). Other principles such as mana,
seniority, descent along a male line and a concrete emphasis on ability were also
involved (Goldman 1970:13). This emphasis on ability puts the status system in
motion (Goldman 1970:13). Status is a given; however, the prerogatives of status
must be put into action for one to acquire and consolidate chiefly power
(Goldman 1970:9). A chief must exercise and display his powers or the
authenticity of his rank is challenged by other elites within the community
(Goldman 1970:16). Chiefly status represents a static dimension while chiefly
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 35
power represents a dynamic dimension, or a dynamic aspect of legitimacy
(Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:14).
Swartz, Turner and Tuden provide an example of a chiefs use of
legitimacy as a basis for power (1966:13). An official may begin his career in
office through providing a service or performing a ritual that serves to establish
positive expectations in the minds of those affected by him so that, at the
beginning of his career, support is through legitimacy. Through time, this chief
may consistently fail to meet these expectations and lose the legitimacy gained
through the ritual at the outset of his career (1966:13). If he continues to fail,
he will lose support and be ousted by a more capable individual able to meet
these expectations (Webster 1975:466).
There are many ways, apart from assasination or rebellion, in which a
chief may be coerced by his supporters. They may refuse to perform or
participate in certain rituals, thus endangering the chiefdom, or they may impose
economic sanctions, such as refusing to pay the chief his share of the tribute
(Lloyd 1965:76). A chief commands the payment of tribute by virtue of his
political power; however, much of the chiefs power rests on his access to vast
amounts of tribute (Steponaitis 1981:322). The prestige and sanctity of a chiefly
line rests upon the ability to mobilize labor and collect tribute (Kirch 1985:289).
If a chiefs control over resources is removed a substantial portion of his power
is taken away.
S T A T U S R I V A L R Y A N D T H E S T R U G G L E F O R P O W E R / 36
3. The Display of Chiefly Power
To defeat the challenge from other elites within the community, chiefs
must constantly display personal strength and wisdom. One of the ways in which
power m a y be displayed is through the chiefs interpersonal relations wi th others
in the community (Goldman 1970:18). A chief can achieve legit imacy through
consistently meeting the demands of his supporters, and can thus operate through
the use of consensual power. B y providing goods and services to others, a chief
w i l l assemble a core of supporters who w i l l provide a large-scale labor or
mi l i t a ry force should the need arise (Steponaitis 1981:322).
Power is also displayed through symbolic means. House size, insignia,
dress, ornamentation, public architecture and various forms of behavior can a l l be
used as constant reminders of the power vested in the chiefly position (Goldman
1970:18). The meanings and emotions that are associated wi th part icular rites
and symbols m a y also provide a source of indirect support. The aroused feelings
and beliefs can be associated wi th various levels of the political system and
cause them to be positively evaluated (Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:25; Ti l ley
1984:115). A large storehouse stocked wi th food, or images carved to celebrate a
successful mi l i t a ry conquest both serve to symbolize the economic and political
strength of the community that is the result of the incumbent chiefs policies.
Such display provides a constant reminder of chiefly power.
Another important measure of power comes from a ch iefs implementation
of policies. A chiefs ability must often be proven by success i n warfare or by
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 37
participating in elite exchange networks (Goldman 1970:18; Helms 1979:86). By
gaining access to external sources of wealth, a chief displays his ability to
provide goods for supporters within his community, which enhances his position.
Wealth indicates a chiefs ability or, if it is contributed, the personal following
that has accumulated and it guarantees the maintenance of the prestige of the
office.
4. Wealth Display and the Mortuary Ritual
Mortuary data provide evidence for social ranking and large amounts of
wealth (Peebles and Kus 1977:445; Shennan 1975; 1982; Tainter 1978). One of
the basic assumptions used in this kind of study is that the differential
treatment of an individual in death is an indicator of his or her differential
treatment, or status level, in life (Saxe 1970). During the course of life, various
social identities of an individual are expressed in different situations. At the
death of an individual, the living decide which identities of the deceased are the
most important and should be expressed in mortuary ritual. The determining
factors in these decisions are the rights and duties of the living to the deceased.
Binford expands further on this notion stating that a higher social rank
develops out of one's possession of a larger array of status relationships with
others (Binford 1971:21). At the time of death, all those who possess some sort
of relationship with the deceased will be involved in the funerary ceremony. The
higher one's position in society, the more influence one has over a larger number
of people. Therefore, the funerary ceremony of a high ranking elite person would
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 38
involve a huge display of corporate involvement, manifest in a greater amount of
energy expenditure, leading to the construction of a more elaborate burial facility
(Tainter and Cordy 1977:109). The display of the elite individual's high status
may occur through the inclusion of large numbers of prestige goods of high
wealth value in the burial (Brown 1981; Shennan 1975:283; Tainter 1978). This
would show some of the tangible rewards this individual was able to acquire for
himself and the rest of the community.
Wealth goods may often be used as funerary objects, which makes the
mortuary ritual a material manifestation of status rivalry. Lineage members may
provide a huge display of wealth at the funeral of a dead leader in an attempt
to prevent the leaders of other groups from succeeding to office if the society
lacks strict codification on rules of succession. Competition between leaders, and
potential leaders, of different communities is also expressed through the mortuary
ritual (Shanks and Tilley 1982:134). A community will exhalt and glorify their
leader at his death in order to reaffirm the high ranking position he brought to
his community, within a regional settlement system, through the implementation
of successful policies while in office. Mortuary ritual is used as a form of social
advertisement in which a statement is being made concerning the level of power
and prestige a dead leader, and his community, attained during his lifetime
(Pearson 1982:112). Mortuar3' ritual represents another form of competitive
display.
To summarize this section, I present the key concepts and discuss their
links with one another. Status is a condition or standing to which varying
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 39
degrees of responsibility, privilege and esteem are attached. If one possesses high
status, one is a potential candidate for the chiefly position and a potential status
rival. High status first comes from having the correct genealogy, but it may also
result from one's possession of other skills or personal qualities. Status rivalry,
which is the struggle for chiefly power between elites, stems from the emphasis
placed on concrete ability as a prerequisite for political power. Power refers to
the ability to control and manipulate people, resources and the elements.
In ranked societies, political power is based on legitimacy which is
supported through confidence, or control through consensus. To be viewed as a
legitimate ruler, a chief must actively display his power through interpersonal
relations, symbolic display and the implementation of successful policies that
ensure the economic well being of his community. The wealth that is drawn into
the community, through exchange or conquest, is displayed through the mortuary
ritual to show both the level of status achieved by the deceased and to reaffirm
the incumbent chiefs success in acquiring the wealth objects used in the
mortuary ritual. If a chiefs display of power is deemed inadequate by his
supporters, a struggle may occur in which a more capable high status individual,
with the proper genealogical background, gains the confidence and support of the
population and ascends to power.
The display of chiefly power through participation in elite exchange
networks is achieved by more than the acquisition of material goods. The fact
that a chief is able to participate in an exclusive exchange network of rare
wealth items shows that leaders of established foreign governments also recognize
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 40
his power and right to rule (Helms 1979:86). This pattern of local leaders using
foreign elites from more complex societies as sources of legitimation seems to
have been a common occurrence throughout world history and prehistory. I will
now discuss one of the ways in which chiefs attempt to display their power and
abilities by entering into exchange relationships with foreign polities.
5. Elite Interaction and the Display of Power
This section provides three examples in which local leaders of less complex
societies enter into exchange relationships with elites of powerful foreign polities.
In all three cases, the result is the enhancement of power and prestige on the
part of the elites within the less complex society. It is important to remember
that elite interaction and exchange stems from status rivalry; it is not the cause
of status rivalry but is one of the end results. It is one of the ways that a
chief displays his power to supporters within his local community.
Flannery (1968) provides an example in which he argues that elites of
highland Oaxaca interacted with elites of the highly stratified Olmecs on the Gulf
Coast of southern Mexico (Flannery 1968:101). These elites interacted most
strongly on a level of shared concepts about religion, symbolism and status
paraphernalia. One of the main mechanisms of communication between the two
regions was the exchange of exotic materials (Flannery 1968:101).
This exchange was not "trade" in the sense that we use the term, but
rather was set up through ritual visits, exchange of wives and the adoption of
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 41
members of one group by the other (Flannery 1968:105). Flannery argues that
this form of interaction may have been an attempt by elites of the less
sophisticated Oaxacan society to adopt the behavior, status trappings, religion,
symbolism or even language of the more sophisticated group to absorb some of
their charisma (Flannery 1968:105). The Oaxacan elites would have used these
exotic Olmec goods to enhance their power and status within the local political
arena.
Edmund Leach (1954) provides an example of local interaction between the
Kachin and Shan societies of north-east Burma. The Shans occupy the river
valleys where they cultivate rice in irrigated fields. They are a relatively
sophisticated people with a culture somewhat resembling that of the Burmese
(Leach 1954:1). The Kachins occupy the hills where they cultivate rice mainly by
slash and burn techniques of shifting cultivation (Leach 1954:1).
There are many cases in which elite Kachins can become more
sophisticated by establishing marriage relationships with an aristocratic Shan
lineage. As a result, their elite or chiefly status as Kachins is enhanced,
although the political structure that emerges is precarious (Leach 1954:222). The
Kachin chief can with an elevation of status become more like a Shan, but his
commoner Kachin followers cannot. In becoming a Shan, the Kachin chief tends
to isolate himself from the roots of his power, he offends against the principles
of reciprocity, and loses support from his fellow Kachins (Leach 1954:223). As a
result, the chiefs actions encourage the development of revolutionary tendencies
which may lead to his eventual overthrow.
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 42
This pattern of inherent instability is also found in Southeast Asia where
Indian merchants were interacting with local tribes during the beginning of the
Christian Era. Wheatley (1975) argues that the chieftain of a local settlement
would serve as a mediator of exchange transactions between the tribe and the
Indian elites (1975:238). Through his association with foreign elites, the chief
would come to share in their prestige. In seeking to further legitimize his
authority, based on the Indian pattern, the local chief would continue to acquire
the profits of this commerce in the form of ceremonial regalia, beads, textiles
and other goods (Wheatley 1975:238). Due to the enhancement of his power and
prestige, the chief would acquire a vested interest in the continuation and
expansion of the system.
This new source of power was not without its problems. Wheatley argues
that these chieftains manipulated the new alternatives or inconsistencies and thus
created their own prestige and ultimately achieved some freedom from the
restrictive bonds of tribal custom (Wheatley 1975:242). For example, a chief
interacting with foreign elites may declare himself subject only to foreign laws
concerning the powers vested in political office or rules of succession. Instead of
allocating lands to kinsmen, perhaps the chief, basing his policy on the foreign
polity's system of land tenure, will decide to distribute land as a political favor
to supporters or outsiders. The implementation of this policy would disrupt the
traditional system of land distribution based on kinship ties and perhaps lead to
upheaval on the part of the dissatisfied populace if the paramount chief lacks
the political power to successfully impose this change (Goldman 1970:545). As
with the case of the Kachin chief in highland Burma, the Southeast Asian
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 43
chieftain would isolate himself from the roots of his power and lose support.
Opposition to the successful chiefs policy would also develop from less
successful chiefs located in more remote areas who view these procedings as a
subversion of their power (Wheatley 1975:246). The local chief, backed by foreign
elites, would face competition from dissatisfied individuals within his own
community and remote chiefs that have been excluded from the prestige good
exchange network. The end result is an inherently unstable political system
characterized by local chiefs struggling to gain access to external sources of elite
prestige goods. This particular kind of system does possess evolutionary potential,
but it may also exceed its limits, leading to political disintegration.
6. Prestige Good Systems and Social Evolution
In a prestige good system, power relations are established, consolidated
and maintained through the control of prestige objects (objects of high aesthetic
and wealth value). These goods, usually made of exotic raw materials by craft
specialists, are products which are not necessary for material subsistence, but
which are necessary for the maintenance of social relations (Ekholm 1978:119;
Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:76; Haselgrove 1982:82). Still, the subsistence
base does play a key role in fueling the. system since resources can be
exchanged directly for prestige goods or converted into tangible wealth objects for
exchange or other forms of symbolic display. Either way, the wealth objects
acquired are used to symbolize the economic success of the local community
under the incumbent chief.
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 44
If one chief is able to accumulate and distribute more prestige goods than
neighbouring chiefs, his community can assimilate individuals from economically
weaker groups, which leads to its own expansion at the latter's expense (Ekholm
1978:120; Haselgrove 1982:81). In most cases in which the existence of prestige
good exchange systems has been documented, prestige goods are exchanged for
wives and/or slaves by the dominant social system (Ekholm 1978:120; Friedman
1982:184; Kirch 1984:226). Prestige goods are sent outward from the central
polity while women and slaves move in the opposite direction. Since wife takers
rank higher than wive givers, women tend to move up and marry into a higher
ranking, often foreign, lineage (Ekholm 1978:120; Friedman 1982:184; Kirch
1984:226). The engine that runs the system is fueled by the political ambitions
of the elites involved.
By exchanging prestige goods for people, a paramount chief is able to
raise the population level of his community, which leads to an increase in the
number of producers, supporters and potential warriors (Ekholm 1978:120;
Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:76). This raises the productive capacity of his
group to produce more prestige goods and expand into new territories to help
feed and provide for his growing population (Haselgrove 1982:81).
Kirch argues that long distance exchanges of chiefly spouses as well as
prestige goods between the Polynesian islands of Tonga, Fiji and Samoa was a
political strategy that played a vital role in binding the core islands and outliers
to the regional central polity (Kirch 1984:235). In this particular case, Tongan
paramount lineages served as spouse takers from Fiji and Samoa. Junior brothers
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 45
or kinsmen of the ruling Tongan lines were placed at critical points on the outer
islands, where they would marry into the local chiefly lines and take over the
position of the local chief (Kirch 1984:235).
This strategy removed the direct threat of usurpation of the chiefly title
by a junior sibling and offered the junior kinsmen considerable local autonomy
(Kirch 1984:235). These kinship alliances, which linked the paramount lines with
those of local ruling chiefs in the core and island outliers, were confirmed by
marriage relations, for which exotic prestige goods were vital. In turn, the
outlying islands affirmed their inferior status to the Tongan paramount line
through tribute (Kirch 1984:241). As with Central African prestige systems, there
was a circular flow of goods, tribute and wives towards the paramounts, while
prestige goods were circulated outwards to the local chiefs.
It is important to look not only at the interaction of elites and prestige
goods within this system, but also the internal developmental schemes of each
separate polity. Closer scrutiny, in the Tongan case, reveals that interaction was
not only the result of political strategies on the part of local chiefs searching for
political power, but also served as a solution to problems that needed to be
rectified for the perpetuation of the traditional Tongan societal system.
Power and authority, within the traditional Tongan system, were based on
three principles of rank that contained a major flaw. Based on the traditional
descent system, a male chiefs children would be outranked by his sister's
children. This problem did not matter at most levels; however, it did matter at
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 46
the top of the social scale (Kaeppler 1978:247). To overcome this problem, the
highest chiefs sister was married to a Fijian. Because of the patrilineal emphasis
of the system, the children of the couple would belong to a Fijian line and
therefore would not have to be taken into account in the power structure of the
purely Tongan lines (Kaeppler 1978:247). This system of marriage was a
convenient way to raise the rank of children of certain chiefs and remove the
children of others from the power structure. Fiji was a male "spouse giver" to
Tonga and had a direct influence on Tonga's system of status and rank.
Samoans also played a necessary role in the Tongan system of power and
authority. The Tongan aristocratic system was based on the notion that chiefs
were sacred and dangerous for mortals to touch (Kaeppler 1978:248; Sahlins
1985:75). As a result, it was necessary to recruit outsiders to perform certain
tasks to ensure the safety of Tongan commoners and to conserve and preserve
respect for a chiefs mana. The Samoan social system, which was similar to the
Tongan system, had an intermediate class of ceremonial attendants called
matapule, in Tongan, and tulafale, in Samoan (Kaeppler 1978:248). These
Samoan attendants were recruited for tasks such as tattooing Tongan chiefs,
cutting their hair and preparing their bodies for burial. All of these duties were
carried out with immunity since the Samoan attendants were outsiders (Kaeppler
1978:248). Samoans were female "spouse givers" to the Tongan paramounts
giving high ranking women who brought with them female marriage goods such
as fine mats.
I have included this discussion for two reasons. First, I stress that wealth
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 47
objects are secondary to the social transactions that lead to the development of
prestige good networks. Interaction occurs on multiple levels and prestige goods
are a small part of the entire system. Second, long range exchange and
interaction occurs as an end result, or a solution, to internal socio-political
developments within Tonga. Tongan chiefs do not receive more power directly
from interacting with Samoan and Fijian elites, just as contradictions within the
Tongan system of rank and power are not solved by elite interaction. Instead,
power and the solutions to internal contradictions result when the foreign objects
of exchange, whether people or goods, have been reintroduced, reinterpreted and
absorbed into the local system. Power and the potential for power reside within
the local system not from diffusion from the outside. Political rivalry and internal
developments within each polity provide the driving force which leads to this
exchange network.
Such a system has the potential to stabilize and expand if a paramount
chief is powerful enough to conquer other territories and collect the spoils
(Haselgrove 1982:81). If a chief is victorious in combat, he may arbitrarily divide
up an area into divisions and place loyal chiefs or warriors in control (Goldman
1970:545). In this case, the territorial order of kin-based segmentation or
expansion is destroyed by paramount chiefs giving land to appointed chiefs
instead of genealogically qualified chiefs (Goldman 1970:548). Strong central
authority disturbs the segmentary order of kin-based expansion by imposing a
territorial organization out of military or economic necessity (Goldman 1970:544).
Kinship unity is disrupted in favor of political power and central authority.
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 48
Absolute control over external sources of wealth is necessary for this kind
of growth and expansion to occur. Once a single paramount lineage is in control,
all outlying chiefs must be content with their subordinate position and the central
polity's growth at their own expense (Haselgrove 1982:81; Kirch 1984:241). This
particular scenario rarely occurs, on a long term basis, in a system based on
chiefly competition and status rivalry.
As mentioned in the previous section, any chief that is able to
successfully participate in an elite exchange network is bound to run into
opposition from those within his local community. He isolates himself from the
community by using goods produced by his supporters for his own political
motives and is the object of intense opposition from less successful or peripheral
chiefs who watch their own power dwindle at the expense of the successful chief.
This pattern of change in the levels of productivity between communities and the
ensuing struggle and change in community power structure should show in the
archaeological record through mortuary remains. This notion is supported by
Kirch's ethnographic study of burial structures and ranking in Vava'u, Tonga.
Kirch argues that burials structures do not indicate social rank, but instead,
reflect relative socio-political status (Kirch 1980:306). The burial facility displays
the power and ability of the deceased chief instead of genealogical rank. Thus,
burial wealth is likely to indicate change in intra and inter-community power
structures.
I will now present a hypothetical example, in schematic form, to briefly
illustrate how the system works. First, let us assume that the chiefs of two
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 49
neighboring communities rise to power through displaying their skills and power
by performing well in battle and in rituals. To maintain their chiefly positions,
they must continue to prove their abilities by implementing successful policies
that bring them more wealth and prestige that will be passed down to
supporters within their own communities.
At this stage, both chiefs are of equal status to each other. Soon, a
foreign wealth source is discovered which pumps prestige goods in to the chief of
community A in return for wives and slaves that are sent along with tribute to
the distant foreign elites. As a result, the status of chief A is enhanced but the
loss of several individuals reduces the productive capacity of his community. Chief
A can use his position, as a recipient of foreign wealth items, to gain economic
advantage over his rivals in the local settlement system. If chief B receives
word of chief A's success, he may be forced to redirect his economic surplus to
chief A in exchange for prestige goods in order to enhance his own power and
status and compete with chief A on even terms (Ekholm 1978:130). To keep the
advantage, chief A can make the same demands of chief B that he must comply
with in dealing with the foreign elites. In exchange for wives and slaves, chief
B will receive foreign elite goods from chief A. Due to the acquisition of foreign
prestige articles, chief A becomes economically strengthened at the expense of
chief B. However, chief A can extend this relationship to the chiefs of several
other peripheral communities, or chief B can extend this relationship to a lower
status leader (chief C) of another nearby community (Ekholm 1978:129).
The system is characterized by the exchange of prestige goods between
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 50
chiefs of superordinate and subordinate status in exchange for people and goods.
This serves to increase the productive capacity of the paramount chiefs
community. The network provides a constant flow of wealth to chiefs located at
the center. Still, there are many internal constraints that can slow, disrupt or
destroy the established network hierarchy.
Dissension within the paramount's community may lead to the overthrow
of the chief. The community in direct contact with the • foreign elites must
produce more than others since each subordinate chief deals with only one
paramount chief, while the paramount chief must deal simultaneously with several
subordinates (Ekholm 1978:129). As a result, the paramount chief may place too
much demand on his supporters to produce, and be toppled out of office if his
supporters decide to rebel (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:78; Rowlands
1984:153).
The hierarchical system may also collapse if a paramount leader's
monopoly over external trade is bypassed and his subordinates are able to
acquire foreign prestige goods through other channels (Ekholm 1978:131;
Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:79). As the prestige goods are transmitted to
local groups from outside and not via the hierarchy, the basis for the hierarchy
disappears (Ekholm 1978:131). Once the local hierarchy disappears, leaders may
compete for access to the new sources of wealth. The more successful a chief is,
the more he extracts from and alienates his followers and the more he becomes
an object of rivalry and competition to other chiefs.
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 51
In summary, prestige good systems possess evolutionary potential when
paramount chieftains are able to successfully monopolize the control and flow of
prestige goods to other core or peripheral areas that send wives, slaves and
tribute in return, as in the Tongan case. The Tongan paramount line was able
to successfully expand into and incorporate peripheral areas under its centralized
authority by sending out junior siblings and prestige goods to establish alliances
with local subordinate chiefly lines.
Status rivalry and many of the built-in constraints found within prestige
good systems can also lead to an entirely different developmental scheme.
Fluctuations in external wealth sources, internal unrest and military alliances
between hostile secondary chiefs can all lead to the downfall of a paramount
chief and the subsequent fragmentation of a hierarchical prestige good system. In
Chapter 2, I argue that this particular scenario occurred in northern Kyushu
during the Japanese Yayoi period. In the next section, I present a model of
status rivalry and change in community power structure. This is followed by a
presentation of the major hypotheses to be tested against the data presented in
Chapter 4.
7. A Model of Status R i v a l r y and Change i n Regional P o w e r Structure
The model begins with the concept of the maintenance of chiefly power
and proceeds as a flow chart through a series of interconnected boxes (See
Figure 3). The maintenence of chiefly power is based on legitimation which is
achieved through enlisting the support of one's constituents.
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 52
Change la Insftmal ?o*«r SCr'jertirs Shawn i a Koi-raary 'Jeaita
Cftansro ia 3e$ional Power Hierarchy Shown i a florruarr Wcalta
? i ^ u r e 4. Diagram of Kodel of Status Rivalry and Change i n Regional Power Structure.
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 53
To achieve or maintain power through legitimation, one must perform duties that
meet the obligations of the chiefly position, or actively display one's power and
abilities. Power is displayed by a chief through interpersonal relationships with
others in the community, symbolic display or successful policy implementation.
The latter involves the development of schemes which ensure the continued
reproductive and economic success of the local community. Economic success is
ensured in three ways. First a chiefs performance, in terms of decision-making
or rituals, in the local subsistence economy is important for the production of
sufficient food resources and surplus. Second, political power and economic success
is also displayed through leading successful military conquests or, finally by
participation in external exchange networks. Both strategies satisfy local producers
since wealth is taken from external sources. This allows the chief to loosen his
grip on the resource base of his own community.
If abundant resources are produced locally and also appropriated from
external groups, the productive capacity of the local group should increase. This
speaks well for the policy decisions of the incumbent chief. If minimal resources
are produced and the local group is on the short end of its external exchange
relationships, then the productive capacity of the group will decrease. In this
case, the evaluation of the incumbent chiefs policies will not be favorable.
If productivity increases, three potential developments may occur. First,
there may be a balance in which the number of resources extracted from local
producers and external groups is agreeable to all parties concerned. In this case,
surplus resources are converted into tangible wealth in the form of monumental
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 54
architecture or prestige goods. The display of wealth symbolizes the high level of
productivity achieved as a result of the local chiefs policies and serves as a
constant reminder of his political power. Since many of the wealth objects are
placed in the burials of influential and powerful people in the community, the
funerary ritual serves as a marker of the economic success of a community.
An increase in productivity could also lead to a situation in which the
chief overextracts local resources for use in status competition with other high
ranking chiefs. If a chief extracts too much, he may isolate himself from his
local support base which leads to an internal power struggle and his eventual
demise. Increased productivity may also result from the overextraction of wealth
from surrounding communities. As a result, external chiefs may form alliances to
overthrow a chief whose community is rapidly expanding at their own expense.
If decreasing productivity results from a chiefs policies, only one course of
action is possible. Dissatisfied followers will look for a new leader who shows
that he has the ability to lead the group down the path of economic prosperity.
A chief is evaluated by his own supporters within the local community and by
surrounding chiefs who face the same problem in their own communities. If the
evaluation is favorable from both sides, the chief will maintain his position of
power; however, if one of the two sides is dissatisfied, a power struggle may
occur.
The display of wealth through the mortuary ritual is a good indicator of
the level of economic success of a community. The more successful a community
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 55
is, the more resources there are available to convert into tangible wealth
products. Thus, a chiefs ability to maintain power is linked closely to the
economic success of his community. If a chief is successful in raising the
productive level of his community he stays in power. If productivity decreases or
the chief extracts too much from within or from external groups, he may lose
his power.
Since economic success, wealth display and a chiefs political success are
closely linked, a change in community power structure should show through
change and variability in mortuary assemblages. A large number of rich wealth
objects should result from a period of economic prosperity and the political
success of an incumbent chief while a lack of wealth objects should indicate a
period of decreasing productivity. If a chief is too successful, other chiefs will do
their best to ensure that this prosperity is short-lived. As a result, a pattern of
short-term prosperity should characterize a regional system with intense status
rivalry.
Status rivalry leads to the development of social ranking or the
enhancement of previously existing ranked positions; however, status rivalry may
also ensure short-term political success and oscillations in local power structures.
If economic growth occurs, one should see new social positions appear along with
a greater spread in the distribution and consumption of wealth between sites. In
other words, a pattern of social ranking should develop in which a small number
of individuals accumulate large amounts of wealth, and perhaps redistribute small
portions of wealth to supporters, while the majority of people are excluded from
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 56
these wealth networks. This pattern of ranking should occur within communities
and between communities in such a way that certain chiefs are able to
accumulate more wealth objects for themselves and their supporters than less
successful chiefs of peripheral communities.
The resulting pattern of inter-community ranking is short-term,
characterized by patterns of oscillation in wealth control. In following the time
trajectory patterns of a site, one should see oscillations in the quantities or
presence of wealth objects. The pattern of wealth consumption should change in
such a way that different sites within a regional settlement system contain
differing quantities of wealth objects at different time periods. As a result, the
organizational structure of the regional hierarchy of wealth control should also
change. If one or a few communities are at the pinnacle position within a
regional wealth exchange network, they should contain the highest concentration
of wealth items within this network. If this is the case, a conical pattern should
characterize the system in which a few central sites, or perhaps a single site,
contain the greatest number of wealth objects in the system. More sites with
considerably fewer wealth objects should exist at the next lower level in the
regional hierarchy. The lowest level of the conical hierarchy should consist of the
largest number of sites in the region that are characterized by a lack of wealth
objects due to their exclusion from this wealth exchange network.
If competition is intense, communities at the pinnacle of the wealth
network hierarchy should eventually fall to a lower level and be replaced by
another opportunistic leader and his community. Change on a large scale may
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 5 7
occur if several pinnacle communities are toppled in such a way that the top
level is either destroyed, replaced or reworked into the system at a lower level.
If this were to occur, there may be a change in the organizational structure of
the exchange network and perhaps a reduction in the number of levels in the
hierarchy. This pattern would result from various chiefs gaining access to wealth
sources for brief periods and then losing out to other chiefs of nearby groups
who are able to seize and control the flow of wealth back to their own
communities. This pattern would point to a lack of long-term effective political
control of local chiefs and conditions of constant tension, sporadic successes and a
tendency toward political disintegration.
8. Major Hypotheses to be Tested
Two major hypotheses have been developed from the previous model for
testing against the Yayoi period mortuary data in northern Kyushu.
Hypothesis 1±
Status rivalry was present in the development of social ranking within
communities in northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period.
Hypothesis 2\.
Status rivalry and competition ensured short-term political success and
patterns of oscillation in wealth control between sites in the regional exchange
STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 58
hierarchy. As a result, major structural changes occurred in the organisation of
the existing wealth exchange network.
The two major hypotheses are tested in the next chapter using the
mortuary data from northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period. The chapter
begins with an analysis of intra-site ranking. This is followed by a test for
inter-site ranking, based on regional wealth hierarchies, and change in the
organizational structure of these hierarchies. The results and conclusions derived
from the analyses are presented in the second part of Chapter 4.
C H A P T E R I V . A N A L Y S I S O F I N T R A - S I T E R A N K I N G A N D R E G I O N A L
W E A L T H H I E R A R C H Y
1. Introduction
In this chapter, the major hypotheses and model are tested against the
burial data from northern Kyushu. The analysis begins with a test to determine
the extent of social ranking, at the intra-community level, using mortuary data
from seven cemetery sites located in northern Kyushu. The second portion of the
analysis tests for the existence and extent of ranking between sites based on
distinct levels of wealth accumulation. This test is based on variation in wealth
index values from 244 cemetery sites that have been divided into five regional
samples. The analysis tests the validity of Hypothesis 1 which calls for
fluctuations in the degree of ranking within sites and change in the internal
rank ordering systems. Hypothesis 2 calls for an increase in the degree of
inter-site ranking, or hierarchy, at the regional level followed by oscillations in
wealth distribution and a collapse of the wealth hierarchy in areas in which it
is the most developed. Before the hypotheses are tested, I discuss the nature of
the data studied in this present analysis.
2. Ana lys i s of Intra-Site R a n k i n g
Introduction
59
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 60
Burial data from seven Yayoi period cemeteries in northern Kyushu, are
used to test for the existence of social ranking. These seven sites were chosen
for two reasons. The first five were selected becsuse the total burial sample was
known for each site. The last two sites were chosen because of the extremely
rich nature of the burials present. Thus, they provided the basis to establish a
scale of wealth rank levels that could be used to measure the same variable on
other sites. The goal of the analysis is to distinguish between groups of burials
and place them into separate categories according to the amount of wealth
present. Social ranking will be said to exist if sufficient variation in wealth
content between burial groups is displayed and the groups form a conical pattern.
The pattern must consist of a few rich burials at the pinnacle of the hierarchy,
a larger number of burials with smaller wealth assemblages and the largest
number of burials without grave goods at the bottom level.
One problem that existed in the selection of the cemetery sites used in
the analysis was a lack of evidence on the overall dimensions of each site and
a lack of information on internal site structure. When Japanese sites are
excavated, the digging usually takes place in one small section of the site during
each field season. Each smaller excavation is published in a different volume
which presents each yearly excavation as a separate site. It is very difficult to
determine whether a group of smaller excavations consist of several separate
sites or, in fact, all make up one large site. An example of this is the
Yoshitake site case. Each spatially separate cemetery contains Yoshitake as the
first name; however, the second word in the name (Oishi, Hiwatashi, Takaki)
distinguishes each into a separate site. Yet, site maps of the locality indicate
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 61
that all three sites could represent three separate burial areas within one large
community. Since maps are unavailable for the other 241 sites in the total
sample, it is difficult to know whether this is the case in other situations.
Method
The methodology used follows that proposed by Chapman (1975) in which
presence/absence tables are used to indicate the unequal distribution of grave
goods within a single cemetery. Shennan (1975:284; 1982:29) also investigates
social status represented in burials by looking at grave good associations.
Shennan groups burials into separate classes on the basis of the number of
separate grave good types present, the quantity of particular artifact types and
the number of points each type receives from a scale based on units of wealth.
Shennan uses both tables and more complicated computer run cluster and scaling
programs to achieve this goal.
The method I use is the result of initial data exploration using stem and
leaf plots, boxplots and tables. This was done to get familiar with the basic
characteristics and parameters of the data set. After the initial exploration, I
decided that the best strategy would be to look for evidence of burials, within
each of the seven cemeteries, which contain a greater concentration of grave
goods than others. Burials which contain a considerably larger number of items
of high wealth value will be viewed as representing high status individuals. The
analysis is based on a test to determine the placement of each burial in a
wealth rank scale of 4 to 1. Level four represents the lowest wealth rank,
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 62
which will be assigned to burials without grave goods. Level 3 will be composed
of burials which contain a very small number of grave good types, while Level
2 will consist of burials that contain two or more separate grave good types
than those in Level 3. Burials which contain two or more separate grave good
types than those in Level 2 will be placed into the Level 1 wealth rank
category, which represents the highest wealth rank that may be assigned to a
burial.
I decided to use four wealth rank levels as the maximum number possible
after initial data exploration. This study revealed that the richest sites, within
this group of seven, contained four clear divisions among burials in terms of
wealth content (See Table 7). Once this scale was established on the richest and
most diverse site, it was applied in the analysis of the other six for consistency.
I use a gap of two or more separate grave good types as the cut-point
between different wealth ranks. This method is the result of intensive scrutiny
and a lack of success with other methods of analysis for the data in question.
A gap of two separate grave good types is sufficient for the following reasons.
First, most burials contain a small number of each grave type, while most
burial assemblages contain artifacts of the same raw material category.
The analysis should include more attention to variation in the raw
material categories present. However, it is difficult to distinguish the relative
wealth value of each raw material class at anything more than the most general
level. Obviously, imported bronze objects would contain the highest wealth value.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 63
However, iron was also imported and possibly of equal importance as bronze.
Furthermore, it is difficult to know whether one or four iron objects have the
same wealth value as one bronze object. If more contextual imformation was
available, such as the age, sex and condition of the individuals, tests of
association could have been used between different raw material categories,
artifact types and age and sex groups. Since this information was unavailable
and the grave good data was taken from a secondary source in which careful
analysis of each object was not possible, I decided that the use of cut-points,
based on gaps of two or more separate grave types, would provide tha best
results in terms of feasibility and consistency. Variation in the separate number
of grave types is the best way to distinguish between the wealth content of the
burials within this particular sample. Since there is a lack of variation among
these burials, two more separate grave good types constitutes a considerable
increase in wealth content. Furthermore, two more grave good categories shows a
conscious decision, on the part of mourners, to place more wealth in one
particular burial than another. I use two separate grave good types, instead of
one, as a discriminating cut-point to excercise caution in establishing rank levels.
If the test results in the detection of two wealth ranks (Levels 4 and 3)
among burials, then a minimal degree of ranking will exist. If three wealth
ranks are present (Levels 4, 3 and 2), then a moderate degree of ranking will
exist. A moderate degree of ranking refers to a scenario in which individuals
without grave goods exist in the cemetery population (Level 4) along with
individuals with a small number of grave good types (Level 3) and individuals
with a considerably larger number of grave good types, or a greater
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 64
concentration of wealth, than the previous group (Level 2).
If four wealth ranks are present among burials in a cemetery, then a
high degree of ranking would exist. For this condition to be met, there must be
two considerable gaps, or cut-points, within the group of burials with grave
goods. A high degree of ranking points to the existence of a mortuary population
containing a large number of individuals without grave goods (Level 4), fewer
individuals with a small number of separate grave good types (Level 3),
individuals with a greater concentration of wealth than the previous group (Level
2) and a very small number of individuals at the pinnacle of the hierarchy that
possess an even greater number of separate grave good types of high wealth
value (Level 1).
Data
The data consist of burials from seven Yayoi period cemeteries in
northern Kyushu from a total sample of 244. There are four basic classes of
grave goods found in burials from these sites consisting of bronze weapons and
ornaments, iron weapons and tools, stone weapons and jewelry made of shell and
semi-precious stone. As mentioned earlier in Chapter 2, bronze weapons consist
mainly of swords, daggers, spears and halberds. The swords are double-edged
with a slender blade and a narrow handle. Halberds and spears began as short,
sturdy implements and were changed to wide, flat metre long implements. Bronze
ornaments consisted mainly of mirrors and bracelets. The mirrors, which average
about eight inches in diameter, were cast in molds and contain decorative motifs
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 65
ranging from flowers, animals and clouds or inscriptions.
Iron objects consist mainly of swords, spears, halberds and knives. These
objects are usually found in a more developed state of decay than bronze goods.
There is no decoration and the objects are narrow with no emphasis on visual
impressiveness as with those objects cast in bronze. Stone weapons were made
from polished stone, sometimes semi-precious, and were often made as copies of
weapons that were cast in bronze and iron. Daggers and arrowheads were the
two major artifact types made from stone.
The main classes of jewelry were shell bracelets, jasper tubular beads and
jade magatama beads. The shell bracelets, genus Tricornis and the genus Conus,
are cut, polished and made to Fit around the arm of an individual. Both genus
types are found off the shores of the Ryukyu Islands in the seas south of
Kyushu. The magatama beads are made from polished jade and cut into a
comma-like shape. A hole was drilled near the top of the bead, which would
have been worn as a necklace. The jasper beads were cut, polished and drilled
lengthwise through the center into a cylinder or tube shape. The beads are of
roughly uniform size with each measuring about one half inch in length. Overall,
a large amount of time and effort would have gone into the making of each
artifact type found in these northern Kyushu burial assemblages.
Five of these cemeteries have been chosen for the analysis because they
contain the most contextual information. More specifically, they were the only
cemeteries in which the total burial sample size was known. The last two
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 66
cemeteries were chosen because they contain burials with extremely rich grave
good assemblages and sufficient variation in which to test for differences in
wealth rank levels. Table 1 shows the number and percentage of burials that
contain grave goods, within the entire cemetery sample, for each site.
S i t e N o . of Bur i a l s w i t h Grave Goods
T o t a l NO. o-f Bur i al s
Propor t i ons
Kanenokuma 6 343 2X Y . O i s h i 13 2? 45% Y . T a k a k i 12 31 39V. Y . Hi watash i 7 30 23'/. T a t e ' i w a 14 43 337. M i kumo 11 Suku Okamoto 10 — .
T a b l e 1. Summary o-f P e r c e n t a g e V a l u e s f o r B u r i a l s w i th Grave Goods out o-f T o t a l Sample -for S i t e s used in A n a l y s i s o-f I n t r a - s i t e R a n k i n g .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 67
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 68
Site 1 is the Kanenokuma cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located in the
Hakata District of Fukuoka City near Hakata Harbour. This site has been
divided into five chronological phases, two of which contain burials with grave
goods. The burials and their associated grave goods are shown in Table 2. The
burials from the end of the Early Yayoi Phase, shown in Table 2, are the only
two from a sample of 29 Early Phase burials that contain grave goods, in the
form of polished stone arrowheads and Tricornis shell bracelets.
The early half of the Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 82 burials
without grave goods and four burials with funerary objects which are presented
in Table 2. The Middle Yayoi Phase burials contain one and two separate grave
good types. Burial 6 contains one Tricornis shell bracelet. This particular species
is located near the shores of the Ryukyu Islands to the south of Kyushu.
During both the Early and Middle Phases, each grave good type occurs at an
average of one or two inclusions per burial with the exception of three ceramic
bowls in Burial 3. There is no gap or sufficient cut-point, of two separate grave
good type inclusions, to enable one to isolate any burials which contain a greater
concentration of grave goods than others. Two wealth ranks are present among
burials at the Kanenokuma site during both the end of the Early Yayoi and the
early half of the Middle Yayoi Phases.
Site 2 is the Yoshitake Oishi cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located in the
southwest corner of the Sawara Plain in northern Kyushu. In total, 13 out of
29 burials contain grave goods. This site has been divided into two chronological
phases.
A N A L Y S I S O F I N T R A - S I T E R A N K I N G A N D R E G I O N A L W E A L T H H I E R A R C H Y / 69
Time Per i od End o-f Early Yayoi E a r l y Half o-f the Middle Yayoi
Burial Number
Stone Arrowhead Stone Bead T r i c o r n i s Bracelet Ceram i c Vesse1
1
2
Total Number o-f Separate Grave Good Types
Table 2. Kanenokuma Site Grave Good Tabulations.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 70
The end of the Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of ten burials with grave
goods present which are presented in Table 3. Each grave type occurs at an
average of one per burial with the exception of 11 Jasper Tubular Beads found
in Burial 4. The values in the bottom row of Table 3 show that Burials 4 and
5 contain two separate grave good types. Burial 3 contains one bronze sword
and one bronze spear while Burial 4 contains one bronze sword and 11 Jasper
Tubular Beads. There are no gaps or sufficient cut-points, which are the main
criteria in this analysis, that exist in the frequency values of the grave goods to
isolate any burials that contain a higher concentration of funerary objects than
others.
The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase at Yoshitake Oishi consists of
two wood coffin burials (Numbers 11 and 12) and one jar burial. Burial 11
contains one bronze sword and one bronze halberd while burial 12 contains one
bronze sword. Burial 13 contains one bronze halberd and four stone daggers.
Since each burial contains either one or two separate grave good types, shown
in the bottom row of Table 3, there is no gap or cut-point to establish any
difference in wealth accumulation between the burials. The two lowest wealth
ranks are present among burials at the Yoshitake Oishi site during the end of
the Early Yayoi and the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phases.
Site 3 is the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located 100
metres southwest of the Oishi cemetery in the Sawara Plain district. In total, 12
out of 31 burials contain grave goods. This site has been subdivided into two
chronological phases. Six burials that have grave goods present during the end of
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 71
the Early Yayoi Phase are presented in Table 4.
T i me Per i od End o-f E a r l y Y a y o i B e g i n n i n g o-f M i d d l e Y a y o i
B u r i a l Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Bronze Sword 1 1 1 1 1 B r o n z e Spear 1 1 B r o n z e H a l b e r d 1 1 1 1 B r o n z e H i l t 1 Stone A r r o w h e a d 1 1 Stone Dagger 1 4 J a s p e r Bead 11
T o t a l Number o-f 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 S e p a r a t e Grave Good T y p e s
T a b l e 3.. Y o s h i t a k e O i s h i S i t e Grave Good T a b u l a t i o n s .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 72
Time P e r i o d End ot Ear 1 y Yayo i Begi nn i ng o-f Mi ddl e Yayo i
B u r i a l Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Bronze Sword 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 Bronze Spear 1 Bronze H a l b e r d 1 Bronze M i r r o r . 1 S t . Arrowhead 1 Jono k o s h i Pot 1 1 1 1 1 Jade Magatama 1 . 1 1 1 Bead J a s p e r Bead 10 74 92 42 20 135 95 Bronze B r a c e l e t 2 G l a s s Bead
T o t a l Number o-f 1 1 3 1 4 1 1 2 3 4 7 2 Se p a r a t e Grave Good Types
T a b l e 4. Y o s h i t a k e T a k a k i S i t e Grave Good T a b u l a t i o n s .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 73
Each grave type occurs once in each burial with the exception of two bronze
bracelets in Burial 3 and large numbers of Jasper Tubular Beads. The bead
frequency values are problematic since it is impossible to know whether the
presence of 92 beads in a burial signifies higher status than 74 beads. It is
best to view these large bead frequencies in terms of presence or absence. Each
burial contains a single grave good type with the exception of Burial 3 and
Burial 5 which contain three and four separate grave good types. These values
are shown in the bottom row of Table 4. This gap between one separate
inclusion and three and four separate inclusions satisfies the conditions discussed
earlier that allow for a distinction between burials based on levels of wealth
accumulation. Burial 3 and Burial 5 both contain a greater concentration of
grave goods than the others.
The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of six burials
that contain grave goods. These burials and their associated grave goods are
presented in Table 4. Since Burial 11 contains seven separate grave good types,
while the next highest number is four, it can be distinguished from the others
based on a higher concentration of wealth. Three wealth ranks among- burials are
present at the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery during the end of the Early Yayoi
and the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phases.
Site 4 is the Yoshitake Hiwatashi cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located
100 metres northwest of the Takaki cemetery. The cemetery consists of a 40m
in diameter stone lined earthen mound, filled with a group of burials that has
been subdivided into three chronological phases.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 74
T i me M i d d l e P a r t L a t e H a l - f p-f L a t e P e r i o d o-f M i d d l e Mi d d l e Y a y o i Y a y o i
Y a y o i
B u r i a l 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 N u m b e r
B r o n z e S w o r d 1 1 B r o n z e M i r r o r 1 B r o n z e C r o s s - s h a p e d 1 H i l t B r o n z e S w o r d G u a r d 1 I r o n S w o r d 1 1 1 I r o n A r r o w h e a d 1 I r o n K n i - f e 1 1 61 a s s B e a d 36 Q u a r t z B e a d 2
T o t a l N u m b e r o-f 2 1 2 ' 2 2 1 3 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s
f a b l e 5. Y o s h i t a k e H i w a t a s h i S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 75
In total, seven out of 30 burials contain grave goods. The middle part of the
Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of four burials that contain grave goods
which are presented in Table 5. Three of the four burials contain two separate
grave good types while Burial 2 contains a single iron sword. The separate
number of grave good types are shown in the bottom row of Table 5. Since no
gap in the separate grave good type frequencies exists, there is no basis on
which to isolate any burial from the others on the basis of variation in wealth
concentration.
Two burials with grave goods present, which have been tabulated in Table
5, occur during the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase. Burial 5 contains two
separate grave good types while Burial 6 contains one grave good type. These
values are shown in the bottom row of Table 5. There are no sufficient gaps
within the separate grave good class frequencies to distinguish one burial from
the other on the basis of a greater concentration in wealth. One burial with
grave goods, from the Late Yayoi Phase, is presented in Table 5. Since only
one burial exists during this phase, there is no basis for any comparison with
other burials of the same phase to establish any cut-points based on wealth
differences. Two wealth ranks among burials are present at the Yoshitake
Hiwatashi cemetery during all three occupation phases.
Site 5 is the Tate'iwa cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located west of the
Onga River on the Kaho Plain of northeastern Kyushu. This site, which is the
best documented of the seven, is subdivided into four chronological phases.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 76
T i m e B e g i nn i n g o-f L a t e H a l t o r E a r 1 y H a l f OT ? ? r i o d M i d d l e Y a y o i M t d d l e Y a y o i L a t e Y a y o i
B u r i a l 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 3 ? 10 11 12 13 14 N u m b e r
B r o n z e M i r r o r 1 1 1 1 5 B r o n z e S p e a r 1 1 I r o n S w o r d 1 1 1 1 I r o n A r r o w h e a d 1 I r o n P I a n e h e a d 1 1 I r o n Kn i -fe 1 1 1 I r o n H a l b e r d 1 1 I r o n S p e a r 1 Whe t s t o n e 2 S t . A r r o w h e a d 2 J a s p e r B e a d 553* 2 G l a s s B e a d 2 30 T r i c o r n i s 12 B r a c e 1 e t C o n u s 23 23 B r a c e 1e t 61 a s s S t o p p e r 5 O b j e c t
T o t a l N u m b e r o-f I 1 2 5 3 3 3 2 1 1 1 2 I 5 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s
* 553 v a l u e i s - for b u r i a l 4
T a b l e 6. T a t e ' i w a S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 77
In total, 14 out of 43 burials contain grave goods while three phases contain
burials with grave goods present which are shown in Table 6.
The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase consists of three jar burials
which all contain shell bracelets. Burials 1 and 2 contain 28 Conus shell
bracelets each while Burial 3 contains one iron sword and 12 Tricornis shell
bracelets. Burial 3 contains two separate grave good types while Burials 1 and 2
contain a single grave type. These values are shown in the bottom row of Table
6. Obviously, each burial contains a large number of objects. Still, there is no
gap, in terms of the number of separate grave good types present, to distinguish
any burial from the others on the basis of a higher concentration of wealth.
The late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 22 jar
burials. The eight burials from this group that contain grave goods are presented
in Table 6. Burial 4 contains one bronze mirror, one iron knife, 553 jasper
tubular beads, two glass beads and five glass stopper-shaped objects. Burial 5
contains one bronze mirror, one iron halberd and 14 Tricornis shell bracelets.
Burial 6 contains one bronze mirror, one iron sword, one iron halberd and 30
glass beads. There is a continuous increase, from one to three, in the number of
separate grave types present within this sample with the exception of Burial 4
which contains five separate grave good types. These values are shown in the
bottom row of Table 6. A^ gap of two more types allows this burial to be
distiguished from the others on the basis of a greater concentration of wealth.
Burials 5, 6 and 7 all contain three separate grave good types, including bronze
mirrors; however, these burial assemblages lack the two additional grave good
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 78
categories included in Burial 4.
The early half of the Late Yayoi Phase consists of 16 burials of which
three contain grave goods. These burials and their associated grave goods are
presented in Table 6. Two earthpit burials (numbers 12 and 13) contain a small
number of iron and stone objects. However, one very rich jar burial (number 14)
contains five bronze mirrors, one bronze spear, one iron sword, one iron
planehead and two whetstones. Burials 12 and 13 contain two and one separate
grave good types while Burial 14 contains five. These values are shown in the
bottom row of Table 5. Also included in the Burial 14 assemblage is a multiple
inclusion of five bronze mirrors. In terms of the number of separate grave good
type inclusions and raw material content, Burial 14 contains a much larger
concentration of wealth objects than the others. This burial can be separated
from the other two. Three wealth ranks are present among burials during the
late half of the Middle and early half of the Late Yayoi Phases at the Tate'iwa
cemetery.
Sites 6 and 7 are the Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi sites which are
both shown in Figure 4. The total number of burials within these sites is
unknown; still, the large variation in wealth that exists provides evidence of
social ranking within the burial classes that contain wealth objects.
During the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase, the Mikumo cemetery
contained four burials with wealth objects (Table 7). Burials 4 and 5 contain two
and one separate grave good types while Burials 6 and 7 each contain a large
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 79
number of wealth objects. The number of separate grave types present in each
burial is presented in the bottom row of Table 7.
T i m e P e r i o d L a t e H a l f o-f M i d d l e Y a y o i
B u r i a l N u m b e r 1 2 3 4
B r o n z e S p e a r B r o n z e H a l b e r d B r o n z e S w o r d B r o n z e P e n d a n t B r o n z e M i r r o r I r o n Kn i -f e I r o n O b j e c t ( u n c l a s s i f i e d ) G l a s s M a g a t a m a B e a d G l a s s B e a d . G L a s s S p h e r e G l a s s P e n d a n t J a d e B e a d C e r a m i c V e s s e 1
2 1 1 8
30
3 60
8
2 2
12
T o t a l N u m b e r o f 2 1 9 4 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s
T a b l e 7 . M i k u m o S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s f o r t h e L a t e H a l f o f t h e M i d d l e Y a y o i P e r i o d .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 80
T i m e P e r i o d L a t e H a l f o f Mi d d l e Y a y o i
B u r i a l N u m b e r 1 2 3 4 5 6
B r o n z e S w o r d 1 4 1 1 B r o n z e S p e a r 5 B r o n z e H a l b e r d 1 B r o n z e Mi r r o r 3 2 2 S t o n e K n i f e 1 G l a s s S p h e r e 2 C l a s s B e a d 1 1 I r o n S w o r d I r o n K n i - f e A n t l e r B e a d 13
T o t a l N u m b e r o-f 1 7 2 1 1 1 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s
T a b l e 3 . S u k u O K a m a t o S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s f o r t h e L a t e H a l f o f t h e M i d d l e Y a y o i P e r i o d .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 81
Burial 3 contains two bronze spears, one bronze halberd, one bronze sword, eight
bronze pendants, 30 bronze mirrors, three glass magatama beads, 60 glass beads,
eight glass spheres and one ceramic jar which amounts to nine separate grave
good types. Burial 4 contains 22 bronze mirrors, one jade magatama bead, 12
glass beads and one glass pendant which which total four separate grave good
types. In terms of the number of bronze objects present, these two burials
contain among the highest values in northern Kyushu. As a result, they can be
distinguished into a separate class from other burials, within the Mikumo
cemetery, that contain a small number of wealth objects.
A similar argument can be made for a single burial found in the Sugu
Yamanokuchi cemetery. During the late half of the Middle Yayoi, there were six
burials present that contained a small number of wealth objects (Table 8). One
rich burial contains four bronze swords, five bronze spears, one bronze halberd,
32 bronze mirrors, two glass spheres, one glass bead and 13 antler tubular
beads. The values in the bottom row of Table 8 show that Burial 2 contained
seven separate grave good types while the others contained two. As with the
two rich burials at the Mikumo Minamishoji site, this burial contains a
substantial number of wealth objects.
3. Results of Test For Intra-Site R a n k i n g
The test results are summarized in Table 9. In the Kanenokuma
cemetery, there were two wealth ranks among burials during both the end of
the Early Yayoi and the early half of the Middle Yayoi Phase.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 82
Site Chronological Phase Wealth Hanks Degree of Hanking
Kanenokuma End of Early Yayoi 2 Minimal Early Half of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal
Y. Oishi End of Early Yayoi 2 Minimal
Early Half of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal
T. Takaki End of Early Yayoi 3 Moderate
Early Half of Middle Yayoi 3 Moderate
Y. Hiwatashi Middle Part of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal
Late HaLf of Middle Yayoi 2 . Minimal
Late Yayoi 2 Minimal
Tate'iwa Early Half of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal Late Half of Middle Yayoi 3 Moderate Early Half of Late Yayoi 3 Moderate
Mikumo Late Half of Middle Yayoi High
Suku Okamoto Late Half of Middle Yayoi 3 Moderate
Table 9. Summary of Test Results For the Degree of Ranking at. the Intra-Site Level Within Seven Yayoi Period Cemetery Sites.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 83
The two levels consisted of burials without grave goods (Level 4) and burials
which contained a small number of separate grave good types (Level 3). As
outlined in the discussion on methods, this pattern indicates a minimal degree of
ranking among the burials at the Kanenokuma cemetery. This pattern of minimal
ranking was also present among the burials in the Yoshitake Oishi cemetery.
Two wealth ranks, burials without grave goods and burials with a small number
of separate grave good types, existed from the end of the Early Yayoi through
to the early half of the Middle Yayoi Phase.
The test revealed a change from this previous pattern among the burials
at the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery. Three wealth ranks were present from the
end of the Early Yayoi Phase to the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase. This
cemetery contained burials without grave goods, burials with a small number of
separate grave good types and burials which contained a considerably larger
number of separate grave good types than the previous level.
A pattern of minimal ranking was revealed among the burials in the
Yoshitake Hiwatashi earthen mound cemetery. Two wealth ranks existed from the
middle part of the Middle Yayoi Phase to the late half of the Middle Yayoi
through to the Late Yayoi Phase. As with the Kanenokuma and Yoshitake Oishi
sites, the Yoshitake Hiwatashi cemetery contained burials without grave goods
and burials with a small number of grave good types.
The patterning found among Tate'iwa burials is unique in that it was the
only cemetery in which there was a change in the degree of ranking through
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 84
time. During the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase, two wealth ranks were
present among the burials. However, three wealth ranks existed among burials
from the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase. This suggests that a moderate
degree of ranking, characterized by three wealth ranks among burials, was
present in the Tate'iwa community during this phase. This pattern of a moderate
degree of ranking continued into the early half of the Late Yayoi Phase.
The Mikumo cemetery is the only one which was characterized by a high
degree of ranking, which occurred during the late half of the Middle Yayoi
Phase. This cemetery contained four wealth ranks among the burials dating to
the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase. The Sugu Yamanokuchi cemetery
contained three wealth ranks among burials during the late half of the Middle
Yayoi Phase. As with Yoshitake Takaki and Tate'iwa, this site was characterized
by a moderate degree of ranking.
Overall, I think the methodology used in the previous analysis has allowed
for an intensive study of the burial data in question. The goal of the analysis
was to test for different levels of wealth accumulation among burials, which
provided a way in which to group burials into different levels on a wealth rank
scale. This goal has been accomplished through description and a method
establishing gaps, or cut-points, to distinguish between groups of burials based on
differential variation in wealth accumulation. A gap of two separate grave good
class inclusions was used as the discriminating cut-point. Two classes were
sufficient, in this case, due to the small number of inclusions and separate grave
good types found in most burials. The number of wealth rank levels among
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 85
burials, derived from these notable gaps, were virtually unchanged for the
duration of occupation at each site except one. In terms of the test of
Hypothesis 1, this pattern showed a lack of change in the degree of ranking
within each cemetery except one.
In future studies of this nature, it will be necessary to describe more
clearly the relationship between levels of wealth accumulation and wealth ranks. I
am quite confident in the different levels of wealth accumulation that have been
discovered; however, the wealth ranks that have been attached to each may be
too simplistic. In this analysis, I have equated a distinct level of wealth
accumulation with a distinct wealth rank. In reality, the situation may not have
been quite as simple.
4. Conclusions
From the patterning revealed in the test results, the following conclusions
have been reached on the nature of intra-site ranking within the seven Yayoi
period cemeteries. The Kanenokuma, Yoshitake Oishi and Yoshitake Hiwatashi
sites were characterized by a minimal degree of ranking throughout their
occupation phases. It seems that a small number of wealth objects filtered into
these communities and were available to only a select few. The differences in
social rank between individuals with and without grave goods in these
communities were probably not considerable. This pattern of minimal ranking did
not change through time, suggesting that there was no change or increase in the
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 86
status ordering or ranking systems of these communities. At this stage of the
analysis, it is difficult to say whether this pattern resulted from internal
competition or competition from other communities.
The Yoshitake Takaki cemetery was characterized by a moderate degree of
ranking during both the end of the Early Yayoi and the beginning of the Middle
Yayoi Phases. This cemetery contained individuals buried without grave goods,
individuals with a small number of wealth objects and a few individuals buried
with a considerably higher number of wealth objects, or three wealth ranks. If
wealth is an indicator of rank, then this community possessed a more developed
system of ranking than the previous group of cemeteries. Perhaps the success of
the Yoshitake Takaki peoples in production and wealth accumulation kept the
other surrounding communities at a slightly lower level of development. The three
Yoshitake cemeteries were located quite close together and it is difficult to
determine whether they were from three smaller separate communities or one
larger community. If the cemeteries represent three smaller communities, then the
above scenario may have occurred. If the cemeteries represent one large
community, it is possible that the burials within the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery
represented a high ranking, perhaps chiefly, lineage group while the other two
contained members of subordinate lineage groups. Further excavation and data
analysis of village size and structure in this locality would provide more concrete
answers to this intriguing question.
The Tate'iwa- cemetery is the only one which showed change in the
degree of ranking between burials. The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase was
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 87
characterized by a minimal degree of ranking which changed to moderate during
the late half of the Middle and early half of the Late Yayoi Phases. It would
appear, from this pattern, that a change in the community's internal system of
status ordering or ranking occurred. It is difficult to determine the cause of this
phenomenon. An increase in the productive capacity of the community and a
need for coordination may have led to the creation of new social positions. The
community's central position in the exchange of bronze mirrors and the
production and exchange of ceramic burial jars is an equally probable cause for
this change in the degree of ranking within the Tate'iwa community. Due to its
central position in these networks, more wealth may have become available
during the site's later occupation phases. Data on village structure, house size
and form and subsistence would provide more information to explain the nature
of this development.
Mikumo was the only cemetery to be characterized by a high degree of
ranking which was based on the burial assemblages of two individuals. Both
contained a considerably larger number of wealth objects than the rest while one
contained considerably more than the other. Despite the high degree of ranking,
the Mikumo cemetery was similar to the others in that a very small number of
individuals possessed wealth objects. This was probably due to the scarce nature
of the objects, rules stating that one must occupy a very high position in the
community's status ordering system to aquire these goods, or some combination
of both.
The Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi cemeteries, both located in the same
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 88
region, contained burials which possessed some of the richest Yayoi period burial
assemblages in northern 'Kyushu. It is possible that a few strong communities,
such as these, were able to control the flow of wealth objects and maintain
conditions of scarcity within the region. This may explain the very small burial
assemblages that are characteristic of most northern Kyushu cemeteries in the
Yayoi period. A more concrete answer to this question will be provided in the
next section of this chapter.
Another interesting pattern was revealed in the individual burial
assemblages. Those burials with a high wealth rank usually contained multiple
inclusions of imported bronze mirrors from the Asian continent. Bronze swords
were present, in smaller quantities, in more burials while bronze mirrors were
present in far greater numbers in fewer burials. From this pattern, it is possible
to argue that the multiple inclusion of bronze mirrors in a burial signifies high
status. It is this particular artifact, more than any other, that distinguishes rich,
or elite, burials from those of low status individuals.
Another interesting pattern that has been revealed is a lack of change in
the degree of ranking within each cemetery through time; with the exception of
the Tate'iwa cemetery. It appears that once a particular status ordering system
was in place, it persisted for the duration of occupation. Does this mean that
the internal dynamics associated with status rivalry did not lead to change in
the degree of ranking within each community? It would appear so from the tests
carried out in this section of the chapter. If this is the case, the patterns
expected in Hypothesis 1 have not been confirmed in the analysis.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 89
It is important to remember that only seven out of several hundred sites
have been tested. These sites were among the richest in northern Kyushu, and
it is possible that they enjoyed more political stability than others. It is also
quite possible that the changes which occurred were of a much more subtle
nature than I was able to detect from the methodology used. Another possibility
is that status rivalry and competition, within a community, occurred through
feasting or other forms of behavior, besides the mortuary ritual, that may not
have left tangible remains in the archaeological record. Still, the above pattern
leads to another important question. If internal competition leading to change was
minimal at best, did external competition between leaders of different communities
provide more of a stimulus for change? An answer to this question will be
provided in the analysis carried out in the next section of this chapter.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 90
5. Analysis of Change i n Regional Wealth Hierarchies
Introduction
This section contains an analysis of inter-site ranking. The goal of the
analysis is to establish a rank ordering of cemetery sites within five regions to
establish a possible site hierarchy. This does not refer to a hierarchy of
settlement but, instead, refers to a hierarchy of sites on the basis of different
wealth ranks. The two may be related; however, this study is unable to
determine the extent of this possible relationship due to a lack of settlement
data.
Data
The data consist of bronze objects, mainly of ornament and weapon
categories, that have been unearthed from burials within 244 cemeteries in
northern Kyushu (Table 15 Appendix A). Originally, the grave goods were
tabulated according to their specific artifact type and the burial in which they
were discovered (Fukuoka Shiritsu Rekishi Shiryokan 1986:129-148). After initial
data exploration, it was decided that it would be necessary to group each
separate type into its raw material category. This was due to the very small
number of inclusions for each grave type and the unknown burial sample size
for each site.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 91
I think that this procedure was valid for the following reasons. Since
bronze objects were either weapons or ornaments, or non-utilitarian, they would
have possessed high wealth value. For the purpose of this study, this is all one
needs to know. Secondly, since the total burial sample size was unknown a
sound analysis of intra-site burial assemblage variability would not have been
possible. The data were transformed in the most consistent manner possible for
use in the analysis of regional wealth hierarchy.
The analysis relies on the values of bronze objects for several reasons.
First, ceramic and stone were locally available and are not considered raw
materials of high wealth value. The comparison of numbers of iron and shell
objects is hampered by problems of preservation in the highly acidic, swampy
soils of northern Kyushu. The semi-precious stone jewelry values are problematic
since their frequency of occurence per burial ranges from 1 to 10, 000. Bronze,
on the other hand, is well documented, is not subject to rapid deterioration as
iron and shell and has widespread mention in the literature on Yayoi period
archaeology as a highly prized, exotic foreign material in northern Kyushu. Either
a large amount of resources or goods of equal value to bronze would have to be
exchanged to receive these prestige goods. The ability to obtain large numbers of
bronze objects is a good indicator of the high productive capacity of a
community.
The cemeteries have been divided into five regional samples shown in
Figure 5. The regional subdivisions are as follows: Region 1 is the Onga River
drainage basin located in the northeast corner of northern Kyushu.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 93
Region 2 consists of the Fukuoka Plain, a flat (5-20m above sea level) alluvial
plain in the central portion of Fukuoka prefecture bordered by two upland
plateaus, which are part of the Tsukushi mountain range. This area is drained
by four major rivers that flow north through the Fukuoka Plain and empty into
Hakata Bay. Region 3 occupies the northwestern corner of northern Kyushu,
which is dotted with irregular indented bays, high sea cliffs and small islands
along the west coast. This area is drained by the Matsu'ura River which flows
north into Karatsu Bay located just south of Iki Strait. Region 4 is the large
Chikugo River drainage basin located south of the Fukuoka Plain with Regions 1
and 2 at its northern boundaries. The Chikugo headwaters begin in the foothills
of Mount Kuju, located to the east in Oita prefecture, and flow west through
the Tsukushi Plain into Ariake Bay. This region represents a transitional zone
between the flat alluvial lands of the Tsukushi Plain to the west and the
highlands to the east where the foothills of the high Kyushu mountains begin.
Region 5 marks the southern half of present-day Nagasaki prefecture. It is
bordered by Ariake Bay, to the east, Tachibana Bay, to the south, and Omura
Bay, which dissects this huge peninsula from the west. This large block of land
extends south from northern Nagasaki and divides into three smaller peninsulas
at its southern borders. The Nishi Sona Peninsula to the west is bordered by
the Pacific Ocean on its west side and Omura Bay to the east. The smaller
Nagasaki Peninsula extends in a southwest direction and is bordered by the Sea
of Japan to the west and Tachibana Bay to the east. The larger Shimabara
Peninsula, to the west, is surrounded by Tachibana and Ariake Bays. These are
the five regions that will be referred to in the analysis.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 94
Method
I compare the distribution of prestige goods in sites within each region.
Chapman argues that it is possible to establish site hierarchies based on the
concentration of wealth objects within a region (1975:259). Sites which contain
the highest frequencies of prestige objects would tend to occupy a higher place
within a local prestige good network (1975:263).
Frankenstein and Rowlands propose a similar methodology in their
investigation of the spatial and structural patterning of an Iron Age prestige
good network in western Europe (1978). They argue that the structure of each
sub-domain, within this network, can be defined by the different ranked status of
burials, which indicate different levels in the political hierarchy (1978:83).
Both studies involve the analysis of data from cemeteries in which the
total number of burials is documented. The data to be used in this particular
study are not as complete. All of the sites involved consist of a sample in
which the total number of excavated burials is unknown. Only the burials that
contain grave goods have been tabulated for each site. To overcome this problem,
a slight variation of Chapman's methodology will be utilized to control for
sampling error.
One index of bronze accumulation value will be used for each cemetery to
establish a scale of wealth rank for each regional sample of sites. This method
will provide control for sample size within each cemetery, which is necessary
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 95
since the total number of burials is unknown. In this case, I divide the absolute
number of bronze objects by the number of burials that contain bronze. For
example, if 27 bronze swords are present within a site and they occur in 10
burials, the index of accumulation value is obtained by dividing 27 by 10. This
index value provides a measure of wealth concentration which shows the manner
in which wealth objects were controlled or hoarded by those able to acquire these
goods.
A problem may still arise in cases in which the same index value results
from different absolute values. For example, a ratio of 27/10 contains the same
index value as a ratio of 2.7/1. The index value is the same, yet, obvious
differences in the absolute values exist. For cases in which this problem occurs,
the raw data tables showing the absolute values should be consulted. Despite this
deficiency, this method is necessary to help overcome the even greater problem
of unknown sample size which exists for 239 of the 244 sites used in the
analysis.
The index of accumulation value will be used to determine the wealth
rank of each site in a regional hierarchy. A cemetery must have a high
accumulation index value to possess a high level of wealth concentration. If a
chief is successful in acquiring large amounts of wealth, the wealth should be
passed on to other individuals within the community. Further success should be
indicated by a continuous channeling of large amounts of wealth to those
recipients (index of accumulation). This index value shows the amount of bronze
that was collected by the chief and his supporters. The accumulation of large
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 96
amounts of bronze within a site is an indication of high rank within a regional
wealth exchange network. The higher the bronze index value for each site, the
higher the wealth rank and the higher its position in the regional hierarchy.
Wealth accumulation index values are presented in Tables 10, 11 and 12. The
total sample of sites has been divided into five regions, based on river drainage
systems, and three phases to provide spatial and temporal control.
The object of the analysis is to rank sites, according to their bronze index
values, into a wealth scale ranging from lowest to highest. To accomplish this
goal, cut-points are necessary to distinguish different levels of wealth
accumulation, or wealth ranks, between cemeteries. In this particular analysis, the
median accumulation index value for each sample will be used. If a gap larger
than the median value for a given sample occurs between two index values, then
a cut-point will be established at this gap to distinguish two separate levels on
the wealth rank scale. The use of the median value as a cut point is valid for
the following reason. Since the median represents the center point of a batch of
numbers, it provides a measure of central tendency for the sample. A gap larger
than the median constitutes a considerable difference between two continuous
values in a small sample of numbers. A large gap between index values, such
as the median, provides a measurable gap in levels of wealth accumulation and
wealth rank. Each gap larger than the median value for a sample of index
values will provide a cut point between two levels on the wealth rank scale.
The analysis involves a test to determine the placement of each site,
within a regional sample, into four possible site types represented by four levels
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 97
on the wealth rank scale. Level 4 represents the lowest level on the wealth
rank scale which consists of sites without bronze in each regional sample. Level
3 on the wealth rank scale consists of sites with a very small bronze index of
accumulation value. Level 2 sites must possess a considerably higher index value
than those of Level 3. The means to establish this cut-point will be provided by
the existence of a gap larger than the median between the index values of two
sites. Level 1 represents the highest wealth rank that a site can receive. For
this to occur, another cut-point must exist that clearly distinguishes a
considerably higher level of bronze accumulation than the Level 2 sites within
the same sample. The presence of four wealth ranks, or site types, represents
the highest level of inter-site ranking or hierarchy that may exist within each
regional sample.
6. Wealth Hierarchy D u r i n g the E a r l y Y a y o i Phase
The Region 1 sample for the Early Yayoi phase consists of seven sites of
which three contain bronze objects. A summary of the index values used in the
test for rank ordering is provided in Table 10. The median, high and low
extreme values are all 1.0 within this sample. Since the sites all possess the
same bronze accumulation index value, there is no basis for establishing a rank
order within this group. These three sites can be distinguished as a separate
group from the other sites without bronze. As a result, two wealth ranks of
sites are present in this sample consisting of Level 3 sites that possess small
bronze index values and Level 4 sites without bronze.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 98
The Region 2 Early Yayoi phase sample consists of 19 sites in which
nine contain bronze objects.
R e g i o n N o . o-f S i t e s
M e d i an R a n g e R a n k C u t V a l u e s
1 3 1 . 0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0 , -2 ? 1 . 3 1 . 0 - 7 . 0 1 . 0 1 . 2 1 . 3 3 . 0 7 . 0 3 2 1 .0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0 1 1 4 4 1 . 0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0 5
T a b l e 1 0 . S u m m a r y T a b l e o-f V a l u e s - for e a c h D u r i n g t h e E a r l y
B r o n z e I n d e x o-f A c c u m u l a t i o n o-f t h e F i v e R e g i o n a l S a m p l e s
Y a y o i P e r i o d ( c u t v a l u e s u s e d t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n w e a l t h r a n k V e v e l s a r e s h o w n i n t h e f a r r i g h t c o l u m n ) .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 99
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 100
One cut-point exists between the 3.0 and 7.0 index values, shown in Table 10,
since the difference between them is larger than the median value of 1.3. A
second cut-point exists between 1.3 and 3.0 since this gap is also larger than
the median value. Four wealth ranks are present among sites in Region 2
during the Early Yayoi Phase.
The Region 3 Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of seven sites, including
two that contain bronze. The summary values provided in Table 10 show that
the median, high and low values are all 1.0. There are no gaps sufficient to
establish any cut-points between the bronze index values for these sites. Two
wealth ranks are present among Region 3 sites during the Early Yayoi Phase.
Level 3 consists of two sites with small bronze index values while Level 4
consists of five sites without bronze.
The Region 4 Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of 12 sites in which
four contain bronze objects. Table 10 shows that the median, high and low index
values are all 1.0 for this sample. Since all four sites have the same index
value, there are no cut-points between different wealth ranks. This sample of
sites contains two wealth ranks consisting of those with bronze present in small
amounts (Level 3) and sites without bronze (Level 4).
The Region 5 Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of a single site that
contains bronze which provides no basis for the establishment of cut-points
between index values. The significance of a single site containing bronze within
an entire region will be discussed in the concluding section of this analysis.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 101
7. Wealth Hierarchy During the Middle Yayoi Phase
The Region 1 Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of ten sites of which
five contain bronze objects. A summary of the index values used in the test for
rank ordering is provided in Table 11. The high and low index values for this
sample are 2.0 and 1.0 while the median value is 1.5. There are no sufficient
cut-points, within the index values, that distinguish between between sites based
on different levels of wealth accumulation. This sample contains two wealth ranks
that consist of sites with small bronze index values (Level 3) and sites without
bronze (Level 4).
The Region 2 Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 27 sites including 16
that contain bronze objects. Table 11 shows that the gaps between 3.0 and 8.0
and 8.0 and 15.0 are much larger than the median value of this sample, which
makes the establishment of two cut-points possible. The range is highly skewed
to the right of the median value which means that the difference in index
values between sites with large amounts of bronze are of a much greater
magnitude than for those at the lower end of the scale. Four wealth ranks are
present among Region 2 sites during the Middle Yayoi Phase.
The Region 3 Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 24 sites in which
11 contain bronze objects. The summary values provided in Table 11 show that
the range in index values is small which makes the establishment of cut-points
difficult. Since there is no gap larger than the median of 2.0 between any pair
of index values, two wealth ranks are present in this sample.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 102
R e g i o n N o . o-f M e d i a n R a n g e R a n k C u t V a l u e s S i t e s
1 5 1.5 1.2-2.0 1.0 2.0 I I 2 16 i .9 1.0-15.0 1.0 2.0 3.0 |3.0 15.0 3 11 2.0 1.0-4.5 1.0 2.0 3.0 4.5 4.7 4 20 2.3 1.0-7.0 1.0 1.5 3.0 |7.o| 5 3 1.2 1.0-1.3 1.0 1.3 | I
T a b l e 11. S u m m a r y T a b l e o f B r o n z e I n d e x o f A c c u m u l a t i o n V a l u e s f o r e a c h o f t h e F i v e R e g i o n a l S a m p l e s D u r i n g t h e M i d d l e Y a y o i P e r i o d ( c u t v a l u e s u s e d t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n w e a l t h r a n k l e v e l s a r e s h o w n i n t h e f a r r i g h t c o l u m n ) .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 104
Level 3 consists of 11 sites with small bronze index values while Level 4
consists of 13 sites without bronze.
The Region 4 Middle Yayoi Phase sample of 35 sites includes 20 that
contain bronze objects. The summary values used as rank cut-points are
presented in Table 11. Since a gap larger than the median of 2.3 exists
between the 3.0 and 7.0 index values, a single cut-point exists within this
sample. As a result, three wealth ranks are present among Region 4 sites
during the Middle Yayoi Phase. Level 2 consists of the Oitai site, Level 3
consists of 19 sites with small bronze index values and Level 4 consists of 15
sites without bronze objects.
The Region 5 Middle Yayoi Phase sample of seven sites includes three
that contain bronze objects. There is no gap larger than the median value of 1.2
within the values provided in Table 11. Since no cut-points are present, two
wealth ranks exist among the sites in this sample. Level 3 consists of three
sites that contain bronze while Level 4 consists of four sites without bronze
objects.
8. Wealth Hierarchy During the Late Yayoi Phase
The Region 1 Late Yayoi period sample of 17 sites includes 14 that
contain bronze objects. The index values in this sample, shown in Table 12,
range from 1.0 to 6.0 and the largest gap between any two values is 2.0.
Since the median value is 3.0, no sufficient cut-points exist.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 105
R e g i o n N o . o-f M e d i a n R a n g e R a n k C u t V a l u e s S i t e s
1 14 3 . 0 1 . 0 - 6 . 0 1 . 0 2 . 0 4 . 0 6 . 0 2 10 2 . 0 1 . 0 - 3 . 0 1 . 0 3 . 0 I 3 21 3 . 3 1 . 0 - 2 9 . 0 I . 0 4 . 0 5 . 0 6 . 0 2 9 . 0 4 13 1 . 5 1 . 0 - 2 . 0 1 . 0 2 . 0 ' 5 2 1 . 0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0
T a b l e 1 2 . S u m m a r y T a b l e o-f B r o n z e I n d e x o-f A c c u m u l a t i o n V a l u e s - f o r e a c h o-f t h e F i v e R e g i o n a l S a m p l e s D u r i n g t h e L a t e Y a y o i P e r i o d ( c u t v a l u e s u s e d t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n w e a l t h r a n k l e v e l s a r e s h o w n i n t h e - fa r r i g h t c o l u m n ) .
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 106
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 107
Each increasing index value is very close to the previous value which makes
their distinction into separate levels of wealth accumulation difficult under the
criteria established earlier. As a result, two wealth ranks are present within this
sample.
The Region 2 Late Yayoi Phase sample of 17 sites includes 10 that
contain bronze. The high and low values for this sample, shown in Table 12,
are 3.0 and 1.0 while the median is 2.0. There are no gaps of sufficient
magnitude to establish any cut-points within this sample. Two wealth ranks are
present in which 10 sites with small index values form Level 3 and seven sites
without bronze form Level 4.
The Region 3 Late Yayoi Phase sample of 35 sites includes 21 that
contain bronze objects. The summary values provided in Table 12 show that a
gap larger than the median of 3.8 exists between the 6.0 and 29.0 index
values. As a result, one cut-point is present in this sample which leads to the
establishment of three wealth ranks. Level 2 consists of one site with an
extremely high bronze index value. Level 3 is composed of 20 sites with small
index values while Level 4 consists of the remaining 14 sites without bronze
objects.
The Region 4 Late Yayoi Phase sample consists of 20 sites in which 13
contain bronze objects. The summary values in Table 12 show that there is no
gap larger than the median value of 1.5 within the sample. As a result, two
wealth ranks are present within this group of sites. Level 3 consists of 13 sites
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 108
with small index values while Level 4 consists of seven sites without bronze.
The Region 5 Late Yayoi Phase sample consists of six sites in which two
contain bronze objects. There is no basis for ranking within this group since both
sites have identical index values. Two wealth ranks are present within this
sample consisting of two sites with bronze at Level 3 and four sites without
bronze at Level 4.
9. Change in Regional Wealth Hierarchy
The results for the test of the determination of wealth ranks for each
regional sample are shown in Table 13 and presented in graphic form in Figure
9. The goal of this section of the analysis is to test for change in the regional
wealth hierarchy structure within each sample in terms of the number of wealth
ranks of sites present during each time phase. The expected pattern, derived
from the model in Chapter 3, is that a region with the most developed wealth
hierarchy should show the most significant change.
The time trajectory line for Region 1 shows that two wealth rank levels
are present during all three time periods. The Region 2 time line shows that
four wealth rank levels are present during the Early and Middle Yayoi Phases;
however, the line drops to two wealth ranks during the Late Yayoi Phase.
Region 3 has two wealth rank levels during the Early and Middle Phases and
three wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. The Region 4 time
trajectory line shows two wealth rank levels during the Early Phase, three levels
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 109
during the Middle and two levels during the Late Yayoi Phase.
E a r 1y Y a y o i P e r i o d
Wealth Rank Reg i on
1 O w 4 5
H i g h e s t 1 2 3
Lowest 4 3 4
1 1 7 10
3 4
4 3 1
M i d d l e Yayoi P e r i o d
Wealth Rank Reg i on
1 2 3 4 5
H i g h e s t 1 2 3
Lowest 4 5 5
1 1 14 11
11 13
1 19 15
3 4
La t e Yayoi P e r i o d
Wealth Rank Reg i on
1 2 3 4 5
H i g h e s t 1 2 3
Lowest 4 14 3
IC 7
1 I 1?
14 13 7
2 4
T a b l e 13. Number.o-f S i t e s P o s s e s s i n g Each Type -for F i v e Regional Samples
Wealth Rank D u r i n g the Yayoi
Per i od.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 11.0
I — 1 1 I
•Early Tayoi Kiddle Yayoi I a t e ^ayoi
f i g u r e 1 0 . Diagraa Showing Change i n Regional Wealth Hierarchy Structure 3etween the ?ive Regions i n Northern Kyushu.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 111
Region 5 shows one wealth rank level during the Early Yayoi, which changes to
two levels during the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases.
Figure 9 shows that Region 2 displays the greatest change in the number
of wealth rank levels between the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases. Region 4 also
shows a drop in the number of wealth ranks during this time. The implications
of this patterning will be discussed in the concluding section of this chapter.
10. A n a l y s i s Results
This test for variation in levels of bronze accumulation has resulted in
very few cases in which more than two wealth ranks are present among sites.
A summary of the test results is provided in Table 14. For the Early Yayoi
Phase sample, four wealth ranks among sites were found among only those
within Region 2. These levels were composed of sites without bronze, sites with
small accumulation index values, sites with large index values and one site with
a considerably larger index of accumulation value. This pattern meets the criteria
established earlier for the existence of a high degree of ranking between sites or
a regional hierarchy of bronze control. Regions 1, 3, 4 and 5 all possessed a
minimal degree of inter-site ranking characterized by two wealth rank levels.
Level 4 consisted of sites without bronze while Level 3 consisted of sites with
small bronze accumulation index values.
During the Middle Yayoi Phase, Region 2 contained four wealth rank
levels of sites.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 112
Early Yayoi Middle Yayoi Late Yayoi
Region Wealth Ranks
Degree of Ranking
Wealth Ranks
Degree of Ranking
Wealth Degree of Ranks Ranking
1 2 Minimal 2 Minimal 2 Minimal
2 4- High 4 High 2 Minimal
3 2 Minimal 2 Minimal 3 Moderate
4- 2 Minimal 3 Moderate 2 Minimal
5 1 None 2 Minimal 2 Minimal
Table "14. Summary of Test Results For Inter-Site Ranking Within the Five Regional Samples During the Yayoi Period in Northern Kyushu.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 113
Region 4 advanced from two in the Early Phase to three wealth rank levels
during the Middle Yayoi Phase. Regions 1, 3 and 5 had two wealth rank levels
during the Middle Phase suggesting that the degree of inter-site ranking, or
hierarchy, was still minimal.
During the Late Yayoi Phase, there was a decrease in the number of
regions with more than two wealth rank levels of sites. Region 2, which had
four wealth rank levels during the Middle Yayoi, dropped to two wealth rank
levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. Region 3 dropped from three wealth rank
levels during the Middle Phase to two wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi
Phase. The pattern in Region 3 changed from two wealth rank levels in the
Middle phase to three wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. Region 3
was the only region during the Late Yayoi phase to contain more than two
wealth rank levels among its sites.
The patterning discovered in the analysis supports Hypothesis 2 that the
greatest change in wealth rank structure should occur in the regions that
contained the greatest number of wealth rank levels. I will discuss the cultural
significance of this patterning in the concluding part of this section, but, first, I
will evaluate the tests results on methodological grounds.
Before I discuss the test results, I must provide a cautionary note on the
methodology at this stage. The method used was the result of initial data
exploration through more conventional means such as box-plots, stem and leaf
diagrams and tables. An alternative method was used because of the difficulties
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 114
in receiving adequate output due to the very small number of sites used in each
sample. Further data transformation, in terms of the conversion of absolute
values to index values, was done to control for sampling error. I would stress
that this method was tailor-made for the unique data set in question and should
not be adopted wholesale and used indiscriminantly on any other data set. More
conventional, statistically sound methods should be attempted first. If this were to
prove unsuccessful, then perhaps an alternative method, such as the one used in
this thesis, would be useful.
The index of accumulation values provided a useful way to control for
sampling error and establish rank cut values to determine the wealth rank level
of each site within a regional sample. One interesting problem that arose was
the difference in the magnitude of wealth accumulation between each separate
sample. For example, the Region 3 Early Yayoi Phase sample values ranged
from 1.0 to 4.7 while those from the Region 3 Late Phase ranged from 1.0 to
29.0. As a result, the same scale could not be used to establish rank cut points
in each sample. By using the median value of each sample to establish sufficient
gaps in bronze accumulation values, the original integrity of each sample was
maintained without being influenced by the extreme values of others.
Overall, the analysis accomplished what it set out to do. Different wealth
rank levels between sites were determined in cases in which they were obvious.
In some samples, a pattern occurred in which each ascending index value was
very close to the preceding one. When this occurred, it was difficult to establish
cut-points based on the presence of a gap larger than the median value.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 115
Perhaps, a separate category for this phenomenon could have been established if
the range between high and low values was large. Still, this may have diverged
too far from the original goal of the analysis, which was to pinpoint obvious
gaps in bronze accumulation between sites and establish a regional hierarchy of
wealth distribution.
11. Conclusions
The following conclusions have been reached based on the patterns
described in the previous section. During the Early Yayoi Phase, Region 2
showed a high degree of ranking between sites. Four wealth rank levels were
present consisting of sites without bronze, sites with small bronze index values,
sites with large amounts of bronze and one site with a much higher
concentration of bronze. Since the Itazuke Tabata cemetery had the highest
bronze index value, it was given the highest wealth rank within Region 2. This
value came from the assemblage of a single burial, which means that the burial
was for a high status individual. This pattern is different from that of a site
such as the Yoshitake cemetery, which contained a moderate number of bronze
objects distibuted among more individuals. Perhaps the principles of status, rank
and wealth distribution were different between these two communities.
Since two wealth rank levels were present in the other four regions
(Figure 9), and the bronze index values tended to be much smaller, it is clear
that there was greater variation in the relative importance of bronze between
sites within Region 2 than the rest. This pattern was probably due to two
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 116
factors. First, evidence shows that this region was the most developed, in terms
of population density and subsistence production, during the Early Yayoi Phase.
Second, Region 2 appears to be the first to have received bronze goods from the
continent. Thus, it is no surprise that this region contained the most developed
regional hierarchy based on differences in wealth rank between sites.
During the Middle Yayoi Phase, two regions contained more than two
wealth rank levels among their sites. Region 2 contained four wealth ranks,
which amounts to a high degree of inter-site ranking. The two major sites
responsible for this pattern were the Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi sites which
contained a much larger number of bronze objects than others within Region 2.
These bronze objects were placed into two burials at Mikumo (Table 7) and a
single burial at Sugu Yamanokuchi (Table 8). Bronze objects, especially mirrors,
were scarce and controlled by a few powerful individuals within Region 2.
Perhaps the power and influence of the leaders within these communities kept
other settlements in the region at a lower level of development. It is possible
that a political system based on a small regional hierarchy of settlements existed
during the Middle Yayoi Phase in northern Kyushu. The center of the hierarchy
would have been the area occupied by the Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi sites.
This political center may have controlled other surrounding communities within
this region.
Region 4 had three wealth rank levels or a moderate degree of inter-site
ranking (Table 14 and Figure 9). The Oitai site possessed the highest bronze
index value which shows that this site had the highest wealth rank in the
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 117
region. Another smaller political center may have existed at the Oitai site which
would have controlled the flow of bronze objects to other communities in Region
4. Archaeological evidence suggests that if political centers existed in these areas,
they would have been quite small. There is no evidence, at this time, to suggest
any form of unification between the more powerful communities in Regions 2 and
4. Political control in the Middle Yayoi Phase was probably based on small
pockets of power in which leaders of a few communities were able to control
bronze and maintain conditions of scarcity at the expense of others. This pattern
is of great significance in explaining the nature of political change in Yayoi
period northern Kyushu. From the data used in this analysis, the Middle Yayoi
Phase contains the most developed wealth hierarchy network. Yet, even at this
stage, there is no evidence to suggest any form of political unification between
powerful communities in different regions.
During the Late Yayoi Phase, Region 3 had three wealth rank levels
which suggests a moderate degree of inter-site ranking. Region 2, which had four
levels and a high degree of ranking during the Middle Yayoi, contained only two
wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. Sites within Region 3 possessed
the highest concentrations of bronze during this phase. Region 4, which contained
three wealth rank levels during the Middle Yayoi, had two levels during the
Late Phase. Only one of four regions had more than a minimal degree of
inter-site ranking during the Late Yayoi Phase. The Sakura-no-baba cemetery, in
Region 3, had the highest bronze index value and wealth rank, and was,
perhaps, a small center of political influence.
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 118
Of particular interest are the patterns of change in inter-site ranking on
a regional scale. During the Early Yayoi Phase, Region 2 was a center of
bronze control while the other four regions had small amounts of bronze. This
pattern continued to develop into the Middle Yayoi Phase in which the beginning
of a regional hierarchy of bronze control took place. A small area within Region
2 became a center of bronze control, and possibly, political control. This same
pattern emerged in Region 4, to a lesser degree, in which the Oitai site came
to possess a higher wealth rank than other sites within this region. This general
trend changed abruptly in the Late Yayoi Phase when the ranked structures
present in the previous two periods disappeared. Region 3 emerged as a
dominant consumer of bronze and the only region that possessed a moderate
degree of inter-site ranking. Overall, Region 2 was the only area that had a
well developed wealth exchange hierarchy during the Early and Middle Phases.
This hierarchy was either destroyed or reorganized during the Late Yayoi Phase.
In summary, the analysis carried out in this chapter has provided some
unexpected results. The analysis of intra-site ranking revealed a trend towards a
lack of change in the degree of ranking at each cemetery with the exception of
one. Either, the internal dynamics associated with status rivalry did not lead to
change in community rank ordering systems, or status rivalry was not prevalent
at this level.
On the other hand, the analysis of change in inter-site ranking supported
Hypothesis 2. A well-developed, regional hierarchy of wealth control was present
in only Region 2, during the Early and Middle Phases, and Region 4 to a lesser
ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 119
extent. This hierarchy disappeared during the Late Yayoi showing that the region
with the most developed wealth hierarchy experienced the greatest upheaval and
change in organizational structure. Competition between communities is one
possible way to explain this pattern. Overall, it appears, from this particular
analysis, that status rivalry and competition between communities played a more
significant role than intra-community competition in the political development of
Yayoi society in northern Kyushu.
CHAPTER V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
This thesis has looked at the possible role of status rivalry in the
evolution of Yayoi period society in northern Kyushu. Two major hypotheses,
derived from a model of status rivalry and change in community power
structure, were tested. Hypothesis 1 stated that status rivalry was present in
the development of social ranking within communities and subsequent change in
the status ordering system.
Tests revealed two major patterns. First, a well-developed, internal ranking
system was present in very few cemeteries. Second, there was a trend towards
a lack of change in the degree of ranking within each cemetery. There are
several possible explanations for this pattern. Sampling error may have biased
the results by obscuring the full range of variability among the burial
assemblages. This is quite possible, since the total number of burials within all
of the cemeteries was not known. Another possible explanation for this pattern
may stem from the methodology used to establish wealth ranks among burials.
Perhaps large differences in status were indicated by subtle differences in the
wealth content of burials. If this was the case, the criteria used for establishing
separate wealth rank categories may have been too rigid. However, I thought it
was important to exercise caution in this aspect of the analysis, especially since
I was using data concerning grave goods.
As stated earlier, the method used for the analysis in this thesis has
provided a useful way to look at this particular data set. Still, more conventional
120
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 121
methods should be tried first. Variation in wealth content among mortuary
assemblages was obvious in most cases and easy to pin-point in this particular
study; however, this may always be the case for mortuary data sets from
different parts of the world.
Methodological problems aside, there are other interesting explanations that
may account for this lack of change in internal rank structure within these
communities. Perhaps the status ordering and ranking systems remained intact in
these communities. In this case, status rivalry may not have played a major
role in the local power structure. Rules of succession for the leadership position
may have been firmly established in such a way that a concrete emphasis on
ability was absent form the system. As a result, the opportunities for political
advancement, on the part of individuals that were not part of a high ranking
lineage, would have been rare.
On the other hand, change may have occurred in the form of new chiefs
succeeding old chiefs in such a way that the structure of the ranking system
remained the same. Status rivalry could have led to a rapid change in leaders
while the chiefly office and subordinate postions remained intact. What the test
of Hypothesis 1 failed to show was a change in the structure of internal
ranking systems within these communities. This does not necessarily mean that
other kinds of change did not occur.
Another possible explanation is that competition and status rivalry were
not carried out through the mortuary ritual. Perhaps power was displayed
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 122
through feasting or other forms of ritual activity. If this was the case, evidence
of status rivalry and competition would not be preserved in the archaeological
record.
As mentioned earlier, other classes of data are needed to test this notion
more thoroughly. First, greater time control is needed. Instead of placing burials
into the three major time divisions of the Yayoi period, the use of radiocarbon
dates and close attention to the formation processes involved would provide a
tight chronological ordering of burials into more phases of shorter duration. As a
result, change in the mortuary patterning over shorter time intervals would be
revealed. A finer time scale is necessary in the study of change in rank
ordering in mortuary data, especially at the intra-site level. For example, if
chiefs were interred in rich burials at an average of • one every 50 years, it is
crucial for the archaeologist to know this fact if the research goal is to explain
the relationship between status rivalry and chiefly succession in this community.
Further information on the internal structure of each community would
also be useful. Data on the spatial relationship between households and
cemeteries, household size and storage pit capacities would provide a more diverse
information base for the analysis. The goal of this particular strategy would be
to confirm whether or not patterning in the other classes of data support the
patterns within the mortuary data. If this proved to be the case, one's
arguments, based on the burial data, would be strengthened.
Hypothesis 2 stated that status rivalry between the leaders of different
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 123
communities led to short-term political success, oscillations in wealth control and
major structural changes in the organization of the existing wealth exchange
network. The patterning revealed in the analysis of inter-site ranking supported
this hypothesis. For the most part, regional wealth hierarchies were rare and
when they did occur, they were confined to a single river drainage basin. A well
developed hierarchy was present in only the Fukuoka Plain region during the
Early Yayoi Phase. This network developed further during the Middle Yayoi only
to disappear in the Late Yayoi Phase. This pattern supports Hypothesis 2 and
the model presented in Chapter 3 which call for the greatest structural change
in the regional wealth hierarchy to occur in areas where it is the most
developed. Structural change in wealth rank and exchange network systems
occurred on a regional scale far more than change in rank ordering and wealth
control within sites.
As mentioned earlier, these results support the notion that status rivalry,
and the accompanying oscillations in political and wealth control, occurred more
between the leaders of different communities than local elites within the same
community. Perhaps, status ordering and rank within a community was still
strongly based on rules of kinship, descent and strong lineage ties. As a result,
political gamesmanship and maneuvering would not have played a major role in
the quest for leadership. As one moved further away from the local community,
kinship ties began to disappear. Competitive interaction between communities may
have involved a greater emphasis on ability or other more impersonal qualities.
If this was the case, competition may have involved outdoing a neighboring
community through high productive capacity and the control of more wealth. If
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 124
the system of inter-community rivalry was strong enough, limits on the amount
of power a single community could hold would have existed. Other peripheral
communities would have allied themselves to oust the leader of a successful
community at the pinnacle of the hierarchy that extracted wealth and resources
at their own expense. This particular pattern was revealed in the analysis in
Chapter 4. As mentioned earlier, it is the well developed hierarchies that
eventually fall. There is also no evidence for political unification between regions
during any time period. The general pattern of change seems to be the rise and
fall of small areas or pockets of control. If wealth possession is an indicator of
political power, political control in the Yayoi period of northern Kyushu was of a
very precarious nature.
This thesis supports the ideas of researchers such as Feinman and Neitzel
(1984:44) and Steponaitis (1981:321) who argue for the need to abandon
classificatory and typological research on ranked societies and the development of
social complexity. The typological approach consists of works that search for the
proper patterning in archaeological data to place the society in question at one of
the major levels in the evolutionary ladder (band, tribe, chiefdom, state). The
classification scheme may not only be overly simplistic and incorrect, but it also
obscures the processes that led to social change since the typological boundaries
act as artificial barriers that break up a natural continuum (Plog 1977:45). This
thesis provides a good example of why it is important to stay away from this
trap.
In this thesis, I have referred to political ambitions on the part of
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 125
leaders, wealth display, participation in exchange networks and the control of
wealth to gain supporters and further political careers. I also discuss tenuous
political alliances, oscillations in political control and the breaking of evolutionary
advances. I have presented these ideas within the context of chiefly or ranked
societies. However, the exact same characteristics form the basis for political
control in Melanesian Big-Man societies (Berndt 1971:393; Healey 1978:205;
Meggit 1971:203; Sahlins 1963:292). The key difference between Big-Man and
ranked or chiefly societies is the continued existence of the chiefly office. The
office, or position, is always present no matter who is in possession.
Traditionally, Big-Man leadership is said to result from an individual's abilities
and personal power.
However, studies show that central places exist in some Big-Man societies,
which suggests that leaders do not arise only through personal ambition and
strength, but also are as much a function of the central places they inhabit
(Terrell 1986:212). The rise to power of a Big-Man may also serve a functional
purpose. With the existence of central places, a Big-Man society would look very
much like a chiefdom. On the other hand, if chiefly centers of power are in a
state of constant flux, they would be difficult to distinguish from the Big-Man
situation.
In this thesis, I was unable to determine whether or not the evidence
pointed to the existence of a permanent chiefly office (In fact, I did not even
attempt to do so!). I have left the reader with the question, were these Yayoi
polities in northern Kyushu chiefdoms, ranked societies, Big-Man societies or were
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 126
they at some level in between? My answer to this question is that it does not
matter. The patterning in the data still exists whether it was a Big-Man or
chiefly society. In fact, Yayoi society shows some characteristics of both. The
main goal of this thesis has been to explain how political change may have
occurred in northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period and to test whether or not
status rivalry and competition played a role in this development.
In terms of the broader implications, several key points have been raised
from this study. In light of Goldman's (1970) work on status rivalry and
competition in the Pacific Islands, this thesis has provided some interesting
insights through the analysis of archaeological data. Both Goldman (1970) and
Service (1962) point to the limited base of political power that exists in ranked
societies, due to its reliance on kin-based sanctions. The work in this thesis
supports this notion; however, it does so with a different twist. Goldman's focus
is on competition within the community, while this study has shown that
competition from leaders of external groups may cause even more damage to the
existing political hierarchy. In this particular example, status rivalry and change
in community power structure seems to be manifest more at the regional level
than Goldman implies.
This thesis also supports the findings of Brumfiel and Earle (1987) and
Helms (1979) who state that the control of wealth does play a role in the
political success of leaders. The northern Kyushu example shows that those
communities which contain burials with large multiple inclusions of bronze objects,
especially mirrors, occupy the top levels in the regional wealth hierarchy. The
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 127
findings in this thesis also support the work of Pearson (1982) and Shanks and
Tilley (1982) who claim that the mortuary ritual is intended more for
inter-community competition than intra-community competition. This pattern is
clearly shown in the analysis carried out in Chapter 4. Furthermore, oscillations
in the wealth rank levels, at the regional level, add support to Kirch's (1980)
notion the burial wealth indicates relative socio-political status instead of social
rank in Tonga. One would expect a system of political status and power to
change much more rapidly than one of ascribed rank (much like a British
politician's career would be more precarious than that of a member of the
British monarchy).
The work of Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978) and Ekholm (1978) is also
supported by the findings in this thesis. Both argue that prestige exchange
systems are built on a very unstable political base in which collapse and
subsequent reorganization are distinct possibilities. In fact, the more successful a
community is, the more dangerous its position becomes. The northern Kyushu
example clearly shows that the greatest structural change occurred in regions in
which the regional wealth hierarchy was the most developed.
The broader implications of this pattern for studies on cultural evolution
are as follows. It seems that in some areas status rivalry and competition
between leaders of different communities is so intense that the system develops
an internal breaking mechanism. If one community rises too high above the
others, it is pulled back down, possibly through temporary military or exchange
alliances, on the part of surrounding communities, to thwart this development. As
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 128
I mentioned earlier, this might be one of the many reasons why communities in
the Kinai Region in Japan surpassed those in northern Kyushu, in terms of
socio-political development, and became the center for the birth of the early
Japanese state.
Barnes (1988:279) finds evidence for the existence of a two-tiered
settlement hierarchy which represents two hierarchical polities in the Kinai region
during the Early Kofun period. It seems that the political strength and the
position of powerful communities in this area were more permanent than for
those in northern Kyushu. Once in power, the high level Kinai communities were
able to successfully expand and incorporate other peripheral communities. Perhaps
the same kind of internal constraints on evolutionary change found in Kyushu
were not present among communities in the Kinai region of prehistoric Japan at
this time.
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Arj-oendix I .
Table 15. Summary Table Showing the Number of Bronze Objects, the Number of Burials with Bronze Present and the Bronze Index of Accumulation Value f o r Each Cemetery Within the Sample From Northern Kyushu During the Yayoi Period.
Site Region Phase Bronze Burials Index Objects
Nakayama •1 Early 1 1 1.0
Machiyakuba Kami 1 Early 1 1 1.0
Kakihara 1 Early 1 1 1.0
Tate 1iwa 1 Middle 10 5 2.0
Sasahara 1 Middle 1 1 1.0
Gokoku-no-kami 1 Middle 1 1 1.0
Babayama 1 Middle 3 3 1.0
Shioigake 1 Late 6 6 1.0
Kumano J i n j a Kedidai 1 Late 1 1 1.0
Tate'iwa 1 Late 6 1 6.0
Harada 1 Late 2 2 1.0
Takashima 1 Late . 1 1 1.0
Uenohara 1 Late 1 1 1.0
Meotozuka 1 Late 4 1 4.0
Miyahara 1 Late 2 2.0
Kamitokoroda 1 Late 1 1 1.0
Ishigatsubo 1 Late 2 • 2 1.0
Zokumyoin 1 Late 1 1 1.0
Tsusho-no-Tsutsumi 1 Late 1 1 1.0
Taira 1 •• Late 1 1 1.0
137
S i t e Region Phase Bronze Objects
Burials Inde5
Shironokoe 1 Late 1 1 1.0
Yoshitake (isekigun) 2 Early 1 1 1.0
Yoshitake Takaki 2 Early 4 2 2.0
Yoshitake Oishi 2 Early 7 7 1.0
Iikura Maruo 2 Early 1 1 1.0
Nishi-Fukuoka-Koko 2 Early 3 • 3 1.0
Karumeru Shudoin 2 Early 7 3 3.0
Itazuke Tabata 2 Early 7 1 7.0
Morizono 2 Early 1 1 1.0
Mikumo 2 Middle 30 2 15.0
Koso 2 Middle 1 1 1.0
Mukobara 2 Middle 3 1 3.0
Imajuku 2 Middle 1 1 1.0
Nogata Kubo 2 Middle 3 2 1.5
Yoshitake Hiwatashi 2 Middle 5 3 1.7
Yoshitake Takaki 2 Middle 10 6 1.7
Yoshitake Oishi 2 Middle 3 1.3
N i s h i Shinmachi. 2 Middle 1 1 1.0
Maruodai 2 Middle 3 1 3.0
Hie 2 Middle 1 1 1.0
Sugu Yamanokuchi 2 Middle 40 5 8.0
Kadota T s u j i t a 2 Middle 2 2 1.0
T a t e i s h i - 2 Middle 1 1 1.0
Hiogarnizuka 2 Middle 1 1 1.0
138
S i t e Region Phase Bronze Objects
Burials Inde?
Shikabeyama 2 Middle 2 1 2.0
Ihara Yarimizo 2 Late 3 1 3.0 Mikumo Teraguchi 2 Late 1 1 1.0
Mitsuyoshi 2 Late 1 1 1.0
I i s h i 3aba 2 Late 1 1 1.0
Nogata Nakahara 2 Late 2 2 1.0
Nogata Tsukahara 2 Late 1 1.0
Nagatare 2 Late 1 1 1.0
Osabaru 2 Late 1 1 1.0
Takaramitsuo 2 Late 1 1 1.0
Miyanoshita 2 Late 1 1 1.0
Ukikunden 3 Early 2 2 1.0 Sumiyoshidaira 3 Early 1 1 1.0
Kashiwazaki Ishikura 3 Middle 3 1 3.0 Kuri Omuta 3 Middle 3 1.3 Ukikunden 3 Middle 63 4.5 Taj'ima 3 Middle . 1 • • 1 1.0
Tokusue 3 Middle 1 1 1.0
Sago Shiratake 3 Middle 4- 4.0
Egasaki 3 Middle 2 2.0
Shimogoya-no-ki 3 Middle 5-. 3 1.7 Koshojima 3 Middle 1 1 1.0
Hara-no-tsuji 3 Middle 1 1 1.0
Sahoura Akazaki 3 Middle 2 1 2.0
139
Site Region Phase Bronze Burials Index Objects
Tokutake Ishigasaki 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Sakura-no-baba 3 Late 29 1 29.0
Chichiga 3 Late 10 2 5.0
Yamamoto 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Tonokubi 3 Late 11 3 3.7
Ebisuyama 3 Late 2 2 1.0
Kisaka 3 Late 15 3 5.0
Sakadou 3 Late 6 1 6.0
Shinoura 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Takamatsu-no-dan 3 Late 8 2 4-.0
Totogoyama 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Sago Kubiru 3 Late 4- 1 4-.0
Kashiwa-no-ki 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Kan'nonura 3 Late 2 1 2.0
Kuroki Minamibana 3 Late 2 1 2.0
Kofunosai 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Kisurogohama 3 - Late 3 1 3.0
Harou 3 Late 4- 2 2.0
Higashi-no-hama 3 Late 2 1 2.0
To-no-hama 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Nakadodan 3 Late 1 1 1.0
Antoku Dozen 4- Early 1 1 1.0
Kitamuta 4- Early " 1 1 . 1.0
140
Site Region Phase Bronze Objects
Burials Index
Marayama 4 Early 1 1 1.0
Nagaoka !± Middle 1 1 1.0
Nishioda IX. Middle 1 1 •1.0
Mine 4 Middle 3 2 1.5
Yatsunami 4 ' Middle 1 1.0
Sotokuma 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Yamada Atoyama 4 Middle 2 2 1.0
K u r i t a 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
B o d a i j i 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
O i t a i 4 Middle 7 1 1.0
Ogawa 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Kamenoko 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Kume 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Motoyoshi 4 Middle 3 1 3.0
Hyotanzuka 4 Middle 1 1.0
Futazukayama 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Karakami 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Gohondani 'A Middle 1 1.0
Uechi 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
K i r i d o s h i 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Shirakabe 4 Middle 1 1 1.0
Yokokuma Kitsenzuka 4 Late 1 1 1.0
N i s h i y a s h i k i 4 . Late 1 1 1.0
Site Region Phase Bronze Burials Index Objects
Gionyama 4- late 1 1 1.0
Nishihata Goyozuka 4- Late 2 1 2.0
Higashihata 4- Late 2 ' 1 2.0
Kamenokoko 4- Late 2 2 1.0
Tsubuteishi 4- Late 1 1 1.0
Soza 4- Late 1 1 1 .0
Futazukayama 4- Late 5 5 1.0
Mitsunagata 4- Late 4- 4- 1 .0
Matsuba 4- Late 1 1 1.0
Gohondani 4- Late 1 1 1.0
Eashimayama 4- Late 2 2 1 .0
Kamitaki 5 Middle 1 1 1.0
Tateishi-cho-shozai 5 Middle 1 1 1 .0
Keikan 5 Middle 4- 4- 1.0
Mode 5 Late 1 1 1.0
Gonoki 5 Late 1 1 1.0
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