Running head: LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 1
Answer to Comprehensive Exam Question Two
Cynthia Miller Veraldo
Urban Educational Leadership Program
University of Cincinnati
September 8, 2012
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 2
Discuss the ways in which leadership impacts diversity within the context of Title IX.
Include in your discussion the role of Senior Women’s Administrator in the
contemporary athletic department.
I feel compelled to begin to answer this question with a small personal reflection. On
June 23, 2012, Title IX of the Educational Amendments Act of 1972 turned 40 years old. I
celebrated my 41st birthday one day later. I have literally grown up with Title IX in place. I
think about how different my mom’s experience in education and sport was from my own
because of this important legislation. She was funneled into courses like home economics and
literature electives instead of industrial arts or more challenging mathematics and science
courses. She was encouraged to become a homemaker, teacher, or nurse rather than the more
male dominated careers of doctor, lawyer, or engineer. She had the opportunity to play sports,
but it was very similar to intramurals - against other girls from her school. She never had the
opportunity to play interscholastically like my father. She did not have the opportunity to earn a
college scholarship for her athletic talents like a couple of her good male friends. Her
opportunities in sport and education were limited; these limitations may have directly impacted
her career path and life outcomes.
One generation later, opportunities for girls and women in sport expanded immensely and
much of that expansion was due to Title IX. I had the opportunity and was encouraged to take
any academic course I wanted in school. I knew I was going to college and could major in any
field of study I desired. I started playing t-ball at age 6 and when I got to junior high we
competed against all of the same schools and had the ability to earn the same championship titles
that the boys did in almost all of the same sports. I was recruited to college for my athletic
talents as well as my academic talents: my opportunities were rarely limited.
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Today, my daughter has even more opportunities than I had at her age. Sport has
expanded exponentially outside of school and the opportunities to participate in a larger variety
of school sports have broadened as well. Uniform purchases are done on the same schedule for
both boys and girls sports, awards and recognition are handled in the same way, and coaches are
paid similarly to coach girls and boys. My daughter is constantly surprised to hear that girls did
not always have the opportunity to compete against other schools in sports or that girls were not
always able to earn a scholarship to play sports in college. My daughter knows gender inequity,
but mostly because of the stories and histories I share with her. I believe that we have come a
long way; however, there is still much work to be done for complete gender equity. Leadership
is essential in working toward that goal.
To begin a discussion of how leadership impacts diversity within the context of Title IX,
it is relevant to provide a timeline of events leading up to the passage of the important legislation
as well as mention some of the key leaders who contributed to the process.
Before women even competed in sports in universities and colleges, it is worthwhile to
acknowledge the leadership for gender equity from women like Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia
Mott, and Susan B. Anthony who led the way in the women’s suffrage movement in the United
States beginning in the late 1840s. Their leadership and perseverance made it possible for all
women in the United States to have economic and political rights such as owning property and
voting. Eventually their actions laid the groundwork for equality for women in all realms of life
including education and athletics. All three and many others who joined in the fight died before
they were able to see the fruits of their labor beginning with the passage of the 19th Amendment
which gave women the right to vote in 1920. However, because of their courage and
determination, women have the opportunity to lead in politics, business, education, and athletics.
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Returning specifically to the context of sport, in 1885 the Association for the
Advancement of Physical Education (AAPE) now called the American Alliance for Health,
Physical Education, Recreation, and Dance (AAHPERD) formed to promote physical education
in colleges and universities. In 1891 James Naismith invented the game of basketball and less
than a year later Senda Berenson introduced the game to the women of Smith College (Carpenter
& Acosta, 2005). In 1899 under the umbrella of the AAPE, the women who taught and played
basketball formed the Women’s Basketball Committee (WBC) in order to create their own rules
for the game. In the organization’s second year of existence Senda Berenson took over
leadership of the WBC for the next 16 years (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). In the late 1880s and
early 1890s women’s participation in athletics continued to grow, particularly at the all women’s
colleges like Smith, Vassar, and Wellesley. In 1917 the Committee on Women’s Athletics
(CWA) formed to standardize women’s participation in all athletics and the WBC became a
subcommittee of that larger organization (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005).
The political climate for women’s suffrage grew throughout the early 1900s, then in 1920
the 19th Amendment passed and women gained the right to vote. Although much ground had
been gained for women both within and outside the context of sport, in 1923, 93% of physical
educators still opposed intercollegiate sport for women (Messner, 1994). The Women’s Division
of the National Amateur Athletic Federation took a firm stand against the highly competitive,
commercial nature of sport for women and instead promoted sportsmanship and enjoyment for
women in sport. In fact, Mabel Lee, the first female president of the American Physical
Education Association firmly opposed women’s athletics following in the footsteps of men’s
programs (Crowley, 2006). In the 1920s, some intercollegiate competition for women did take
place in the form of the telegraph approach where women would perform the sport, usually
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archery or rifle, and telegraph their scores to a neutral official. This form of contest eliminated
the intensity of face-to-face competition (Crowley, 2006). Later, play days became very popular
in the 1930s through the 1950s. Women from several institutions would gather on one day to
play basketball, volleyball, track and field, and other sports. Teams were comprised of a mix of
individuals from the various universities so that competition was friendly and the importance of
winning was minimized. There was no emphasis on practice or preparation; the days were
organized for physical fitness and socializing (Crowley, 2006). By 1951, 28% of schools
reported intercollegiate athletic activities for women and 70% reported that play days were the
main form of athletics for females (Crowley, 2006). Eventually, “sport days” became a popular
means for women to express their athletic talents. Sport days differed from play days in two
main ways: 1) women from the same school competed against women from other schools, and 2)
women were often coached by female physical educators who volunteered their time to provide
these opportunities for women (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). Competition intensified and began
to more closely resemble intercollegiate athletics for men.
In 1925 the CWA changed names again to reflect a more comprehensive role. The new
name was the National Section on Women’s Athletics (NSWA). In 1937, the organization
published the Standards in Athletics for Girls and Women, this organization dealt with all aspects
of sport for girls and women (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). The organization went through name
changes again in 1952 (National Section on Girls’ and Women’s Athletics – NSGWA) and in
1958 (Division of Girls’ and Women’s Sports – DGWS). “Athletics” was changed to “sport” to
reflect more of the participation opportunities for girls and women including instructional sport
and intramurals in addition to athletics (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). In 1974 the organization
changed its name to the National Association for Girls and Women in Sport. Today the
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organization first named for a single sport, the Women’s Basketball Committee, is 113 years old
and reflects expanded opportunities for girls and women in sport.
Other significant events leading up to the passage of Title IX include the 1954 Brown v.
Board of Education decision which declared that separate public schools for black and white
children and the laws establishing them were unconstitutional (Bell, 2004 ). The decision in this
court case laid some of the groundwork for enhancing the political climate in the United States
for more acceptance of equality of opportunity and the abolishment of segregation. One of the
aspects I find most important about both the decision in Brown v. Board of Education and Title
IX is that the context within which these important changes were made is schools. Even though
it is not a legislated right in the United States to provide all children with a public education,
political leaders found imperative that education be free of discrimination and provide the
possibility of equal opportunity for all children to learn. The leaders of these movements
positively impacted the diversity of students in schools and eventually the diversity of their
experiences of education. We have a long way to go to completely end discrimination in schools
and other aspects of life, but these significant events in our history laid the foundation to
continue the fight.
The other significant event that contributed to changing society’s views on equal and full
access to all aspects of public life was the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Not only did this important
piece of legislation prohibit discrimination based on race and sex in public education, but the
application of the law extended to the workplace, restaurants, restrooms, and other public spaces.
All American citizens were gaining access and opportunity and the climate seemed open to
change. Two years after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 passed, the National Organization for
Women (NOW) was founded to work on issues of equality specific to the needs of women.
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These socio-political events undoubtedly had influence on the leaders that eventually drafted and
lobbied for Title IX of the Educational Amendments Act of 1972.
One year prior to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the DGWS recognized and
accepted intercollegiate varsity competition for “highly skilled” women (Crowley, 2006). In
1964 the National Collegiate Athletic Association which had been the official governing body of
men’s intercollegiate sport since about 1905 (formerly called the Athletic Association of the
United States – AAUS) convened a special session to discuss its intentions in relation to
women’s sports. This is significant because at this time women’s sports had become much more
competitive and began to more closely resemble men’s sports in form, rules, and regulations. In
1965, the DGWS created the Commission on Intercollegiate Sports for Women (CISW) which
later became the Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (CIAW) to develop
guidelines for intercollegiate athletics events and championships (Crowley, 2006). Then in
1967, intercollegiate championships were held for women in the sports of gymnastics, track and
field, swimming, badminton, and volleyball. The expansion of championship competition for
women led to increases in participation and the need for a national organization that embraced a
more intercollegiate model that could expand participation opportunities and incorporate
institutional memberships. Under the direction of Walter Byers, the NCAA was interested in
exploring potential control and supervision of women’s sports. This was highly controversial
because leaders representing interests from physical educators and the DGWS opposed a male
model of intercollegiate athletics that embraced recruitment and scholarships which might lead to
exploitation.
In 1971, the Association for Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (AIAW) was created to
incorporate an intercollegiate model, expand participation opportunities, and incorporate
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institutional memberships for women’s athletics (Crowley, 2006). The creation of this
organization was significant because it meant that women could continue to grow and administer
their own sporting experiences without the influence of a male sport governing body. Women
had been successful in this endeavor for over 72 years and that momentum could continue. A
few months after the formation of the AIAW, Congresswoman Edith Green of Tennessee and
Senator Birch Bayh of Indiana proposed legislation focusing on gender discrimination and
gender equity in education - Title IX of the Educational Amendments Act 1972. This significant
piece of legislation stated “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded
from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under an
education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance” (Crowley, 2006, p. 133).
Opportunities for women in education undoubtedly grew, however, girls and women’s sport and
athletics became the most prominent beneficiary of Title IX (Ware, 2007).
After the passage of Title IX, women’s sport continued to flourish particularly under the
leadership of the AIAW. Nonetheless, there continued to be tension about whether or not
women should have the benefit of financial aid for athletic participation. The DGWS had a long
standing belief that athletic scholarships were a source of abuse and exploitation (Carpenter &
Acosta, 2005). Many members of the AIAW initially agreed with this position, however when
polled by the organization, 80 percent supported a change in the DGWS’s policy on financial aid
for female athletes and wanted the authority to award athletic scholarships (Carpenter & Acosta,
2005). In March, 1973, the DGWS revised its philosophical statement on granting athletic
scholarships and recommended the following summarized guidelines: 1) athletic programs
should be offered to enrich the lives of the participants, 2) adequate funding for the entire
program (i.e. offering a variety of sports, adequate travel needs, appropriate food and lodging,
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competent officials and coaches, and safe equipment and facilities) should receive priority over
granting athletic scholarships, 3) a focus on educating the participants rather than exploitation for
athletic talent, 4) coaches should devote time to developing the entire program rather than
recruitment of athletes, 5) students should be encouraged to choose a university based on the
education it provides rather than the athletic scholarship, 6) particular sports should not be
favored in granting athletic awards, and 7) participants should be encouraged to participate in
sports for reasons other than financial assistance (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). These guidelines
were very ambitious, but were pointedly antagonistic to the male model of athletic financial
assistance.
After the passage of Title IX, the NCAA as a whole became uncertain whether or not
they could continue to restrict opportunities to male student athlete participation only. Would
women demand to participate on men’s teams? Numerous questions and concerns triggered the
NCAA to respond to Title IX. In 1974, one of the first attempts was the association’s effort to
convince the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW), the appointed body to
oversee compliance to Title IX, to exclude athletics entirely from Title IX. That effort failed.
Later that year, the association took action to try and protect the revenue generating sports from
mandatory compliance to Title IX. Together the NCAA and Senator John Tower of Texas
drafted the Tower Amendment which called for provisions to Title IX that would have revenue
producing sports like football, men’s basketball, and baseball be excluded from compliance to
Title IX. The amendment failed. In continuing the effort to protect the revenue producing
sports, the NCAA and Senator Jacob Javits of New York drafted the Javits Amendment which
essentially added provisions to Title IX that recognized higher equipment and uniform costs,
more officials, etc., and that those differences should not signify inconsistency of support that
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would trigger a Title IX compliance problem (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). This amendment
passed.
In 1975, the NCAA fought further to protect revenue producing sports and pushed a bill
that proposed “any revenue generated by a sport could be used first to offset any expenses of the
generating sport before being shared with any other part of the athletic program’s budget or other
sport” (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005, p. 194). This bill did not pass. At this point and continuing
until 1978, HEW grappled with how institutional compliance would be assessed and enforced.
Finally in 1978, all colleges and universities were required to be in compliance with Title IX and
then in 1979, the three prong test for determining compliance was introduced (Carpenter &
Acosta, 2005). A school must meet one of the following three prongs to achieve compliance:
1. Participation opportunities for male and female students are provided in numbers
substantially proportionate to their respective enrollments.
2. The school can show a history and continuing practice of program expansion that is
demonstrably responsive to the developing interest and abilities of the members of
that sex.
3. The school can demonstrate that the present program fully and effectively
accommodates the interests and abilities of the members of that sex (Carpenter &
Acosta, 2005, p. 76-77).
If an educational institution is not in compliance with Title IX, the penalty is withdrawal of
federal funds; however, federal funds have never been withdrawn regardless of estimates that 80
to 90 percent of all educational institutions are still not in compliance with Title IX (Women’s
Sports Foundation, 2011). When schools are not in compliance the United States Department of
Education Office for Civil Rights (OCR), who took over enforcement of Title IX from HEW in
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1990, typically finds the institution in conditional compliance with plans to address the identified
problems (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2011). Lack of true enforcement for non-compliance to
Title IX is likely one reason why gender equity has not been fully realized. Leadership could
more completely and positively impact diversity with a commitment to social justice by
enforcing compliance.
When mandatory compliance to Title IX was implemented, individual institutions
became more uncertain of whether or not they could provide equitable opportunities for men and
women under two separate associations (AIAW and NCAA). At the same time, the NCAA
determined it would be in their best interest to control women’s athletics. In the 1980-81
academic year, the NCAA took over control of women’s intercollegiate athletics and was able to
block the AIAW’s access to national championship financial resources contributing to the
demise of the AIAW (Crowley, 2006). At the time, “the AIAW offered 41 national
championships in 19 sports to over 6,000 teams in 960 member colleges and universities”
(Carpenter & Acosta, 2005, p. 107). Throughout the 1970s and 80s, the NAGWS and the AIAW
provided strong leadership and positively impacted opportunity for girls and women in sports.
As the NCAA took control of the AIAW, men’s and women’s athletic programs merged on
college campuses. Women’s sports, formerly and almost entirely administered and coached by
women, were taken over by men. In the merge, men assumed the role of head athletic director
and women were relegated to associate or assistant roles in administration and assigned as
assistants in coaching (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). In 1972, a year after the AIAW was created
and the year that Title IX was passed, 90 percent of head athletic directors of women’s programs
were women; since 1980, the percentage of female head athletic directors has lingered between
15 and 21 percent (Claussen & Lehr, 2002). This percentage of head female athletic directors
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seems disproportionate to the 42.9 percent of female athletes participating in all three divisions
of the NCAA today (NCAA, 2011).
In 1981, at the time of the merger, the NCAA created the position of Primary Woman
Administrator (PWA) to be implemented at membership institutions to assist in the merging of
men’s and women’s athletics as well as to ensure continued representation of women in athletic
department activities and administration (Claussen & Lehr, 2002; Tiell & Dixon, 2008).
Throughout the 1980s, both men’s and women’s participation rates in intercollegiate athletics
continued to expand. Athletic departments grew and there was a need to examine the role and
tasks of the PWA. In 1990, the PWA designation was changed to Senior Woman Administrator
(SWA) recommended by a Gender Equity Task Force under the supervision of the Committee on
Women’s Athletics in the NCAA (Tiell & Dixon, 2008). A formal definition of the SWA was
included in the NCAA manual. The definition states:
An institutional senior woman administrator is the highest ranking female involved with
the management of the institution’s intercollegiate athletics program. An institution with
a female director of athletics may designate a different female involved with the
management of the intercollegiate program as a fifth representative to the NCAA
governance system (as cited in Tiell & Dixon, 2008, p. 340).
In addition to the PWA/SWA appointments on college campuses, in 1991, the NCAA appointed
its first president of female memberships, Judith Sweet. Sweet had been the head athletic
director at the University of San Diego since 1972, when she became the first woman to oversee
a combined athletics program (NCAA, 2012). Sweet played a major role in overseeing the
implementation of the SWA at membership institutions. Twenty-one years later, the role of the
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contemporary SWA has received much attention from academic scholars of intercollegiate
athletics. The following section discusses some of that important research.
The Role of the Senior Woman Administrator in the Contemporary Athletic Department
“According to the NCAA, the purpose in creating the position of SWA was to ensure that
females were involved in meaningful ways in athletics department decision making, and
to ensure that women’s interests were represented at all levels of intercollegiate athletics
– campus, conference, and national” (Claussen & Lehr, 2002, p. 215).
To better understand the role of the SWA in the contemporary athletic department I have
chosen to focus on three research articles that are commonly cited in the literature. The first
article is a study conducted by Claussen and Lehr (2002) which focuses specifically on decision
making authority of the SWA. The second article is a study conducted by Tiell and Dixon
(2008) which also focuses on decision making authority in the roles and tasks of the SWA, but
this article focuses more on gender norms and role congruity. The third article is a study
conducted by Hoffman (2010) which focuses on the dilemmas of the SWA. All three of these
articles combine to provide important insight into the role of the SWA in the contemporary
athletic department.
The purpose of the Claussen and Lehr (2002) article was to investigate the types of
decision making authority held by SWAs in relationship to important athletic department
functions. Questionnaires were sent to 784 SWA’s of all three divisions in the NCAA. They
had a response rate of 61% (66% - Div. I, 56% - Div. II, and 57% - Div. III), with a total of 479
questionnaires returned. About 62% held the title of Assistant Athletic Director (AD), Associate
AD, or Senior Associate AD. in addition to the SWA title. The instrument they used analyzed
eleven typical functions of the SWA ascertained from previous research and literature on the
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SWA. The eleven functions included: “a) student-athlete concerns, b) gender equity, c) business
affairs, d) personnel affairs, e) external communication, f) marketing/development, g) athletic
advisory committee, h) legislative process, i) disciplinary/grievance procedures, j) strategic
planning, and k) mission/philosophy formulation” (Claussen & Lehr, 2002, p. 219). Claussen
and Lehr (2002) used modified RACI charting to understand the level of decision making that
the participants had in each of the functions listed above. The RACI charting technique asks
respondents to categorize their level of authority and decision making in the functions listed
above with the following words: a) (R)esponsibility, b) (A)pproval, c) (C)onsulted, or
(I)nformed; they could also respond None. (R)esponsibility and (A)pproval were considered as
decision making authority and (C)onsulted and (I)nformed were considered advisory. Results of
all three divisions combined show that SWAs more often possess advisory rather than decision
making authority. The top three areas of decision making authority were gender equity issues –
45%, student-athlete concerns – 41%, and discipline/grievance procedures – 38%. When
breaking the numbers down by division, it appears that SWAs in division I schools have a little
more decision making authority. The top three areas for these SWAs were gender equity issues
– 56%, personnel affairs – 54%, and disciplinary/grievance procedures – 50%. Across all
divisions, SWAs have the least decision making authority in the area of marketing/development
– Div I – 12%, Div II – 11%, and Div III – 14%.
These results indicate that if the position of SWA was created to ensure that females are
involved in meaningful ways in athletics department decision making authority, the NCAA and
member institutions are not living up to their claims. Claussen and Lehr (2002) reveal that most
SWAs at all three divisional levels possess only advisory authority for most athletic department
functions. This finding suggests that women’s interests are not being met and significant
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differences could result in resource allocation, profitability, and visibility of women’s athletics
(Claussen & Lehr, 2002). The areas where SWAs do tend to have more decision making
authority tend to be in the relational aspects rather than the business aspects of the department.
This trend may negatively impact an SWA’s potential for promotion to the position of head
athletic director (Claussen & Lehr, 2002).
The second study which provides insight on the role of the SWA in the contemporary
athletic department was conducted by Tiell and Dixon (2008). The purpose of this study was to
find out if: a) SWAs execute decision making functions in the athletic department, b) SWA’s
tasks are geared toward programs that are primarily gender-focused or gender-neutral, and c)
SWA’s roles and tasks are performed consistent with gendered norms. The participants for this
study were Division I, II, and III Athletic Directors and Senior Woman Administrators. A
questionnaire containing 16 demographic questions and 24 questions pertaining to perceptions of
job responsibilities, defined with previous literature, was specifically designed for this study.
The response rates were as follows: Div I – ADs 53% (n=168) and SWAs 63% (n=200), Div II –
ADs 55% (n=142) and SWAs 59% (n=161), Div III – ADs 66% (n=232) and SWAs 55%
(n=213). Results indicate the roles and tasks performed the least by SWAs were fundraising,
budget management, educating others on masculine issues, participating on senior management
team, and acting as a decision maker. There was significant difference between all three
Division ADs and SWAs in perceptions of involvement in key decision-making, participation on
senior management team, working to accomplish goals within the group structure, and
monitoring the implementation of the gender equity plan with SWA’s perceptions mean’s being
higher than those of ADs.
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In general in all three divisions, both ADs and SWAs agreed that SWAs performed roles
on behalf of both men’s and women’s programs with regard to public relations, staff selection
and supervision, and program supervision; however in Division II and III, SWAs do not perform
roles on behalf of either men’s or women’s programs when it comes to financial operations or
increasing revenue. In addressing the final question regarding performing roles and tasks
according to gendered norms, Tiell and Dixon (2008) discuss the literature on role congruity
theory and make connections between communal roles which are thought to be more feminine
(nurturing, mentoring, and role modeling) and agentic roles which are thought to be more
masculine (allocating resources, strategic decision making, and disciplining). Their findings
indicate that SWAs do perform roles consistent with communal norms such as advocating for
female issues and monitoring compliance with Title IX, serving as role model, and working
within the group. In general, Division I athletic departments seem to be doing a better job of
including women in meaningful decision making and Division I SWAs perform roles and tasks
that are role congruent as well as role incongruent. Tiell and Dixon (2008) confirm Claussen and
Lehr’s (2002) study which found the SWA does lack decision making authority in the
contemporary athletic department and that a lack of decision making in the more high profile and
financial aspects of the department may inhibit advancement into head athletic director positions.
Additionally, even though it appears progress has been made in Division I, the roles and
responsibilities of SWAs continue to conform to female norms of behavior. A question I will
consider in my study is whether or not SWAs choose roles and responsibilities that fall along
female norms or if they are assigned to those roles because they are female.
The third study which provides understanding about the role of the SWA in the
contemporary athletic department was conducted by Hoffman (2010). The purpose of this study
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was to better understand the influence of the SWA role in the advancement of women into top
leadership positions in the contemporary athletic department. Hoffman interviewed six women
who held the role of SWA at their Far West region - Division I institution. Grounded theory and
critical post-structural feminist theory was used to analyze the interview data. Post-structuralist
feminist theory highlights the multiple power relations between men and women in the social
construction of practices that disadvantage women in organizations, language, policy, customs,
social relationships, and other everyday practices (Hoffman, 2010). These theoretical
frameworks uncovered one theme and four dilemmas that explain the influence of the SWA on
women’s leadership in athletics. Hoffman (2010) names the theme The Early “SWA” vs.
Today’s Senior Associate Athletic Administrator, and found that initially the SWA was created to
ensure women had a voice at the table as athletic departments merged into one. Early SWA’s
had access to university presidents at the NCAA convention and through the NCAA athletic
certification process. Later the governance structure changed in relationship to the convention
and certification, so SWA access to the presidents was eliminated. Today the SWA is seen as a
role for women leaders, not as a senior associate athletic director.
The first dilemma Hoffman (2010) uncovered is The SWA – The Sole Woman
Administrator. In Division I athletic programs there is an average of 5.78 administrators per
institution, but only 1.71 are women (Hoffman, 2010). Once the SWA role is filled with a
woman, additional women may be overlooked for other positions in senior management in
athletics, meaning the SWA will be the only woman administrator. Hoffman’s (2010) second
dilemma is The SWA and Title IX. The SWA is often responsible for monitoring the NCAA’s
gender equity plan. This presents a dilemma because other administrators do not see gender
equity as their responsibility even though the responsibility should be shared. Furthermore, if the
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SWA speaks up when there is an equity issue, she is seen as confrontational in the organization,
on the other hand if she does not speak up when an issue occurs, she is not doing her job. The
third dilemma is The SWA as a Terminal Position. The SWA often oversees academics or
compliance and women’s sports, but rarely oversees men’s high profile teams or the financial
arms of the department (marketing, business office, fundraising, etc.). Hoffman (2010)
confirmed Claussen and Lehr (2002) and Tiell and Dixon’s (2008) statements of lack of decision
making authority in the financial arm and high profile team sports may prohibit SWAs from
advancing into the role of head athletic director. The last dilemma Hoffman (2010) discusses is
“My SWA” – The Senior Woman Advocate. The SWA is often seen as the care-taking position
in the department who advocates for student-athletes and female coaches; however this role is
not as valued as the more decision making roles. This role follows along female norms as
discussed in the Tiell & Dixon (2008) study. In conclusion, Hoffman (2010) notes that super-
performance, rather than subordination, innovation, or separatism is the only strategy available to
women who want to be taken seriously and who seek upward career mobility. Hoffman (2010)
also states that the role of SWA “pinches the pipeline at the senior level of department leadership
and allows only one woman to advance” (p. 71).
The three studies presented above do a good job of explaining the role of the SWA in the
contemporary athletic department. To summarize, the SWA performs at least eleven functions:
“a) student-athlete concerns, b) gender equity, c) business affairs, d) personnel affairs, e) external
communication, f) marketing/development, g) athletic advisory committee, h) legislative
process, i) disciplinary/grievance procedures, j) strategic planning, and k) mission/philosophy
formulation” (Claussen & Lehr, 2002, p. 219). A majority of SWAs in all three divisions
perform these functions on an advisory level rather than with true decision making authority.
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The roles and tasks performed least by SWAs were fundraising, budget management, educating
others on masculine issues, and participating on senior management team (Tiell & Dixon, 2008).
In all three NCAA divisions, SWAs performed roles on behalf of both men’s and women’s
programs with regard to public relations, staff selection and supervision, and program
supervision; however in Division II and III, SWAs do not perform roles on behalf of either
men’s or women’s programs when it comes to financial operations or increasing revenue. In
general, the roles and responsibilities of SWAs continue to conform to female norms, behaviors,
and expectations. While the position of SWA was initially created to ensure women had a voice
in the decision making processes in the athletic department, the position has evolved in a
quandary. SWA’s access to presidents and others in more authoritative positions has diminished;
those in positions to hire may overlook women for senior level leadership roles because they
might feel the quota of a female administrator has been filled with the SWA. The SWA has
become the only monitor for Title IX and gender equity and faces heavy scrutiny in that role.
Due to the lack of decision making authority in men’s high profile sports and the financial arms
of the department, as well as performing roles and tasks that adhere to female norms, SWA’s
advancement to the head athletic director role is improbable. Given these circumstances of the
SWA in the contemporary athletic department, it is paramount that leadership positively impact
diversity.
Leadership Impacts Diversity
Dantley and Tillman (2010) discuss three components of social justice: a) leadership for
social justice, b) moral transformative leadership, and c) social justice praxis. For me, the first
component, leadership for social justice exemplifies my conceptualization of how leadership can
impact diversity; “leadership for social justice interrogates the policies and procedures that shape
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 20
schools and at the same time perpetuate social inequalities and marginalization due to race, class,
gender, and other markers of difference” (p. 24). Leadership can impact diversity in the
contemporary athletic department if leaders challenge rather than reproduce the policies,
procedures, and practices that perpetuate social inequalities and marginalization due to
difference. Although diversity encompasses numerous, important markers as well as
intersections of difference, this paper will focus more specifically on gender diversity. I will
begin by discussing sport as a site for social reproduction of male dominance and hegemony. I
continue with a discussion of three approaches to the analysis of social inequality in sport, and I
conclude with an assertion that leadership for social justice is essential in the contemporary
athletic department.
Critical feminist theorists contend that sport is a gendered activity and “the meaning,
organization, and purpose of sports are grounded in the values and experiences of men and are
defined to celebrate the attributes and skills associated with masculinity” (Coakley, 2001, p. 45).
Gender logic is grounded in the notion that men are naturally physically and emotionally
superior to women (Coakley, 2001). Pierre Bourdieu (1984) asserts that sports provide ‘physical
capital’ that is not valued for girls and women, but is highly valued for boys and men; ‘physical
capital’ that is valued for girls focuses on beauty (Hargreaves, 1994). All of these assertions
contribute to the concept of male hegemony. Hegemony develops and operates as a result of
buying into dominant ideology. Hargreaves (1994) states that hegemony is a persuasive form of
control;
hegemony embodies a sense of culture as a way of life imbued with systems of meaning
and values which are actively created by individuals and groups in different social
settings, such as families, schools, the media, leisure contests, and sports (p. 23).
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 21
Sports are popular vessels through which male hegemony is transmitted. An example of male
hegemony in sport would be a scenario where a parent drops their teenage daughter off at
cheerleading practice (an activity that values beauty and grace) where on the same field their son
practices football (a sport that values strength, power, and dominance). The conscious or
unconscious act of funneling their children into gendered activities further promotes the idea of
gender logic and male hegemony. “Male interests predominate in most sports, and in many of
them male hegemony has been more complete and more resistant to change than in other areas of
culture” (Hargreaves, 1994, p. 23). The development of ideological views that support male
hegemony reproduce and contribute to consequences of social inequality which can manifest in
various forms of discrimination (Donnelly, 1996). Although the aim of ideology is to transmit
and legitimize dominant power relations and produce cultural continuity, hegemony, is not static
(Hargreaves, 1994). There is potential for oppositional ideas, counter-hegemonic practices,
challenge, and resistance.
Donnelly (1996) discusses three forms of analysis used to approach social inequality in
sport. Note that all of these forms of analysis do not necessarily challenge or resist male
hegemony. The first form of analysis is categorical and when focusing on gender inequality,
researchers use biology and psychology to explain and reinforce gender difference. An example
of a categorical analysis might be to compare scoring in men’s and women’s professional
basketball. A categorical analysis may conclude that women are not as tall, as strong, or as
aggressive as men and therefore do not score as many points and thus play an inferior game.
Recall, sports were created by men to highlight the skills associated with masculinity, so women
would naturally experience lower levels of capacity and performance. In sport, male
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 22
achievement becomes the standard thus reproducing the notion of female inferiority. The
reinforcement of female as inferior can contribute to the persistence of gender discrimination.
Donnelly’s (1996) second form of analysis of social inequality in sport is distributive
analysis. This form of analysis focuses on equality of opportunity particularly in the distribution
of participants, programs, positions, funding, and facilities. The distributive analysis is
comparable to a liberal feminist framework. Liberal feminism focuses on the similarities
between the sexes and supports individual rights and equal opportunity in all aspects of life
including education, politics, government, economics, and sport (Messner & Sabo, 1990). The
early advocates of the women’s suffrage movement and the later advocates of Title IX legislation
employed a liberal feminist framework in their work for equal rights and opportunity in
government and education. Although the distributive analysis of inequality and the liberal
feminist perspective address some issues of discrimination and equality, there is no attention to
the “ideological and symbolic dimensions of gender oppression” and “the distinctly masculine
modes of thought and practice in sports” (Hargreaves, 1994, p.29). In other words, feminine
epistemology is ignored; women’s ways of knowing and doing may be different from that of
men. “Real equity requires the development of new models of sport participation, and new
organizations shaped by the values and experience of women and of men who do not see
themselves in terms of dominant definitions of masculinity” (Coakley, 2001, p. 222).
Donnelly’s (1996) third form of analysis is relational analysis which examines social
relationships in their social contexts. “Relational analyses are frequently conducted employing
ethnographic methods in order to determine the meaning of sports to individuals representing
various social categories, and the relationships among those individuals” (Donnelly, 1996, p.
231). An example of a relational analysis would be an investigation into the experiences of men
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 23
and women in obtaining senior level leadership positions in Division I intercollegiate athletic
departments. In relational analysis, it is presumed that sport is historically influenced, socially
constructed and culturally defined by the interests of the powerful and dominant groups in
society (Donnelly, 1994). Individuals are analyzed to understand acceptance of or resistance to
the status quo. Relational analysis is important for social justice work and the impact of
leadership on diversity because it can “interrogate the policies and procedures that shape schools
and at the same time perpetuate social inequalities and marginalization due to race, class, gender,
and other markers of difference” (Dantley & Tillman, 2010, p. 24). All three of the forms of
analysis demonstrate the positionality of the researcher and provide a window to interpreting
how we have come to understand production and reproduction of inequality in sport (Donnelly,
1996).
Title IX was important legislation that contributed to an expansion of opportunity for
women in education and sport. Today, about 42% of the athletes competing in all three
Divisions of the NCAA are female as compared to 15% when Title IX was first implemented
(Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). Although this is a tremendous gain, women still have a long way to
go for true equity in athletics. In the 2002 – 2003 academic year, women received $133 million
less than men received for athletic scholarships (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). In that same year,
Division IA schools spent three times more on their men’s athletic programs than they did on
their women’s programs (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). In 2002, 44% of women’s teams had a
female coach, whereas before Title IX, 90% of women’s teams had a female coach (Carpenter &
Acosta, 2005). Prior to Title IX, 90% of athletic director’s of women’s programs were women,
in 2004, 18.5% of women’s programs were directed by females and 17.8% of women’s athletic
programs had no female in the administrative ranks (Carpenter & Acosta, 2005).
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 24
According to the review of literature on Title IX and the Senior Woman Administrator, as
previously presented in this paper, it is apparent that women are vastly under-represented in
senior level leadership positions in intercollegiate athletics. There is also strong evidence to
support that even though there is representation in the leadership role of SWA, that role holds
very little decision making authority, the SWA does not always oversee both men’s and
women’s programs, the roles often conform to female norms, and the likelihood of advancing
into the head administrator role is improbable. Additionally, sport continues to be an area of
culture where male hegemony predominates and is more resistant to change (Hargreaves, 1994).
Given these challenges and complexities, it is paramount that researchers of gender in sport
continue to examine the power relationships in intercollegiate athletics to develop strategies for
women to enter and be retained in leadership positions in college sports. Additionally, when
women earn leadership positions in athletics, they will need to form networks, develop
leadership training programs, act as mentors, and develop recruitment strategies to encourage
other women who may succeed them (Thorngren & Eisenbarth, 1994). These are ways
leadership can positively impact diversity in the contemporary athletic department.
The leadership of men in intercollegiate athletics will become extremely important as
well. “Girls need to see many diverse women who love and participate in sport activities and
they need to see these same women being respected by their peers: male coaches, administrators,
and athletes” (Thorngren & Eisenbarth, 1994, p. 2). Men represent the majority of coaches and
administrators of women’s athletic programs; women will have to rely on men to advocate for
their participation, programs, and leadership. Men experience sport in a number of ways. More
than a few men may want to create options to play sports that are not based on power,
performance, aggression, or domination; both women and men realize that achieving gender
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 25
equity requires a change in our fundamental ideologies about sport is played (Coakley, 2001).
Diversity and inclusiveness are critical aspects of social justice. In addition to the
suggestions above, for leadership to positively impact diversity, leaders will need to incorporate
a social justice framework. Larson and Murtadha (2003) discuss three important aspects of
leadership for social justice: a) deconstructing existing ideologies of leadership using aspects of
critical race theory, gender representation and multiculturalism; b) portraying alternative
approaches to leadership (care, justice, love, spirituality, etc.); and c) constructing new systems,
theories, and processes which incorporate social justice (making recommendations for practice
which incorporate the thoughts and actions of multiple voices and perspectives) (Dantley &
Tillman, 2010). Leadership can positively impact diversity in intercollegiate athletics when
leaders interrogate and deconstruct male hegemony and incorporate alternative approaches to
leading which embrace an ethic of care and justice for all. Additionally, leadership in athletics
must consider feminine, as well as alternative epistemologies to construct new forms and
practices of intercollegiate athletics. Furthermore, Dantley and Tillman (2010) offer five
overarching characteristics that can be applied to educational leadership for social justice; I
contend that these characteristics can also be applied by leadership in intercollegiate athletics to
positively impact diversity:
1. A consciousness of the broader social, cultural, and political context.
2. The critique of the marginalizing behaviors and predispositions of schools and their
leadership.
3. A commitment to the more genuine enactment of democratic principles.
4. A moral obligation to articulate a counter-hegemonic vision or narrative of hope.
5. A determination to move from rhetoric to civil right activism (p. 23).
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 26
Athletic leadership must understand the social world is changing. Women represent on average
54% of the general student body on college campuses, but only 42% of intercollegiate athletes
(Carpenter & Acosta, 2005). Furthermore, the number of minority athletes increased by 400
athletes in 2011 (NCAA, 2012). Athletic leadership must be willing to critique behavior that
marginalizes women and minorities and work toward equalizing opportunities in participation as
well as coaching and leadership. Athletic leadership must be willing to understand counter-
hegemonic practices and diverse ways of knowing and doing rather than assimilating individuals
into the male hegemonic culture. Lastly, athletic leadership must move from professing a value
and appreciation for inclusiveness and diversity to integrating a proactive, continuing
commitment to positively impacting diversity.
To conclude, the events leading up to and the enactment of Title IX of the Educational
Amendments Act of 1972 provide a solid context for a movement toward equality in
intercollegiate athletics. The implementation of the Senior Woman Administrator demonstrated
an effort for inclusiveness. Leadership for social justice provides a framework for how
leadership can positively impact diversity in the contemporary athletic department. All of these
factors contribute to the hope that generations beyond my daughter never experience gender
inequity.
LEADERSHIP IMPACTS DIVERSITY 27
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