AComparisonoftheInfluenceofImmigrationonthePoliticalCultures
ofHighRiver,Alberta,andBrooks,Alberta
JohannaFelske
Athesissubmittedtothe
FacultyofGraduateandPostdoctoralStudies
inpartialfulfillmentoftherequirementsforthe
MasterofArtsdegreeinPoliticalScience
SchoolofPoliticalStudies
UniversityofOttawa
©JohannaAileenFelske,Ottawa,Canada,2016
ii
Abstract
Thisthesiscomparestheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculturesof
thetownofHighRiver,Alberta,andthecityofBrooks,Alberta,from1996until
2012.
HighRiverandBrooksarelocatedinsouthernAlberta,andarehometolarge
meatprocessingfacilities.Bothmunicipalitiesexperiencedpopulationgrowthfrom
1996until2012,butwhiletheimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulation
ofHighRiverincreasedby108.82%from1996until2011,theimmigrantandnon-
permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksincreasedby368.38%inthesameperiod.
Twoindicatorsofpoliticalengagementareused,includingvotingresults
fromprovincialelectionsheldin1997,2001,2004,and2008.Inaddition,local
newspaperpublicationsarereviewed;theHighRiverTimesandTheBrooksBulletin
areexaminedfortwomonthsprecedingaprovincialelection,duringthemonthof
anelection,andforonemonthfollowinganelection.
Cettethèsefaitunecomparaisondel'impactdel'immigrationsurlescultures
politiquesdeHighRiver,Alberta,etdeBrooks,Alberta,entre1996et2012.
HighRiveretBrookssontsituésdanslesuddel'Alberta,etilyadesusines
detransformationdelaviandedanslesdeuxvilles.Lapopulationdesdeux
municipalitésaaugmentéentre1996et2012,maisbienquelapopulation
immigranteetderésidentsnon-permanentsdeHighRiverontaugmentéde
108,82%entre1996et2011,cettepopulationdeBrooksaaugmentéde368,38%
danslemêmepériode.
Deuxindicateursd'engagementpolitiquesontutilisés,ycomprislesrésultats
desélectionsprovincialestenuesen1997,2001,2004,et2008.Enoutre,les
publicationsdesjournauxlocaux,leHighRiverTimesetTheBrooksBulletin,sont
examinesdeuxmoisavantuneélectionprovinciale,aucoursdumoisd'uneélection,
etpendantunmoisaprès.
iii
Acknowledgements Iwouldliketooffermysinceregratitudetomysupervisor,Dr.FrançoisRocher,forhisguidanceandresolutesupportthroughoutthecompletionofthisthesis.Iwouldalsoliketothankthemembersofthecommittee,includingDr.LucTurgeon,Dr.JaniqueDubois,andDr.ChristianRouillard,aswellastheSchoolofPoliticalStudiesattheUniversityofOttawa. IamgratefulforthesupportthatIreceivedfrommyspouse,EricWest,andmyparents,Dr.AileenWight-FelskeandDr.LorryFelske,aswellasmybrother,NicholasFelske,duringthecompletionofthisthesis.
iv
TableofContentsAbstract..…………………………………………………………………………………………………..iiAcknowledgements..…………………………………………………………………………………iiiTableofContents..…………………………………………………………………………………….ivChapterI..………………………………………………………………………………………………….1
Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………….1
ChapterII………………………………………………………………………………………………….5LiteratureReview-TheoriesofPoliticalCulture………………………………….5LiteratureReview-TheoriesofPoliticalCultureandtheInfluenceofImmigration……………………………………………………………………………………...13ResearchQuestion…………………………………………………………………………….16Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………..20
ChapterIII……………………………………………………………………………………………….24Results-HighRiver,Alberta………………………………………………………………24
ChapterIV……………………………………………………………………………………………….40Results-Brooks,Alberta…………………………………………………………………...40
ChapterV………………………………………………………………………………………………..55Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………..55
References………………………………………………………………………………………..……..61
1
ChapterI
Introduction
TheimpactoftheprocessofimmigrationonmulticulturalisminCanadian
societyiswelldocumented.However,lessexaminedistherelationshipbetween
immigrationandpoliticalculture.Theinteractionofimmigrationandpolitical
cultureisinterestingbecauseofitsconsequences;immigrationtoCanadaissetto
continueandthisprocesswillinevitablyhaveanimpactonthepoliticalcultureof
Canadiansociety.
Theimpactoftheprocessofimmigrationonpoliticalcultureisimportant
becausepoliticalcultureisessentiallyareflectionofthepoliticalattitudesand
beliefsofasociety.Doesimmigrationalterthepoliticalattitudesandbeliefsofa
society?Isthepoliticalcultureofasocietychangedbythearrivalofimmigrants?
ThesequestionsareimportantasimmigrationtoCanadacontinues.Toexplore
thesequestions,itiscrucialtobeginwithanunderstandingofpoliticalculture.
PoliticalculturewasdefinedbyAlmondandVerbainTheCivicCultureasa
setoforientations,orattitudes,towardaspecialsetofsocialobjectsandprocesses;
theobjectsandprocessesrefertothepoliticalsystemandtheroleoftheindividual
withinthissystem(Almond&Verba,1963,p.13).Thisunderstandingcoincides
withNelsonWiseman’sconceptionofthethreecentralcomponentsofpolitical
culture.First,fundamentalvaluesthataretransmittedthroughpolitical
socializationindicateideology.Thesecondcomponentofpoliticalcultureincludes
policiesthathavebeenrespectedhistorically.Thethirdcomponentinvolves
ritualizedpractices(Wiseman,2007,p.14).Toexaminethepoliticalcultureofan
area,suchasanation,isthereforetostudytheideologyofasociety,itspolicies,and
itsritualizedpractices,asindicatedthroughdominantvalues.
Politicalculturehasasignificantroleinsocietyintermsofpoliticalpolicies
andpractices.Asamanifestationofasociety’sideologyanddominantvalues,
politicalcultureistherealmwithinwhichpoliticalsocializationoccurs.The
transmissionofbeliefsandvaluesthroughpoliticalsocializationhasimmense
2
consequences.Forinstance,inexaminingthedifferencesbetweendemocraticand
totalitarianstates,AlmondandVerbaarguedthatthesameinstitutions,suchasthe
politicalpartyandtheelectivelegislature,werepresentinbothtypes;thecrucial
differencewasthepoliticalculturesurroundingtheseinstitutions(Almond&Verba,
1963,p.5).Thesignificanceofpoliticalcultureinsocietyisclear,buttheprocessof
transmittingpoliticalcultureislesstangible.
Politicalattitudesandbeliefsformthecoreofasociety’spoliticalculture,so
howtheyaretransmittedandconveyedamongindividualsisextremelyimportant.
Politicalsocializationisthelearningofpoliticsanditinvolvesagentssuchasthe
family,school,peers,thechurch,mediaandpoliticalactors(Wiseman,2007,p.19).
Itiseffectivelythetransmissionofvaluesinasociety.Thisisparticularly
interestingwhenconsideredinrelationtoimmigrationsincetheinjectionofnew
valuesintoasociety,throughnewinhabitants,considerablyaffectspolitical
socialization,andtherebypoliticalculture.Immigrationdisruptsthetraditional
agentsofpoliticalsocializationbyalteringvaluesassociatedwiththefamily,school,
peers,thechurch,mediaandpoliticalactors.
ImmigrationtoCanadaisnotacontemporaryphenomenon.Thesettlement
ofCanadahasinvolvedmultiplewavesofimmigration,eachwavemadeuniqueby
varyingregional,politicalandeconomiccomplexities.Theimpetusforimmigration
hasvariedatdifferenthistoricalperiods,andsodoestheinterpretationofthe
influenceofimmigrationonpoliticalculture.
LouisHartzacknowledgedthecomplexrelationshipbetweenimmigration
andpoliticalculture.Hartz’sfragmenttheoryputforththeideathatimmigrants
bringaculturalandpoliticalunderstandingfromtheirsocietyoforigintotheirnew
society.Thefragmentationofthesocietyoforiginoccursatthepointofthe
immigrants’departure;thenewsocietyhasthesamepoliticalcultureofthesociety
oforigin,anditdevelopsonadifferenttrajectorysinceotherelementsarenolonger
present.
Someauthors,suchasKennethMcRae,dismissedtheimpactofimmigration
onthepoliticalcultureofsociety.InreferencetoHartz’sfragmenttheory,McRae
arguedthattheliberaltendencyofEnglishCanadaremainedintactthroughout
3
successivewavesofimmigrationduringthemid-nineteenthcentury.The
immigrantswhoarrivedbeforethemid-nineteenthcenturyembracedtheliberal
notionsofpropertyownershipandsocialequality(McRae,1964,p.246).
Furthermore,McRaecontendedthattheimmigrantsthatarrivedinCanadaatthe
turnofthetwentiethcenturywerelargelyabsorbedintotheexistingEnglish
politicalculturebecausetheAmericanliberalismoftheEnglishfragmentwas
“immenselyattractivetoimmigrantsofeveryethnicorigin”(McRae,1964,p.265).
RatherthanalteringthepoliticalcultureofEnglishCanada,theseimmigrantswere
integrated.
Incontrast,Wisemanattributedsignificantinfluencetotheprocessof
immigrationintermsofthedevelopmentofpoliticalculture.Wisemanexplained
provincialpoliticalcultureinCanadabyapplyingHartz’sfragmenttheorytooffer
distinctportraitsofthepoliticalcultureofeachprovince,andexpandedthese
portraitsbyalsoconsideringeconomicdevelopment.
Wiseman’sunderstandingofpoliticalcultureprovidesthebasisforan
examinationoftheimpactofimmigrationonpoliticalculture.Theideologyofa
society,itspolicies,anditsritualizedpractices,arerevealedthroughitsdominant
values.Dominantvaluesaretransmittedthroughpoliticalsocialization.Therefore,
inordertoexploretheimpactofimmigrationonpoliticalculture,itisnecessaryto
discusspoliticalsocialization.Politicalsocializationisimportantinexamining
immigrationandpoliticalculturebecauseitisthewayinwhichimmigrantsengage
with,andinfluence,anexistingpoliticalculture.
Theinfluenceofimmigrantsonanexistingpoliticalculturecanbestudied
throughformsofpoliticalengagement,suchasvoting.Thisisadirectinteraction
withasociety’spoliticalculture.Politicalengagementcanalsobeexaminedmore
indirectlythroughthediscourseofacommunity;thisisrevealedinlocalnewspaper
publications.Therefore,itpossibletomeasureachangeinthepoliticalcultureofan
areaoveraperiodoftimeusingindicatorssuchasvotingresultsandlocal
newspapers,astheserevealthepoliticalengagementofthecommunity.Itis
interestingtoconsiderwhetherthepoliticalcultureofacommunity,measuredin
thiscapacity,ischangedoveraperiodoftimebyincreasedimmigration.
4
Thisthesiswillexploretheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculturesof
Brooks,Alberta,andHighRiver,Alberta,throughacross-unitstudyfrom1996until
2012.Thesecommunitiesbothreceivedaninfluxofimmigrationduringthisperiod,
andtheysharemanycommonalities.
HighRiverandBrooksarebothlocatedinsouthernAlberta,butHighRiveris
significantlyclosertoCalgarythanBrooks.Eachlocationishometoalargemeat
processingfacility;CargillMeatSolutionsinHighRiverhas2,000employees
(Cargill,2016,para.2),whileJBSFood(formerlyknownasXLFoodsLakeside
Packers)hasover2,000employees(JBSFood,n.d.,para.2).
In2011,HighRiverhadapopulationof12,920(StatisticsCanada,2015d),an
increaseof75.57%from1996(StatisticsCanada,2013d).Theimmigrantandnon-
permanentresidentpopulationmadeup10.99%ofHighRiver’soverallpopulation
in2011(StatisticsCanada,2015d).Brookshadapopulationof13,325in2011
(StatisticsCanada,2015c),anincreaseof32.02%since1996(StatisticsCanada,
2013c).However,theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooks
was23.90%ofitstotalpopulationin2011(StatisticsCanada,2015c).HighRiveris
thereforecomparabletoBrooksintermsofpopulationsizeandeconomicindustry,
althoughwithadifferentdemographiccomposition.Thesecommunitiesprovide
idealcomparisonstoexaminetheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofa
community,usingtheindicatorsofvotingresultsandlocalnewspapers.
5
ChapterIILiteratureReview–TheoriesofPoliticalCultureInordertoresearchtheeffectofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofthe
communitiesofBrooksandHighRiver,itisnecessarytobeginwithan
understandingofpoliticalculture.InTheCivicCulture,authorsAlmondandVerba
approachedthestudyofpoliticalcultureinrelationtothedevelopmentof
democraticparticipation.AtthetimeofTheCivicCulture’spublicationin1963,
AlmondandVerbaidentifiedanemergingworldpoliticalcultureofparticipation;in
thisworldculture,statescouldeitherdevelopdemocraticparticipation,ora
totalitarianmodelofgovernance(Almond&Verba,1963,p.4).AlmondandVerba
arguedthattheinstitutionspresentinademocraticstate,suchasthepoliticalparty
andtheelectivelegislature,werealsopresentwithatotalitarianstate;thecrucial
differencewasthepoliticalculturesurroundingtheseinstitutions.
AlmondandVerbaunderstooddemocraticpoliticalcultureintermsof
democraticcitizenshipandthenotionofcitizenswhowereactiveinpolitics,with
informed,analyticandrationalparticipation.Theexistenceofademocraticpolitical
cultureistheresultofelementssuchastheattitudesandbeliefsystemsofcitizens,
towardsboththeirowngovernmentandlargersociety.Theintangibilityofthe
elementsofpoliticalculturemakesitdifficulttorecreateorspreaddemocratic
politicalculture,sincethecomponentsofpoliticalculturecannotbeconcretely
identified.AlmondandVerba’sstudyofpoliticalculturearosefromthisproblem.
Theybegantheirexaminationofpoliticalculturebynotingthatthe
emergenceofathirdculture,thecivicculture,occurredinGreatBritainasmodern
andtraditionalculturescombined(Almond&Verba,1963,p.8).Factorssuchas
secularizationandreligioustolerance,aswellasthedevelopmentofamerchant
class,meantthatGreatBritainwasabletofostera“pluralisticculturebasedon
communicationandpersuasion,acultureofconsensusanddiversity,aculturethat
permittedchangebutmoderatedit”(Almond&Verba,1963,p.8).Forthem,this
cultureisthecivicculture.
Thepurposeofdiscussingcivicculturewastodeterminethecontentofthis
6
democraticpoliticalculture,sothatitcouldbespreadtootherstates.Inthis
examination,politicalcultureasanobjectofstudyemerged.Todefinepolitical
cultureasanobjectofstudy,AlmondandVerbacomparedthedemocraciesofthe
UnitedStates,GreatBritain,Germany,ItalyandMexico.Thesestateshadvarying
historicalexperiences,aswellaspoliticalandsocialstructures,sotheircomparison
providedaninformativeframeworkforexaminingpoliticalcultureandits
components.
InTheCivicCulture,theseauthorsdefinedpoliticalcultureasasetof
orientations,orattitudes,towardaspecialsetofsocialobjectsandprocesses;the
objectsandprocessesrefertothepoliticalsystemandtheroleoftheindividual
withinthissystem.Toexpandthisconceptofpoliticalculturefurther,thepolitical
cultureofanationwasunderstoodtobethedistributionofpatternsoforientation
towardspoliticalobjectsamongthemembersofthenation(Almond&Verba,1963,
p.15).Therefore,thepoliticalcultureofastateisformedbytheorientationsof
individuals,whichcreatelargerpatternsthatarediscernableatabroaderlevel.
Forthem,theterm‘culture’wasunderstoodasa“psychologicalorientation
towardsocialobjects”(Almond&Verba,1963,p.14);thisisinterestingbecauseit
emphasizesthecentralroleofattitudesandbeliefsinpoliticalculture.Asaresult,
theterm‘politicalculture’referstothepoliticalattitudesandbeliefsofasociety;
thisisaspecificmeaningforaconceptwithintangiblecomponents.Inorderto
makethesecomponentsmoretangible,andmoreidentifiableforstudy,theydefined
specificmodesofpoliticalorientationandclassesofpoliticalobjects.
Theauthorsstatedthatpoliticalorientationinpoliticalcultureinvolved
threemaintypesoforientation:cognitive,affectiveandevaluational.Cognitive
orientationwastheknowledgeandbeliefofthepoliticalsystem,itsrolesandactors,
aswellasthesystem’sperformance.Affectiveorientationwasunderstoodasthe
feelingsaboutthepoliticalsystem,itsroles,actorsandperformance.Thedifference
betweencognitiveandaffectiveorientationissubtle;theformerinvolves
knowledgeandbeliefs,whilethelatterinvolvesattitudes.Finally,evaluational
orientationreferredtojudgmentsandopinionsaboutpoliticalobjects.Political
objectsthemselvesareintegraltothediscussionofpoliticalculture,sincetheyare
7
thetargetsofpoliticalorientations.
AlmondandVerbadividedpoliticalobjectsintotwocategories:the
individualaspoliticalactor,andthepoliticalsystem.Thepoliticalsystemcontains
threetypesofpoliticalobjects,includingrolesorstructures,andactors,aswellas
policiesordecisions.Thepoliticalobjectofrolesorstructurescaninclude
legislativebodies,executivesorbureaucracies.Inthissense,anindividual’s
knowledgeof,andattitudetowards,aspecificlegislativebodyindicatestheir
politicalorientation.Thesecondpoliticalobjectidentifiedwasactors;thismeant
legislators,administratorsormonarchs.Anopinionheldbyanindividualaboutan
electedofficialisthereforepartoftheirpoliticalorientation.Thirdly,political
objectscanincludepoliciesanddecisions,aswellastheenforcementofdecisions.
Therefore,theknowledgeof,andattitudetowards,acourtrulingcanalsoindicate
politicalorientation.
Finally,AlmondandVerbaarguedthatpoliticalobjectsarealsoidentifiedby
theirlocationwithinthepoliticalprocessitself.Ifapoliticalobjectispartofthe
inputprocess,suchasapoliticalparty,itisinvolvedwiththetransmissionof
demandsfromsocietyintothepoliticalauthorityorgovernment,wherethese
demandsaretransformedintopolicies(Almond&Verba,1963,p.15).Bycontrast,
apoliticalobjectfoundintheoutputpoliticalprocesswasconsideredtobe
administrativeandcomprisedofenforcingauthoritativepolicies;courtsexemplify
anobjectintheoutputsideofthepoliticalprocess.
TheexaminationofpoliticalcultureundertakenbyAlmondandVerbawas
similartotheexplorationofpoliticalculturebyLouisHartz;bothdiscussionswere
conductedthroughcomparativeanalysis.AlmondandVerba’sdiscussionof
politicalculturestemmedfromtheirexplorationofdemocraticpoliticalculture.The
examinationofpoliticalcultureundertakenbyLouisHartzinTheFoundingofNew
Societieswasfocusedonthefragmentationofpoliticalculture,andtheevolutionof
politicalculturefragmentsasuniqueentities.
TheCivicCultureexploredpoliticalculturebycomparingthedemocracies
oftheUnitedStates,GreatBritain,Germany,ItalyandMexico;LouisHartzexamined
politicalcultureintheUnitedStates,LatinAmerica,SouthAfrica,Canadaand
8
Australia.ThestatesselectedbyHartzdifferfromthoseselectedbyAlmondand
VerbabecausethefocusofHartz’sdiscussionisthefragmentationofEuropean
politicalculture,ratherthanthedisseminationofdemocracy.
Hartz’sfragmenttheoryputsforththeideathatimmigrantsbringa
culturalandpoliticalunderstandingfromtheirsocietyoforigintotheirnew
society.Thefragmentationofthesocietyoforiginoccursatthepointofthe
immigrants’departure;thenewsocietyhasthesamepoliticalcultureofthesociety
oforigin,anditdevelopsonadifferenttrajectorysinceotherelementsarenolonger
present.Forinstance,thepresenceofafeudalfragmentinanewsocietymeans
thereisnounderlyingliberalwhiggerypresent,sincethefragmentdetachedfrom
EuropebeforetheEnlightenmentperiod;thereforethereisnopotentialforthe
developmentofsocialism(Hartz,1964,p.26).
ThesocietiesoftheUnitedStates,LatinAmerica,SouthAfrica,Canadaand
AustraliawereformedfromthefragmentsofEuropeanpoliticalculture.By
examiningthefragmentuponwhicheachofthesesocietieswasfounded,Hartz
expandedtheunderstandingofpoliticalculturewithinthesestatesandtheoverall
conceptofpoliticalcultureintermsofnation-states.AccordingtoTheFoundingof
NewSocieties,fragmenttheoryoffersanexplanationforthepoliticalcultureof
Canada.
KennethMcRaefurthersHartz’sdiscussionthroughadetailedexamination
offragmenttheoryinrelationtoCanadianpoliticalculture.McRaeidentifies
distinctFrenchandEnglishspeakingfragmentsinCanada.TounderstandMcRae’s
applicationofHartz’sfragmenttheorytoCanada,itisbeneficialtoexamineMcRae’s
conceptionofeachfragment.
McRaearguesthattheFrench-speakingfragmentpresentinCanadastems
fromtheabsolutistsystemofroyalgovernmentthatbeganintheFrenchcolonyin
1663(McRae,1964,p.221ss).TheeffectofabsolutismontheFrenchcolonywas
pervasive;asaresult,economicdevelopmentoccurredthroughsecondary
industriesandpriceregulation,andamilitarypresenceprovidedthecolonywith
defense.Absolutismalsocementedthereligiousauthorityinthecolonyand
supportedafeudalsystemofseigneuriallandtenure,whichMcRaeargueswas
9
effective,sinceitprovidedsecurity,orderandsocialcohesion.
McRaestatesthatasearlyasthebeginningoftheeighteenthcentury,there
wasavisibleseparationbetweentheinterestsandidentitiesofFrenchCanadians
andFrance;thetraditionalismoftheabsolutistfragmentcontrastedthesocietyof
origin(McRae,1964,p.229ss).Theemerging,distinctidentityofFrenchCanadain
thisperiodcanpartiallybeattributedtolowimmigrationandapopulationthatwas
mostlyCanadianbornatthistime;thefragmentwasdevelopingseparatelyfromthe
societyoforigin.Duringtheeighteenthcentury,theseparationbetweenFranceand
FrenchCanadabecamemoredistinct.AbsolutisminFrancewasmoreseverethan
inFrenchCanada,andtheEnlightenmentthatoccurredinFrancenevertranspired
inFrenchCanadaasaresult.Insteadofabsolutismbeingeliminatedthrough
revolution,itperseveredinFrenchCanada.
McRaearguesthatthemainimpactoftheConquestandtheTreatyofParisin
1763wasthesolidificationoftheauthorityofthechurch;theclergydevelopedinto
anauthoritarianeliteinFrenchCanada,withreligious,socialandpoliticalroles.In
thecontextofBritishrule,andthepresenceofEnglish-speakingmerchants,the
churchemergedasapointofdefenseforFrenchCatholicculture.TheQuébecActin
1774furthercementedthedistinctnessofFrenchCanadaasafragmentsociety;
Catholicism,Frenchcivillawandfeudallandtenurewereassuredbuttherewasno
legislativeassemblyforrepresentation.
McRaenotesthatthetraditional,absolutistFrenchfragmentinCanadawas
establishedfurtherbytheFrenchRevolution.TherevolutioninFrancereinforced
theseparateidentitiesofthefragmentandthesocietyoforigin;thetraditional
societyofthefragmentwasnotchallenged.However,hedoesacknowledgethatthe
RougemovementledbyLouisJosephPapineauinthemid-nineteenthcentury
challengedthetraditionalsocietyofFrenchCanada.Papineau’snationalistdemands
forpoliticaldemocracy,aswellasobjectionstoclericalauthority,areidentifiedby
McRaeasaformofsocialradicalismthatremainedpresentinFrenchCanada
(McRae,1964,p.233ss).
ThisanalysisoftheEnglish-speakingfragmentinCanada,accordingtoHartz’s
fragmenttheory,isbasedonthenotionoftheAmericanliberalandthearrivalofthe
10
LoyaliststoCanadaaftertheAmericanRevolution.McRaedismissestheideathat
theLoyalistinfluxtoCanadaoccurredbecauseofunderlyingtoryismintheUnited
States;rather,theUnitedStatesisunderstoodasfundamentallyliberal.Therefore,
hearguesthatEnglish-speakingCanadaisafragmentoftheoriginalAmerican
fragment,asevidencedthroughtheAmericanliberaltendenciesoftheLoyalist
settlers.TheAmericanliberalisvisibleinboththeLoyaliststhatsettledineastern
CanadaandthosewhoestablishedthemselvesinUpperCanada.McRaearguesthat
theseparationofUpperandLowerCanadain1791isevidenceoftheobjectionof
theLoyaliststothefeudallandtenurethatexisted,andthereforetheunderlying
AmericanliberaltendencyoftheLoyalists.
AccordingtoMcRae,thepresenceoftheLoyalistssettlersinUpperCanada
initiatedtheexpansionandthe“unrollingoftheNorthAmericanfrontier:(McRae,
1964,p.236).Inthisenvironment,Loyalistsbecamesociallyindistinguishablefrom
theAmericansettlerswhoarrivedduringthisperiodtoWesternCanadainsearchof
availableland.Thispan-NorthAmericanunderstandingofEnglishCanada
emphasizestheAmericanliberaltendencyoftheLoyalistsanddownplaystheir
monarchistbeliefs.ThemonarchistbeliefsoftheLoyalistswereinfluentialinthe
developmentofCanadathrougheventssuchastheWarof1812.However,an
emphasisonthisaspectoftheLoyalistshas“obscuredtheall-importantparental
relationship”(McRae,1964,p.239)betweenEnglishCanadaandtheUnitedStates.
Throughthisunderstanding,McRaereiterateshisconceptionofEnglishCanadaasa
fragmentoftheUnitedStates,anditsliberaltendencies.
However,hedoesacknowledgethattheLoyalistssettlersweredifferent
fromAmericansinwaysotherthanmonarchistbeliefs,andthisslightly
distinguishesEnglishCanadafromtheUnitedStates.TheLoyalistsbelievedinthe
ruleoflaw,andsupportedmoderation,gradualism,compromise;theLoyalists
strovetopreservetheexistingpoliticalorder.ThisdiffersfromtheAmerican
liberal,andtheeffectisvisiblethroughoutCanadianhistory.Forinstance,the
comparisonofWesternsettlementinUnitedStatesandCanadarevealsadifference
inlawandauthority;informallawontheAmericanfrontiersharplycontraststhe
federalcriminallawenforcedbytheNorthWestMountedPoliceontheCanadian
11
Prairies.Hence,theLoyalistfragmentinCanadaisdifferentfromtheUnitedStates
becauseitisadefeatedfragment;LoyalistliberalisminCanadaismarkedbyasense
ofdoubtanddefeatasaresult.
AccordingtoMcRae,theliberaltendencyofEnglishCanadaremainedintact
throughoutsuccessivewavesofimmigrationduringthemid-nineteenthcentury.By
embracingtheliberalnotionsofpropertyownershipandsocialequality,the
immigrantswhoarrivedbeforethemid-nineteenthcenturycementedtheliberal
tendencyofEnglishCanada(McRae,1964,p.246).
McRaeuniformlydismissesthepossibilitythatAboriginalpopulations
contributedtoeithertheFrenchorEnglishfragmentsinCanada.Specifically,he
statesthattheEnglishfragmentinWesternCanadawasunaffectedbythe
Aboriginalpopulationsandorganizedagrarianismdevelopeduninhibited(McRae,
1964,p.263).ThiscertainlydoesnotacknowledgethesignificanceoftheMétis
populationinManitoba,anditsconnectionstoboththeFrenchandEnglish
fragments.WhilehedoesdiscusstheNorthwestRebellionin1885,itisexamined
onlyinthecontextoflanguagedualismwithinafederalstate(McRae,1964,p.258).
Inthesamesense,McRaealsorejectsthepossibilitythattheimmigration
thatoccurredattheturnofthetwentiethcenturyhadanimpactoneitherfragment.
InhisdiscussionofimmigrationtoCanadaatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury,
hearguesthatadualistsocietysuchasCanadaissensitivetoimmigrationsincethis
processalterstheethniccompositionofsociety.Theimmigrantsthatarrivedin
Canadaattheturnofthetwentiethcenturywereofavariedethnicorigin.However,
theseimmigrantswerelargelyabsorbedbytheEnglishfragmentratherthanthe
Frenchfragment;thisisduetoideologicalfactorsandnotsimplylanguage
preference.TheAmericanliberalismoftheEnglishfragmentwas“immensely
attractivetoimmigrantsofeveryethnicorigin”(McRae,1964,p.265),and
immigrantswereabsorbedintotheEnglishfragment,assimilatedwithoutleaving
anymark.Interestingly,specificgroups,suchastheMennonites,Hutteritesand
Doukhobors,resistedbeingabsorbedintoliberalsocietyduetotheirreligious
beliefs,andthesegroupsexperiencevisibleresentmentasaresult.Thesegroups
contributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofagricultureinWesternCanadabut
12
theirimpactontheEnglishfragmentiscompletelydismissed.
GadHorowitzcontinuesthediscussionofpoliticalcultureinCanadaby
examiningthepresenceofconservatism,liberalismandsocialism.Horowitzrefers
tothefragmenttheoryputforthbyHartz,butrejectsthenotionofapan-North
AmericanpoliticalculturethatissupportedbyMcRae.Byemphasizingthe
ideologicaldifferencesbetweenEnglishCanadaandtheUnitedStatesofAmerica,
Horowitznotonlyrejectspan-NorthAmericanismbutalsoarguesthatthepolitical
cultureofEnglishCanadaisdistinct.
AccordingtothefragmenttheorydevelopedbyHartz,Horowitzidentifies
FrenchCanadaasafeudalsociety,foundedonthebasisoffeudalortoryvalues;
socialismisnotpresent,sincesocialismdevelopsbywayofachainreaction
stemmingfromliberalism.FrenchCanada,asafeudalsociety,doesnotdevelop
whigliberalismandasaresult,doesnotinturndevelopdemocraticliberalismor,
furthermore,socialism(Horowitz,1966,p.144).Thisissimilartotheanalysisof
FrenchCanadaprovidedbyMcRae,accordingtoHartz’sfragmenttheory.Whereas
HorowitzstatesthatFrenchCanadadoesnotdevelopsocialismduetoitsultimate
lackofliberalism,McRaearguesthatarevolutionaryreactiontoabsolutismdoes
notoccurinFrenchCanadabecausetheabsolutismismoderate.These
interpretationsdifferbuttheargumentisthesame;thefragmentofFrenchCanada
doesnotexperienceareactionaryshiftinpoliticalculturefromfeudalismto
socialism,orawayfromabsolutismasaresultofrevolution.
IncontrasttoFrenchCanada,EnglishCanadaisunderstoodasaliberal
bourgeoisfragment;despitethepresenceofliberalism,thereareinsufficienttory
valuestofosterthedevelopmentofsocialism.Horowitzdisagreeswiththis
understanding,andemphasizesthesignificanceofa‘torytouch’inCanada.
HorowitzarguesthatHartz’sassertionofa‘torytouch’inEnglishCanadian
politicalcultureisevidenceagainstthepan-NorthAmericanassessmentofpolitical
cultureadvocatedbyMcRae,andtoalesserdegree,byHartzhimself.English
CanadaisnotsimplyafragmentoftheliberalbourgeoissocietyoftheUnitedStates
ofAmerica,butisdistinctlyaffectedbyatory,orsocialist,touch(Horowitz,1966,p.
148).HeidentifiesMcRae’sdismissalofsocialisminCanadaastheauthor’sflawin
13
hisapplicationofHartz’sfragmenttheory.
However,HorowitzagreeswithHartzandMcRaeinacknowledgingthe
importanceoftheLoyalistsintermsoffoundingadistinctpoliticalculturein
EnglishCanada.TheLoyaliststhatarrivedinCanadafromtheUnitedStatesduring
theperiodoftheAmericanrevolutioncontributedasenseofpre-revolutionary
Americanwhiggerywitha‘torytouch’toEnglishCanada’spoliticalculture
(Horowitz,1966,p.151ss);thisdiffersfromtheunderstandingoftheLoyalistsas
representingBritishtoryism,asputforthbyLipset.Nonetheless,theLoyalists
representthebasisforsocialismwithinEnglishCanadianpoliticalculture,andtheir
presencecontributestothefoundingdistinctivenessofEnglishCanadafromthe
UnitedStatesofAmerica.
LiteratureReview-TheoriesofPoliticalCultureandtheInfluenceofImmigration
HorowitzcontinueshisdiscussionofpoliticalcultureinEnglishCanadaby
emphasizingtheimpactofcontinuedimmigration.Hespecificallyfocusesonthe
arrivalofBritishimmigrantstoEnglishCanadafrom1815until1850,andargues
thatwhilethepointsofdepartureareevidentintermsofthefragmentspresentin
EnglishCanadianpoliticalculture,itismorechallengingtoidentifythepointof
congealmentdiscussedbyHartz.Hesuggeststhatthepointofcongealmentof
EnglishCanadianpoliticalculture,meaningthepointatwhichpoliticalculture
becomesfixed,cameaftertheLoyalists.Thisunderstandingofpoliticalcultureasa
fluidentitythatbecomesfrozen,orcongealed,atacertainpointisbasedonan
understandingofimmigrationasinfluentialifitoccursbeforethepointof
congealment.Horowitzstates:
“Thepoliticalcultureofanewnationisnotnecessarilyfixedatthepointoforiginordeparture;thefoundingofanewnationcangoonforgenerations.Ifthelaterwavesofimmigrationarrivedbeforethepointofcongealmentofthepoliticalculture,theymusthaveparticipatedactivelyintheprocessofcultureformation.”(Horowitz,1966,p.153)
Thisconceptischallengingsinceitcontendsthatthereisapointatwhichpolitical
culturebecomesfixed,permanent,andimmovable.Bydismissingtheinfluenceof
14
immigrationthatoccurredafterthisseeminglyarbitrarypointofcongealment,
Horowitznarrowshisowndiscussionofconservatism,liberalismandsocialismin
Canada.Hisexaminationofconservatism,liberalismandsocialismremains
valuablebutappearsincompleteasaresult.
IndiscussingpoliticalcultureinEnglishCanadathroughanexaminationof
conservatism,liberalismandsocialism,Horowitzoffersaportraitoffederalpolitical
partiesinCanadainassociatingconservatismandtoryismwiththerightofcentre
Conservativeparty;liberalismwiththecentreLiberalparty;andsocialismwiththe
leftofcentreCooperativeCommonwealthFederation–NewDemocratParty(CCF-
NDP).Liberalism,intermsoftheLiberalparty,ismorecloselyalignedwithBritish
liberalismthanAmerican.Theinteractionofthecentreandtheleftofcentre,
meaningtheLiberalpartyandtheCCF-NDP,isparticularlynotablebecauseitis
basedonaninterdependentrelationship.TheLiberalpartylookstotheCCF-NDPat
theleftforinnovation,whiletheCCF-NDPreliesonthecentreLiberalpartyto
implementtheinnovations.ThecentreLiberalpartyremainslockedbetweenthe
rightandtheleft,unabletomergewitheithersidebutswayedbetweenthem
periodicallyastheyeachriseandfallinstrength.
Horowitzstatesthatthetriumphofthecentreoverboththeleftandrightisa
distinctaspectofEnglishCanadianpoliticalculture.Inthissense,theLiberalparty
isacentrepartyduetobothculturalandinstitutionfactors;thepresenceofnon-
liberalideologiesandmultiplepoliticalpartiesmeansthatthereisasocialist,leftof
centreparty.Onlytheabsenceofthissocialistleftofcentrepartywouldeliminate
thecentreparty.
InadditiontothedistinctpresenceofacentrepoliticalpartyinCanada,
HorowitzidentifiestheredtoryasanotheruniqueaspectofEnglishCanadian
politicalculture.Theredtoryisunderstoodasacombinationofsocialismand
toryism;eitheranideologicalConservativewithsocialistnotions,oranideological
socialistwithtorynotions(Horowitz,1966,p.158).Thepresenceofthisfigurein
EnglishCanadianpoliticalculturecontributestoabroaderunderstandingof
politicalcultureinCanada.
Horowitzsignificantlyexpandstheunderstandingofpoliticalculturein
15
Canadabyarguingagainstthenotionofapan-NorthAmericanpoliticalculture.
CanadianpoliticalcultureisundeniablydistinctfromAmericanpoliticalculture;as
Hartzargues,thesesocietieswereeachfoundedbydifferentfragments.
Additionally,CanadaandtheUnitedStateshavedistinctpoliticalculturesbecause
theyhaveexperienceddifferentsettlementpatternsandeconomies;theinfluenceof
thesefactorsonthedevelopmentofpoliticalcultureissignificant.
However,HorowitzfailstofullyunderstandpoliticalcultureinCanadafor
tworeasons.Firstly,hefocusesonEnglishCanadaandthisisproblematicbecauseit
dismissesFrenchCanada.SincethisperspectivedividesFrenchandEnglishCanada
inanimpossiblemanner,itfailstotakeintoaccounttheinteractionandinfluenceof
thesetwofoundingsocietiesononeanother.Further,byattributingthepresenceof
conservatism,liberalismandsocialisminEnglishCanadianpoliticalculturetothe
developmentoffederalpoliticalparties,heeliminatesFrenchCanadafroma
discussionofnationalpolitics.
Secondly,bydiscussingEnglishCanadaasamonolithicgroup,Horowitzdoes
notacknowledgethebroadregionaldifferencesthatcomprisethisgroup.
Essentially,Horowitztransformsthepan-NorthAmericanunderstandingofHartz’s
fragmenttheoryintoapan-Canadianone.Thispan-nationalistapproachdoesnot
offerinsightintothedistinctregionalpoliticalculturespresentinCanada.Horowitz
doesacknowledgetheimportanceofregionalcleavagesinCanadabystatingthat
classvotinginCanadaisovershadowedbyregionalandreligious-ethnicvoting
(Horowitz,1966,p.170),butthisisinsufficientasanacknowledgmentofthe
importanceofregionsintermsofadiscussionofpoliticalculture.
NelsonWisemancontinuestheexaminationofpoliticalcultureinCanada
throughhisdiscussionofprovincialpoliticalculture.Asdiscussedabove,
Wiseman’sconceptionofthethreecentralcomponentsofpoliticalcultureincludes
fundamentalvaluesthataretransmittedthroughpoliticalsocialization,indicating
ideology;policiesthathavebeenrespectedhistorically;andritualizedpractices
(Wiseman,2007,p.14).Basedonthisunderstanding,Wisemanexplainsprovincial
politicalcultureinCanadabyapplyingHartz’sfragmenttheorytoofferdistinct
portraitsofthepoliticalcultureineachprovince.However,Wisemanalsouses
16
Lipset’sformativeeventsexplanationinhisdiscussionofprovincialpoliticalculture,
sinceitsimilarlyconsidersthe“transplantationofculturaltraits”(Wiseman,1996,
p.22)inthedevelopmentofpoliticalculture.AccordingtoLipset,formativeevents
areresponsiblefortheoriginofcultures;theseculturalmoldsarefurthermarked
bylesser,yetstillundeniablyinfluential,incidentsreferredtobyWisemanas
quakes.
Forexample,inthecaseofAlberta’sprovincialpoliticalculture,Wiseman
identifiestheexpansionoftheCanadianPacificRailwayasashareddominantevent
intheformationofWesternCanada’spoliticalculture.MorespecifictoAlberta,
however,WisemanarguesthatthesettlementoftheprovincebyAmericansduring
the1890ssolidifiedthemoldofAlberta’spoliticalcultureasonefocusedondirect
democracy.InidentifyingthequakeinthepoliticalcultureofAlberta,hestatesthat
thepost-WorldWarTwodiscoveryofoilsuccessfullyreorientedtheprovince’s
economy.
Wisemanalsoconsidersstaplestheoryandtheimpactofeconomic
developmentinhisexaminationofCanadianprovincialpoliticalculture.
Indiscussingstaplestheory,culturecanbeviewedasareflectionofeconomic
production,meaningthattheapplicationofcapitalandlabourtostapleseffectively
createspowerrelationsandpoliticalconsciousness.Inthissense,politicalcultureis
moldedbytheeconomythroughcapitalandlabour.Immigration,asasourceof
labour,isthereforeinherentlyrelatedtothedevelopmentofpoliticalculture.By
consideringHartz’sfragmenttheory,aswellasformativeeventsandeconomic
development,Wisemanisabletoofferadetailedexplanationofprovincialpolitical
culture.
ResearchQuestion
Fromthisdiscussionoftheformationofprovincialpoliticalculture,a
questionemergesregardingtheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofa
community.
Howdoesthearrivalofnewcomerssuchasimmigrantsinfluencethe
17
politicalcultureofacity?
HypothesisThepoliticalcultureofacityistransformedbythearrivalofimmigrantsbecauseoftheirimpactonitsideology,policies,andritualizedpractices,measurablethroughindicatorsofpoliticalengagementsuchasvotingandlocalnewspapers.
Wiseman’sunderstandingofpoliticalcultureastheideologyofasociety,itspolicies,
anditsritualizedpractices,providesthebasisforexaminingtheimpactof
immigrationonpoliticalculture.Thesecomponentsofpoliticalcultureformthe
society’sdominantvalues,whicharetransmittedthroughpoliticalsocialization.
Therefore,inordertoexploretheimpactofimmigrationonpoliticalculture,itis
necessarytodiscusspoliticalsocialization.
Politicalcultureisfosteredthroughpoliticalsocializationandengagement,
andthereforepoliticalengagementisawayofstudyingandunderstandingpolitical
culture.PoliticalsocializationamongimmigrantsisexaminedbyWhite,Nevitte,
Blais,Gidengil,andFournier.Theauthorsattempttodeterminehowimmigrants
aresocializedtothepoliticalcultureofanewsociety,andtheimpactofthepolitical
environmentsinthesocietiesoforiginoftheimmigrantsonthissocialization
(White,Nevitte,Blais,&Gidengil,2008,p.268).Indiscussingtheconceptof
politicalsocialization,threeprimaryunderstandingsemerge.
Exposuretheorycontendsthatthesocializationofimmigrantstothepolitical
cultureofthenewsocietyisdirectlyinfluencedbytheamountofexposurethe
immigrantshavetothatpoliticalculture(Whiteetal.,2008,p.269).Conversely,the
theoryoftransferabilityarguesthatimmigrantsocializationtoanewpolitical
cultureisprimarilydependantonthepreviousexperiencesoftheimmigrantintheir
societyoforigin,implyingthattheirpriorinterestinpoliticsandpolitical
participationisindicativeoftheirlevelofengagementwithinthenewsociety
(Whiteetal.,2008,p.269).Inthissense,premigrationlearningisconsideredtobe
beneficialtosocializationwithinthenewsociety,assumingthatpriorpolitical
participationwasactive.
18
Thirdly,resistancetheorysuggeststhatpoliticalorientationsaredeveloped
earlyinlife,intheimmigrant’ssocietyoforigin,andtheseorientationsare
influencedbyexogenouspolitical,socialoreconomicshocks,includingwarand
economicorpoliticalcrises(Whiteetal.,2008,p.269).Thistheoryisparticularly
interestingtoconsiderinthediscussionofpoliticalsocializationbecauseofitsfocus
onpremigrationlearningasanegativefactor(Whiteetal.,2008,p.270).Resistance
theorythereforeunderstandspoliticalsocializationascumulativeandsignificantly
challenging,sincepoliticalorientationscementedearlyinlifeareusedtofilterand
incorporatenewpoliticalknowledgeandexperienceswithinthenewsociety(White
etal.,2008,p.269).
Itisclearthatpoliticalsocializationisinnatelylinkedtopolitical
engagement.Thisisparticularlyinterestinginconsideringthesocializationof
immigrantstothepoliticalcultureofanewsocietysinceactivepoliticalengagement
isassociatedwithsupportfor“boththedominantvaluesofthemasspublicandthe
rulesofthepoliticalsystem”(Whiteetal.,2008,p.271).Itcanbearguedthat
successfulpoliticalsocializationincludesadherencewithdominantsocietalvalues
andanunderstandingofthepoliticalsystem.
AccordingtoWhite,Nevitte,Blais,Gidengil,andFournier,theactofvoting
occursasaresultofexposuretothepoliticalsystemofthenewsociety,meaning
thatexposuretopoliticsisaprerequisiteforvoting(Whiteetal.,2008,p.277).
However,itisinterestingtonotethatthesocietyoforiginofimmigrantsdoesnot
appeartosignificantlyinfluencepoliticalengagementsinceimmigrantsfrom
varyingoriginsbecomepoliticallysocializedinasimilarmanner(Whiteetal.,2008,
p.277).Thecrucialdeterminantforpoliticalparticipationappearstobeexposure
tothepoliticsofthenewsociety,anditcanbeassumedthatthelengthofexposure
willincreaseparticipationanddirectactsofpoliticalinteraction,suchasvoting.
Itcanbearguedthatvotingisthemostsubstantialindicatorofpolitical
engagementsinceitinvolvesanactionanditisabehavioraldemonstrationof
participation(Whiteetal.,2008,p.271).However,theactofvotingislimitedto
individualswhoarecitizensandthereforeareeligibletoparticipateintheelectoral
process.Itisimportanttonotethattheparticipationofimmigrantswiththe
19
electoralsystemmaynotbedirect,unlesstheyhaveobtainedCanadiancitizenship
andthereforeareeligibleforsuchpracticesasvoting.Immigrantscouldbe
comprisedofthosepersonswhohaveimmigratedtoCanadaandobtainedtheir
citizenship.However,immigrantscouldalsoholdpermanentresidentstatusin
Canadainsteadofcitizenship;permanentresidentshavebeengrantedtherightto
livepermanentlyinCanadabyimmigrationauthorities(StatisticsCanada,2015f).
Non-permanentresidents,anadditionalcategoryofnewcomertoCanada,refersto
personsfromacountryotherthanCanadainpossessionofaworkorstudypermit,
orapersonswhoisarefugeeclaimant,aswellasnon-Canadian-bornfamily
memberswholivewiththeminCanada(StatisticsCanada,2015f).
Whilesomeimmigrants(permanentresidentsandnon-permanentresidents,
includingrefugees)arenotyetcitizens,theyareneverthelessentrenchedinthe
politicalsystemofCanada.Mechanismssuchpermanentresidenceandvisapermit
processesmeanthatthereisapre-citizenshipinteractionfornewcomerswiththe
Canadianstate.Moreover,thepoliticalcultureofacommunityisnotjust
determinedthroughdirectvotingbythoseindividualswhoarecitizens.Political
socializationmeansthatimmigrantswhocannotvotenonethelesshaveanimpact
onvotingresultsbecausetheirpresenceinthecommunityinfluencesthevoting
choicesoftheirfellowresidents.
Alongwithvotingandpartisanintensity,White,Nevitte,Blais,Gidengil,and
Fournieridentifiedaninterestinelectionsasaprimaryindicatorofpolitical
engagement(Whiteetal.2008,p.271).Furthermore,issuesrelatedtonewcomers
maygainprominenceinalocalnewspaperifthepresenceofimmigrantsinthe
communityhasbecomeaspecificelectionstandpoint.
Anothersubstantialindicatorofpoliticalengagementinvolvesthe
publicationsoflocalnewspapers.Thearticles,editorials,andresponselettersto
editors,innewspapersrevealthelocaldiscoursesurroundingtheissueof
immigration,andprovideaportraitofhowacityperceivesitselfasapolitical
community.Additionally,localnewspapersindicatetheoverallinterestofa
communityinanelectionthroughthearticlespublishedonthistopicduringthe
monthsbeforeandaftertheelection.Localnewspapersthereforeactasareflection
20
ofthediscourseofacommunity,highlightingmajorconcernsandissues.
Localnewspapersarerelevantindicatorsofpoliticalengagementduetotheir
entrenchedroleaspoliticalobjectsintheinputprocess.Intheunderstandingof
politicalcultureputforthbyAlmondandVerba,newspapersareconsideredas
structuralpoliticalobjectsinthepoliticalinputprocess.Thepoliticalinputprocess,
meaningthemethodbywhichsocietaldemandsaretransmittedtothepolitical
systemtobeconvertedintoauthoritativepolicies,isessentialsociety
communicatingitsconcernstothepolity.Structuralpoliticalobjectsincluding
politicalparties,interestgroups,andthemediaofcommunication,suchas
newspapers,areprevalentintheinputprocess(Almond&Verba,1963,p.16).
Therefore,localnewspapersfunctionasindicatorsofpoliticalengagementbecause
asobjectsinthepoliticalinputsystem,theyactasreflectionsofthecommunity
discourseandinformthepolityofsocietalconcerns.
Methodology
Inordertoexploretheresearchquestionofhowthearrivalofnewcomers
suchasimmigrantsinfluencesthepoliticalcultureofacity,across-unitstudyofthe
townofHighRiver,Alberta,andthecityofBrooks,Alberta,willbeconducted.
ElkinsandSimeonstatethatcollectivegroupssuchasnations,regions,orethnic
communitieshavepoliticalcultures(Elkins&Simeon,1979,p.129ss).Inthestudy
ofpoliticalculture,thesecollectivegroupsactastheunitofanalysis.Elkinsand
Simeondescribetwomethodsofstudyingthepoliticalcultureofacollectivity,
whereinpoliticalcultureisconsideredtobeeitherexplanatoryordescriptiveofa
collectivegroup.Whenpoliticalcultureisexaminedasameansofexplanation,the
goalistoexplainthedifferencesbetweenoneormorecollectivities;acomparative
approachisrequired.AlmondandVerbaemployedthismethodofcomparisonin
theiranalysisofpoliticalcultureanddemocracyintheUnitedStates,GreatBritain,
Germany,ItalyandMexico.
Thiscomparativestudywillbespecifictothetimeperiodfrom1996until
2012.Theperiodfrom1996until2012hasbeenselectedbecauseitprovidesdata
priortotheinfluxofimmigrationtothesecommunitiesanddemonstratesthe
21
increaseinimmigrationovertime,therebycreatingacontextforthisdiscussion.
Theyear1996wasspecificallyselectedasaninitialstartingpointbecausethe
federalcensuswasconductedinthisyear,establishingoverallandimmigration
populationsforHighRiverandBrookstobeusedasacomparativebasisforchanges
inproceedingyears.Thefederalcensuseswereheldeveryfiveyears,providingthis
sourceofquantitativepopulationdataagainin2001,2006,and2011.Thestudy
terminatesin2012,asthiswastheyearoftheprovincialelectionfollowingthemost
recentfederalcensusin2011.Provincialelectionswerealsoheldin1997,2001,
2004,and2008.Theelectionresultswillbeusedasasourceofdatatoprovide
markersforanyshiftinpoliticalculture.
Tocompletethecross-unitstudyofthetownofHighRiverandthecityof
Brooks,acomparisonwillbemadeintermsofdemographicchanges,provincial
electionresults,andlocalnewspaperpublications.
Brooksisinterestingtoconsiderinexaminingtherelationshipbetween
immigrationandpoliticalculturebecausethecityhasundergoneatransformative
changeinthepasttwodecades.HometotheJBSFood(formerlyknownasXLFoods
LakesidePackers)meatprocessingfacilitywithover2,000employees(JBSFood,
n.d.,para.2),Brookshasbecomealeadingcentreofimmigrantsettlementin
southernAlberta,andinruralCanadaatlarge.Thecityexperiencedanincreaseof
32.02%initsoverallpopulationbetween1996and2011(StatisticsCanada,2013c,
2015c),whileitsimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationroseby
368.38%duringthisperiod(StatisticsCanada,2013c,2015c).Thisisevidenceofa
demographicshiftinthepopulationofBrooks.
Brooksidentifiesitselfasamulticulturalcommunityandhaslabeleditselfas
TheCityof100Hellos(“CityofBrookscommunityprofile”,n.d.,p.7).Itrecently
experiencedachangeinitspopulationdiversityandcommunityprofilethroughan
increaseinitsnon-Canadianborninhabitants.Thecitywasthesubjectofa2007
NationalFilmBoardofCanadadocumentary,24DaysinBrooks,whichportrayeda
strikeatLakesidePackers,anemployerofmanynewcomersinthecity.The
emergenceofthemeatpackingindustryinAlbertahashadasubstantialimpact
economically,aswellassociallyandpolitically,withincommunitiesandhasdrawn
22
manynewcomerstoBrooksthroughmanual,assemblylinepositionsthatappealto
non-Englishspeakingimmigrantsandrefugees(Broadway,2001,p.44).Another
film,entitledBrooks-TheCityof100Hellos,profilesthelivesoftheimmigrants,
refugeesandtemporaryforeignworkerswhoareemployedatLakesidePackersand
theimpactonthecommunity(BrandyYProductionsInc.,n.d.,para.2).
WhilebothHighRiverandBrooksarelocatedinsouthernAlberta,HighRiver
issignificantlyclosertoCalgary.Thetownisalsohometoalargemeatprocessing
facility,CargillMeatSolutions;ithas2,000employees(Cargill,2016,para.2).
ThoughHighRiverhascontinuedtoexperiencepopulationgrowthoverthepast
twodecades,ithasnotreceivedsignificantnumbersofimmigrants.Itsoverall
populationroseby75.57%between1996and2011(StatisticsCanada,2013d,
2015d),buttheimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofHighRiver
onlyincreasedby108.82%duringthisperiod.Whilethisisasignificantincrease,it
palesincomparisontotheincreaseof368.38%intheimmigrantandnon-
permanentresidentpopulationofBrooks.
HighRiverthereforeprovidesaneffectivecomparisontoBrooksintermsof
populationsizeandeconomicindustry,althoughwithadifferentdemographic
composition.Usingspecificindicatorspoliticalengagement,itispossibleto
examinetheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofacommunitythrough
thecomparisonofHighRiverandBrooks.
Twoprimaryindicatorsofpoliticalengagementwillbeusedtoexaminethe
politicalculturesofHighRiverandBrooks.First,votingresultsfromprovincial
electionsduringtheperiodfrom1996until2012willbereviewed.Votingisa
methodofpoliticalparticipationanditisadirectinteractionwiththepolitical
system.However,italsoconveysindirectinteractionwiththepoliticalsystemas
votingisinfluencedbyissuesinthecommunity.Sincepoliticalbeliefsand
orientationsareconveyedthroughtheactofvoting,votingresultsaretherefore
reflectiveofpoliticalculture.Asmarkersofpoliticalculture,votingresultscan
indicateachangeinthepoliticalcultureofanareabyillustratingwhetherornota
shifthasoccurredinthevotingpattern.
ThesecondindicatorofpoliticalengagementinHighRiverandBrooks
23
involveslocalnewspapers.Thelocalnewspapers,theHighRiverTimesandThe
BrooksBulletin,willbeexaminedduringthemonthssurroundingprovincial
electionsfrom1996until2012.Byexaminingthelocalnewspapersfortwomonths
precedinganelection,duringthemonthofanelection,andforonemonthfollowing
anelection,issuesofcommunityconcernandpublicdiscoursearerevealed.This
createsaportraitofthepoliticalcultureofthesecommunities.Additionally,the
discourseinthelocalnewspapersindicatestheemergenceofcommunitysupport
organizations,suchasfoodbanksandshelters,asaresponsefromtheoverall
communitytoanincreaseinsocialissues,includingalsocrimeandhousing.This
contributestodeterminingifashiftinpoliticalculturehasoccurred.
ByexaminingthepoliticalculturesofHighRiverandBrooksthroughthese
politicalindicators,itisexpectedthatthepoliticalcultureofBrookswillhave
changedsignificantlyfrom1996until2012,whilethepoliticalcultureofHighRiver,
willhaveremainedconstantoverthisperiod.
24
ChapterIIIResults–HighRiver,Alberta ThischapterwillexaminethepoliticalcultureofHighRiverinorderto
establishacomparisonwiththecityofBrooks,Alberta.ThetownofHighRiveris
locatedinsouthernAlberta,southofthecityofCalgary.CargillMeatSolutionsisa
largemeatprocessingfacilitylocatedatHighRiverthatunderwentanexpansionin
1996;itcontinuestobeamajoremployerforthetown.
ThoughHighRiverhasexperiencedpopulationgrowthfrom1996till2012,it
didnotreceivesignificantnumbersofimmigrantsandtheseimmigrantshavenot
impacteditspoliticalculture.AlthoughCargillMeatSolutionsmayappealto
newcomerstothroughmanual,assemblylinepositions,theproximityofthecityof
Calgaryhasallowedemployeestosecureaffordablehousinginthiscitywhile
commutingtoHighRiverforwork.Asaresult,theimpactofimmigrantsarriving
from1996till2012hashadaminimalimpactonthepoliticalcultureofHighRiver.
InordertorevealthelimitedimpactonthepoliticalcultureofHighRiverby
immigrantsarrivingfrom1996till2012,twoindicatorsofpoliticalengagementin
HighRiverwillbeexamined.Electionresultsfromtheprovincialelectionsduring
thisperiodwillbereviewed,andnewspaperarticlespublishedintheHighRiver
Timessurroundingtheelectionperiodswillbeexamined.
DemographicChangesfrom1996-2012 Inordertounderstandtheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureof
HighRiver,itisnecessarytofirstexaminethedemographicchangesthathave
occurredinthetownfrom1996till2012.Thisisaccomplishedbyanalyzingthe
resultsfromCanadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,2001,2006,and2011,as
wellastheNationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconductedin2011.Censusresults
discussedinthefollowinganalysisareportrayedinTable1.
TheanalysisoftheresultsofthecensusesandtheNationalHousehold
Surveybeginswithunderstandingthetermsusedinreferencetopopulation.Inall
fourcensuses,threecategorieswereprovidedtoindicatethecitizenshipstatusof
25
therespondentinordertosortthepopulation.Thetermnon-immigrantwasused
inthe1996and2006censuses,aswellasthe2011NationalHouseholdSurveyto
indicatepersonsborninCanada,orthosebornoutsideofCanadawithCanadian
citizenshipbybirth;thesepersonsdidnotimmigratetoCanada(StatisticsCanada,
2015f).Inthe2001census,thesepersonswerereferredtoastheCanadian-born
population(StatisticsCanada,2013b).
Thetermimmigrantwasalsoemployedinboththe1996and2006censuses,
aswellasthe2011NationalHouseholdSurvey,whilethe2001censusreferredto
thesepersonsastheforeign-bornpopulation.Thesetermsrefertothosepersons
whoare,orhaveeverbeen,landedimmigrantsorpermanentresidents,andwho
havebeengrantedtherighttolivepermanentlyinCanadabyimmigration
authorities(StatisticsCanada,2015f).Itisimportanttonotethesomeimmigrants
arealsoCanadiancitizens(StatisticsCanada,2015f).
The1996,2001,and2006censuses,andthe2011NationalHousehold
Survey,alsoutilizedthetermnon-permanentresident.Non-permanentresidentis
usedtoindicateapersonfromacountryotherthanCanadawhoisinpossessionofa
workorstudypermit,orwhoisarefugeeclaimant,aswellasnon-Canadian-born
familymemberwholiveswiththeminCanada(StatisticsCanada,2015f).These
termseffectivelyrevealthecitizenshipstatusofrespondents,addingadistinct
descriptortothepopulationresults.
Throughtheuseofthetermsnon-immigrant,immigrant,andnon-permanent
resident,itispossibletoillustrateaportraitofHighRiver’spopulationaccordingto
thecitizenshipstatusofitsresidents.Atthe1996Canadiancensus,thepopulation
ofHighRiverwas7,359persons,and91.45%spokeonlytheEnglishlanguageas
theirmothertongue.Themajorityofthetown’spopulation,88.94%,identified
themselvesasnon-immigrants,whileonly9.24%wereimmigrants.Thenon-
permanentresidentpopulationofHighRiverin1996wasnon-existent.However,
thepopulationofHighRiverincreasedby26.99%between1996and2001;thiswas
thelargestriseinpopulationforthetownduringtheperiodfrom1996till2011.
Thepopulationincreasethatoccurredfrom1996till2001wasprimarily
comprisedofnon-immigrantpersons;theimmigrantpopulationonlyincreasedby
26
5.88%,or40persons,duringthisperiod.Perhapsmostsignificantly,thetownof
HighRiveralsowitnessedthearrivalof40non-permanentresidentpersonsduring
thisperiod.Thiswasachangeforthetown,sinceithadpreviouslynotheldany
non-permanentresidentpopulation.
Whilethelargestpopulationincreaseoccurredbetween1996and2001,
HighRiverexperienceditsmostsubstantialpopulationshiftbetween2001and
2006.Althoughtheoverallpopulationonlyincreasedby14.67%duringthisperiod,
theimmigrantpopulationincreasedby48.61%.Thisisinterestingbecausethe
lowestoverallpopulationincreaseforHighRivercoincidedwiththehighest
increaseinthepopulationofimmigrantpersons.Theadditionof350immigrant
personstoHighRiverfrom2001till2006wasminimizedslightlybyadecreasein
thenumberofnon-permanentresidentsfrom40to25persons.However,the
immigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationreached10.22%in2006,a
slightincreasefrom10yearsearlier.
Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofHighRiver
increasedagainfrom2006till2011,butthischangewasminimalatanincreaseof
only0.77%to10.99%oftheoverallpopulation.Althoughtheoveralltotal
populationroseby20.57%from2006till2011,themostnotablechangesduring
thisperiodwasthe600%increaseinnon-permanentresidentpersons,andthe
30.51%increaseinpersonswhosefirstlanguagewasneitherEnglish,norFrench.
Despitethisincrease,thenon-immigrantpopulationremaineddominantinHigh
River2011,at87.46%,slightlybelowthenon-immigrantpopulationof88.94%in
1996.PersonswhospokeonlytheEnglishlanguageastheirmothertonguein2011
remainedrelativelyconsistentwiththeresultsfrom1996,at88.24%.
TheanalysisoftheresultsfromCanadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,
2001,2006,and2011,aswellastheNationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconducted
in2011,revealthatHighRiverexperiencedsomechangesinitsdemographic
compositionfrom1996till2012.Thetownexperiencedaninfluxofimmigrant
personsbetween2001and2006,coincidingwiththelowestunemploymentrate
experiencedbyHighRiver,2.60%,duringtheperiodfrom1996to2012.Thisis
interestingtoconsiderasitsuggeststhewaveofimmigrantpersonsmayhavebeen
27
relatedtoavailableemploymentopportunitiesinHighRiver,suchasthoseatCargill
Foods.However,theresultsfromthecensusesandtheNationalHouseholdSurvey
indicatethatHighRiverdidnotundergoadramaticdemographicshiftfrom1996
till2012.Instead,itmaintaineditsmajoritypopulationofnon-immigrantpersons.
Thebelowtableportraystheresultsfromeachofthefourcensuses.
Thesignificantincreaseintheimmigrantpopulationdiscussedaboveis
evidentintheresultsdisplayedfromeachofthefourcensuses.
28
Thebelowtableportraysthecensusresultsrelatedtolanguage.
TheseresultsillustratetheincreaseintotalpopulationinHighRiver
accordingtobothnon-officiallanguagesandFrenchonlyastherespondent’s
mothertongue.
29
Thebelowtableprovidestheeconomicdatafromthefourcensuses.
Thedecreaseintheunemploymentratefrom2001till2006discussedaboveis
displayedintheseresults.
ProvincialElectionResults IntheelectoraldivisionofHighwood,wherethetownofHighRiveris
located,conservativepartiesdominatedtheprovincialelectionsthatoccurred
duringtheperiodfrom1996until2012.Highwooddivision,whichalso
encompassesOkotoks,Nanton,andStavely,aswellasBlackDiamondandTurner
Valley,electedcandidatesfromtheProgressiveConservativesinthe1997,2001,
2004,and2008elections.Ineachoftheseelections,theProgressiveConservative
candidateobtainedasignificantportionofthevotescast.However,the2012
electionwitnessedthesuccessoftheWildroseAllianceParty,markingashiftin
provincialpoliticsforthedivisionofHighwoodfromitsProgressiveConservative
history.
ExaminingtheprovincialelectoralresultsfromthedivisionofHighwood
contributestounderstandingthepoliticalcultureofHighRiver,andtheimpactfrom
30
thearrivalofimmigrantsduringtheperiodfrom1996till2012.Althoughnotall
immigrantspossessCanadiancitizenship,theirimpactontheelectionresults
extendsbeyondvotingtoapre-Citizenshipinteractionwiththeirneighbours,their
community,andthevariouslevelsofgovernment.Theelectoralresultstherefore
revealtheimpactofimmigrantsonpoliticalcultureinHighRiver,whetheras
Canadiancitizens,permanentresidents,ornon-permanentresidents.
TheProgressiveConservativesdominatedtheHighwooddivisionfrom1997
until2008.ThecandidatefortheProgressiveConservativesinboththe1997and
2001electionswasDonTannas,whileinthe2004and2008electionsitwasGeorge
Groeneveld.Thisconsistencyincandidateswasevidencedinthepercentageof
votesreceivedbytheProgressiveConservativesintheseelections,whichranged
from63.60%to79.90%.Theachievementof79.90%ofvotesreceivedforthe
ProgressiveConservativesoccurredinthe2001election,whentheLiberalParty
receiveditslowestpercentofthevotesfortheperiodfrom1997till2008.
ThedifferentialinthepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheProgressive
ConservativesandtheLiberalPartyisalsonotable,varyingbetweenahighof67.9
percentdifferenceinthe2001electiontoalowof46.2percentdifferenceinthe
2004election.Therewasalsoasubstantialreductionintheoverallvoterturnoutin
thesetwoelections,from55.95%inthe2001electionto45.04%inthe2004
election.Inthe1997election,thepercentdifferenceinthevotesreceivedbythe
ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartywas55.8%,whiletheoverallvoter
turnoutwas56.36%.The2008electionwitnessedapercentdifferenceof51.2%,
andanoverallvoterturnoutof40.97%.
Althoughthedifferencebetweenthepercentageofvotesreceivedbythe
ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartyinthe1997and2008elections
doesnotdisplaythesamerelationshiptooverallvoterturnout,itisinterestingto
considerthatthedifferenceinthepercentageofvotesreceivedbythesepartieswas
itsmostminimalwhenasignificantreductionoccurredintheoverallvoterturnout.
Thiscouldindicatethatthisreductioninvoterturnoutwasassociatedwitha
declineinvotersfortheProgressiveConservativesinthe2004election.
31
ThestabilityinProgressiveConservativecandidatesinthe1997,2001,2004,
and2008,electionswasnotseeninthecandidatesputforthbytheLiberalParty
andtheNewDemocraticParty.Ineachoftheseelections,theLiberalPartyandthe
NewDemocraticPartyhaddifferentcandidates,althoughtheirpercentageofvotes
receivedremainedmostlyunaffected.
ThepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheLiberalPartyinthe1997,2001,
2004,and2008,electionsrangedfrom12.0%to17.4%.Interestingly,theLiberal
Partyobtainedtheirhighestpercentageofvotesreceived,17.4%,inthe2004
electionwhenoverallvoterturnoutwasatalow45.04%andthevotesreceived
weredistributedamongcandidatesfromsixparties.Thiswasalsotheelectionthat
resultedinthelowestpercentageofvotesreceivedfortheProgressive
Conservativesbetween1997and2008.Despitetheirinabilitytoobtainthe
majorityofvotesintheseelections,theLiberalPartymaintainedsecondplace
behindtheProgressiveConservativesineachelection.Conversely,theNew
DemocraticPartyexperiencedmorefluctuationintheirelectionresultsduringthis
period.
ThepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheNewDemocraticPartyinthe1997,
2001,2004,and2008,electionsdidnotsurpass4.60%,andfellaslowas3.30%.It
isinterestingtonotethatwhentheNewDemocraticPartyreceived4.60%ofvotes
inthe2001election,thiscoincidedwiththelowestpercentofvotesreceivedbythe
LiberalPartyinthisperiod.Inadditiontoreceivingfewervotesthanboththe
ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartyintheseelections,theNew
DemocraticPartyalsoreceivedfewervotesthantheSocialCredit,theAlbertaGreen
Party,and,startingin2008,theWildroseAllianceParty.
Inthe2012election,thedivisionofHighwoodelectedthecandidateforthe
WildroseAllianceParty,DanielleSmith.ThiswasadeparturefromtheProgressive
Conservativecandidateselectedinthe1997,2001,2004,and2008,elections.
However,thedifferenceinpercentageofvotesreceivedbytheWildroseAlliance
PartyandtheProgressiveConservativeswasminimal,at10.1%.Thisissignificant
whenconsideringthesubstantialpercentdifferencesthatexistedbetweenthe
32
ProgressiveConservativesandtheLiberalPartyinthe1997,2001,2004,and2008,
elections.
WhiletheWildroseAlliancePartyandtheProgressiveConservatives
receivedthemajorityofthevotesinthe2012election,52.60%and42.50%
respectively,theLiberalPartyexperiencedasignificantreductioninvotesreceived.
At2.90%ofthevotesreceived,theLiberalPartygainedonlyslightlymorevotes
thantheNewDemocraticParty,whichreceived2.0%ofvotes.However,the
numberofvotesreceivedbytheWildroseAlliancePartyincreasedby618.43%.
Theseresultsrevealanexpansionoftheconservativepoliticalcultureofthe
provincialelectoraldivisionofHighwoodin2012.
33
NewspaperReview–HighRiverTimes Asanindicatorofpoliticalculture,newspapersrevealtheissuesofconcern
withinacommunityandthepublicdiscoursesurroundingthesematters.Itcanbe
arguedthat,“anewspaperatitsbestisacommunitytalkingtoitself.”(“Itallstarts”,
34
1998,p.6).Therefore,inordertofurtherrevealtheimpactofimmigrantsonthe
politicalcultureofHighRiver,anexaminationofthelocalnewspaper,theHighRiver
Times,iscompleted.
Provincialelectionperiodsdrivecommunitydiscussionandpublicdiscourse,
andtheresultsoftheseelectionsarethemselvesindicatorsofpoliticalculture.
Therefore,theexaminationoftheHighRiverTimesistargetedtothetwomonths
precedinganelection,themonthofanelection,andthemonthfollowinganelection.
Thisfourmonthperiodservestoillustratethemajorissuesofcommunityconcern
andpublicdiscourse,contributingtoaportraitofthepoliticalcultureofHighRiver.
Inordertoexaminethenewspaperarticlesduringperiodsofprovincial
electionsfrom1996till2012,theHighRiverTimesisreviewedoverfourmonth
periodsin1997;2001;2004;2008;and2012,asportrayedinthetablebelow.
SeveralmajorthemesarepresentedintheHighRiverTimesfrom1997till
2012,includingSafeCommunities,EconomicDevelopment,andCargillFoods.The
themeofSafeCommunitiesappearsconsistentlyintheHighRiverTimesduringthe
fourmonthperiodsreviewedfrom1997till2012.Housingisamajorfocusofthis
theme,andthistopicappearsregularlyintheHighRiverTimesasadiscussionof
rentalavailabilityandaffordability,aswellasseniorshousingandhomelessness.
AnarticleinSeptember1998discussesthelackoflowcosthousinginHighRiver
andthehighcostofconstruction(“Lowrentapartments”,1998,p.3),whileanother
profilesthefamilyofanemployeeatCargillFoodslivingtemporarilyintheGeorge
35
LaneParkcampgroundduetoaninabilitytosecurerentalaccommodationsinHigh
River(Campbell,1998,p.3).
Thehousingsituationcauseddifficultyforemployersintermsofrecruiting,
andalsoresultedinpersonscommutingtoworkinHighRiverfromCalgarywhere
theyhadsecuredaffordablehousing(Gillanders,1998,p.6).Theissuewas
expandedinFebruary2008whenatemporaryforeignworkatCargillFoodswas
reportedashavingsleptoutsideonaparkbenchin-10degreeCelsiusweather,
afteradisputewithhisroommate;alanguagebarrierandthelackofanemergency
shelterinHighRiverwerelistedastheprimarycausesforthesituation(Patterson,
2008,p.1).
AnotheraspectoftheSafeCommunitiesthemewithintheHighRiverTimes
involvedcrime,includingvandalism.Vandalismincidentssuchasuprootingplanted
flowers,disturbinggravestones,andminordamagetovehicleswasaconcern,with
theHighRiverTimesreporting311crimesofmischiefin2003(Campbell,2004,p.
3).
Vandalismandcrimebecameacentralissueinthe2004municipalelection,
andcandidateswererequestedtocommentontheirpositionintheHighRiver
Times.OnecandidateforTownCouncil,LutherDougherty,statedthatworkwith
theRCMPandthetown’sYouthJusticeCommittee,wouldcontributetoresolving
issuesrelatedtocrime(“Municipalelections2004:Candidates”,2004,p.3).
TheYouthJusticeCommitteehadbeenaprevalenttopicinregardstoyouth
andcrimeinHighRiverin1997.Servingtoconnecttheformalyouthjusticesystem,
thecommunityservices,andthepublic,theYouthJusticeCommitteeprovided
educationprogramsandrecommendsalternativesforyoungoffenderssuchas
communityservice(McTighe,1997,p.10).AneditorialinMarch1997encouraged
HighRiverresidentstovolunteerfortheYouthJusticeCommittee,highlightingboth
itsroleincrimepreventionandtherehabilitationofyouthwhohavecommitteda
criminaloffense(“Youthjusticegroup”,p.6),andthecommitteecontinuedtohavea
strongpresenceinHighRiver.
CrimewasalsodiscussedintheHighRiverTimeswithspecificreferenceto
CargillFoods.Thedetailedreportingofaphysicalaltercationthatoccurredin
36
January1997betweentwoCargillFoodsemployees,whowerebothresidentsof
CalgaryfocusedontheRCMP’sneedtoobtainVietnamesetranslationservicesto
determinethecauseoftheincident(“Plantpunchup”,1997,p.4).
SafeCommunitiesalsoincludeddiscussionofthefoodbankinHighRiver,
includingthedonationofanewrefrigerationunitbyCargillFoodsin2012tostore
themonthlydonationof300poundsofmeatbythecompany(Wedemire,2012,p.
16).Thetown’sannualfooddrivewasfeaturedprominentlyintheHighRiverTimes
in2010(Massey,2010,p.5),presentinganinterestingreflectionoftheneedforan
annualfooddrive,whichhadbeenidentifiedin1998(Hjalte,1998,p.8).
ThethemeofEconomicDevelopmentisdiscussedindepthbyaneditorialin
theHighRiverTimesinJanuary1997supportinganeconomicdevelopmentplanto
bepresentedtotheTownCouncilbytheChamberofCommerce;thearticle
emphasizedtheimportanceofattractingretailersandmanufacturerstoHighRiver
todeterthetown’stransformationintoacommuterbedroomcommunityfor
Calgary(“Economicplan”,p.6).DespitetheeffortstoensureHighRiverdidnot
developintoabedroomcommunityforcommutersworkinginCalgary,significant
interestwasexpressedinFebruary1997inthedevelopmentofacommutertrain,
followingapetitionsubmittedbyemployeesatCargillFoods(McBride,1997,p.12).
TheapprovaloftheeconomicdevelopmentplanbytheTownCouncilwas
laudedasasteptowardsself-directedchange(“PlangivesHighRiver”,p.8).An
EconomicDevelopmentOfficewasestablishedtorespondtoinquiriesfrom
businessesinterestedinestablishinginHighRiver,andtomarketthetownona
long-termbasis(Rooney,1997a,p.1).TheboardofdirectorsfortheEconomic
DevelopmentOfficeincludedrepresentativesfromtheTownofHighRiver,aswell
astheTourismActionCommitteeandtheChamberofCommerce(Rooney,1997a,p.
1).
AsthemajoremployerinHighRiver,CargillFoodswasafocalpointofthe
HighRiverTimesfrom1997till2012.AnemploymentadvertisementforCargill
FoodsappearedintheHighRiverTimesinJanuary1997forfull-timemeatcutter
positionsontheassemblyline,withdutiesrangingfromcutting,trimmingand
boning.Theadvertisementstatedthatfulltrainingwouldbeprovided,andit
37
announcedinboldfontthat“CargillFoodsisanequalopportunityemployer”
(“Employmentopportunity”,p.22).
ThisemploymentadvertisementwasfollowedinFebruary1997bythe
profileofalocalbutcherwhoobtainedhisbeeffromeitherCargillFoodsinHigh
River,orLakesidePackersinBrooks,inordertosupportAlbertaranchers
(Campbell,1997,p.3).AspartofaspecialBeefBreedersSupplement,thisprofile
servedtoconveythepositive,community-basedrelationshipofbeefproductionin
SouthernAlberta.Alinkcanbemadebetweentheprofileofthelocalbutcher,and
theemploymentopportunitiesatCargillFoods,astheprofileprovidesa
community-orientedperspectiveonthebeefproductionatCargillFoods.
However,despitethepositiveportrayalofbeefproductioninAlberta,the
possibledevelopmentofahogprocessingplantnearHighRiverin1997wasmet
withlocalconcern.TheMunicipalDistrictofFoothills,whichsurroundsHighRiver,
submittedabidfortheMapleLeafMeatshogfacilityandaimedtobringits1,500
newjobstotheHighRiverarea(McTighe,1997g,p.4).Despitetheexistingrailline
andhighwaynearCargillFoods,aswellastheavailablelabourmarketinCalgary,
theHighRiverTimesfeaturedLetterstotheEditorfromlocalresidentsexpressing
theirfrustrationwithlocatingthehogprocessingplantnearHighRiver.This
concernwasrelatedtotheimpactonthetownfromfurtherheavytrucktraffic,
noise,dust,andthesmellfromthefacility(Henbeffer,1997,p.7).Oneletterstated:
“Thisisjustwhatwedonotneed–anotherstinkingplant.Theonewehaveistoomuch.”(Turner,1997,p.7).
Additionally,residentswereconcernedwiththewatersupplyinHighRiverandits
abilitytosupporttwomeatprocessingplants(Turner,1997,p.7).
ThefrustrationfromHighRiverresidentsregardingthepossible
developmentofahogprocessingfacilitytouchedontheodourthatthesetypesof
plantsgenerate,andthiswasaprominentissueinearly1997inrelationtoCargill
Foods.ResidentsarguedthatthesmellfromCargillFoods,increasedduetoarecent
expansion,wasnegativelyimpactingtheirqualityoflifeandpropertyvalues,and
couldbeinviolationoftheCleanAirprovisionsoftheAlbertaEnvironmental
ProtectionandEnhancementAct(Loven,1997,p.1).Apetitionwassubmittedto
38
PremierRalphKleinregardingtheodour(Loven,1997,p.1),andtheAlberta
EnvironmentalProtectionagencywasresearchingseveralcomplaints(Loven,1997,
p.2).
CargillFoodsrespondedbyconductinganinternalreviewinMarch1997
(McTighe,1997f,p.2).InApril1997,CargillFoodsannouncedthatithadupgraded
itsequipment,hiredtwoscruberoperators,afull-timemaintenanceperson,andan
environmentalcoordinator(McBride,1997c,p.1).Thefacility’sconcernwiththe
odouremissionswasrelatedtoitsrelationshipwiththeresidentsofHighRiver.
TheGeneralManager,DanSchnitkerstated:
“Ithinkwearegoodforthecommunityandwegeneratealotofmoney…It(theodorproblem)istheonlynegativethingthatisbroughttouptousonaregularbasis.Weneedtogetitresolved.”(ascitedinMcBride,1997c,p.2).
Asaresult,CargillFoodsalsobroughtinconsultantsrecommendedbyAlberta
EnvironmentalProtection,developedaninternalcommitteetoinvestigate
environmentalcomplaints,andproceededwithdevelopingapre-treatmentfacility
attheplant’slagooninordertoreducetheemissionsintothewater(McBride,
1997c,p.2).
Conclusion Althoughtherewereimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpersonswho
arrivedinHighRiverfrom1996till2011,theimmigrantandnon-permanent
residentpopulationofHighRiverdidnotincreasesignificantlyduringthisperiod,
risingfrom9.24%to10.99%.ThediscoursesurroundingSafeCommunities,
EconomicDevelopment,andCargillFoods,intheHighRiverTimesfrom1997till
2012revealsthatthetownwasnotspecificallyimpactedbythearrivaland
presenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents,butratherbythegrowthof
theoverallpopulation,andtherapidexpansionofthecommunity.Thisisevidenced
bytheveiledinferencesfoundindiscussionsofcommunityfragility.
Issuessuchasvandalism,odourfromthemeatprocessingplant,foodbank
supplies,andhousing,indicatethatHighRivercontinuedtoexperiencethesame
issuesthroughoutthisperiod.Thisisperhapsoneexplanationfortheelectionof
theWildroseAlliancePartyin2012,followinganhistoricalperiodofProgressive
39
ConservativecandidatesfortheHighwoodriding.HighRivermayhavebeen
attemptingtoseekresolutiontothesecommunityissuesaftersubsequent
ProgressiveConservativeleadershipdidnotresultincommunitystability,and
residentsturnedtotheWildroseAlliancePartyasasolution.
40
ChapterIVResults-Brooks,Alberta ThischapterwillexaminethepoliticalcultureofBrooks,Alberta.Thecityof
BrooksislocatedinsouthernAlberta,southeastofCalgary.ThecitiesofLethbridge
andMedicineHatarerespectivelylocatedtothesouthwestandsoutheastofBrooks.
TheXLFoodsLakesidePackersmeatprocessingfacilityislocatedinthecity;itwas
expandedin1997andisamainemployerinBrooks.
Thecityexperiencedsignificantpopulationgrowthfrom1996until2012,
includingsignificantnumbersofimmigrants.TheXLFoodsLakesidePackers
facilityactedtodrawnewcomerstothecity,andtheirpresencecontributedto
shapingthecityanditspoliticalculture.Asisevidencedthroughtheanalysisofthe
localnewspaper,TheBrooksBulletin,theseimmigrantshadanimpactonthe
politicalcultureofthecity.
InordertorevealtheimpactonthepoliticalcultureofBrooksbyimmigrants
arrivingfrom1996until2012,twoindicatorsofpoliticalengagementwillbe
examined.Electionresultsfromtheprovincialelectionsfrom1996until2012will
bereviewed,andnewspaperarticlespublishedinTheBrooksBulletinduringthe
monthssurroundingtheseelectionperiodswillbeexamined.
DemographicChangesfrom1996-2012
ThepotentialimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofBrooks,
Alberta,canbeunderstoodthroughanexaminationofthecity’sdemographic
changesfrom1996until2012.Thisisaccomplishedbyanalyzingtheresultsfrom
Canadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,2001,2006,and2011,aswellasthe
NationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconductedin2011.TheNationalHousehold
Surveyprovidesinformationonimmigrationandethnoculturaldiversity;education
andlabour;mobilityandmigration;incomeandhousing(StatisticsCanada,2015d).
Itwasheldasasupplementaryadditiontothe2011census.Censusresults
discussedinthefollowinganalysisareportrayedinTable6.
41
Asseeninthepreviouschapter,theanalysisoftheresultsofthecensuses
andtheNationalHouseholdSurveybeginswithunderstandingthetermsusedin
referencetopopulation.Thethreecategoriesusedtodistinguishthecitizenship
statusoftherespondentincludethetermsnon-immigrant,immigrant,andnon-
permanentresident1.
1996Census
Atthe1996Canadiancensus,thepopulationofBrookswas10,093persons
and90.56%spoketheEnglishlanguageastheirmothertongue.Themajorityofthe
town’spopulation,92.14%,identifiedthemselvesasnon-immigrantswhileonly
6.74%wereimmigrants.Thenon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksin1996
wasnon-existent.
1Thetermnon-immigrantreferstopersonsborninCanada,orthoseborn
outsideofCanadawithCanadiancitizenshipbybirth;thesepersonsdidnotimmigratetoCanada(StatisticsCanada,2013a).Thetermimmigrantreferstopersonswhoare,orhaveeverbeen,landedimmigrantsorpermanentresidents,andwhohavebeengrantedtherighttolivepermanentlyinCanadabyimmigrationauthorities(StatisticsCanada,2015f).Thetermsnon-immigrantandimmigrantcanrefertopersonswhoareCanadiancitizens. Conversely,thetermnon-permanentresidentisusedtoindicateapersonfromacountryotherthanCanadawhoisinpossessionofaworkorstudypermit,orwhoisarefugeeclaimant,aswellasnon-Canadian-bornfamilymemberwholiveswiththeminCanada(StatisticsCanada,2015f).
42
1996-2001
ThetotalpopulationofBrooksincreasedby14.97%between1996and
2001;thiswasthelargestriseinpopulationforthecityduringtheperiodfrom
1996until2011.ThepopulationincreasethatoccurredinBrooksfrom1996until
2001wasprimarilycomprisedofimmigrantpersons;theimmigrantpopulation
roseby36.76%duringthisperiod,whilethenon-immigrantpopulationincreased
byonly12.47%.Additionally,Brooksexperiencedthearrivalof50non-permanent
residentpersonsfrom1996until2001.Thismarkedashiftforthecitysinceits
non-permanentresidentpopulationin1996waszero.
AlthoughthecityofBrooksexperienceditslargestincreaseintotal
populationbetween1996and2001,itsmostsubstantialpopulationshiftoccurred
between2001and2006.Theoverallpopulationincreasedminimallyduringthis
periodat7.70%;however,theimmigrantpopulationincreasedby123.66%.Thisis
notablebecauseofthesignificantincreaseintheimmigrantpopulation,andbecause
thisincreaseoccurredinBrooksduringaperiodofminimaltotalpopulation
growth.Theoutcomewasashiftinthedemographiccompositionofthecity,which
wasalsobolsteredbytheadditionof125non-permanentresidentsduringthis
period.Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksreached
17.64%in2006,anincreaseofover10%from1996.
Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksincreased
againbetween2006and2011,from17.64%ofthetotalpopulationtocomprising
23.90%.Thisincludedasignificantincreaseinthenumberofnon-permanent
residents,from125to505persons.Despiteaminimalincreaseinthetotal
populationofonly6.62%duringthisperiod,thedemographiccompositionofthe
citywasmarkedlydifferentin2011.Ofthetotalpopulationin2011,only73.55%
reportedthattheirfirstlanguagewasEnglishonly,while23.45%indicatedthat
theirfirstlanguagewasneitherEnglish,norFrench.Thissharplycontraststhe
resultsfrom1996,when90.56%indicatedthattheirfirstlanguagewasEnglish
only,and6.99%ofthepopulationrespondedthattheirfirstlanguagewasneither
English,norFrench.
43
TheanalysisoftheresultsfromCanadiancensusesthatwereheldin1996,
2001,2006,and2011,aswellastheNationalHouseholdSurveythatwasconducted
in2011,revealthatBrooksexperiencedsignificantchangesinitsdemographic
compositionfrom1996until2011.Brooksexperiencedasubstantialinfluxof
immigrantpersonsbetween2001and2006,coincidingwiththelowest
unemploymentrateexperiencedbythecity,3.0%,duringtheperiodfrom1996to
2012.ThissuggeststhatthesettlementofimmigrantpersonsinBrookswasrelated
toavailableemploymentopportunitiesinthecity,suchasthoseatLakesidePackers.
Moreover,theresultsfromthecensusesandtheNationalHouseholdSurveyindicate
thatBrooksexperiencedadramaticdemographicshiftfrom1996until2012.The
percentageofthepopulationcomprisedofimmigrantandnon-permanentresident
personsincreasedfrom6.74%in1996to23.90%in2011.
Thebelowtablesportraysthecensusresultsrelatedtolanguage.
44
Itisinterestingtonotethatthereareincreasesinthetotalpopulation
accordingtonon-officiallanguagesandFrenchonlyastherespondent’smother
tongue,whilethetotalpopulationofrespondentswithEnglishastheirfirst
languagedecreasedfrom1996until2011.
Thebelowtableprovidestheeconomicdatafromthefourcensuses.
Thelowunemploymentratefromin2006discussedaboveisdisplayedinthese
results.
ProvincialElectionResults
Conservativepartiesledtheprovincialelectionsthatoccurredinthe
divisionofStrathmore-Brooks,whichincludesthecityofBrooks,duringtheperiod
from1996until2012.TheprovincialelectoraldivisionofStrathmore-Brooks,
whichalsoencompassesStrathmore,Gleichen,Duchess,andBassano,elected
candidatesfromtheProgressiveConservativesinthe1997,2001,2004,and2008
elections.TheProgressiveConservativecandidatesreceivedasignificant
percentageofthevotesintheseelections,butthe2012electionmarkedashiftin
provincialpoliticsinStrathmore-Brooksfromamoremoderateconservatismtoa
45
morestridentright-wingparty.TheWildroseAlliancePartywassuccessfulinthe
2012election,endingthelongheldProgressiveConservativereigninthisdivision.
Byexaminingtheprovincialelectoralresultsfromthedivisionof
Strathmore-Brooks,afurtherunderstandingisgainedofthepoliticalcultureof
Brooks,andtheimpactfromthearrivalofimmigrantsduringtheperiodfrom1996
until2012.Immigrantshaveanimpactonelectionresultsbyvoting,iftheypossess
Canadiancitizenship.However,asnotallimmigrantspossessCanadiancitizenship,
theirimpactextendsbeyondvotingtoapre-Citizenshipinteractionwiththeir
neighbours,theircommunity,andthevariouslevelsofgovernment.Issuesof
concerninthecommunityduringelectionperiodshavethepotentialtoinfluence
voters,andtheseissuesarenotrestrictedtoresidentswhoareCanadiancitizens.
Forexample,votingresidentsmaybeconcernedaboutashortageofhousingrelated
toaninfluxofnewcomers.Thediscoursesurroundingthisissuecouldinvolve
votingCanadiancitizens,aswellasnon-votingpermanentresidents,andnon-
permanentresidents.Therefore,thepotentialimpactofimmigrantsonthepolitical
cultureofBrooksispresentregardlessofwhetherimmigrantsareengagingas
votingCanadiancitizens,orasnon-votingpermanentresidents,andnon-permanent
residents.
TheProgressiveConservativeswereelectedintheStrathmore-Brooks
divisionfrom1997until2008.ThecandidatefortheProgressiveConservativesin
the1997,2001,and2004electionswasLyleOberg;inthe2008and2012elections
itwasArnoDoerksen.Withtheexceptionofthe2012election,thestabilityin
ProgressiveConservativecandidateshadapositiverelationshipwiththepercentage
ofvotesreceived,whichrangedbetweenalowof64.05%in2004toahighof
75.09%in2001.
Theachievementof75.09%ofvotesreceivedbytheProgressive
Conservativesinthe2001electioncoincidedwiththehighestpercentageofvotes
receivedbytheLiberalParty,15.52%,duringtheperiodfrom1997until2012.The
2001electionalsowitnessedthelowestpercentageofvotesreceivedfortheNew
DemocraticPartyandtheSocialCreditduringthisperiod,thoughtheSocialCredit
didnothaveacandidateinthe2008and2012elections.Thisisinterestingto
46
considerasitsuggeststhatvotersin2001mayhavebeendrawntomorecentre
partiesfromthepolarizedleftandrightoftheNewDemocraticPartyandtheSocial
Credit.
Voterturnoutinthe2001electionwasnotmarkedlydifferentthanturnout
inthe1997election,increasingminimallyfrom46.87%to46.91%,andthe
unemploymentrateatthetimehaddecreasedby0.6%sincethepreviouselectionin
1997.However,thecityofBrooksexperienceditslargestincreaseintotal
populationbetween1996and2001,andthiscouldhaveimpactedthepoliticalparty
choiceofvotersduetothepressureonthecityduringthisperiodtorespondto
issuesofgrowthandexpansion.
ThevoterturnoutinthedivisionofStrathmore-Brooksdeclinedsharplyin
the2004and2008elections,droppingaslowas35.56%.Despitetheapparent
connectionbetweenanincreaseinthetotalpopulation,voterturnout,andashiftin
votesreceivedbypoliticalparties,the2004provincialelectionresultsdispelany
parallel.ThecityofBrooksexperiencedanincreaseof123.66%initsimmigrant
populationfrom2001and2006,yetthevoterturnoutinthe2004and2008
electionswasthelowestduringtheperiodfrom1997until2012.
TheLiberalPartyandtheNewDemocraticPartydidnotmaintainthe
stabilityincandidatesdemonstratedbytheProgressiveConservatives.Withthe
exceptionoftheNewDemocraticPartycandidateinthe2001and2004elections,
theLiberalPartyandtheNewDemocraticPartyhaddifferentcandidatesineach
electionfrom1997until2012.
TheLiberalPartyreceivedafairlyconsistentpercentageofvotesinthe1997,
2001,2004,and2008,elections,rangingfrom9.69%to15.52%.Notably,the
lowestpercentageofvotesreceivedfortheLibertyParty,9.69%,occurredinthe
2008electionwhentheWildroseAlliancePartymadeitsfirstappearanceonthe
provincialballot.Althoughnotabletogainthemajorityofthevotesreceivedinthe
Strathmore-Brooksdivision,theLiberalPartymaintaineditssecondplaceposition
behindtheProgressiveConservativesinthe1997,2001,2004and2008elections.
ThisconsistencyinvotingresultswasnotsharedbyNewDemocraticParty.
47
ThepercentageofvotesreceivedbytheNewDemocraticPartyinthe1997,
2001,2004,and2008,electionsrangedbetween2.54%and6.02%.Althoughthe
NewDemocraticPartyconsistentlyreceivedfewervotesthantheLiberalPartyand
theProgressiveConservatives,itisinterestingtonotethatitalsoreceivedalower
percentageofthevotesthantheWildroseAlliancePartyinthe2008election.
However,theNewDemocraticPartycameinthirdplaceinthe2012electionbehind
theWildroseAlliancePartyandtheProgressiveConservatives;thisisnotable
becauseitisonlytimeduringtheperiodfrom1997until2012thattheNew
DemocraticPartyreceivedmorevotesthantheLiberalParty.
The2012electionmarkedachangeintheprovincialpoliticsofthe
Strathmore-Brooksdivision.TheWildroseAlliancePartywaselectedwith55.58%
ofthevotesreceived,andtheProgressiveConservativesreceivedonly39.13%of
thevotes.Whileoverallvoterturnoutincreasedby16.86%from2008until2012,
theWildroseAlliancePartyitselfgainedanincreaseinvotesof772.41%.
The2012electionresultsindicatedashiftinvotersbetweenthesetwo
conservativesparties,andrevealastrongshiftinthepoliticalcultureofthe
provincialelectoraldivisionofStrathmore-Brookstowardstheright-wingWildrose
AllianceParty,awayfromthemoremoderateProgressiveConservatives.Thisshift
isindicativeofmajorchangesinthefabricofBrooksasacommunity.
48
NewspaperReview–TheBrooksBulletin
Inordertoexpandtheanalysisoftheimpactofimmigrantsonthepolitical
cultureofBrooks,adetailedreviewofthelocalnewspaper,TheBrooksBulletin,was
undertaken.Newspapersreflectissuesoflocalconcern,andthecorresponding
49
publicdiscourse,therebyactingasindicatorsofpoliticalengagementandcreating
portraitsofthepoliticalcultureofacommunity.Thisisespeciallyevidentduring
periodssurroundingprovincialelections.Therefore,theexaminationofTheBrooks
Bulletinisfocusedonthetwomonthsprecedinganelection,themonthofan
election,andthemonthfollowinganelection.Thisfourmonthperiodprovidesa
spotlightonthemajorissuesofcommunityconcernandpublicdiscourse,
contributingtoaportraitofthepoliticalcultureofBrooks.TheBrooksBulletinwas
reviewedoverfourmonthperiodsin1997;1998;2001;2004;2007;2008;2010;
and2012,asdisplayedinthetablebelow.
SeveralmajorthemesarepresentedinTheBrooksBulletinfrom1997until
2012,includingNewcomersandtheXLFoodsLakesidePackersprocessingfacility,
Infrastructure,andSafeCommunities.Thesethemesarecommonlyinterwoven,
andoftenappearasinterrelateddiscussions.
ThethemeofNewcomersandtheLakesidePackersfacilityisprevalentin
TheBrooksBulletin,whichisindicativeofacityattemptingtocometotermswitha
shiftinitsdemographiccomposition.Aneditorialin1998,publishedapproximately
20monthsaftertheopeningoftheexpandedLakesidePackers,describedthe
negativeimpactonBrooksfromthearrivalofnewpersonstothecity.TheEditor
associatedanincreaseinbreak-ins,pettytheft,androbberies,withtheinfluxof
hundredsofnewcomerstoBrooksintheyearspreceding1998,statingthat:
“…manyofthesepeopledonothavetheresourcestosupportthemselvesoncetheyarriveandsothereisgreatpressureonoursocialsupport
50
systems…thisfolks,iswhatiscausingotherstoleaveBrooks.”(Nesbitt,1998,p.A4)
Concernwasalsoexpressedthatthesenewcomers,specificallyreferredtoashaving
arrivedduetotheexpansionofLakesidePackers,didnothavechildren;thiswas
reflectedintheenrolmentnumbersatlocalschoolsin1998(Parker,1998,p.A1).
Thecity’sdiversedemographiccompositionresultedinBrooks’inclusionina
discussiontourrelatedtochangestotheTemporaryForeignWorkersprogramin
2010;approximately2,000TemporaryForeignWorkerslivedinthecityatthat
time,mostemployedattheLakesidePackersfacility(Stanway,2010b,p.A8).
However,employmentofdiversecommunitiesattheLakesidePackers
facilityencounteredsomechallenges.In2004,agroupofprimarilySudanese
personsallegedthatLakesidePackershadterminatedthemduetotheirprotestof
workingconditionsandracismatthefacility.Officiallyterminatedformisconduct,
thisgrouphaddifficultyobtainingEmploymentInsuranceandmetwithafederal
MemberofParliamenttodiscusstheirconcerns(Ocol,2004,p.A1).Interestingly,
theallegationsofpoorworkingconditionsandracismatLakesidePackerswere
refutedbyanotheremployeeofAfricanheritageatthefacilityinalettertothe
Editor.
“WehaveamongusinBrooksfromAfrica,doctors,engineers,teachers,nursesandyoucannamethemall,doingvariousjobseitherrelatetoourfieldofeducationornot,thatisourindividualchoice.Therefore,newcomerspublicizingtheirpersonaljobrelatedmatterusingtheSudanesepeopleasbeingdiscriminatedatisverysadanddisgracefultotherestofusfromAfrica”(Obeng,2004,p.A6).
ThislettertotheEditorexpressesfrustrationwiththefiredemployeeslabeling
theirsituationasbeingtheresultofracism,andaptlydescribesthevarious
professionalandeducationalbackgroundsofthenewcomerslivingandworkingin
Brooks.
AnarticlefeaturingacandidatefortheCityCouncilduringthe2010
municipalelectionhighlightsthepresenceofimmigrantnewcomersinBrooks,and
theirinvolvementwiththecommunity.AhmedKassem,animmigrantfromAfrica
andanassistanthealthsafetymanageratXLFoodsLakesidePackers,statedthathe
51
wasrunningtobringnewperspectivesandtodemonstratetonewcomersthatthey
canparticipateinsocioeconomicactivities(Stanway,2010a,p.A10).
“Whentheyseeanimmigrantpersonrunning,itwillencouragethem,notonlytovote,buttoconsiderwheretheystandinsociety.”(ascitedinStanway,2010a,p.A10).
JustasthisarticleindicatesthatimmigrantsinBrooksweremakinganeffort
toparticipateinthecommunity,itisclearfromanarticleinTheBrooksBulletinthat
thecitywasmakinganefforttoaccommodatethesenewcomers,andtorespondto
theemergingsocialneeds.AsettlementagencyoperatingatLakesidePackers,
SAAMISImmigration,offeredsupportandlanguageclassestoemployeesfrom
abroad,includingIraq,Somalia,Ethiopia,andCambodia(Vineburg,1998e,p.A2).In
addition,thefoodbankoperatinginBrooksreceivedactivecommunitysupport
(“Communitypullstogether”,2001,p.A6).However,theneedforintensesupport
ofthefoodbankfromtheresidentsofBrooksisperhapsindicativeofthebroader
communitychangesunderwayduringthisperiod,especiallyinrelationtothecity’s
expandingpopulationandinfrastructureneeds.
TheconcernforInfrastructurefeaturesregularlyinTheBrooksBulletin,and
isamarkerofthecity’sincreasingpopulation.Thediscussionisfocusedonthe
repairofroadsandbridgesinthecommunity,aswellastheexpansionofroadsto
supportthegrowthofthecity.FundingfromtheProvincialgovernmentin1998
wasallocatedbythecityofBrookstolocalroadimprovementssuchasrepaving
(Vineburg,1998d,p.A8).
Thetopicofroadinfrastructureisalsoclearlylinkedtosafety,andmany
articlesinTheBrooksBulletinhighlightedissuesofvehiclesaccidents.The
intersectionatHighway1andCassilsRoadeastofBrooksdominatedthepublic
discoursearoundtrafficsafetystartingin1998,andthedemandforanoverpass
wasidentifiedbytheBrookscouncilasapriorityin2001(“Townsets”,2001,p.A7).
Furthermore,specificconcernwasraisedaboutthesafetyoftheintersectionon
Highway1attheLakesidePackersfacility,westofBrooks(Burgess,1997a,p.A3).
SafetyiscloselylinkedtoadiscourseofcrimeinTheBrooksBulletin,a
centralsubjectoftheSafeCommunitiestheme.Anarticleinearly1997announced
52
thatthelocalRoyalCanadianMountedPolice(RCMP)detachmentwouldbesending
regularupdatestomediaoutletsinBrooksonthecrimeoccurringinthecommunity
(Stroud,1997,p.A8).ContinuedcommunicationfromtheRCMPtothecommunity
throughTheBrooksBulletinalsoincludedawarningforbusinessestotakeextra
precautionstosecuretheirpropertyfromvandalismandtheft(Vineburg,2001b,p.
A1).VandalismandtheftcontinuedtobeissuesofconcerninBrooksinrelationto
homesandvehicles(Break-ins,2010,p.A4).
ThisdiscourseoncrimeinTheBrooksBulletinisinterestingtoconsiderin
relationtothepopulationincreaseexperiencedbythecity.TheRCMPdetachment
inBrookswentsofarastodirectlycorrelatethepopulationrisetoanincreaseof
2,500%inthenumberofpersonsheldforintoxicationbetween1996and1997.
“Itisasignofchangesinthetown…Asignofmorepeopleabusingalcoholandasignperhapsofmoreyoungpeopleintown.”(ascitedinBurgess,1997b,p.A1).
TheassociationofthepopulationincreasewithcrimebythelocalRCMPreflectsan
issueofconcerninthecommunity.Thisconcernexpandedtootherissuesofcrime
andsafetyinBrooksduringthisperiod,includingwomen’ssafety.TheBrooks&
DistrictWomen’sSafeShelterSocietyfeaturedregularlyinTheBrooksBulletin,and
itisnotablethatapermanentlocationwasopenedin2001(Parker,2001,p.A3).
ReportsofcrimeinTheBrooksBulletinfrequentlyreferredtoemployeesat
LakesidePackers,suchastheattemptedsexualassaultofafemaleemployeeatone
ofthetemporaryhousingtrailersatthefacility(“Womanfights”,2001,p.A1).
Additionally,publicationsalsoreferredmoreindirectlytothenewcomerpopulation
ofthecity.Anarticledescribingtheoutcomeofatrialdescribedhow“allthe
testimonyhadtotranslatedintoArabic”(“Trialfinds”,1998,p.B3).Thisis
interestingbecauseitdemonstratesthatthecommunitydiscoursearoundSafe
Communitiesandcrimewaslinkeddirectlytotheimmigrantandnon-permanent
residentpopulationofthecity,ratherthantheoverallincreasetothepopulationof
Brooks.
HousingwasalsoaprimaryaspectofthethemeofSafeCommunities,andit
isrepeatedlyfeaturedinTheBrooksBulletinintermsofavailabilityand
53
developmentrelatedtocommunitygrowth,linkingitcloselytothethemeof
Infrastructure.Thehousingdiscussionbeginswiththeestablishmentofahousing
registrybyTownofBrooksandtheChamberofCommerceinearly1997,toassist
employeesatLakesidePackersandothernewcomerswithobtainingrental
accommodation(“Housingregistry”,1997,p.A1).Thiswasshortlyafterthe
openingoftheexpandedLakesidePackersfacilityafewmonthsearlierinJanuary
1997,andisindicativetheimmediateimpactthatthisprocessingplanthadon
Brooks.
Housingsalesincreasedin1998inBrooks,anindicationoftheneedfor
housinginthecommunity“eventhoughpotentialhomeownerscanfindcheaper
realestatein[nearby]LethbridgeorMedicineHat”(Vineburg,1998b,p.A6).The
needforhousinginthecitywasalsoarticulatedthroughtheactivepresenceof
HabitatforHumanity,whichbuiltitssecondhouseinBrooksin2001(Vineburg,
2001a,p.B5).
ThetopicofhousinginBrooksislinkedtoabroaderdiscussionof
Infrastructure,development,andgrowthinthecity.Aplanforaffordablehousing
constructioninthesoutheastofBrooks,andtheallowanceofrentalunitsinthe
single-familyhomeneighbourhoodofPleasantPark,raiseddiscontentduringa
municipalelectionforumin1998(Vineburg,1998f,p.A1).Althoughresidents
raisedconcernovertheinclusionofrentalunitswithinestablishedsubdivisions
suchasPleasantPark,thedevelopmentofnewhousinginthesoutheastsectorof
thecitycreatedapprehensionbecauseofitshomogenousnature.JeremySturgess,
thearchitectwhodesignedthesoutheastsectorplan,statedthatintentofthe
developer,Genesis,toseparatemulti-familyunitsfromsinglefamilyhomescould
haveadrasticimpact.
“Itwasveryimportantforusnottoghettoizethesoutheastsectorbuttointegrateavarietyofincometypes.”(ascitedinVineburg,1997c,p.A1).TherelationshipbetweenhousingandnewcomersinBrooksishighlighted
byanarticledispellingthenotionthatapplicantsformortgageswerebeingdenied
bycommunitybanksduetotheirrecentarrivalinthecity.
54
“…threelocalbankscontactedbyTheBrooksBulletindenythatanyonehasbeenturneddownforamortgageiftheyhaven’tlivedinBrooksforaperiodoftime.”(Vineburg,1998a,p.C2)
ThearticlesinTheBrooksBulletinduringthisperiodsuggestthatthediscussionof
housingwasinterrelatedwithbothoverallpopulationgrowth,aswellasthe
presenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents.Thisdiscoursewasveiledat
times,suchasduringthediscussionofghettoizingthenewhousingdevelopments
throughhomogenoushousing.However,itwasalsofeaturedovertlyandindirect
relationtonewcomers.Therefore,thediscussionofhousinginTheBrooksBulletin
demonstratestheimpactofthepresenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanent
residentsonthepoliticalcultureofBrooks,asthepresenceinthecommunityhas
givenrisetoanewsetofissues.
Conclusion
Theimmigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationofBrooksincreased
substantiallyfrom1996until2011,from6.74%to23.90%.Thisisimportant
becausenearlyonequarterofthecityofBrookswascomprisedofimmigrantsand
non-permanentresidentsby2011,despiteanoverallpopulationincreaseof
32.02%.TheresultisthatthedemographiccompositionofBrooksshiftedduring
thisperiod,forcingthecitytorespondtoissuesofgrowthandexpansion,aswellas
thoserelateddirectlytothepresenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents
withinthecommunity.
ThethemesofNewcomersandtheXLFoodsLakesidePackersprocessing
facility,Infrastructure,andSafeCommunities,inTheBrooksBulletinrevealthat
Brooksstruggledwithinterrelatedissuesofpopulationgrowthanddemographic
changesduringthisperiod.However,thereisnoapparentconnectionbetweenthe
provincialpoliticalshiftfromtheProgressiveConservativestotheWildroseAlliance
Party,andthepresenceofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidentsinBrooks.
55
ChapterVConclusion
Thisthesisexaminedtheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculturesof
Brooks,Alberta,andHighRiver,Alberta,throughacross-unitstudyfrom1996until
2012.ItwasanticipatedthatthepoliticalcultureofBrookshadchanged
significantlyfrom1996until2012,andthatthepoliticalcultureofHighRiverhad
remainedconstantoverthisperiod.Thetwoindicatorsofpoliticalengagement
usedtoconductthisexamination,votingresultsfromprovincialelectionsandlocal
newspaperpublications,revealedthatthishypothesiswasaccurate.
TheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofHighRiverandBrooks
isrevealedthroughthefirstindicatorofpoliticalengagement,votingresultsfrom
provincialelections.Thevotingresultsfromtheprovincialelectionsduringthis
periodindicatethatbothHighRiverandBrooksexperiencedasimilarshiftintheir
votingpatternsattheprovinciallevel.
Intheprovincialelectionsheldin1997,2001,2004,and2008,theelectoral
divisionsofHighwoodandStrathmore-Brookssimilarlydemonstratedconsistency
intheirelectionoftheProgressiveConservativecandidates.Moreover,the
ProgressiveConservativesdemonstratedstabilityintheseridingsbyhavingthe
samecandidatesrepeatedinconsecutiveelections.TheProgressiveConservative
candidateintheHighwooddivisionwasthesameinthe1997and2001elections,
andinthe2004and2008elections,whiletheProgressiveConservativecandidatein
theStrathmore-Brooksdivisionremainedthesameinthe1997,2001,and2004
elections,aswellasinthe2008and2012elections.
Aparallelbetweenthetwoelectoraldivisionscanalsobedrawnintermsof
voterturnoutintheprovincialelections.WhilethevoterturnoutinStrathmore-
BrooksremainedlowerthaninHighwoodineachoftheprovincialelections,it
followedthesameoverallpatterninbothdivisions.Inthe1997and2001elections,
voterturnoutinHighwoodremainedstable,fallingslightlyfrom56.36%to55.95%.
InStrathmore-Brooks,itwasalsoconstant,risingminimallyfrom46.87%46.91%.
Inthe2004and2008elections,thedivisionofHighwoodexperiencedvoterturnout
56
of45.04%and40.97%;inStrathmore-Brooks,voterturnouthadalsodecreased
fromthe1997and2001elections,to35.96%in2004and35.56%in2008.
WhilevoterturnoutinHighwoodandStrathmore-Brooksreacheditslowest
pointinthe2008election,itrosesignificantlytoitshighestlevelinthe2012
election,to58.76%inHighwoodand52.42%inStrathmore-Brooks.Thisis
especiallyinterestingintermsoftheimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalculture
ofHighRiverandBrooks.Thefederalcensusdatarevealsthatbothcommunities
experiencedthelargestincreaseintheiroverallpopulationsbetween1996and
2001,correspondingwithsubstantialandstablevoterturnoutinthe1997and2001
provincialelections.
HighRiverandBrooksbothwitnessedthemostsignificantincreasestotheir
immigrantpopulationsbetween2001and2006,andtotheirnon-permanent
residentpopulationsbetween2006and2001.Whenconsideredinrelationtothe
censusdata,itisinterestingtonotethatthevoterturnoutinbothcommunities
decreasedduringtheperiodsofsignificantimmigration,andthearrivalof
significantnumbersofimmigrantsandnon-permanentresidents(2004and2008
elections).However,thevoterturnoutrosedramaticallyinbothHighwoodand
Strathmore-Brooksinthe2012election,followingaperiodinwhichtheimmigrant
andnon-permanentresidentspopulationshadbeenresidinginHighRiverand
Brooksforafewyears.
Thecensusdataandtheresultsoftheprovincialelectionsappeartoindicate
thatthepoliticalculturesofthesecommunitieswerebothunaffectedby
immigrationfrom1996until2012.However,thesecondpoliticalindicatorofthe
localnewspapersleadstothebeliefthatthisisonlythecaseforHighRiver.The
localnewspapersleadtotheunderstandingthatHighRiverwasimpactedby
changestoitsoverallpopulationandtheexpansionofthecommunity,whileBrooks
wasspecificallyaffectedbyincreasestoitsimmigrantandnon-permanentresident
populations.
NearlyonequarterofthecityofBrookswascomprisedofimmigrantsand
non-permanentresidentsby2011.Theimpactofthisdemographicshiftonthe
politicalcultureofBrooksisexposedthroughthediscoursefoundinthelocal
57
newspaper,TheBrooksBulletin.BrookswasfacedwithissuesofSafeCommunities
duringtheperiodfrom1996until2012,aswellassignificantchallengesrelatedto
Infrastructure.ThethemesofNewcomersfeaturedprominentlyinthelocal
newspaperduringthisperiod,anditwasinterwovenwiththediscussionoftheXL
FoodsLakesidePackersmeatprocessingfacility,whichdominatedthecommunity’s
discourse.
Inanalyzingtheresultsofthisstudy,itisinterestingtoconsiderthepresence
ofthemeatpackingplantsinbothHighRiverandBrooksintermsoftheimpactof
immigrationonthepoliticalcultureofthesecommunities.BothHighRiverand
Brookshavebeenaffectedbytheexistenceofmeatpackingfacilitiesasmajor
employersintheircommunities.CargillMeatSolutionsinHighRiveremploys2,000
people(Cargill,2016,para.2),whileXLFoodsLakesidePackershasover2,000
employees(JBSFood,n.d.,para.2).Thisistheresultofafocusedeffortbythe
provincialgovernment,whichidentifiedmeatpackingoperationsasamethodofjob
creation,encouragedbylowtaxesandlowwagesforworkers(Broadway,2001,p.
42).
However,theemergenceofthemeatpackingindustryhashadsubstantial
impactseconomically,aswellassociallyandpolitically,withincommunities.
Broadwaystatesthatbeefpackingasaprocessshiftedfromurbancentrestorural
communitiesstartinginthe1960s,withtheemergenceoftheIowaBeefPackers
(IBP)companyintheUnitedStates1961(Broadway,2001,p.40).TheIowaBeef
Packersimplementedanassemblylinestructuretothebeefpacking,inplaceofthe
traditionalskilledbutchermethod(Broadway,2001,p.41).Theeffectofthis
restructuringwastwofold:productionwasincreased,whiletheneedforskilled
labourerswasreduced.
BroadwayofferstheexampleofIBP’sFinneyCountyfacilityinKansasto
illustratethesocialconsequencesonruralcommunitiesofthehiringpracticesofthe
meatpackingindustry.InFinneyCounty,IBPrecruitedlocallabour,aswellas
recentnewcomersfromLatincountries,aswellasSouthEastAsia(Broadway,2001,
p.43).Socialservicesinthecommunitywerehighlypressuredbythesudden
populationgrowth,whichhadresultedinahousingshortage,andtheincreased
58
presenceofyoungimmigrantfamilieswhocametoFinneyCountytoworkinthe
IBPfacility(Broadway,2001,p.43).From1980to1985,thepopulationofGarden
CityinFinneyCountyroseby6,000peopleandthecrimerateincreasedduringthis
periodaswell,by40percent(Broadway,2001,p.43).
BroadwayattributesthechangeinthecrimerateinFinneyCountyfrom
1980to1986,andtheincreaseddemandinsocialservices,withthepresenceof
young,singlemalesandrecentimmigrantsdrawntothecommunitybyjobsinthe
meatprocessingfacility.Itispossibletoconcludethatthesecommunitychanges
hadasubstantialimpactonthepoliticalcultureofthearea.
Themeatpackingindustryhasundergonemanychangestoimprove
productioncosts.However,theemphasisonusingcapitaltoreducelabourhas
arguablyhadthegreatesteffectonthecommunitiesinwhichthesefacilitiesare
located.Assemblylineproductioninmeatpackingfacilitiesmeansthatworkersare
oflowskillandareunderpaid.Inthistypeofassemblylineproductioninmeat
processing,workersperformasingletask(Broadway,2001,p.41)andsincethese
tasksaremanual,assemblylinepositionsareappealingtonon-Englishspeaking
immigrantsandrefugees(Broadway,2001,p.44).Thishasthepotentialtocreate
thesocialissuesexperiencedbyFinneyCountyinKansas.
WhilethediscourseinthelocalnewspapershasleadtothebeliefthatBrooks
experiencedsocialissuesrelatedtotheincreaseinitsimmigrantandnon-
permanentresidentpopulations,categorizedinthethemeofNewcomers,thisisnot
thecaseforHighRiver.HighRiverappearstohaveexperiencedchallengesmore
relatedtotheoverallpopulationgrowthandthecorrespondingexpansionofits
community.Thedifferentimpactonthepoliticalcultureofthesecommunitiesby
theinfluxofimmigrationfrom1996until2012isclear,andispossiblyassociated
withtheproximityofthesecommunitiestomajorurbancentres.
HighRiverandBrooksarebothlocatedinsouthernAlberta,butitispossible
thatHighRiver’sproximitytoCalgaryhasoffsettheimpactofimmigrationtothe
politicalcultureofthistown.ThenearbyurbancentreofCalgaryappearstohave
absorbedmanyofthesocialpressuresstemmingfromtheincreasedpopulationof
immigrantsandnon-permanentresidentsinHighRiver.Conversely,Brookshas
59
experiencedadifferentrealityduetoitsisolationfromanylargecities.Thishas
resultedinamorepronouncedimpactonthepoliticalcultureofthiscity,asthe
immigrantandnon-permanentresidentpopulationhasfosteredsignificantsocial
andpoliticalpressuresthathavecontributedtoimpactingthepoliticalcultureof
Brooks.
TheunderstandingofpoliticalcultureputforthbyAlmondandVerbaasthe
distributionofpatternsoforientationtowardspoliticalobjects(Almond&Verba,
1963,p.15)canbeappliedtotheresultsofthisstudyforbothHighRiverand
Brooks.AlmondandVerbaarguedthatpoliticalpartiesandmediaof
communication,aspoliticalobjectswithintheinputprocess,areinvolvedwiththe
transmissionofdemandsfromsocietyintothepoliticalgovernment,wherethese
demandsarethentransformedintopolicies(Almond&Verba,1963,p.15).The
politicalindicatorsofprovincialelectionresultsandlocalnewspapersrevealthat
thereisadistinctrelationshipbetweenpoliticalcultureandtheorientationof
societytowardspoliticalpartiesandlocalnewspapersasthepoliticalobjectsinthe
inputprocess.
Moreover,theimpactofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofBrooksis
alignedwithWiseman’sunderstandingofpoliticalcultureasdominantvalues
revealedthroughasociety’sideology,policies,andritualizedpractices.By
examiningthepoliticalculturesofHighRiverandBrooksthroughthepolitical
indicatorsofvotingresultsfromprovincialelectionsandthelocalnewspapers,
politicalengagementinHighRiverandBrookswasmeasuredduringtheperiod
from1996until2012.Thelocalnewspaperindicatorofpoliticalengagement
providesaportraitofthepoliticalculturesofHighRiverandBrooksthrough
linkagestopoliticalsocialization.Ineffect,thisdiscourseishowdominantvalues
aretransmitted.
Whileaneffectiveindicatorofpoliticalengagement,theresultsfromthe
provincialelectionswerelimitedtotheridingsinwhichHighRiverandBrooksare
located.Thiscontributedtoanoverallportraitoftheprovincialpoliticsofthese
communitiesbuttheresultscouldbefurtherrefinedinfuturestudiestospecificpoll
stations.Thiscouldrevealsignificantdetailaboutthevotingresultsfromspecific
60
populationswithinHighRiverandBrooks,butwouldrequireidentifyingthe
neighbourhoodsinwhichimmigrantsandnewCanadiansresidewithinthese
municipalities.
Furthmore,theindicatorsofpoliticalengagementusedinthisthesiswere
limitedintermsofpoliticalattitudes,values,andpractices.Itwouldbeeffectiveto
employsurveysofresidents,includingnon-immigrant,immigrant,andnon-
permanentresident,respondents;thiscouldcontributeaportraitofattitudesand
beliefsheldbyresidents,andwouldofferinsightintomunicipalpoliticalculture.
HighRiverandBrooksprovidedaneffectivecomparisontoexaminethe
influenceofimmigrationonthepoliticalcultureofacommunity.Theyare
comparableintermsofbothpopulationsizeandeconomicindustry,buttheir
varyingdemographiccompositionresultingfromdifferentimmigrantandnon-
permanentresidentpopulationsprovidesavaluableopportunitytoexaminethe
relationshipbetweenimmigrationandpoliticalculture.WhilebothHighRiverand
Brooksmovedtowardsamorestridentformofconservatismintermsofprovincial
politicsduringtheperiodfrom1996until2012,thediscourseinthelocal
newspaperleadstothebeliefthatthepoliticalcultureofBrookshasbeen
significantlyimpactedbyimmigration.
Thisthesisthereforecontributestothediscussionofpoliticalcultureandthe
influenceofimmigration,whichisincreasinglyimportantasimmigrationtoCanada
continues.
61
ReferencesAlmond,G.A.&Verba,S.(1963).Thecivicculture:Politicalattitudesanddemocracy infivenations.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress.BrandyYProductionsInc.(n.d.).Brooks–Thecityofhellos:Detailedoverview.RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://www.brandyyproductions.com/brooks-the-city-of-100-hellos/detailed-overview/.Break-insbecomingmuchtoocommonplace[Editorial].(2010,August10).The BrooksBulletin,p.A4.Broadway,M.J.(2001).Badtothebone:Thesocialcostsofbeefpacking’smoveto ruralAlberta.InR.Epp&D.Whitson(Eds.),Writingofftheruralwest: Globalization,governmentsandthetransformationofruralcommunities(pp. 39-51)Edmonton,AB:UniversityofAlbertaPress.Burgess,K.(1997a,March5)Lakesidestudyordered.TheBrooksBulletin,p.A3.Burgess,K.(1997b,March19).Drunktankexperiencingpopulationboom.The BrooksBulletin,p.A1.Communitypullstogethertohelpfoodbankdealwithspacecrunch[Editorial]. (2001,March21).TheBrooksBulletin,p.A6.Campbell,B.(1997,February17).Stakinghisreputationonareallygreatsteak. HighRiverTimes,BeefBreedersSupplement,p.3.Campbell,B.(1998,September1).Would-berentersareunhappycampers.High RiverTimes,p.3.Campbell,B.(2004,October20).HighRivernotthecapitalofvandalism.HighRiver Times,p.3.Cargill(2016).Meatprocessing.RetrievedApril27,2016from http://www.cargill.ca/en/products-services/meat-processing/index.jsp.CityofBrookscommunityprofile.(n.d.).RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://brooks.ca/attachments/242_communtiy%20profile%20-%20brooks%202013.pdf.Economicplanwilldetermineourfuture[Editorial].(1997,January7).HighRiver Times,p.6.ElectionsAlberta.(n.d.a).Candidatesummaryofresults(Generalelections1905 -2015).RetrievedApril16,2016from
62
http://www.elections.ab.ca/reports/statistics/candidate-summary-of-results-general-elections/#.ElectionsAlberta.(n.d.b).Reports,GeneralElections.RetrievedApril16,2015 fromhttp://www.elections.ab.ca/reports/general-elections/.Elkins,D.J.&Simeon,R.(1979).Acauseinsearchofitseffect,orwhatdoespolitical cultureexplain?ComparativePolitics,11(2),127-145.Employmentopportunity:Meatcuttersrequired.(1997,January7).HighRiver Times,p.22.Gillanders,L.(1998,November17).Committeeformedtostudyaffordablehousing. HighRiverTimes,p.6.Hartz,L.(1964).Thefoundingofnewsocieties:StudiesinthehistoryoftheUnited States,LatinAmerica,SouthAfrica,Canada,andAustralia.NewYork,NY: Harcourt,Brace&World,Inc.Henbeffer,H.(1997,April8).‘Hogheaven’isn’twelcome[LettertotheEditor].High RiverTimes,p.7.Hjalte,L.(1998,October27).Foodbankneedshelpyearround.HighRiverTimes,p. 8.Horowitz,G.(1966).Conservatism,liberalismandsocialisminCanada:An interpretation.CanadianJournalofEconomicsandPoliticalScience,32(2), 143-171.Housingregistrysetup.(1997,April30).TheBrooksBulletin,p.A1.Inkster,D.(2007).24daysinBrooks,(videorecording).Canada:NationalFilmBoardofCanada.RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://www.nfb.ca/film/24_days_in_brooks/.Itallstartswithlocalnewspapers[Editorial].(1998,October6).HighRiverTimes,p. 6.JBSFoodCanada(n.d.).JBSFoodCanada.RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://jbssa.com/our-business/canada/.Loven,M.(1997,February25).Stenchproblemirkingarearesidents.HighRiver Times,p.1-2.Lowrentapartmentsaredoubtfulforthenearfuture.(1998,September1).High RiverTimes,p.3.
63
Massey,K.(2010,August31).ChurchandSalvationArmyhold6th-annualfood drive.HighRiverTimes,p.5.McBride,T.(1997,February25).SurveyrevealskeeninterestinCalgarycommuter train.HighRiverTimes,p.12.McBride,T.(1997c,April15).Cargilladdressesproblemodors.HighRiverTimes,p. 1-2.McRae,K.D.(1964).ThestructureofCanadianhistory.InL.Hartz,Thefoundingof newsocieties:StudiesinthehistoryoftheUnitedStates,LatinAmerica, SouthAfrica,Canada,andAustralia.(pp.219-274)NewYork,NY:Harcourt, Brace&World,Inc.McTighe,F.(1997,February25).Justicecommitteewantstoboostmembership. HighRiverTimes,p.10.McTighe,F.(1997f,March18).Cargillreviewsemissioncontrols.HighRiverTimes,p.2.McTighe,F.(1997g,April8).WesternCanadapursueshogprocessingplant.High RiverTimes,p.4.McTighe,F.(1998,October20).Mayorhappytogiveupgavel.HighRiverTimes,p. 1.Moses,J.W.&Knutsen,T.L.(2007).Waysofknowing:Competingmethodologiesin socialandpoliticalresearch.NewYork,NY:PalgraveMacmillan.Municipalelections2004:Candidatesspeaktheirminds.(2004,October13).High RiverTimes,p.3.Nesbitt,J.(1998,September16).Demographicchangesworrisome?[Editorial].The BrooksBulletin,p.A4.Obeng,A.K.(2004,August24).Lakesideandfiredemployees[Lettertotheeditor]. TheBrooksBulletin,p.A6.Ocol,M.A.(2004,August17).FiredLakesideemployeesmeetwithLiberalMP.The BrooksBulletin,p.A1.
64
Parker,B.(1998,September9).Studentsnumbersdon’treflectpopulationgrowth. TheBrooksBulletin,p.A1.Parker,B.(2001,March28).Communitysupportvitalforwomen’ssafesheltersociety.TheBrooksBulletin,p.A3.Parker,B.(2004,October12).Weisbeckoutlinescampaigngoalsforservingthirdterm.TheBrooksBulletin,p.A7.Parker,B.(2007,October2).EthnicbackgroundsvaryatCompositeHigh.The BrooksBulletin,p.B1.Patterson,Jessica.(2008,February15).Mansleepsoncoldstreets.HighRiver Times,p.1.PlangivesHighRiverachancetocontrolgrowth[Editorial].(1997,January21). HighRiverTimes,p.8.Rooney,D.F.(1997,January21).Economicdevelopment:Planitandtheywillcome. HighRiverTimes,p.1.Stanway,S.(2010a,August31).NewCanadianlookingforcitycouncilseat.The BrooksBulletin,p.A10.Stanway,S.(2010b,September7).Brooksincludedontemporaryforeignworkers reviewtour.TheBrooksBulletin,p.A8.StatisticsCanada.(2013a,August26).Archivedcontent:Communityhighlightsfor Brooks,Alberta,2001communityprofiles,2001census.RetrievedApril16,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.ca/english/Profil01/CP01/Details/Page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4802034&Geo2=PR&Code2=48&Data=Count&SearchText=brooks&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&B1=All&Custom=.StatisticsCanada.(2013b,August26).Archivedcontent:Communityhighlightsfor HighRiver,Alberta,2001communityprofiles,2001census.RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.ca/english/Profil01/CP01/Details/Page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4806006&Geo2=PR&Code2=48&Data=Count&SearchText=high%20river&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&B1=All&Custom=.StatisticsCanada.(2013c,December23).Archivedcontent:Electronicareaprofiles, Profileofcensusdivisionsandsubdivisions,1996census,Brooks,Alberta. Catalogueno.95F0181XDB96001.RetrievedApril16,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.gc.ca/english/census96/data/profiles/Rp-
65
eng.cfm?TABID=2&LANG=E&APATH=3&DETAIL=0&DIM=0&FL=A&FREE=0&GC=0&GID=204106&GK=0&GRP=1&PID=35782&PRID=0&PTYPE=3&S=0&SHOWALL=0&SUB=0&Temporal=1996&THEME=34&VID=0&VNAMEE=&VNAMEF=&D1=0&D2=0&D3=0&D4=0&D5=0&D6=0.StatisticsCanada.(2013d,December23).Archivedcontent:Electronicareaprofiles, Profileofcensusdivisionsandsubdivisions,1996census,HighRiver,Alberta. Catalogueno.95F0181XDB96001.RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.gc.ca/english/census96/data/profiles/Rp-eng.cfm?TABID=2&LANG=E&APATH=3&DETAIL=0&DIM=0&FL=A&FREE=0&GC=0&GID=204173&GK=0&GRP=1&PID=35782&PRID=0&PTYPE=3&S=0&SHOWALL=0&SUB=0&Temporal=1996&THEME=34&VID=0&VNAMEE=&VNAMEF=&D1=0&D2=0&D3=0&D4=0&D5=0&D6=0.StatisticsCanada.(2015a,January5).Archivedcontent:2006communityprofiles, Brooks,Alberta,2006census(Code4802034).Catalogueno.92-591-XWE. RetrievedApril16,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92-591/details/page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4802034&Geo2=PR&Code2=48&Data=Count&SearchText=brooks&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&B1=All&Custom=.StatisticsCanada.(2015b,January5).Archivedcontent:2006communityprofiles, HighRiver,Alberta,2006census(Code4806006).Catalogueno.92-591-XWE. RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92-591/details/Page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4806006&Geo2=PR&Code2=48&Data=Count&SearchText=high%20river&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&B1=All&Custom=.StatisticsCanada.(2015c,November27).Censusprofile,Brooks,Alberta(Code 4802034),2011census.Catalogueno.98-316-XWE.RetrievedApril16, 2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/prof/details/page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4802034&Geo2=PR&Code2=01&Data=Count&SearchText=brooks&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&B1=All&Custom=&TABID=1.StatisticsCanada.(2015d,November27).Censusprofile,HighRiver,Alberta(Code 4806006),2011census.Catalogueno.98-316-XWE.RetrievedJanuary24, 2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/prof/details/page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4806006&Geo2=PR&Code2=01&Data=Count&SearchText=high%20river&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&B1=All&Custom=&TABID=1.
66
StatisticsCanada.(2015e,November27).Nationalhouseholdsurvey(NHS)profile, Brooks,Alberta(Code4802034),2011Nationalhouseholdsurvey. Catalogueno.99-004-XWE.RetrievedApril16,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.ca/nhs-enm/2011/dp-pd/prof/details/page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4802034&Data=Count&SearchText=brooks&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&A1=All&B1=All&Custom=&TABID=1.StatisticsCanada.(2015f,November27).Nationalhouseholdsurvey(NHS)profile, HighRiver,Alberta(Code4806006),2011Nationalhouseholdsurvey. Catalogueno.99-004-XWE.RetrievedApril27,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.ca/nhs-enm/2011/dp-pd/prof/details/page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=4806006&Data=Count&SearchText=high%20river&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&A1=All&B1=All&Custom=&TABID=1.StatisticsCanada.(2015g,November27).Nationalhouseholdsurvey(NHS)profile,2011.RetrievedApril26,2016fromhttp://www12.statcan.gc.ca/nhs-enm/2011/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E.Stroud,S.(1997,February5).HelpingtheRCMPhelpyou.TheBrooksBulletin,p.A8.Townsetshighwaypriorities.(2001,March14).TheBrooksBulletin,p.A7.TrialfindsBrooksmanguiltyofsexualassault.(1998,October28).TheBrooks Bulletin,p.B3.Turner,D.R.(1997,April8).Notanother‘stinkingplant’[Lettertotheeditor].High RiverTimes,p.7.Vineburg,T.(1998a,August5).Residencyconcernsunfounded.TheBrooksBulletin, p.C2.Vineburg,T.(1998b,August26).Realestatesaleshavejumpedby15percent.The BrooksBulletin,p.A6.Vineburg,T.(1998c,September2).Plannerexpressesconcernoversector.The BrooksBulletin,p.A1.Vineburg,T.(1998d,September2).Townwillusefundingfortoppriorityprojects. TheBrooksBulletin,p.A8.Vineburg,T.(1998e,September9).Helpisavailablefornewcomers.TheBrooks Bulletin,p.A2.
67
Vineburg,T.(1998fOctober14).Towngrowthcentreofheateddebateatforum.The BrooksBulletin,p.A1.Vineburg,T.(2001a,March21).HabitatCEOspeakstoBrooksaffiliate.TheBrooks Bulletin,p.B5.Vineburg,T.(2001b,April18).Takeextrasecuritymeasures:RCMP.TheBrooks Bulletin,p.A1.Wedemire,G.(2012,May11).Localfoodbanknolongerstarvingforstoragespace. HighRiverTimes,p.16.White,S.,Nevitte,N.,Blais,A.,Gidengil,E.&Fournier,P.(2008).Thepolitical resocializationofimmigrants:Resistanceorlifelonglearning?Political ResearchQuarterly,61(2),268-281.Wiseman,N.(1996).Provincialpoliticalcultures.InC.Dunn(Ed.),Provinces: Canadianprovincialpolitics(pp.21-62)Peterborough,ON:BroadviewPress.Wiseman,N.(2007).InsearchofCanadianpoliticalculture.Vancouver,BC:UBC Press.Womanfightsoffsexualattacker.(2001,January3).TheBrooksBulletin,p.A1.Youthjusticegroupdeservestown’ssupport[Editorial].(1997,March11).High RiverTimes,p.6.
Top Related