A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE
THE ARCHBISHOP IAKOVOS LIBRARY OF
ECCLESIASTICAL AND HISTORICAL SOURCES NO. 11 N.M. VAPORIS, General Editor
A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE:
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
PRINCESS IRENE EULOGIA
CHOUMNAINA PALAIOLOGINA
by
ANGELA CONSTANTINIDES HERO
HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS
A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE:
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
PRINCESS IRENE EULOGIA
CHOUMNAINA PALAIOLOGINA
by
ANGELA CONSTANTINIDES HERO
With an Introduction by
JOHN MEYENDORFF
HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS
Brookline, Massachusetts 02146
A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE
©Copyright 1986 by Hellenic College Press
Published by HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS 50 Goddard Avenue
Brookline, Massachusetts 02146
All rights reserved
Cover design by MARY C. VAPORIS
Cover Illustration: Constantinopolitan nuns. Fourteenth century. Typikon of the Convent of the Theotokos of Sure Hope (-rf\c; BE�aiac; 'EA1ti8oC;). Ms. Gr. 35, f. 12, Oxford (after H. Hunger, Reich der neuen
Mitte. Graz-Viel1na, 1965, plate 24).
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Irene Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologos, Princess, d. ca. 1356
A woman's quest for spiritual guidance: The correspondence of Princess Irene Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina.
(Archbishop Iakovos library of ecclesiastical and historical sources; no. 11).
Bibliography: p. 1. Spiritual life-Orthodox Eastern authors. 2. Irene Eulogia
Choumnaina Palaiologos, Princess, d. ca. 1356. 3. Nuns-Byzantine Empire-Correspondence. 4. Byzantine Empire-Princes and princesses- Correspondence. 5. Spiritual directors-Byzantine EmpireCorrespondence. 1. Hero, Angela Constantinides, 1926- . II. Title.
III. Series.
BX384.174 1984 248.4'8190943
ISBN 0-917653-08-4 ISBN 0-917653-09-2 (pbk.)
84-25264
Contents
Foreword 9
Abbreviations 11
General Introduction 15
Critical Introduction 21
List of Signs 24
The Correspondence 25
Commentary 103
Indices 155
Index to the Greek Text of the Correspondence 155
Index to Biblical and other Quotations 165
Incipits 166
7
Foreword
The letters of the Princess Irene-Eulogia are a rare personal testimony by a Byzantine woman of exceptional individuality. In 1956, in his pioneering study of spiritual direction in Byzantium, the late Father Vitalien Laurent drew the attention of scholars to the unique character of these documents. Today their value to students of Byzantine monasticism, Byzantine social history, Byzantine literature, as well as women's studies, is even more evident than nearly thirty years ago.
In fulfilling the pleasant duty of expressing my thanks to the distinguished Byzantinists who offered encouragement and assistance in the preparation of this edition, I must first acknowledge my debt to Father Jean Darrouzes, A.A . . Father Darrouzes kindly allowed me to publish this correspondence which he discovered on a visit to the Library of the Escorial and later brought to the attention of Father Laurent. I am also in-
I
debted to Father John Meyendorff for encouraging me to edit the letters and for writing the introduction to this edition. My special gratitude must go to Professor Ihor Sevcenko who meticulously reviewed this work at the final stage and made many improvements. For errors I alone am responsible. Finally, I would like to thank Father Nomikos M. Vaporis and the Hellenic College/Holy Cross Press for the courtesy I experienced since the manuscript came into their hands.
This edition is respectfully dedicated to the memory of Father Vitalien Laurent, A. A. in grateful acknowledgment of his invaluable contributions to the study of the Palaiologan era in general and the Princess Irene-Eulogia in particular.
Angela Constantinides Hero Center Jor Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
Queens College oj the City University oj New York
9
List of Abbreviations
Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca: J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 5 vols. (Paris, 1829-33; reprint, Hildesheim, 1962).
Boissonade, Anecdota Nova: J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota Nqva (Paris, 1844; Hildesheim, 1962).
Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek: R. Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek, 2nd ed. (London, 1983).
BZ: Byzantinische Zeitschrift. Delehaye, "Deux typiea": H. Delehaye, "Deux typiea de l'
époque des Paléologues," Acadérnie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux Arts. Mémoires. Série 2, Classe des Lettres (Brussels, 1921), vol. 13, fase. 4, 1-212.
Demetrakos, Lexikon: D. B. Demetrakos, MÉyu AEÇtKOV tiiç 'EÀÀllYtKiiç yÀWCHJllÇ, 9 vols. (Athens, 1933-51).
D OP: Dumbarton Oaks Papers. E O: Échos d' Orient. Fassoulakis, Raoul-Ral(l)es: S. Fassoulakis, The Byzantine Family
of Raoul-Ral(l)es (Athens, 1973). Hero, "Irene-Eulogia": A. C. Hero, "Irene-Eulogia Choumnaina
Palaiologina, Abbess of the Convent of Philanthropos Soter in Constantinople," Byzantinische Forschungen, 9 (1985), 119-47.
Hero, The Letters of Gregory Akindynos: A. C. Hero, Letters of Gregory Akindynos ( = Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 21), Dumbarton Oaks Texts, 7 (Washington, D. C. , 1983).
Janin, Géographie ecclésiastique: R. Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l' empire byzantin. J. Le siège de CP. et le patriarcat oecuménique. 3, Les églises et les monastères, 2nd. ed. (Paris 1969).
Jannaris, Grammar: A. N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar (London, 1897; reprint Hildesheim, 1968).
Kalothetos, Syngrammata: D. Tsames, ed. , 'Icoall<P KuÀo9Étou
11
12 Prin cess Irene-Eulogia
L,UyypŒ�.q.ta'ta (Thessalonike, 1980). Kourouses, Manuel Gabalas: St. 1. Kourouses, MavoUllÀ ra�a
Àuç d'ta Ma't8atoç �1l'tpo1toÀiTI1Ç 'E<pÉaou (1271/2-1355/60)
(Athens, 1972). Laurent, "Une princesse byzantine au cloître": V. Laurent, "Une
princesse byzantine au cloître. Irène-Eulogie Choumnos Paléologine, fondatrice du couvent de femmes 'toG <l>tÀav-
8pcù1tou L,w'tf\poç," E O, 29 (1930), 29-60. Laurent, "La direction spirituelle": V. Laurent, "La direction
spirituelle à Byzance. La correspondance d' Irène-Eulogie Choumnaina Paléologine avec son second directeur," REB, 14
(1956), 48-86. Laurent, "Une fondation monastique": V. Laurent, "Une fon
dation monastique de Nicéphore Choumnos. <H f-V KIl � ovYt TfjÇ 0EO'tOKOU 'tf\ç ropyoE1tllKOOU," REB 12 (1954), 32-44.
Mercati, Notizie: G. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio Cidone, Manuele Caleca e Teodoro Meliteniota ed altri appunti per la storia della teologia e della letferatura bizantina deI secolo XIV, Studi e Testi, 56 (Vatican City, 1931).
Meyendorff, Introduction: J. Meyendorff, Introduction à l' étude de Grégoire Palamas (Paris, 1959).
Miklosich-Müller: F. Miklosich and J. Müller, Acta et diplomata Graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, 6 vols. (Vienna, 1860-90).
Moulton, Grammar: J.H. Moulton, A Grammar of New Testament Greek, III: Syntax (London, 1963).
Papadopoulos, Genealogie: A. Th. Papadopoulos, Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259-1453 (Munich, 1938; reprint, Amsterdam, 1962).
PG: Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Graeca, ed. J. P. Migne. Previale, "Due monodie": L. Previale, "Due monodie inedite
di Matteo di Efeso," BZ, 41 (1941), 4-39. PLP: Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. E.
Trapp (Vienna, 1976-). REB: Revue des Études Byzantines. Salaville, "Formes ou méthodes de prière": S. Salaville,
"Formes ou méthodes de prière d'après un Byzantin du XIVe siècle, Théolepte de Philadelphie," E O, 39 (1940), 1-25.
A bbreviations 13
Salaville, "Une lettre et un discours inédits": Salaville, "Une lettre et un discours inédits de Théolepte de Philadelphie,"·REB, 5 ( 1947) , 101-15.
Talbot, Faith Healing: A.-M. Talbot, Faith Healing in Late Byzantium. The Posthumous Miracles of the Patriarch Athanasios 1 of Constantinople by Theoktistos the Stoudite (Brookline, MA, 1983).
Talbot, The Correspondence of Athanasius: A.-M. Talbot, ed. The Correspondence of Athanasius 1 Patriarch of Constantinople. Letfers to the Emperor Andronicus II, Members of the Imperial Family, and Officiais (= Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 7) Dumbarton Oaks Texts 3 (Washington, D. C. , 1975).
Verpeaux, Nicéphore Choumnos: J. Verpeaux, Nicéphore Choumnos, homme d' état et humaniste byzantin (ca. 1250/1255-1327) (Paris, 1959).
Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques": J. Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques sur la famille Choumnos," Byzantinoslavica, 20 (1959), 252-66.
General Introduction
Historians have often bemoaned the fact that the great mass of documents reflecting the life of Christian Byzantium has perished either in 1204 or in 1453 when the New Rome was sacked successively, first by the crusaders and then by the Turks. Among the writings which remain, and which are still relatively abundant for the Palaiologan period (1261-1453), only a small number reflect the intimate, personal and everyday life of the Byzantines. Even collections of letters by leading personalities of that period actually represent, for the most part, examples of literary exercise prepared for publication by their authors or their immediate disciples, with the express purpose of either furthering a religious cause (e.g. Palamism or anti-Palamism), or simply showing the rhetorical ability of the author in imitating accepted epistolographical standards.
The correspondence between, on the one hand, the nun Eulogia, daughter of the wealthy intellectual Nikephoros Choumnos and widow of the Despot John Palaiologos, son of the Emperor Andronikos II; and on the other, a still youthful monk, whom the princess, very insistently, was in the process of persuading to become her new spiritual director, was probably not destined for publication by the authors. It is found in a single manuscript now at the Library of the Escorial, which contains what appear to be autograph letters by several contemporaries, and which might have served as a personal notebook of Eulogia herself.
It is the intimate and spontaneous character of the correspondence-and also the fact that it involves a woman of influencewhich constitutes its documentary importance. Even if, generally speaking, women belonging to Byzantine high society had a more frequent and easier access to education than their Western
15
16 Princess Irene-Eulogia
medieval counterparts, the personality of Eulogia remains exceptional. Although her education did not equal that of the prominent humanists of the time, or that of an Anna Komnene, she was certainly more literate than the average member male or female, of the Byzantine imperial family and household} Her letters, and those of her newly-found director, contain some important prosopographical data. They also provide a rather vivid portrait of a willful, energetic and somewhat frustrated woman, who could have reigned over Byzantium and was still addressed as basilissa, in spite of her monastic garb. This allows us to imagine more vividly what it meant for a woman of her background to live in monastic retirement from the time of her widowhood at the age of sixteen in 1307 until her death shortly after 1355.
Already studied in a preliminary way by Vitalien Laurent in 1956,' the correspondence is now being published and masterfully analyzed by Angela Hero. The editor points to the importance of the text for the history of the Greek language, and singles out much concrete information on the persons involved and their historical milieu. Seen in the wider perspective of the cultural and social history of Byzantium in the fourteenth century, the correspondence opens an interesting window on the mentality and concerns of a personality influential with the court, the church, and the intellectual circles, which after 1341, were to oppose Palamism. Whether one considers that the eventual defeat of these circles by the Palamites was a tragedy, a blessing or a misunderstanding in terms of the destinies of Byzantine civilization, their role in the sophisticated, somewhat naive and, at times, astonishingly charming life of the Byzantine aristocracy of the Palaiologan era, is important for the understanding of the society as a whole.
The first general remark which comes to mind after reading the correspondence is the contrast which exists between its text and the generally practiced style of monastic spiritual writing of the same period. Etilogia's director hardly mentions "struggle against passions," "mental prayer," and the spiritual fruits of ascetic life, i.e. all the classical topoi which appear profusely, for example, in the treatise addressed around 1345 by another
'Laurent, "La direction spirituelle." For the most recent study of Eulogia, her two known directors, and her role in the hesychast controversy, see Hero, "Irene-Eulogia."
General Introduction 17
monk, Gregory Palamas, to another nun, Xene, who was in charge of educating the daughters of Andronikos III. 2 In his letters, the director occasionally uses hesychast terminology, 3 but it is only to justify his personal reluctance to visit Eulogia as often as she wants, not to teach spirituality as such. Otherwise, as two well-educated friends, they exchange books and compliments. Eulogia sends paper and generous monetary gifts. In return she receives some mild scoldings and social advice concerning her exaggerated attachment to her family,4 her behavior at a memorial service,s and her high temper and arrogance.6
The behavior and mentality of Eulogia, as it appears in the correspondence, illustrates the life of a well-bred and wealthy Byz,!-ntine forced into accepting monastic tonsure by a family mishap or political circumstances. There are many contemporary and similar examples of emperors, or members of the imperial family retiring to monasteries. In most such cases, the monk or nun in question was not required to give up much of his (or her) income or social privileges. The monastic state excluded only the formal resumption of political power. Thus, Constantinopolitan convents welcomed widowed princesses-including Eulogia's own
- SIster-in-law, Mary, widow of Michael IX, who died as the nun Xene-and dethroned emperors, including Andronikos II, who was tonsured as monk Anthony in 1328. It was not unusual for such personalities to invest part of their fortune in rebuilding and later supporting the monastery in which they retired. This allowed not only for personal comfort, but also for a preservation of social ties in the capital. In the fourteenth century, the most famous retiree of this type was the Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos. Tonsured as the monk Joasaph in 1354, he continued to enjoy the imperial title and political influence until 1383 when he died. It is obvious, therefore, that such aristocratic monks, if they were
/
fulfilling normally the monastic vow of chastity, were not very
2See Gregory Palamas, IJpos rr,v ae/1vorar17v ev /10va(ovaals Sev17v, 7lepl 7la8wv Kal
dperwv Kal 7lepi rwv TlKTO/1eVWV eK "Is Kara vovv aXOAr;s, PG 150. 1044A-1088C. 3Letter 14, lines 1-4.
'4\ I . . Letter 19, lines 1-3. SLetter 21, lines 1-3. 6Letter 18, lines 6-14; Letter 19, lines 7-10.
18 Princess Irene-Eulogia
strict in following the two other traditional vows of monasticism-obedience and poverty.
Eulogia's own retirement lasted almost fifty years. As a young bride of a despot, she never had a real opportunity to exercise political power, but she was still titled basilissa by friends and foes alike. The correspondence clearly shows her as very conscious of her rank. Not only was she in a position to insist that a monk of some repute, but of no financial means, become her spiritual director in spite of his obvious reluctance to do so, but she could also invoke imperial protocol (OUVit8E1U BU01A1Kit) to refuse the presence in their conversations of a third person, a saintly monk, uninvited by her and brought in by the director.7 Although this is not stated explicitly in the text, one may suppose that the same reason of protocol forbade her to visit her director herself -a simple solution to her main problem-instead of demanding his visits to her.
It is a pity that documents available so far do not allow us to identify Eulogia's director more precisely. Dr. Hero does not challenge his tentative identification by V. Laurent with Ignatios, a hesychast and correspondent of Barlaam.8 The identification appears as a possibility. The director confesses repeatedly his love for solitude (tlouXiu), but he is also the author of a treatise in defense of secular education, and he wrote poetry which he sent to Eulogia.9 He is, rather suprisingly, unfamiliar with the spiritual writings of Theoleptos of Philadelphia. 10 Furthermore, he has high-positioned friends in Constantinople, including bishops and the patriarch himself, most probably John Kalekas (1334-1347).11 The fact that he is known as a hesychast may, therefore, simply indicate his way of life as a monk outside of a regular community, but it does not carry ideological imp lie ations.12 Not all Byzantine hesychasts sided with Palamas after
�7Letter 17, lines 66 -95.
8See Hero, "Irene-Eulogia," 139-40.
9Letter 12, lines 1-3.
IOLetter 8, lines 31-36. IILetter 17, line 34.
12Por the varied use of the term "hesychast," see my article "Hesychasme: probl�mes de
semantique," Melanges d' histoire des religions oJJerts a H. -Ch. Puech (paris, 1974), 543-47.
General Introduction 19
1341, and we know that Ignatios did not. Whatever the,later options of Eulogia and her director in the
cultural and religious crisis which shook Byzantine society in the middle of the fourteenth century, it is interesting to note that by 1335-the approximate date of the correspondence-both of them refer with great respect to spiritual authorities which will also be highly praised by the Palamites. Indeed, for Eulogia there never was a greater spiritual father than the Metropolitan Theoleptos of Philadelphia, who tonsured her and remained her director until his death in 1322. On the other hand, her new director and correspondent is the author of writings in honor of Patriarch Athanasios I (1289-1293-1303-1310),13 whom he could not have known personally, but whose prestige as an ascetic; a social reformer, and a spiritual leader, he greatly admired. Furthermore, copies of his works on Athanasios were being kept at the Monastery of Xerolophos, founded by the great asceticpatriarch. 14 The director was, therefore, in close touch with one of the hesychastic centers of the capital, where in 1341 the antiPalamite theologian, Akindynos, will be forced to agree (temporarily) with the positions of Gregory Palamas.15 Both Theoleptos and Athanasios are considered by Palamas himself to be among the most eminent models of hesychasm. 16 Another well-known Palamite, Joseph Kalothetos, also enhances the prestige of Patriarch Athanasios by writing his vita.17
The personal correspondence between Eulogia and the anonymous young monk, whom she convinces after so much insistence to become her spiritual director, provides us with a very rare opportunity to learn more about a Byzantine milieu rather foreign to theological debates, sincerely pious, but seeing no contradiction between the preservation of ancient Greek culture and the monastic austerity exemplified by Athanasios 1. It appears that the high echelons of Byzantine society enjoyed this intellectual
13Letter 1, lines 28-29; Letter 2, lines 18-19. 14Letter 4, line 6. 15
See my Introduction, 86. 16
See Palamas, Trias 2, 2, 3, ed. J. Meyendorff, Gregoire Palomas, Defense des saints
hesychastes, 2nd. ed. (Louvain, 1974), 99, 323. 17See commentary on Letter 1, lines 28-29.
20 Princess Irene-Eulogia
peace during much of the reign of Andronikos II (1282-1328). It is that society which was responsible not only for much of the literature of this period, but also for financing artistic achievements of the so-called "Palaiologan Renaissance. "18
It is easy to see how the aspirations, the mentality, and the interests of Eulogia Choumnaina and that of her correspondent are far from a real "Renaissance." But the subjectivism, the aspirations to literary perfection-so very imperfect still in the case of Eulogia-the aristocratic freedom from the strictures of normal monastic discipline, can perhaps be seen as the signs of a pre-Renaissance.
The second half of the fourteenth century will be much more dramatic and divisive intellectually, religiously, socially, and politically. The "pre-Renaissance" did not evolve into a "true Renaissance." The activities and writings of Barlaam of Calabria broke the peace between monks and humanists, whereas Eulogia used her money and influence against Palamas and his disciples. It is doubtful that she was ever moved by distinct personal theological convictions. She was rather more sympathetic personally to the humanistic circles where anti-Palamism was the strongest. Her party lost the battle, but she did not suffer personal or financial harm. In 1355, after the total triumph of the Palamites, she was still in a position to donate a Macedonian estate to the Monastery of Saint John Prodromos on Mount Menoikion.19 The monastic zealots who took over the patriarchate after the victory of Kantakouzenos in the civil war of 1341-1347, and had'the theology of Palamas solemnly confirmed by the Church, did not suppress the close-knit aristocratic and conservative society to which Eulogia belonged. This society, increasingly threatened by the military and political catastrophies befalling Byzantium, survived in Constantinople or in Mis!ra as a lingering pre-Renaissance until the very fall.
John Meyendorff
18See my article "Spiritual Trends in Byzantium in the Late Thirteenth and Early Four
teenth Centuries," in P. Underwood, The Kariye Djami (Princeton, 1975), 4, 93-106. 1 9
See commentary on Letter 7, lines 42-44.
Critical Introduction
The correspondence edited below consists of twenty-two letters, eight of which are by the princess (Letters 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 13 and 15), and fourteen by her spiritual director (Letters 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14 and 16-22) .
20 The entire dossier was written within the period of one year, 21 sometime after the death of Andronikos II in 1332 and before the death of Eulogia's brother John Choumnos, in 1338. These chronological indications are provided by Letter 5, in which Eulogia assures her correspondent that if her father-in-law had been alive he would not have failed to be his patron, 2 2 and by Letter 21, in which the director
20The letters appear anonymously in the manuscript, bearing only the following super
scriptions: 'AnoAoyrrrtKil npo<; Tilv npoHllv, EmoToAil oWTEpa, �wTEpa unoAoYllTtKil npo<; Tilv oWTEpav, TpiTll, n:TupTll unoAoYllTtKil npo<; Tilv yllV
, nEllnTll, EKTll uno
AOYllTtKil npo<; Tilv nEllnTllv, E�86llll, 6y86ll (sic) unoAoYllTtKil npo<; Tilv E�06IlllV,
EVVUTll (sic), OEKUTll unoAoYllTtKil npo<; Tilv EVVUTllV (s,ic), EVOEKUTll (sic), OCOOEKUTn
unQAoYllTJKil n,po<; T,ilv E\!OEKUT,llV, TptoKmoEKuTll, tOll
unoAoYllTtKT] npo<; Tilv tyllV ,
lEll , tOTll , t1;,ll ,11111 , Kll , Ka
ll . The terms unoAoYllTtKil (answer) and EmoToAil (let
ter) refer to the letters of Eulogia and to those of her director respectively. Starting with
the director's third letter, the letters of both the correspondents are numbered consecutive
ly, but there is no number 19. Either the scribe made a mistake in numbering the letters or he left one out deliberately. He also failed to number the last letter in the collection
(Letter 22). It is obvious that the correspondence is incomplete. It begins with Eulogia's answer to the director's first letter and ends with a brief note giving her permission to
attend the funeral of an aunt. Missing are both the director's first letter and Eulogia's
answers to his last six letters. Either the originals of these letters had been lost, or-as
suggested by Laurent ("La direction spirituelle," p. 50)-the letters in this collection
were copied from the princess' personal file by someone who selected them arbitrarily. 2lNos. 1-16 are an exchange in chronological order and, although Eulogia's letters stop
at this point, the remaining six letters by her director are sequential. Since Letter 9 was
written shortly before the Feast of the Transfiguration of the Savior on 6 August (cf. commentary on Letter 9, lines 84-85), and Letter 21 shortly after the requiem on the
anniversary of Nikephoros Choumnos' death-16 January (cf. commentary on Letter 20, line 5)-the entire series does not exceed the chronological limits of one year.
22See Letter 5, lines 39-50. We may even raise the terminus post quem to 1334 because, as Laurent noted ("La direction spirituelle," p. 82, note 1), the mention of Dexios as
a friend of the patriarch indicates that the prelate in question was John XIV Kalekas. A
21
22 Princess Irene-Eulogia
refers to a meeting between the abbess and a "man of the para
koimomenos," most probably Eulogia's brother John, the pa
rakoimomenos of the Great Seal. 23 But even if the palatine official in question is not John Choumnos, we can safely say that the letters were written before 1341 because they contain no allusion to the hesychast controversy in which the abbess was an active participant.
The correspondence has been preserved on the last folios (235r-254v; three folios marked 237) of the codex Scorialensis
Gr. <1>. III-II (=S), a fourteenth century miscellany, which as indicated by some of its other contents-four letters of Gregory Akindynos (fols. 230r-234v) and one letter of a close friend of John Kyparissiotes (fols. 213r-214v)-was either the property of the princess or of one of her anti-Palamite protegeS.24
The entire text is by a practiced hand, similar to Marcianus
Gr. 183 (1359-A. Tury�Dated Greek Manuscripts of the Thir
teenth and Fourteenth Centuries in the Libraries of Italy [Urbana, 1972], plate f82). Nevertheless, the copyist was no scholar. He did not correct even the most noticeable spelling errors of Eulogia who, by her own admission, was not proficient in grammar. 25 It would be tempting to ascribe the copying to the princess herself, but we know from their mutual complaints that neither she nor her correspondent had neat handwriting.26
In 1956 Father Laurent was the first to study Eulogia's correspondence and to publish short excerpts from it. 27 He discussed the letters in detail, noting their prosopographical interest and their importance for the study of the institution of spiritual
later anti-Palamite, Dexios is known to have been a member of Kalekas' entourage. See Letter 18, line 10, and commentary.
23See Letter 21, lines 3-6 and commentary on lines 3-4 of the same letter. 24For a description of this MS, see G. De Andres, Catdlogo de los Codices Griegos
de la Real Biblioteca de el Escorial (Madrid, 1965), 2, pp. 60-64; Hero, The Letters of
Gregory Akindynos, pp. xxxvii-xl. I have studied the relevant part of this MS by means of photographic reproductions.
25See Letter 1, lines 5-6. 26See Letter 10, lines 37-39 and Letter 13, lines 48-50. 27See Laurent, "La direction spirituelle," 55, notes 4 and 6; 57, note 3; 58 note 1; 59,
notes 1-4, 6; 61, note 3; 62 notes 2 and 3; 63, note 2; 66; 69, notes 1-3; 70, note 5.
Critical Introduction 23
guidance in Byzantium. He also announced his intention to edit the letters, but unfortunately his plans did not materialize. In 1957 T. D. Mosconas, the curator of the Library of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria, studied Choumnaina's correspondence while on a visit to the EscoriaI and published a list of the incipits of the letters as well as photocopies of the folia containing the first five letters. 28 However he relinquished his interest in preparing an edition of this correspondence after learning that Laurent was already considering the same project. 29
More recently, St. Kourouses, in his monograph on the Metropolitan Matthew of Ephesos, published a brief excerpt from one of the letters (Letter 16) .
30 Several excerpts have also appeared in my article "Irene-Eulogia. "31
In the present edition, the critical text diverges from S in spelling only. To avoid ambiguities, I have corrected Eulogia's errors and noted the original spelling in the apparatus. The orthography of her director's letters is excellent, requiring only the correction of occasional itacisms and the tacit changes in the accentuation of enclitics, in the addition of the iota subscript which is found inconsistenly in S, and in punctuation. Finally, the numbering of the letters is, of course, my own.
71-, notes 1 and 5; 72 notes 1-6; 73 notes 1, 5, and 6; 75 notes 2 and 4; 79 notes 3-4; 80, note 1; 83 note 2; 85, notes 1 and 5. For a French translation of select passages,
see ibid., 52, note 6; 54-55; 58; 63; 70-72; 74-79; 81-85. 28See T. D. Mosconas, �i1ttu'Xov EA.A:I1VtKmV aVEK86twv 'XEtPOYPUcpwv, 'AVUA.EKta,
'EK&OOW; tOU 'IvOttTOUTOU tmv 'AVatOA.tKmV L1tou8mv n;<; I1atptap'XtKii<; Bt13A.to8itKTl<; 'AA.E�av8pEia<; (Alexandria, 1957), 6, pp. 95-111.
29Mosconas, "La correspondance de Theoiepte de Philadelphie avec Irene Paieologue," 'AVUA.EKta, 7 (1958), 32-33.
30Kourouses, Manuel Gabalas, p_ 334, note 1.
31Hero, "Irene-Eulogia," notes 1, 15, 24, 34-44, 47-57, 59-60, 73-76, 78.
24
* * *
t t t < > [ ] s
Princess Irene-Eulogia
List of Signs
lacunae codicis crucibus amplectuntur corruptelae addenda delenda Codex Scorialensis Gr. <P. ///-11
Angela C. Hero
THE CORRESPONDENCE
Άπολογητικη πρός την πρώτην
t!, Αγιε πάτερ, την λογιωτάτην Khi σοφωτάτην γραφήν σου δεξαμένη ηυφράνθην και την ταύ
της KαλλOVΗν αγασθείσα παρεκινήθην του γράψαι ϊνα και 5 αμφω τα κατ' εμε καταλάβΊ]ς, τήν τε ιδιωτείαν και αμα
θίαν εις την επιστήμην της γραμματικης εκ τών αντιστοί
χων και τών τόνων, και την μικραν δύναμιν εις τό νοείν
από της μεγάλης δωρεάς και φιλανθρωπίας και χάριτος
του ποιητου και σωτηρος μου 'Ιησου Χριστου και ουκ από
10 ανθρωπίνης παιδεύσεως η έρμηνείας ή γαρ αν και γραμ
ματικην εξεπαίδευσάν μοι, ει τοσαύτην είχον εις εμε επι
μέλειαν. Τοίνυν την γραφην της άγιωσύνης σου και ευχαριστώ
και επαινώ και θαυμάζω. ευχαριστώ μεν γαρ δια τους
15 επαίνους, ει και ουθέν είμι και πάνΤΊ] ξένη τών εγκωμίων
τούτων, αλλ' ουν δια την αγαθήν σου διάθεσιν και
ύπόληψιν περι εμου' επαινώ δε και θαυμάζω, επει εχει
δύναμιν φιλοσοφίας μεγίστη ν εις τουτο, δύναμις γαρ φι
λοσοφίας και τεκμήριον μέγα, εν όλίγαις λέξεσι και συν-
20 τετμημέναις πολυν νουν και μεγάλην ύπόθεσιν παραστη
σαι. δθεν δια ταπείνωσιν και δια το * * * εκφύγοις ήμάς
εξεπίτηδες ποιήσασα τουτο ή άγιωσύνη σου συντετμη
μένον, αντεστράφη σοι ό σκοπός και εν οϋτφ 6λίγαις λέ
ξεσι τοσαύτην δύναμιν ιδουσαι, επι πλέον εδοξάσαμέν 25 σοι και παρεκινήθημεν του 6χλείν σοι.
Τοίνυν αξιώ την άγιωσύνην σου ϊνα ίδω και ταλλα
συγγράμματά σου' επι πλέον δε αξιώ, και πάνυ τοι αξιώ,
ϊνα μη ύστερήσΊ]ς με τό ύπερ του άγιωτάτου πατριάρχου
κυρου 'Αθανασίου σύγγραμμα της άγιωσύνης σου.
S 235r 10 ή]η S 11 20 πολλυν S 11 21 post τό spat. cav. 1-21itt. (ut vid.) S 11 23 άντεστράφει S 11 26 τ' άλλα (ut vid.) S 11 28 ύστερήσεις S
26
Answer to the First Letter
I was glad to receive your most eloquent and wise letter,
holy Father. Its beauty delighted me and moved me to write to you so that you may understand two things about me: from my mistakes in accents and itacisms < you will understand ) my ignorance and want of training in the art of grammar. But < you will also understand ) my capacity for thinking, small as it is; lowe it to the great gift and benevolence and grace of my Maker and Savior Jesus Christ and not to human education or explanation. They would have taught me grammar too, if they cared for me so much < as to give me an education).
I am grateful for the letter of Your Holiness and I commend and admire it. I am grateful for your praise, even though I am nothing and a total stranger to such compliments. Nevertheless, < I am grateful) for your kind feelings and your good opinion of me. On the other hand, I praise and admire < your letter) because the < letter ) in itself shows great philosophical ability. I mean that it is ability and great evidence of philosophy to present in a few and brief words a very significant and important matter. So, Your Holiness, you made your letter deliberately brief out of humility and in the hope of escaping my detection, but you achieved the opposite of your intention. For when I saw such ability in so few words, I praised you even more and felt impelled to disturb you.
I request Your Holiness, therefore, to let me see your other works also. Furthermore it is my request, and ardent request, that you do not deprive me of the work of Your Holiness in honor of the most holy Patriarch Kyr-Athanasios.
27
28
< Έπιστολη Δευτέρα )
ουκ αρα μόνον δεδώκαμέν τι χρηστόν, αλλ' ήδη και αντελάβομεν· μαλλον δε χρηστον ουδεν ήμείς παρασχόμενοι, θαυμαστόν τι χρημα είλήφαμεν, φωνην ανδρι σοφφ τε και γενναίφ προσήκουσαν εκ γυναικείου του στόματος και
5 ψυχης αυτοσόφου προσφυέστατον γέννημα. πρότερον μεν ούν δια θαύματος είχον [Fol. 235v] το φιλομαθες της βασιλίδος ψυχης, νυν δε το ωφέλιμον, δ μη μαλλον δύναται λαβείν έτέρωθεν ευφυως εξευρουσα, 11 και παρασχείν έτέροις εκ της οικείας γνώμης.
10 Δοκουσι δή μοι περιττοί τινες φανείσθαι οί ήμέτεροι λό-γοι προσενεχθέντες τij γε τοιαύΤ1J φύσει· ωστε οίς εσπούδακας ήμας είς το δουναί σοι παρακινησαι τούτους, τούτοις ήμας τους λόγους αποτρέπεις σοι δουναι· κελευούσ1J δε δμως, αμαθες αντιλέγειν. αλλ' είσίν, ώς εφθην ειπών,
15 ουκ ευχερως εκδουναι· οί μεν εν τοίς πρώτοις αυτους ύπολαβουσι χάρταις ετι διεσχεδιασμένοι και δυσδιάκριτοι, τους δε τελειωθέντας-κατά γε την ήμετέραν εξιν τελεωθέντας λέγω-εχει Θεσσαλονίκη· εν οίς είσι και οϋς ήμίν ύπερ Άθανασίου του γενναίου και θείου πεπονηκέναι συμβέβηκε·
20 και ουδεν τότε τούτων είρηκώς, εψευσάμην. εκείνους τε ούν επέστειλά μοι μετ' ου πολυ πεμφθηναι, και κομισθέντων οϋς αν θελήσαις λήψει· και τούτων εκκαθαρθέντων, ουδενός σοι φθονήσομεν. ουδεις γαρ δήπου φθονεί του μη καλου μηδενί.
S 235r-235v ν
1 έπιστολη δευτέρα smg 11 5 γένημα S 11 12 σοι SSV
29
< Letter 2 )
Not only did I give something good but I also received < the same ) in return. Rather, without giving anything good I received something marvelous: from the mouth of a woman came a voice fit for a wise and noble man; it was the natural product of a naturally wise soul. Previously, I wondered at the princess' love of learning, but now I wonder whether there is anything more useful that she can ingenuously discover and take from elsewhere than she can offer to others from her own counsel.
It seems to me that my works will appear useless when offered to such a creature. So by the very means by which you earnestly tried to urge me to give you my works, you deter me from giving them to you. However, it is rude to disobey your command. Just as I said, though, it is not easy to give them out. Some of them are still on the paper on which they were first written. They are in the form of drafts and difficult to make out, while those which have been finished-as I am wont to finish them, that is-remain in Thessalonike. Among the latter are those which I happened to write in honor of the noble and holy Athanasi os. Having said none of these things < to you ) at the time, I failed to tell the truth. I wrote to have these < works ) sent to me soon, and when they are brought here you may have those you wish. Neither will I refuse to give you those < that are here) as soon as they are edited. It is a fact that no one begrudges anyone anything that is not good.
30
< Έπιστολη Τρίτη )
Ει ηρωτήθη ό ηλιος τί των κτισμάτων επιποθεί πλέον μάλλον είναι των άλλων, ει λόγον αφηκε, τούτο αν απεκρίνατο' όφθαλμους θέλειν είναι το πάν δια το το αυτού κάλλος κατανοείν. και ει σοφώτατον και λογιώτατον ανδρα
5 ήρετό τις τί και αυτος πλέον των άλλων ποθεί, ακοην αν συνετην ϋτησε. δια τούτο ηναγκάσθην προπετως και απερισκέπτως σοι γράψαι, μήτε εις την σην σοφίαν ιδούσα, μήτε εις την εμην ιδιωτείαν, προς δε τούτο μόνον ιδούσα, γνωρίσαι σοι δτι ου πάνΤ1] εις ασύνετον α κοην λαλείς, ει
10 και της προς σε σοφίας δυσεφίκτως εχομεν. Συ δε εν τij πτωχείq. και ευτελείq. και απαρρησιάστφ εν
Χριστφ κεκρυμμέν1] ζωij, ίόσπερ εν κάλυκι ρόδον την σοφίαν σου αποκρύπτων και περιστέλλων, ημελημένα και απερριμμένα τα σα σοφώτατα συγγράμματα είασας και μό-
15 νον εν σχεδιάσμασι ταύτα εχεις, και ουδε τα απεσταλμέva[Fol. 236r] εν ΘεσσαλονίΚ1] εκάθαρας, ώς οίμαι, ούτε παρα φίλων σου ηναγκάσθης. ίσθι τοίνυν ώς ουκ ανήσομεν παίοντες ω σ π ε Ρ σ ί δ η Ρ ο ς π υ Ρ ί τ η ν λ ί θ ο ν, μέχρις αν τον των λόγων σου πυρσον ανάψωμεν. είπερ ούν ενι δυ-
20 νατον τα αναγκαιότερα και δσα κρίνει ή άγιωσύνη σου και καταξιώσεις ιδέιν ήμάς μεταγραφηναι απο τού σχεδιάσματος, ουκ όκνήσομεν και χαρτία αποστέιλαι και εξοδον' ει δε μή, καν το του πατριάρχου κυρού 'Αθανασίου, είπερ εύρίσκεται το ίσον' και είπερ βούλει είναι και ανέκφορον,
25 εγγυώμεθα και τούτο δια τήν τινων αηδίαν. ει δε ουδε τούτο εστιν ευπετές, παρέστω ή ζωσα πηγη και επιδημείτω προς ήμάς ή άγιωσύνη σου, και ανεξόμεθα την στέρησιν τού δια
18 Greg. Naz., Or. 2, 40 (ed. Bernardi, 142, 16)
S 235v-236r
1 δευτέρα απολογητικη προς την δευτέραν Smgll 6 ήναγκάσθην S 11 8 ιδιωτίαν S 11 12 ζωΊ) S 11 κάλυκι (littera α ex υ correcta) S /Ι ρόδον (litteris ον ex ω correctis) S /Ι 13 ήμελημένα S 11 13-14 απερριμένα S 11 16 εκάθαρας] εκάθαρκας (littera κ2 partim erasa) S 11 post οιμαι unum verbum eras. et ουτε scr. SsvlI 17 ανοίσωμεν S1/ 19 ανάψομεν S 1/ 20 αναγκαιώτερα ,c; 1/ 22
ωκνήσομεν S 11 25 ante τινων scripsit τών et deinde delevit S
31
< Letter 3 )
If they asked the sun what part of the creation it would rather have prevail on the rest, it would answer thus (if it could utter a word): that it would like the Universe to be eyes in order to apprehend the sun's own beauty. And if someone asked a most wise and learned man what he, too, would like more than anything else, he would ask for an understanding audience. This is why I was compelled to write to you in a rash and thoughtless manner, considering neither your wisdom nor my ignorance, but considering this alone: to let you know that you are not talking to an audience that is utterly lacking in understanding, even if I cannot approach your wisdom.
You lead a life of poverty, simplicity, self-effacement and obscurity in Christ, hiding and covering up your wisdom like a budding rose. Thus you have left your most wise writings neglected and cast aside and you keep them only in drafts. I suspect that you did not even edit those you sent to Thessalonike, nor did your friends force you to do so. But you must know that just as "the iron strikes the firestone," I shall not cease striking until I light up the torch of your writings. So, if it is possible to copy from the draft those of your works which are more necessary < for me to read) and whatever Your Holiness approves and considers me worthy of seeing, I shall not hesitate to send paper and < pay for) the expenses. If this is not possible, < send me ) at least your writings on the Patriarch Kyr Athanasios, if there is a copy. And if you do not wish these to circulate, I guarantee that also, because of the antipathy of certain people. But if even this is not convenient, let the living spring come-let Your Holiness visit me-and I shall bear the loss of the river that flows with writings.
I would like', however, to mention the following: in your first
32
των συγγραμμάτων ρέοντος ποταμου. Πλην ύπομνήσκω και τουτο' έπειδη έν τύ πρώΤ1]
30 γραφύ έδήλωσέ μοι ή άγιωσύνη σου δτι ώς γευμα πίθου άπέστειλας ήμάς την γραφην έκείνην, είπερ μη άηδισθωμεν, και τον πίθον άντλήσομεν, ήμείς δε και λίαν ήδυσθέντες ούδε ύδρίας μετέσχομεν, οίμαι το άμαθες ήμων και δυσαίσθητον τον πίθον συνέκλεισεν. συ δε δια το μη
35 βούλεσθαί σε έγκωμιάζεσθαι, σφόδρα ήμάς έγκωμίασας, ϊνα τάχα εις νουν βαλουσαι δτι καν και γυνύ άγραμμάτφ και ιδιωτίσσ1] τοσουτος άποδίδοται έπαινος, πόσος οφείλεται άνδρι σοφφ και λογίφ, και το πολυ του χρέους έννοήσασαι και ιλιγγιάσασαι έκστωμεν των έγκωμίων' δ-
40 θεν και κατα σκοπόν σοι το πράγμα προύχώρησεν.
30 γραφη S 11 32 αΥτλήσωμεν S 11 32-33 forsitan corrige ήδυνθέΥτες: ή .. σθέΥτες S 11 33 ήδρύας S 11 39 ήλιγγιάσασαι S 11 40 προύχώρισεν S
< Έπιστολη Τετάρτη )
"Qμην μεν σβέσειν σου την προθυμίαν οίς γράφοιμι, όρων δε αύτη ν τούτοις αυτοίς άναπτομένην μάλλον και θαυμαστως αιρομένην, έπεμψά σοι των ού καλων λόγων, σοι δε καλων δοκούντων. εϋρηνται δε ήμίν οί παρόντες
5 [Fol. 236v] των λόγων οϋς μάλιστα έζήτεις έν τοίς μοναστηρίοις 'Αθανασίου του πάνυ, καί εισιν ουχ οϊους έγω τούτους μετα ταύτα κατέστησα και άφηκα έν τύ ΘεσσαλονίΚ1], άλλ' ώς άν τις είποι, άπ' αύτης εύθυς της λοχείας ληφθέντες, και δια τουτο άσπούδαστοι' καθαρώτεροι δ' δ-
10 μως των άλλων οϊ τύδε όντες εύρίσκονται των ήμετέρων λόγων. τούτους δη διελθουσα, ει και των άλλων δεήσ1], παρέξομεν έκγραφέντας κατα την κέλευσίν σου. άνέκ-Ι φορα δε ούχ ήγούμεθα ταυτα προς οϋς ήμίν συνετέθειτο'
ϊνα γαρ άκούσωσιν, ούχ ϊνα μή, και συντέθειται, ει και 15 (μη πάνυ φιλοτίμως έχομεν περι την τούτων έπίδειξιν.
S 236r-236v
1 τρίτη Smg 11 7Qμηv S 11 8 λοχίας S
33
letter, Your Holiness, you said to me that you sent me that letter as a taste of the wine-cask; if I did not find it distasteful, I
could drain the cask. Yet, although I found it delicious, I did not even partake of a pitcher. I fear, therefore, that my ignorance and obtuseness sealed the cask. Because you do not wish to be praised yourself, you praised me excessively to make me realize how much < praise ) is due to a wise and learned man, if even an illiterate and ignorant woman is given so much praise. You wished me to understand the enormity of the debt and feeling dizzy at the thought to refrain from praising you. Things turned out as you intended.
< Letter 4 )
I thought that what I wrote would quell your eagerness. But since I see that it rather kindled and increased it extraordinarily, I sent to you some discourses which are not good although they appear to you to be good. These discourses of mine, for which you particularly asked, were found in the monasteries of the renowned Athanasios and they are not as I set them down later and left them in Thessalonike, but they were taken directly from birth, so to speak, and therefore they are not as carefully worked out. Still they are more polished than the rest of my discourses that are here. Read these, and if you require the rest, I shall hand them over to you after they have been copied, in accordance with your orders. I do not believe that these discourses should be kept from those for whom I wrote them. For even if I am not too anxious to display them, they were written so that these individuals might hear them, not that they might not.
34
< Έπιστολη Πέμπτη >
Ήγ α λ λ ι α σ ά μ η ν ε γω ε π ι τ α λ ό γ ι ά σ ο υ, πάτερ αγιε, ώ ς ό ε ύ Ρ ί σ κ ω ν σ κ υ λ α π ο λλ ά. μέσον δύο παθών μεταίχμιος γέγονα' ηυφράνθην τε πάνυ και λίαν ελυπήθην. ηυφράνθην μεν δια την KαλλOVΗν
5 της γραφης σου' τί γαρ τών αυτης ου λίαν θαυμάσιον; το ρητορικον π υ Ρ Ο ς μ έ ν ο ς π ν έ ο ν, η το άγιοπρεπες και ευλαβέστατον και συνετον και πεπαιδευμένον της παιδεύσεως- ο υ γ α ρ ά π α ι δ ε ύ τ ω ς π α ι δ ε ύε ι ς καί, οϋτως εχούσης της παιδεύσεως, μηδεν τών και-
10 ριωτάτων ελέγχων παραλιμπάνεσθαι, και ο υ τ ο υ ς λ έγ ο ν τ α ς , τ ο υ ς δ ε λ ό γ ο υ ς μ ά Χ ε σ θ α ι , και οϋτως άνεπιλήπτως βάλλειν καιρίως τον της άληθείας εχθρόνο η το ώφέλιμον της διδασκαλίας, μη μόνον προς οϋς εγράφη, άλλα και ήμών τών εντυγχανόντων- διδασκόμε-
15 θα και γαρ πραότητα και άνεξικακίας δρους και διπλης ειρήνης θεσμούς, θείας λέγω και άνθρωπίνης, και τίς ή ειρήνη του Χριστου ην άφηκε τους μαθητάς, και τίς ή εις τον άνθρωπον και πώς δειται της θείας ειρήνης ό το πνευ
μα το αγιον μέλλων δέχεσθαι εν έαυτφ οι [Fol. 237r] κιζό-
20 μενον' ταυτα θαυμασίως ό λόγος εξήγγειλε και το ευαγγε
λικον και προφητικον ρητον συνεβίβασεν-η πάλιν το ευπορώτατον του νοος και πλάτος τών νοημάτων μετα θαυμασιωτάτης και άβιάστου της εξαγγελίας; στενΟι με, πάτερ, το πλάτος σου τών νοημάτων και ή πολλή σου ευπο-
25 ρία άπορειν με πεποίηκεν. τοσουτόν με κατέθελξεν ή γραφή, ώς πάντων τών άνα χέιρας άναγκαιοτάτων δντων άμελήσασαν, ει μη τον πάντα λόγον εκπληρώσω, ουκ άνηκα.
(\,t:,\ 1'-,t;i; ,u,,�, "\"�,,,1'3,
1-2 Ps, 117 (118). 162-16,3 11 6 §οm�:��JΙ��8� 11 8-9 Oreg. Naz., Or. 42, 13 (ΡΟ 36.472D) 1110-11 Oreg. Naz., Or 42,13 (ΡΟ 36. 472D-73A) 1116-17 cf. Jn. 14.27
S 236v-237v 1 τετάρτη άπολογητικη προς την γην' smg 11 ήγαλλιασάμην S 11 2 σκύλλα S 11 3 μετέχμιος S 11 14 εγράφει S 11 23 στενείμαι S 11 26 άναγκαιωτάτων S
35
< Letter 5 >
"I exulted because of thy words," holy Father, "as one that finds much spoil." I was caught between two emotions. I felt both great joy and much sorrow. I rejoiced at the beauty of your writing. For what is not admirable about it? The fire-breathing rhetoric or the saintly and most pious and proficient instruction? For you "instruct in an instructive way," and the instruction is such that no important argument is omitted and the' 'dispute is between the arguments not the speakers." In such an impeccable manner you deal a vital blow to the enemy of truth! Or is not the benefit of your teaching < to be admired >? Not only < the benefit > of those for whom it was written, but of us also who read it. For we are certainly taught about gentleness of spirit and the meaning of forbearance and the laws of double peace-I mean both the divine and human-and what was the peace that Christ bequeathed to His disciples and what is human peace, and how he who is to have the Holy Spirit dwell in him needs the divine peace. The discourse explains this admirably and reconciles the Prophet's saying with that of the Gospel. Or, again, < should one not admire > the great facility of mind and breadth of perception and the marvelous and unaffected language? The breadth of your perception reduces me to straits, Father, and your great ease, makes me uneasy. I was so charmed by your writing that I neglected all my duties, although they were most pressing, and did not let go of your discourse until I had finished all of it.
36
ΚαΙ τα μεν της ευφροσύνης αίτια ταυτα, πλέον δε μαλ-30 λον ή ση άρετη διαλάμπουσα εν τοίς λόγοι ς σου τοίς μη
πάνυ τυφλώττουσι. τα δε την λύπην προξενήσαντα ταυτά εΙσιν· δτι ήλθεν εις τόν βίον άνθρωπος μεστός άγαθωνσοφίας, γνώσεως, λογιότητος, το μείζον, άρετης
καΙ παρατρέχει τόν χρόνον καΙ ό χρόνος διαβιβάζει αυ-35 τόν, την πρέπουσαν δόξαν αυτφ ύφαιρούμενος, καΙ ταυτα
δι' άρετην καΙ του μη κατ' επίδειξιν πραγματεύεσθαι, κατ' ερημίαν του καλα ποθοΟντος καΙ εκζητοΟντος. καΙ ταυτα εν λογισμφ συστρέφουσα μετα πολλων δακρύων ελεγον εν έαυτύ· " που τό πνευμά σου, φυσικε φιλόσοφε
40 καΙ φιλολογώτατε καί φιλάρετε καΙ φιλόκαλε καΙ φιλομόναχε, κράτιστε καΙ αγιε βασιλευ, αυθέντη καΙ πενθερέ; καΙ συ σοφώτατε πάτερ ό εμε γεγεννηκώς; ιδου φίλος ον εζητείτε! ιδου μοναχός οϊους όμιλουντες ηγάλλεσθε! ω πόσον εζημιώθητε, σύ τε ό εμός γεννήτωρ καΙ ή
45 ση άγιωσύνη, πάτερ αγιε, ό ταυτα συγγραψάμενος!" πρός σε γαρ πάλιν επιστραφήσομαι· ''ουκ εχεις, ως όρω, άξιον καΙ άφθονον κριτην καΙ άκροατήν." μικρου καΙ την φήμην καταμέμφομαι [Fol. 237v] ως άμβλυτέραν προς τοσουτον καλόν· ει γαρ παρησαν εκείνοι, ει καΙ όξυτάτφ πο-
50 δ! φεύγεις συ την δόξαν, όξυτέροις αν εκείνοι τοίς ποσΙ της τιμης, ύπό φιλοτιμίας κινούμενοι, κατεδίωξαν αν καΙ κατέλαβον κατα την αυτοίς κρατουσαν συνήθειαν.
Ταυτα ου κολακεύουσα λέγω-μάρτυς ή άλήθειαάλλ' δσα αν ενεθυμήθην καΙ εμαθον εκ της άναγνώσε-
55 ως, ταυτα γνωρίζω σοι. ει δε ήψάμεθα καΙ ποσως κατενοήσαμεν της γραφης, συ αν ειδείης καΙ ήμας δια γραφης πληροφορήσαις. οικονομουνται καΙ τών επιλοίπων γραφών τα χαρτία.
30 ση S 11 31 προξενίσαντα S 11 33 λογιωττος (supra ω 1 littera [?] quae legi ποπ potest) S 11 35 ύφαιρόμενος S 11 43 οίους S 11 43 ήγάλλεσθε S 11 44 πόσων S 141 45 ση S 11 56 ειδοίης S 11 57 πληροφορίσαις S
37
These were, then, the reasons for my rejoicing, but even more so it was your virtue which shines through your writings for those who are not altogether blind. As for the causes of my sorrow, they were the following: the fact that a man was born filled with blessings-wisdom, knowledge, eloquence, and what is more important, virtue-and he races through time and time hurries him off, stealing away the glory which is his due. All this because of his virtue and because he does not care to show off, there being no one who desires and seeks out the good. As I was turning these thoughts around in my mind, I said to myself with many tears: "Where is your spirit, my lord and father-in-law, the mighty and holy emperor? You were a born philosopher and loved virtue and learning and goodness and the monks! And you, my most wise father, who gave me life? Here is the friend you were seeking! Here is the kind of monk in whose company you delighted! o what a loss you suffered, both you, my father, and you, Your Holiness, the author of this work, holy Father!" For I shall turn back to you. "You do not have, as I see, a worthy and genial judge and listener." I almost blame public opinion for being rather insensitive to such greatness. If my father and father-inlaw were alive, even though you run away from fame with a most swift foot, they would have chased you with honor's swifter feet, moved by the love of honor, and they would have caught you as they were wont to do.
As truth is my witness, I do not say this to flatter you. I am just telling you what I noticed and learned from my reading. You should know and write to assure me whether I grasped and understood all the meaning of your work. I am providing paper for < copies> of the rest of your works.
38
< Έπιστολη 'Έκτη >
ου παύσ1] ψυχην μοχθηραν και φιλόδοξον, δι' ών θαυμάζεις, του καθεστώτος εξάγουσα; ταυτα εγω προορώμενος πρότερον και την ασθένειαν την εμαυτου συνειδώς, ουκ εθάρρουν φιλολογωτάΤ1] γνώμ1] πρόφασιν δου-
5 ναι κατ' εμαυτου τοιαύτην. συ μόνη πάντων επ' εμοί γε, ώς εοικεν, ακέραιον την αίσθησιν του καλου διετήρησας, 11 και τα ελάχιστα τών καλών οϋτως οξέως όρq,ς και τοσούτου θαύματος αξιοις, ώς ουδεις τα σφόδρα μεγάλα και αξιόλογα.
10 Οϋκ ειμι του πατρός εκείνου του θαυμαστου τελεώ-τερος δς σπυρίδας ύφαίνων, επειδήπερ ύπό παρακαθεζομένου τινός εΠ1]νέθη και πάλιν ακήκοεν ώς ευφυώς ύφαίνει, "σίγησον," είπεν, "ώ βέλτιστε, δς εξ δτου περ ενταυθα ελήλυθας του Θεου με απήγαγες." δσον ουν
15 εγω μείων εκείνου της αρετης την εξιν και ατελέστερος, προστίθημι [Fol. 237ar] δε και τό τών επαίνων ύπερέχον και αυτου του θαυμάζοντος, τοσουτο μάλλον και πόρρω γίνομαι του Θεου θαυμαζόμενος. κείσθω δη μέχρι τουδε τό βάρος μή, ωσπερ σκαφίδιον, πλείω φόρτον 11 φέ-
20 ρειν εχω δεξάμενος, ύποβρύχιος γένωμαι. Ό βασιλευς δε εκεινος και ό σοφός γεννήτωρ, πάν
Ι'των μεν ενεκα τών καλών και θαυμαστών ών είχον και ::τους άλλους ήξίουν, ώφελον ου θνητοι πεφυκέναι. αυτός δε εμαυτόν οίδα χθαμαλώτερον οντα κομιδτί της
25 εκείνων αγάπης.
S 237v-237ar 1 πέμπτη smg 11 13-14 Cf. Joannes Colobus, Apophthegmata, 32 (Apophthegmata patrum, ΡΟ 65. 213Ω-16Α)
6 εοικεν 11 13 έξότου S 11 18 γίνωμαι S
39
< Letter 6 >
Will you not stop seducing my wretched and vain soul from
its established way of life with your praises? Because I already
foresaw this and was well aware of my own weakness, I did not
dare to give such a pretext against me to a mind so fond of learn
ing. With respect to me, you seem to be the only one who has
retained an absolute sense of the good, since you keenly perceive
even the smallest good and admire it as much as no one admires
even the greatest and most worthwhile.
I have not attained a greater degree of perfection than that
marvelous father who was weaving baskets and who said, when
someone sitting nearby praised him and repeatedly told him how
well he was weaving: "Keep quiet, my good man, for ever since
you came here you led me away from God." Inasmuch as I am
inferior to that man and less accomplished in the pursuit of
virtue-and I must add to this the superiority of the praise and
of the admirer-I am led further away from God by being praised.
Let the burden stop here, then, lest like a small boat, having taken
a heavier load than I can carry, I go under.
That renowned emperor and your wise father should have
been born immortal because of all they had and gave to others.
I am well aware of being too lowly for their love.
40
< Έπιστολη Έβδόμη )
Μ η δ ο ξ α σ θ ή σ ε τ α ι α ξ ί ν η ά ν ε υ τ ο υ ε λκ ο ν τ ο ς α υ τ ή ν, η στομωθήσεται σίδηρος άνευ πυρος καΙ ϋδατος; οϋτως ουδε νους φιλόσοφος δοξασθήσεται καΙ ακμαιότερος εσται άνευ του έπαινουντος καΙ
5 ψέγοντος' καΙ γαρ καΙ ό επαινος Όπλον αρετης γίνεται τφ αγωνιστύ , κατα τον του αποστόλου λόγον τον λέγοντα δ ι α τ ω ν Ό π λ ω ν τ η ς δ ι κ α ι ο σ ύ ν η ς τ ω ν δ ε ξ ι ω ν κ α Ι α ρ ι σ τ ε Ρ ω ν, δ ι α δ ό ξ η ς κ α Ι α τ ι μ ί α ς, δ ι α δ υ σ φ η μ ί α ς κ α Ι ε υ φ η μ ί-
10 α ς. δέχου τοίνυν την ευφημίαν ώς Όπλον δικαιοσύνης προς Θεου σοι πεμπομένην, έπεΙ οϋτως ηυδόκησε καταρτίζεσθαι την ζωην τών δούλων αυτου, ει άρα καΙ έγκώμιά εισι τα λεγόμενα παρ' έμου καΙ μη καθυβρίζω τοίς έγκωμίοις.
15 Έγω δε απέστειλα τους λόγους του θαυμαστου αν-θρώπου-ει μή με απατq, το φίλτρον-καΙ αξιω σε έντυχείν πρωτον ών έσημάδευσα, εχει γαρ διπλην την ωφέλειαν, συν τύ λογικύ καΙ πνευματικήν' άλλωστε ϊνα ίδ1]ς καΙ την διπλην όρφανίαν [Fol. 237aν] καΙ την ζη-
20 μίαν ην ύπέστην ή τάλαινα στερηθείσα δύο τοιούτων πατέρων, του κατα σάρκα γεννήσαντός με καΙ του δια του μοναχικου αναγεννήσαντός με σχήματος, ον καΙ κατα δύναμιν ύπετάγην, καΙ τα μυσταγωγηθέντα μοι παρ' αυτου, ει δφη καιρος ακούσεις. τούτων την στέρησιν
25 μη φέρουσα, καΙ μαλλον του πνευματικου μου πατρός, όδυνηρως ζω. μη εύρίσκουσα τοίνυν όμιλίαν πνευματικην αμα καΙ λογικην ώς είναι αρτίαν καΙ τελείαν, α π ην ή ν α τ ο π α Ρ α κ λ η θ η ν α ι ή Ψ υ Χ ή μ ο υ καΙ η κ η-
'1-2 Is. 10. 15 11 7-10 2 Cor. 6. 7-8 11 27-28 Ps. 76 (77). 3
S 237ar-237br 1 εκτη απολογητικη πρός την πέμπτην smg 11 5 σπλον S 11 7 σπλων S 11 10 σπλον S 1116 με Ssv 11 σε] σαι S 1117 ων S 11 διπλην S 1118 λογικη S 11
β α ϊδοις S 11 19 διπλήν S 11 24 δώει S 11 στέρρησιν S 11 25-26 6δυνηρως ζω και μάλλον του πνευματικου μου πατρός S 11 27-28 απηνίνατο S
41
< Letter 7 >
"Shall the axe glorify itself without him that hews with it"
or will iron be tempered without fire and water? Thus neither
will a wisdom-loving mind be glorified and thrive without an ad
mirer and a critic. For even praise becomes a weapon of virtue
to a champion, in the words of the Apostle saying: "with the
weapons of righteousness for the right hand and for the left; in
honor and dishonor, in ill-repute and good repute." Accept, then,
the words of praise as a weapon of righteousness sent to you from
God, since this is how He saw fit to dispose of the lives of His
servants (if indeed what I say to you is truly praise and I am not
insulting you by my praise).
I sent to you the discourses of the marvelous man-if love
does not blind me-and I wish you to look first at what I have
checked because it has a double value: literary and spiritual.
Besides, you must see the double bereavement and loss I suf
fered-wretched me-when I lost both my fathers; the one who
gave me birth in flesh and the other who regenerated me by the
monastic habit and to whose direction I submitted as best as I
could. If time permits, you shall hear what he taught me by way
of initiation. Unable to bear their loss, and more so that of my
spiritual father, I live in grief. Because I could not find company
< which offered > both spiritual and literary < benefits > so as
to be complete and perfect, "my soul refused to be comforted
42
δ ί α σ ε ν ε π' ε μ έ τ Ο π ν ε υ μ ά μ ο υ, δια τουτο κε-30 κίνηκέ με ένδον ή καρδία μου προς ζήτησιν της σης όμι
λίας. ει ουν εστιν αβαρές, καθα καΙ προείπον, απαξ του μηνος έχου την προς ήμας άφιξιν, φίμωτρον ωσπερ της ακηδίας γινόμενος-επεΙ ουδε νευρα φέρει το σύντονον καΙ δεί ανεθηναι μικρον τών γλυφίδων-δια τον εν-
35 τειλάμενον μη κρύπτειν το τάλαντον' επεΙ δε συ τάλαντον λόγου καΙ αρετης επιστεύθης, πάρεχε τφ ζητουντι μετα θερμης διαθέσεως. αλλ' ίσως ερείς δια το ύπερβάλλον της ταπεινώσεως στι ουδέτερον ίκανόν. μη τουτο, παρακαλώ' γογγυσμος γαρ άντικρυς κατα του πα-
40 ρασχόντος δεσπότου' επεΙ καγώ σοι λέγω, αρκουμαι εις σσον οίδα καΙ κατέλαβον καΙ πλέον ου χρτjζω.
ΈπεΙ δε καμοΙ ενεπίστευσεν ό δεσπότης καΙ κατέστησεν οικονόμον πραγμάτων, ατινα καΙ οΙκονομήθησαν ώς οίδεν εκείνος, εναπελείφθη δε πολλοστημόριον καΙ
45 οΙκονομώμεν αυτό, παρακαλώ * * * σσον χρτjζεις εΙς [Fo1.237br] ανάπαυσίν σου από τών πραγμάτων του κοινου ήμών δεσπότου, γνώριζε τουτο ήμίν καΙ το κατα δύναμιν ουδέποτε αμελήσαιμεν.
28-29 Ps. 60 (61). 2 11 35 cf. Mt. 25. 15-28
28-29 ήκηδίασεν S 11 32 φίμοτρον S 11 33 νευρά S 11 34 αναιθηναι S 11 το γλυ
φείδον S 11 35 σοι S 11 38 ούδ' ετερον S 11 40 σοι λλέγω S 11 43 post πραγμάτων
vocabulum quod legi ηοη potest expunxit S 11 44 έναπελήφθη S 11 πολλωστη
μόριον S " 45 post παρακαλώ vocabulum quod legi ηοη potest -ίη S
43
and my spirit was in trouble." This is why my heart moved me from within to seek your company. If it is no trouble, therefore, just as I said before, do visit me once a month and become a muzzle of my depression, so to speak, since even a bow string cannot bear tension and must be loosened for a while from the notches. Do this for the sake of Him Who enjoined us not to hide the talent. Since you are entrusted with both a literary and spiritual talent, give to those who ask eagerly. Perhaps you will say, because of your excessive modesty, that you are not sufficiently endowed in either respect. Please do not say that, for it is a complaint muttered against the Lord Who granted you these talents. I also tell you that I am satisfied with what I saw and understood and I need no more.
Since the Lord made me also a trustee and manager of < material ) goods and they were managed as He sees fit and since a fraction < of them > still remains and I am managing it, please let me know how much you need for your comfort from the goods of our common Master and may I not fail < to provide it > as best as I can.
44
< Έπιστολη Όγδόη )
'Όπλον αρετης ό επαινος ου καθ' αύτό, αλλα κατα συμβεβηκός, καΙ ου τοίς νφ την αρετην κτωμένοις, αλλα τοίς νηπιώδεσιΥο ώσπερ γαρ τους νηπίους ετι κολακεί<t καΙ μελίττοντες απάγουσιν εις διδασκάλου οί τού-
5 των επιμελούμενοι, οϋτω καΙ τό επαινείσθαι τους νηπιώδεις τας φρένας εις αρετην παραθήγει επι ταύΤΊ] γινόμενον. τα γαρ δ ε ξ ι α κ α Ι α ρ ι σ τ ε Ρ α του ειρηκότος δπ λ α, ή δ ό ξ α κ α Ι α τ ι μ ί α, ου τουτο βούλεται τφ αποστόλφ, αλλ' δτι ουδεν τούτων αυτόν εκτρέψαι
10 δύναται του προκειμένου δείξαι-ου δ ό ξ α, ουκ α τ ιμ ί α, ου δ υ σ φ η μ ί α ουκ ε υ φ η μ ί α, ουδεν ουδαμώς τών άλλων- αλλ' εστιν ό αυτός δια πάντων καΙ αναλλοίωτος δουλος Χριστου καΙ απόστολος, ώσπερ καΙ τ η ς α γ ά π η ς τ ο υ Χ ρ ι σ τ ο υ, φησιν έτέρωθι, ουδεν
15 αυτόν είναι δυνατόν αποστησαι, ο υ θ λ ί Ψ ι ς, ο υ σ τ εν ο Χ ω Ρ ί α καΙ δσα δη καθεξης καταλέγει κανταυθα. ό δε νουν εχων καΙ κατα τουτον τό αγαθόν διώκων δι' ουδεν ετερον τών άπάντων, αλλα δι' αυτην μόνην καΙ πρώτην του αγαθου την φύσιν εξεται του αγαθου, καν μη-
20 δεΙς iJ τών άπάντων ό συνειδως την γνώμην. ΚαΙ περΙ μεν τούτων δδε ήμίν ό λόγος. τό δε βιβλίον
του σοφωτάτου πατρός ουκ ετι δια την σην μαρτυρίαν, αλλα δι' αυτην την του πατρός σοφίαν ύπερθαυμάζομεν, γνώμην θαυμαστην ενορωντες τοίς λόγοι ς καΙ γλώτταν
25 κεχαρισμένην καΙ ήθος επιεικες μετα μεγαλοπρεπείας [Ρο!. 237bv] τας ύποθέσεις τών λόγων διαφερόντως εθαύμασα, οϋτως εισΙ γενναίαι καΙ ανδρΙ φ υ ij. σ ο φ φ, κατα Πίνδαρον, πρέπουσαι. καΙ τα μεν του κατα σώμα πατρός τοιαυτα οντα καΙ εϊδομεν καΙ οψόμεθα,
30 καΙ δσφ μάλλον οψόμεθα, τοσούτφ μάλλον καΙ θαυμασόμεθα, τοιαυτα γαρ τα καλα καΙ καινότερα' λοιπόν δε
7-11 Cf. 2 Cor. 6. 7-8 1114-16 Rom. 8. 35 11 27-28 Cf. Pind., O/ymp. 2.86
S 237br-238r λ 1 έβδόμη smg 11 4 μελιττόντες S 11 12-13 αναλοίωτος S 11 15 θλίψις S 11 19 εξεται S 11 30-31 θαυμασώμεθα S
45
< Letter 8 )
Praise is a weapon of virtue not by itself but by accident, and not for those who acquire virtue intelligently but for those who
have the mentality of a child. For just as their guardians lead
the children to the teacher by the use of flattery and soothing
words, in the same way praise incites people of childish mental
ity to virtue when offered for that purpose. This is not, however,
what the Apostle means when he speaks of "the weapons of
righteousness for the right hand and for the left, honor and
dishonor. " He means instead that none of these can turn him
away from his proposed task-"neither honor nor dishonor nor
ill-repute nor good repute" nor any other such thing-but through
everything he remains the same and unchangeable servant and
apostle of Christ, just as he says elsewhere that nothing can
separate him' 'from the love of Christ, neither tribulation nor
distress" nor all that he enumerates in this passage also. But
whoever is intelligent and pursues the good intelligently, he will
not adhere to the good because of any of all the other reasons
but because of the very nature of the good alone and foremost,
even if there should be no one to know his frame of mind.
This is what I have to say about these matters. As for the book
of your most wise father, I admire it very much and no longer
on account of your testimony but on account of the very wisdom
of your father, for I observed in his discourses admirable think
ing, graceful language, and moderation coupled with magnificence.
I admired especially the topics of the discourses, so noble are they
and so befitting a man "born wise," as Pindar said. Such are the
works of your natural father! I saw them and will see them and
the more I see them the more I will admire them, for such are the
46
ήμιν ιδειν και τα θατέρου πατρός, a μη μεγάλα και θειά 35 τινα είναι ουκ εικός, σου θαυμαζούσης ταυτα και οϋτω
πρεσβευούσης. εύ γαρ ήμιν ήδη και ίκανώς συνηκται ώς δ συ καλόν νομίζοις και της δοκίμου μοίρας, ουκ έστι δήπου τουτο μη είναι τοιουτο.
Περι δε της όμιλίας, ει μεν μη πρός ήσυχίας επιστή-40 μονα και του μοναδικου βίου και ώς οίόν τε ανα κεχω
ρηκότος εποιούμην τόν λόγον, έλεγον αν τας αιτίας της δυσχερείας ταύτης και του σχεδόν αδυνάτου· επει δέ σου συμβέβηκεν ουχ ήττον είναι φιλήσυχον 11 φιλόμιλον την φιλόθεον γνώμην, ουχ ύποπτεύω εμποιήσειν σοι λύπην,
45 ει και μηδέποθ' ήσυχίας εκσταίην. άλλως τε ει μεν μη δια γραμμάτων ήν ήμιν τουτο γίνεσθαι, ωσπερ δη νυν γίνεται, ήν αν ίσως ανάγκη της όμιλίας ταύτης επει δε οϋτως έχεις επιστέλλειν ωσπερ άλλος όμιλειν και μετα τοσαύτης παιδεύσεώς τε και χάριτος, ου δει σε πολυν εκείνης ποι-
50 εισθαι της όμιλίας [Fol. 238r] λόγον. βαδίζειν δε και αυτός ίσως 6κνήσω τοσαυτάκις δια μέσης της πόλεως, γράφειν δε ουκ 6κνήσω από της ήσυχίας αν δ' άρα κακεινο ύ μη τών αδυνάτων ήμιν, οτε τοιουτο δοκει σκεπτομένοις ποιήσομεν.
55 Ό αυτός δέ μοι και περι της σωματικης χρείας λόγος, ής ήμας και λόγοι ς και πρό τών λόγων έργοις αξισις αφθονώτατα. ει μεν γαρ μη συνεχώς και δαψιλώς ήμιν τα τοιαυτα επήντλεις μετ' ευλαβους του τρόπου, ήμέτερον ήν ών δεόμεθα λέγειν· επει δε ωσπερ αναγκαιον ποιουμένη
60 τι φαίν1] τό καθ' ήμας οίς πράττεις, περιττόν εστιν, οίμαι, ήμας τι λέγειν. ίσως μέντοι και ταυτα λόγων οικείων μεθέξει εν τοις ιδίοις καιροΙς.
39 ήσυχίαν S 11 45 μηδέπωθ' S 11 60 τι φαίνυ ssv
47
good and unusual things. Now it remains for me to see the works
of your other father, which must be great and marvelous since
you admire and honor them. For I have well and sufficiently con
cluded that whatever you may consider good and acceptable can
not possibly be otherwise.
As for my visits, if I were not speaking to an expert on the
monastic and, as much as possible, the ascetic life, I would have
explained why they are difficult if not impossible. But since your
own God-loving disposition happens to prefer solitude to soci
ety, I do not suspect that I shall cause you any distress even if
I were never to leave my solitude. Besides, if we could not com
municate by letters-just as we do now-such visits would have
probably been necessary. But since you can write as well as others
can talk, and with such learning and grace, you must not set so
much value on these visits. I may also hesitate to walk through
the center of the City so often, but I shall not hesitate to write
from my solitude. Still if it is not impossible for me, < I shall
come > when I decide to upon reflection.
I say the same about my physical needs for which you pro
vide so generously, not only by words but also by deeds. If you
did not lavish such gifts on me continually and abundantly and
devoutly, it would be up to me to ask for what I need. But since
you seem to be doing what you do for me as if it were an obliga
tion, it is superfluous for me to say anything. Perhaps even this
matter will be properly discussed at the proper time.
48
< Έπιστολη Ένάτη >
ΌρQ, ή άγιωσύνη σου, πάτερ αγιε, το ασθενες καΙ άπειρον της εμης γραφης, δπως ουκ ισχύει εμφανίσαι τον σκοπον του νοός μου; μη γένοιτο γαρ μηδε τόσον αναισθητησαί μοι, ωστε δπλον αρετης καλέσαι τα εγκώμια
5 είς σε δια το παρα τούτων θήγεσθαί σε εις αρετήν, ει καΙ είς τινας μικροπρεπείς καΙ Ρq.θύμους γίνεται τουτο· αλλα μάλλον κατα τον του αποστόλου σκοπόν, δτι ούτε δ όξ α, ούτε α τ ι μ ί α, ουχ ϋψωμα, ου βάθος, ου δ υ σ φ ημ ί α ουκ έπαινος Χ ω Ρ ί σ α ι δυνήσεται τ η ς α γ ά-
10 π η ς τ ο υ Χ ρ ι σ τ ο υ. επεΙ ούν ταυτα πάντα γυμνάσια της αγάπης του Χριστου παρ' αυτου γίνονται, ϊνα, μηδεν τούτων ισχύσας χωρίσαι του ποθουμένου, λαμπρότερον [Fol. 238v] απεργάσωνται τον μη ήττηθέντα, ωσπερ υίον φιλοπάτορα, ει καΙ μυρίους φίλους έχειν συμβηναι καΙ
15 πολλα αυτον χαριζομένους, ουκ εξίσταται της προς τον πατέρα αυτου διαθέσεως καΙ προσκολλήσεως, αλλα καΙ τους φίλους στέργων καΙ παρ' εκείνων δωρα λαμβάνων, πάντα εις τιμην καΙ δόξαν του έαυτου πατρος αναλίσκει, οϋτω καΙ οί απόστολοι, οϋτω καΙ οί κατα σε δου-
20 λοι αυτου, δια τουτο είπον δπλα αρετης τα εγκώμια. ηναγκάσθην δε ταυτα ειπείν, δτι ει καΙ είρηκας αφεστηκέναι με τον Θεον από σου δια των εγκωμίων, δτι από τοιαύτης ψυχης φιλοσόφου καΙ φιλοθέου ουδεΙς αφαιρεί τον Θεόν. το γαρ ειπείν τον αγιον εκείνον πατέρα, καΙ
25 μετ' εκείνόν σε, αφεστηκέναι τον Θεον από σου, δηλον δτι ένοικον έχετε τον Θεόν' ού τί αν γένοιτο μακαριώτερον 11 εγκωμιαστικώτερον; αλλα τουτο ουκ ηθέλησα τότε ειπείν δεδοικυία την επιτίμησιν.
7-9 Cf. 2 Cor. 6. 9-10 11 9-10 Rom. 8. 35
S 238r-240r 1 όγδόη (sic) άπολογητικη προς την έβδόμην smg 11 3 τόσον ]το σον S 11 4 όπλον S 11 5 θείγεσθαι S 11 13 άπεργάσονται S 11 16 προσκωλλήσεως S
11 17 στέργον S 11 18 άναλίσκτΙ S 11 20 δπλα S 11 20-21 ήναγκάσθην S 11 21-22 άφιστηκέναι (litteris στη s.v. scriptis) S 11 25 άφεστηκέναι (litteris στη s.V. scriptis) S 11 post άφεστηκέναι vocabulum quod legi ποπ potest expunxit S
49
< Letter 9 )
Does Your Holiness see, holy Father, the weakness and inexperience of my writing, how it does not have the power to express the intent of my mind? God forbid that I should have been so obtuse as to call my praise for you a weapon of virtue, meaning that it incites you to virtue, even if this happens with some small and indolent man. Instead, I rather intended < to say ), just as the Apostle did, that "neither honor nor dishonor" nor exaltation nor humiliation nor ill-repute nor praise can "separate you from the love of Christ." Since, then, according to < the Apostle ), all these amount to training exercises, < testing ) our love for Christ so that he who was not defeated by them may shine even brighter, because none of these temptations had the power to separate him from the object of his desire, just as a son who loves his father, even if he happens to have innumerable friends who give him many gifts, he does not change his feelings for his father nor his attachment to him, but while he loves his friends and accepts their gifts, he uses everything for the honor and glory of his own father-this is what the Apostles did and this is what the servants of God like you do-for this reason I called praise a weapon of virtue. I was forced to say this because although you said that I drove God away from you by my praise, no one can take God away from such a wisdom-loving and Godloving soul. < Sure as I see it ), first that holy father, and then you, prove that God dwells in both of you by saying that God has been driven away from you. What can be more blessed or praiseworthy than this? But I did not wish to say that at the time from fear of being reprimanded.
50
Και ταυτα μεν οϋτως. δτι δε του ζητουμένου αποτυγ-30 χάνω, φίλη ή αλήθεια και λίαν λυπηρως εχω, και τοσού
τφ πλέον, δσφ και τόν σκοπόν καταλαμβάνω, δτι δι' ερωτα ήσυχίας φεύγεις ήμας' εν γαρ τφ εραστύ της ήσυχίας εύρίσκεται τό ποθούμενον και ζητούμενον παρ' εμου και εκ πολλων τεκμηρίων στοχάζομαι εν σοι κεκρύφθαι
35 τόν ζητούμενον θησαυρόν. δσον γουν τουτο βεβαιότερον στοχάζομαι, τοσουτον επιθυμω αναπτύξασθαι και απολαμβάνειν ταύτης της ωφελιμωτάτης όμιλίας και δσον επιθυμω και αποτυγχάνω, τοσουτον λυπουμαι και πλέον, [Ροl. 239r] αστοχήσασα τοιούτου καλου και
40 απόλλουσα θησαυρόν τόν πάλαι εμοι ποθούμενον και ζητούμενον. και κατεβαπτίσθην αν ύπό της λύπης, εί μη εμαυτην εμβριθως επιτιμήσασα ανεκτησάμην από της λύπης, ταυτα είπουσα' "ίνα τί και συ ουκ είσέρχυ και τους πρός Θεόν τρέχοντας κωλύεις; 11 ουκ οίδας δτι οίκο-
45 νομία Θεου ταυτα δια την σην αναξιότητα, ίνα μη και τουτο είς κρίμα σοι γένηται; και γαρ ώς ουδε τα των αλλων πατέρων εφύλαξας, και πρό γε των αλλων, του σου πατρός και δεσπότου, του μεγάλου αρχιερέως, αλλα τόν πολυν εκείνου και αμετρον κόπον, ον κατεβάλετο
50 αρωσαι και σπείραι την γην της καρδίας σου, μάταιον απέφηνας και ακαρπος εμεινας, οϋτω και των αλλων ποιήσεις. δια τουτο ε κ λ ε ι σ ε ν ό Θεός τ α σ π λ ά γΧ ν α των δούλων αυτου. η μ α Ρ τ ε ς ουν και ή σ ύΧ α σ ο ν."
55 Και πρός μεν τας άμαρτίας μου λυπουμαι, πρός δε την άγιωσύνην σου ουδαμως-μάρτυς ή αλήθεια-αλλα και ευχαριστω και αποδέχομαι και θαυμάζω την αγαθην σου πρόθεσιν, δτι επιμελείσαι πραγμα παρα πολλοίς μεν ποθούμενον, παρ' ολίγοις δε σπουδαζόμενόν τε και κα-
60 τορθούμενον. και είη δια παντός ή αγάπη και ό φωτι-
50 cf. Sir. 6.191152-53 1 Jn. 3.17 1153-54 Gen. 4.7
30-31 τοσούτο S 11 35 γουν S 11 36 αναπτήξασθαι S 11 39 αστοχίσασα S 11 40 απώλουσα S 11 41 post αν scripsit et deinde delevit και S 11 42 ανεκτισάμην S 11 58 έπιμελησαι S 11 59 παρ' ολίγοις δε σπου smg
51
So much for that. As for failing to obtain my request, it distresses me very much -I like to say the truth -and more so because I understand your reasons: you avoid me because of your love of solitude. Yet, in the lover of solitude is found what I desire and seek, and because of many signs I think that the treasure I seek is concealed in you. The more I am assured of this, the more I wish to cultivate and enjoy your most beneficial company. And the more I desire this to no avail, the more I grieve having missed so great a blessing and lost the treasure for which I yearned and searched of old. And I would have drowned in sorrow, had I not rebuked myself severely and recovered from grief, saying the following: "Why do you refuse to enter < God's abode) yourself, while preventing those who hasten after God < from entering it )? Are you not aware that this is God's dispensation because of your unworthiness so that this < failure ), too, may not be judged against you? For just as you did not observe < the precepts ) of your other < spiritual ) fathers-and above all those of your ( spiritual father) and master, the great bishop, but proved that the great and immeasurable pains he took to plough and sow the soil of your heart were in vain and you remained barren-you will do the same with the precepts of others. This is why God 'closed the hearts' of His servants. 'You sinned, so keep quiet.' "
I am distressed on account of my sins but not at all on account of Your Holiness, as truth is my witness. Instead, I am grateful and I accept and admire your good intention, because you attend to what many people desire but few zealously pursue and achieve. May the love, illumination and sweetness, and the
52
σμος καΙ ή γλυκύτης, ή αθόλωτος ήδονη του Χριστου εν �ι, καΙ ή νοερα είρήνη, είρηνευσάντων μεν τών δύο παθητικών μερών της ψυχης καΙ ύποταγέντων τφ λόγφ, τών δε τεσσάρων αίσθήσεων αυτης της ψυχης [Fol.
65 239v] ύποταγέντων τφ νφ, του δε νου αύθις ύποταγέντος τφ Χριστφ μη πράττειν, αλλα πάσχειν, μηδε ενεργείν αλλ' ενεργείσθαι ύπο της θείας χάριτος καΙ του θείου φωτός. καΙ οϋτως ή ε ί Ρ ή ν η ή π ά ν τ α ν ο υ ν ύ π εΡ έ Χ ο υ σ α φ Ρ ο υ Ρ ή σ ε ι τ η ν κ α Ρ δ ί α ν σ ο υ·
70 τ ο υ τ ο γ α ρ τ Ο τ ώ ν 6 Ρ ε κ τ ώ ν ε σ Χ α τ ο ν κ α Ι ο ύ γ ε ν ο μ έ ν ο υ π ά σ η ς θ ε ω ρ ί α ς α ν ά π α υ σ ι ς καΙ μήποτε κόρον λάβΊ]ς α ν α β ά σ ε ω ς καΙ θ ε ώ σ εω ς. ήμείς δε τας άμαρτίας ήμών θρηνήσομεν, τας χωρι
ζούσας ήμας καΙ Θεου καΙ τών δούλων αυτου· απέμεινε 75 γαρ είς εμε το άπορον άπορον, προτιμητέον γαρ εμε λυ
πείσθαι καΙ 6δυνασθαι η γενέσθαι σοι εμπόδΙΟΥ" χρη γαρ μη τα έαυτών ζητείν, αλλα τα των έτέρων. περΙ δε το γράφειν, τοσρυτον διαφέρει ή ζωσα φωνη της εν χάΡΤΊ] καΙ μέλανι όσον όζων άνθρωπος καΙ λαλων της εν πίνακι
80 είκόνος αψύχου. μη παντελως απαγορευσαι ποιήσΊ]ς, παρακαλω, την σην όμιλίαν.
ΠερΙ δε τών δύο πατέρων μου εν άλλοις ερώ, ταυτα γαρ είς πολυ εξετάθη καΙ εξω του μέτρου· οίμαι δε και το γράφειν κωλύσει με ή απειρία μου καΙ ό περισπασμος
85 της έορτης του Σωτηρος. άλλωστε ου δε βούλομαι λέγειν, αλλα διδασκόντων καΙ λεγόντων ακούειν. εστειλα δε καΙ χαρτία καΙ το γράψιμον. μεταγραφήτωσαν γουν εκ των σχεδιασμάτων των λόγων της άγιωσύνης σου οϋς [Fol. 240r] αν διακρίνοις προς το παρόν· όταν δε τα βι-
90 βλία σου ελθωσιν, τότε καΙ όλων κατατρυφήσομεν. κατα
68-69 Phil. 4.7 11 70-71 Greg. Naz., Or. 21, 1 (ed. Mossay-Lafontaine, 112, 25) 11 72-73 Greg. Naz., Or. 21,2 (ed. Mossay-Lafontaine, 114,5) 11 76-77 cf. 1 Cor. 10.24-25
64 δε Ssv 11 69 φρουρίση S 11 73 θρηνήσωμεν S 11 76 όδυνfiσθαι S 11 78 φωνΌ S 11 χάρτι S 11 80 ποιήσεις S 11 84 κωλύση S 11 86 ante άκούειν scripsit et deinde
delevit με S 11 87 μεταγραφείτωσαν S 11 γούν S 11 89 διακρίνεις S 11 90 κατατρυφήσωμεν S
53
pure delight of Christ be forever within you together with peace of mind, as the two passionate parts of the soul become peaceful and submit to reason, and the four senses of the soul submit to the mind, and the mind, in turn, submits to Christ so that it does not act, but is acted upon, nor does it operate but is operated upon by the divine grace and the divine light. And thus "the peace which passes all understanding will keep your heart." "This is the loftiest of aspirations and when it happens all contemplation rests." May you never tire of "ascent and deification!" As for me, I shall lament for my sins which separate me from God and His servants. I am left with no way out. It is better to grieve and suffer than to become an obstacle to you, for we must not seek our own good but that of others. As for writing, the living voice differs from the message on paper and ink as much as the living and speaking man differs from a lifeless image in a painting. I beg you, do not give up your visits altogether.
I shall talk to you about my two fathers in another letter, for this is too long and beyond the proper limits. But I fear that my inexperience and the distraction of the celebration of the Feast of < the Transfiguration ) of the Savior will prevent me from writing. Besides, I do not wish to talk but rather listen to others teach and talk. I sent papers and writing < fee). For the time being, therefore, let those discourses Your Holiness chooses be copied from their drafts, and when your books arrive I shall then delight
54
γαρ τον μέγαν και θεολογικώτατον αυθέντην και φίλον μου, τον μέγαν Γρηγόριον, ου τολμώ ειπείν π ά ν τ α φό:βον α π ε σ ε ι σ ά μ η ν, α φ' ο ύ Χ ρ ι σ τ φ σ υ νε τ α ξ ά μ η ν κ α Ι ο υ δ ε ν α ί Ρ ε ί μ ε και τα έξης
95 δσα εκείνος απαριθμείται, τ ο ύ λ ό γ ο υ δ ε αντέχομαί τε και π ε Ρ ι έ Χ ο μ α Ι' τούτο και αυτη λίαν είποιμι, δια τούτο και την όμιλίαν σου ζητώ ώς πνευματικην και
κατεργασίαν ούσαν ην παρέλαβον, ου κατώρθωσα δέ, αλλα δη και ώς λογιωτάτην' προστίθημι δε πάλιν, μετα του
100 αβαρώς και δταν σοι φαντΊ, δ ι κ α ί φ γ α ρ ν ό μ ο ς ο υ
κ ε ί τ α ι.
92-94 Cf. Greg. Naz., Or. 24,3 (ed. Mossay-Lafontaine, 44, 7-10): πάντα πόθον
απεσεισάμην, αφ' ου Χριστφ συνεταξάμην, και ούδεν αίρεί με τών όσα τερπνα τοίς αλλοις και περισπούδαστα 11 95-96 Greg. Naz., Or. 4, 100 (ed. Bernardi, 248, 10) 11 100-10 1 1 Tim. 1.9
92 μου Ssv 11 μέγα S 11 94 ερεί S 11 99 προστίθειμι S 11 100 φανεί S
55
in all < your works> also. For I do not dare say with the great and most accomplished theologian, my favorite master, the Great Gregory, that" I have shaken off all fear since I attached myself to Christ, and nothing can overpower me," and all the other < temptations> he recounts, but "I am fond of learning and cling to it." Surely this is what I, too, would say and for this reason I seek your company, because not only is it to my spiritual benefit and training-the training which I received but did not accomplish successfully-but it is also most erudite. I repeat, however, < only > if it is not burdensome < to you > and whenever you decide. "The law is not laid down for the just!"
56
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη )
Χάριν μεν όμολογειν σου ττί φιλOχρίστCΡ γνώμ1] εφ' οίς ήμών δειν Φήθης επιμελεισθαι και της ήμών ασθενείας περιτταν ήγησάμην' οϋτε γαρ συ ταυτα ποιεις του ττίδε τας αμοιβας απέχειν, αλλ' εις την θείαν αποβλέ-
5 πουσα δόξαν, οϋτ' ει και της ώδε φιλοτιμίας ήττώ, αξίως αν ήμιν ύπηρξε την αγαθην ταύτην επαινέσαι σου γνώμην και την προσήκουσαν ευχαριστίαν ώς εικας αποτισαι. αυτου γαρ aντος καθ' αύτα του πράγματος αξιολογωτάτου, τα και μετα τοσαύτης προθυμίας προβαί-
10 νειν και αει μετα μείζονος ρύμης ωσπερ ύδωρ κατα πρανους ύπα μηδενας διαγόμενον, ουκ ελαττον αυτου του πράγματος γίνεται και του καθ' ήμας λόγου [Ρο!. 240v] μεΙζον. δια πρας τους θείους ε π α ί ν ο υ ς οϋς Δαυιδ ό προφήτης αιτειται παρα Θεου ε ν ε κ κ λ η σ ί q.
15 μ ε γ ά λ 1], καγω τα σαν παραπέμπω, εκείνων ον άξιον και προσηκον εκείνοις.
'Ά δε ήμιν εγραφες περί τε του μη δύνασθαι την σεαυτης οίς γράφεις διάνοιαν καθαρώς εκκαλύπτειν και της ήμών όμιλίας, τα μεν οϋ σοι μόν1] πεπονθέναι συμβέ-
20 βηκε, ττί γυναικών άπασών οσαι νυν εισιν β α σ ι λ ι κ φ τ φ π ή Χ ε ι, φασίν, ευπαιδείq. κρατούσ1], αλλα και τών εις άκρον εληλυθότων Έλληνισμου και λογικης ευγλωτίας ανδρών εσθ' οτε που φαίνεται, και τάχα ουδενι τουτο γέγονεν εκφυγειν δια πάντων' σοφης δε διανοίας
25 και γνώμης επανορθουσθαι τα πταίσματα, και μάλισθ' οταν ύφ' έτέρων τις κανονιζόμενος δέχηται ήδέως την επανόρθωσιν, καν ουκ εν ττί γνώμ1], αλλ' εν λόγοις � τα άμάρτημα μόνοις τουτο δη τα σόΥ{ τήν γ' εμην όμιλίαν ην ουδεν ουσαν ώς ουσάν τι και ώφελουσαν τους εντυγ-
30 χάνοντας ύπερβολτί τινι φιλομαθίας αιτεις, δουναι μεν
13-15 Cf. Ps. 21 (22).25 11 20-21 Herodotus Ηίst'J 1.178; 7.117
S 240r-241r 1 εννάτη (sic) smg 11 8 καθ' αυτό S 11 15 ον] ών S 11 18 γράφοις S 11 28 τήν
γε μην S
57
< Letter 10 >
I thought it unnecessary to express my gratitude to your
Christ-loving disposition for the attention you saw fit to bestow
on me and my insignificance. For you do not do this in order.
to receive your reward in this world, but you are looking to the
divine glory. Even if you were overcome by worldly ambition,
it would have been impossible for me to praise adequately your
kind sentiments and to repay them with the proper gratitude, as
would be fair. < Your generosity > is most remarkable in itself,
but the fact that it is expressed with such eagerness, and flows
constantly with increasing impetus like water running downhill
with nothing to stop it, is no less remarkable than < your generos
ity > itself, and it is beyond the power of my words. This is why
I leave it to the divine "praises" which the Prophet David re
quests from God' 'in a great congregration," for it is worthy of
them and fit for them.
As for what you wrote to me about your inability to express
your thoughts clearly in writing and about my company, the
former does not happen to you alone-who surpass all contempo
rary women in education by a "royal cubit," as they say-but
it seems also to happen occasionally even to men who have
reached the peak of Hellenic learning and rhetorical skill, and
probably no one can escape this < difficulty \ > all the time. But
it is a sign of wise thinking and judgment to correct one's
mistakes, especially if one is under the guidance of others and
accepts the correction kindly, and if the error is in words alone,
not in intention, as was precisely your case. For this is what hap
pened to you. As for my worthless company, which you seek out
of your excessive love of learning as if it were something of worth
and beneficial to those who converse with me, it may be up to
me to offer it, but offering it well and profitably is up to God
58
ϊσως ήμέτερον, εύ δε καΙ ωφελίμως δουναι, Θεου του
πάντα ωφελουντος καΙ τελειουντος καΙ άγαθύνοντος. ει
δη το άπλώς είναι του εύ είναι βέλ τιον καΙ ύψηλότερον, ούχ όταν ήμείς, άλλ' όταν εθέλ1] Θεος όμιλητέον ήμίν καΙ
35 ούκ άγανακτητέον, ει δια χρόνου τουτο συμβαίνοι που γί[Ρο1.241τ]γνεσθαι, οϋτω της θείας επιτρεπούσης ψήφου. τα γράμματα δε ταυτα ει δυσχεραίνεις άναγινώσκουσα δια το κακοχάραγον, ενθυμου τα σεαυτης καΙ ήττον δυσχερανείς.
40 Βιβλίων οίμαι σωρον παρα σοΙ κείσθαι πολύν, εκ τε της του πατρος σοφίας εκ τε της σης φιλομαθίας άποτεθέντων, έλληνικών τε καΙ θείων' εγω δε ενδεης καΙ φίλος έκατέρων, ει καΙ λίαν άσθενώς, ωσπερ καΙ τάλλα πάντα, οϋτω καΙ προς άνάγνωσιν εχω. ϊν' ούν καΙ ταυτα εκ
45 της σης ποριζώμεθα φιλοθεί'ας, μεταγραφήτω το τών βιβλίων έκατέρων κατάστοιχον καΙ πεμφθήτω μοι, ώς αν εκ τούτου το άναγκαιότερον εχων εκλέγεσθαι καΙ χρειωδέστερον αιτών λαμβάνω, σου κελευούσης, τα σά. προς δε το παρόν, εί τα Μωσαϊκά σοι εύρίσκονται καΙ το τε-
50 τραβασίλειον, πεμφθήτωσάν μοι.
43 τ' άλλα S
59
Who helps and makes perfect and does good to all. Since living as ascetics is better and loftier than living well, we must meet whenever God wills it and we must not complain if this happens at some intervals, for this is what God decrees. If you have trouble reading this letter because of my bad hand writing, think of yours and you shall have less trouble.
I believe that you have in store a large number of books, both profane and sacred, which were accumulated because of your father's erudition and your own love of learning. I lack both and am fond of both, although, just as with everything else, I am too weak to read. So that Your Piety may provide me with this also, let a copy of the list of both < the profane and sacred ) books be made and sent to me, so that I may choose what I consider more necessary and useful and ask to have it with your permission. For the time being, if you have the five books of Moses and the four books of Kings, let them be sent to me.
60
< Έπιστολη <Ενδεκάτη )
ΤΟ αποσταλεν παρ' εμου χαρτίον τυ συ άγιότητι ουκ οίδα ει απεσώθη, επει ουκ εδεξάμην αντίγραψον' ωσπερ γαρ γη διψώσα προσδεχομένη τον ύετόν, οϋτως και ήμείς εκδεχόμεθα την σην λ αλιάν, επει εν συναισθήσει
5 εγνωμεν την απο ταύτης ωψέλειαν. δσον δε απο τών συγγραμάτων σου κατανυγέντες και πολλα δακρύσαντες ωψελήθημεν πάμπολλ α, ό μ ι σ θ α π ο δ ό τ η ς Θεος δώ1] σοι μυριοπλάσιον τον μισθον εν τυ ήμέρq. της κρίσεως. επαινείν δε [Ρο!. 241 ν] ούτε σοι ανεκτόν, ούτ' εμοι
10 δυνατον δσον άξιον. αλλ' ουδ' εξ ανθρώπων, ουδ' εν τφ παρόντι αιώνι όσος αξίως επαινος εύρεθήσεται, αλλα παρα του Χ ρ ι σ τ ο υ τ ο υ α λ η θ ι ν ο υ Θ ε ο υ ε ν ε Κκ λ η σ ί q. μ ε γ ά λ 1] εν τυ δευτέρq. παρουσίq. αυτου.
7 Cf. Hebr. 11.71112 Χριστού ... Θεού: 1 Jn. 5. 20-21; Joannes Chrysostomus, Liturgia, (ed. Brightman), 361, 13 11 12-13 Ps. 21 (22). 25
S 241r-241v αι 1 δεκάτη απολογητικη προς την έννάτην (sic) smg 11 4 συνεσθήσει S 11 5 δε smg
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< Letter 11 )
I do not know whether the paper I sent to Your Holiness has arrived because I did not receive any copies. I wait < to hear ) your talk like the thirsty earth awaits the rain, because I can sense its benefit. Inasmuch as your writings made me cry so much in contrition and I benefited so much, may God, "Who gives the rewards," give you an infinitely greater reward on the Day of Judgment. You do not tolerate praise nor can I praise you properly. But neither will you receive from men in this life the praise you deserve but from "Christ the true God" "in a great congregation" during His second coming.
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< Έπιστολη Δωδεκάτη >
Το παρον βιβλίον εχει λόγους ύπερ των λόγων προς τους ουκ αγαθον οιομένους τον λόγον, εχει και στίχους ιαμβικους καί τινας ήρωϊκούς. τους μεν ουν λόγους ετι ων κοσμικος εποίησα και δια τουτο ήμέληνται, τους δε
5 στίχους μονάζων· ών τους μεν ευχερείς είναι συμβαίνει γνωναι, και συνήσεις αυτόθεν επερχομένη, οί δέ τι και βαθύτερον εχουσι του προχείρως νοουμένου. εισι δε τοιουτοι οί κατ' αλφάβητον καταταχθέντες, εμφασίν τινα πνευματικην εχοντες και ήσυχίας καρπόν, ουκ απ' εμου
10 αλλα των πατερικων εξειλεγμένον πόνων. επει ουν αυτη μεν αει την ήμετέραν θεοφιλως όμιλίαν επιζητείς, ήμείς δε τουτο ου πάνυ τοί εσμεν ίκανοί, ών εχομεν αει ου δυνάμεθά σου μη τύ φιλoλόγCΡ μεταδιδόναι γνώμυ. τουτο μεν ουν λαβουσα το βιβλίον, εϊ σοι φίλον, ανάγνωθι.
15 ''Ο δε φ'Ώς είναι του μεγάλου και θεσπεσίου πατρος του Φιλαδελφείας βιβλίον, ήσυχίας διδάσκαλον και λόγον εχειν ώφέλιμον προς το προκείμενον ήμίν, πέμψον ήμίν δια του άγίου μοι και θεσπεσίου πατρός, παρ' ου μαθήσΊ] και πάντα τα καθ' ήμας, και ιδουσα αυτον [Fol.
20 242r] και όμιλίας της αυτου απολαύσασα, και εμε ιδείν νόμιζε, εν γαρ αλλήλοις εσμεν και παρ' αλλήλοις χάριτι του παναγάθου Χριστου.
Οίδα δέ σοι χάριν πολλην και της του καλου και αγαθου Άαρων συνέσεώς τε και παιδεύσεως, δς ήμίν
25 πλειόνων επαίνων εδωκεν αφορμας της σης διακρίσεως. το γάρ ΤCΡ τετιμημένον, όποίον αν Ί], τοιουτο δίδω σι και το τιμησαν νοείν· αν φαυλον, φαυλον, αν αγαθόν, αγαθόν. αγαθος ουν ων 'Ααρων καθ' ύπεροχήν, αγαθην αποδείκνυσι τφ τετιμησθαι την τιμήσασαν κρίσιν και ιδιωσα-
30 μένην.
S 241v-242r
1 ένδεκάτη (sic) smg 11 4 ήμέληνται S 11 6 συνοίσεις S 11 10 έξειλεγμένων
S 11 15 φης S 11 21 και παρ' αλλήλοις smg 11 26 τφ γαρ s 11 27 τφ τιμησαν S 11 αν αγαθοίς S
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( Letter 12 )
This book contains my discourses in defense of ( Hellenic ) learning against those who do not consider such learning a benefit. It also contains some iambics and hexameters. I wrote the discourses while still a layman and for this reason they have been neglected, but the verses ( I wrote) after I became a monk. Some verses are easy to understand, as you will find out immediately when you read them, while others have a meaning somewhat deeper than the obvious. Such are those which have been arranged alphabetically. They have a spiritual significance and bear the fruit of contemplation picked from the labors of the Fathers, not mine. Since you are always piously anxious to talk with me and I am not quite able to do so, I cannot all the time refuse to share my possessions with your scholary mind. Take this book and, if you like it, read it.
As for the book of the great and marvelous father, the metropolitan of Philadelphia, which, as you say, is instructive on contemplation and contains a useful discourse on the matter we are discussing, send it to me with the holy and marvelous father from whom you will learn all my news; having seen him and enjoyed his company, believe that you saw me, for we dwell in each other and by each other by the grace of Christ the All-benevolent.
I am grateful to you also for the sagacity and learning of the noble Aaron, who gave me additional reason to praise your judgment. For the object of a person's esteem, whatever its qualities may be, allows us to assume that the person showing esteem is possessed of the same qualities: if they be good, of good; if they be bad, of bad. Since, then, Aaron is preeminently good, he shows by being held in esteem that the person who decided to hold him in esteem and to befriend him is good.
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< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη - Τρίτη >
Τί φΊ]ς, ώ θαυμασιώτατε α ν θ Ρ ω π ε του Θ ε ο υ και γνησιώτατε δουλε Χριστου, και έμοι σεβασμιώτατε και αγιε πάτερ; τον πόθον καταπαύσει της σης όμιλίας ό τους σους λόγους ώμιληκως 11 μαλλον ανάψει, και τον
5 νουν τον κάλλιστον και ώραιότατον λόγον, τον θέλγοντα και ακοην και διάνοιαν, τον πατέρα ζητήσει μετα θερμης τινος και διαπύρου της διαθέσεως; ει γαρ ού μετα των ζώντων ης, ει τους λόγους τους σους ένέτυχέ τις νουν έχων, έπι τφ τάφφ αν τφ σφ καθήμενος προσέκλαιεν δλτι
10 δυνάμει, λόγον ακούσεσθαι προσδοκώμενος έκ της τοιαύτης κα[Fοl. 242v]λλίστης ψυχης και γλώττης. πως ούν ήμείς αξιωθέντες παρα Θεου σε μετα των ζώντων απ 0-
λαβείν, αποστησόμεθα της αγαθης ταύτης και έπωφελους αιτήσεως; δθεν και οίς έσπούδασας της σης όμιλίας απ 0-
15 στησαι ήμας, τούτοις θερμοτέρους και ακμαιοτέρους ήμας έποίησας. ανάσχου δέ, παρακαλω, και μ α κ Ρ 0-
θ ύ μ η σ ο ν, δση γαρ σπουδη έγκωμίων κατα δύναμιν ήμετέραν ηκει έμπροσθέν σου της θεολήπτου ψυχης τολμηρως έξειπείν ούκ όκνήσω.
20 Τί των σων λόγων ού θαυμαστόν ά ν θ Ρ ω π ε τ ο υ Θ ε ο υ; τί ούκ έμφανίζουσιν ούτοι; ούκ έν νεαρQ, ήλΙKί� πρεσβυτικωτάτην. σύνεσιν; ού πρό καιρου της ακριβείας της μοναχικης και πολιτείας ακροτάτην ακρίβειαν; ού των έξω γραφων και των θείων πολλην μελέτην και σύνεσιν;
25 ού * * * των ϋστερον άκρων έξ αρχης αρετης κινημάτων; ού το πλάτος των νοημάτων; ού την εύπορίαν των λέξεων; ού το εύδρομον και ύψηλον της φράσεως; ό δε σος αλφάβητος, ον ούπω μεμάθηκα, ποίον νουν ούκ έκπλήξει; ει γαρ
1 1 Tim. 6.11 1116-17 Mt. 18. 26,291120-21 1 Tim. 6. 11
S 242r-243v 1 δωδεκάτη άπολογητικη προς την ενδεκάτην (sic) smg 11 φης s 11 3 καταπαύση S 11 4 όμιληκος S 11 άνάψη S 11 5 ώραιώτατον S 11 6 ζητήση S 11 7 δια πείρου S 11 8 ης S 11 10 της ssv 11 11 καλλίστης]κα ίη folio sequenti ineunte
iteravit S 11 21 νεαρα S 11 25 post ου lacunam indicavi, aliquid excidisse suspiciens 11 27-28 άλφάβιτος S
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< Letter 13 >
What is this you are saying, 0 most marvelous' 'man of God," most genuine servant of Christ and my most revered and holy father? Will he who has become acquainted with your discourses give up his desire to meet you, or rather will he become even more excited, and with fervor and ardor seek out the author, the finest intellect and the most beautiful tongue which charms both ear and mind? If you were not among the living and some intelligent man came upon your discourses, he would be sitting on your grave and crying wholeheartedly, hoping to hear a word from < a man of > such an extraordinarily beautiful soul and tongue. How can I, then, who was deemed by God worthy of finding you among the living, give up my good and profitable request? So, by the very means by which you were anxious to make me shun your company, you made me even more eager and determined. Please bear with me and' 'have patience" for I shall not hesitate to proclaim boldly before your God-inspired soul all the prais'es I can possibly muster.
Is there anything about your discourses, 0 "man of God," which does not excite admiration? Is there < a virtue > they do not exhibit? Not the wisdom of an old man at an early age? Not the strictest observance of monastic discipline and life ahead of appointed time? Not a profound study and understanding of profane and sacred writings? Not < an inkling > (?) of the later movements of virtue which were of the highest < order> from the start? Not a wide compass of thought? Not a copious vocabulary? Not a flowing and lofty style? Will your Alphabetos-which I
66
ό αγιος , Αρσένιος περι αγροίκου τινος εϊρηκεν δτι μ ε ν 30 Ρ ω μ α ϊ κ η ν κ α ι Έ λ λ η ν ι κ η ν ε π ί σ τ α
μ α ι π α ί δ ε υ σ ι ν, τ η ν δ ε α λ φ ά β η τ ο ν τ ο υ α γ ρ ο ί κ ο υ τ ο ύ τ ο υ ο ϋ π ω μ ε μ ά θ η κ α, δταν ή αλφάβητος ουράνιος τι [ΡοΙ. 243r] και ό ταύτην γράψας φιλοσοφώτατος, ή δε ταύτην δεξαμένη εγω αγροι-
35 κωτάτη, τί αν ερω εγώ; ερω δ' δμως το του θείου ΔαυΙδ προς τον Θεον ειρημένον, ε θ α υ μ α σ τ ώ θ η ή γ ν ωσ ι ς σ ο υ ε ξ ε μ ο υ. οϋτω και περι σου αν εϊποιμι' "εθαυμαστώθη, Θεέ μου, ή δημιουργική σου δύναμις και σοφία και γνωσις εκ της κατασκευης και φύσεως και με-
40 γαλοφυίας του ανθρώπου σου τούτου." Και ταυτα μεν οϋτως. τί δε τουτο εποίησας, ώ άγιώ
τατε πάτερ, νυν μεν τους λόγους εγκωμιάζων δσον αξιον, νυν δε γυμνους και σκοτεινους και σκυθρωπους εάσας, ώσανει την έαυτων σκότωσιν και γύμνωσιν και το
45 αμελείσθαι και απερρίφθαι αποκλαιομένους και θρηνουντας την σφων αδικίαν; αλλ' οίμαι, των φιλολόγων τον πόθον γυμνάζων εξεπίτηδες τουτο ειργάσω, οϊ παραμενουσι ττί αναγνώσει, οία και ήμίν συμβέβηκεν' απο μεν γαρ των γραμμάτων καΙ της τούτφν συγχύσεως την ανά-
50 γνωσιν αποστρεφόμεθα, ή δε της Ύι)αφης καλλονη ισχυρως πεδήσασα ήμας εν χ ε ι Ρ ο π έ δ α ι ς σ ι δ ηΡ α ί ς κατείχεν ισχυρως, και τυραννούμεναι γλυκείάν τινα τυραννίδα, την δυσχέρειαν εφέρομεν των γραμμάτων.
Και ταυτα μεν αστείως συ δε εις την κάτω [Ρο!. 55 243v] σοφίαν πολλα πονήσας καΙ κοπιάσας, δούλην
ταύτην και ύπηρέτιδα φέρων παρέδωκας ττί ανωτάτφ σoφί�. δια τουτο και ταπεινοίς και συντρίβεις αυτήν, επεΙ εις μεγάλην ετυχεν φύσιν, ϊνα ύπείΚ1] και προθύμως δουλεύ1] ττί Kυρί� και δεσποίν1] αυτης. τα δε μετα του ' Αα-
60 ρων μυνηθέντα μοι περι της ενθάδε αφίξεως της άγιωσύνης σου και ευχαριστω και αναμένω και προσδοκω.
30-32 Arsenius, Apophthegmata, 6 (Apophthegmata Patrum, ΡΟ 65. 89Α) 11 36-37 Ps. 138 (139). 6 11 51-52 Ps. 149 (150).8
33 αλφάβιτος S 11 1] 11 38 δημιουργική S 11 44 ώσανεί τι S 11 47 είργάσω S
" 48 νυνβέβηκεν S " μεν SSv " 51 χειροπέδες S " 52 γλυκυίαν S " 54 αστίως S " 57 ταπεινείς S " συντρίβης S " 58 ύπήκει S " 58-59 δουλεύει S
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have not learned yet-fail to amaze anyone? For if Saint Arsenios said about some ignorant peasant: "1 have been educated in Greek and Latin, but 1 have yet to learn the alphabet of this ignorant peasant," what must 1 say when the Alphabetos is heavenly and its author a great philosopher, whereas 1 who received it am most ignorant? 1 shall say, however, what the divine David said to God: "1 magnify thy knowledge!" Thus 1 shall say about you also: "0 my God, the disposition and nature and loftiness of spirit of this man of yours magnify Your powers of creation and wisdom and knowledge!"
So much for that. Now, why did you do this, 0 most holy Father? Why did you first praise learning as much as it deserves, and then left your discourses looking naked and dark and sad as if mourJ;ling their obscurity and nakedness and neglect and rejection and bewailing the injustice done to them? But 1 suspect that you did this on purpose, to test the love of the lovers of learning who would stick to the reading. This is what happened to me too. The handwriting and its confusion made me turn away from reading, but the beauty of what you wrote held me bound by force with' 'manacles of iron." 1 was under the sway of a sweet tyrant and did not min� the difficulty of the handwriting.
1 am only teasing, of course. You worked carefully and hard to acquire the wisdom of the world and have now brought and delivered it to the supreme wisdom to be its ministrant. For this reason you humble and crush it-because it met with a superior character < like yours >-that it may obey and work eagerly for its mistress and lady. As for the message you sent me with Aaron about your coming here, 1 am grateful and 1 wait and look forward to < your visit -> .
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< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Τετάρτη )
Καθίσας έν τφ κελλίφ μου καΙ συναγαγων έμαυτόν έμπροσθεν του τα πάντα έποπτεύοντος καΙ γινώσκοντος μόνου Θεου, ηρεύνησα την έμαυτου γνώσίν τε καΙ δύναμιν ευσυνειδήτως καΙ δπως έμαυτφ βιωτέον έστΙν ώς
5 οίόν τε έπιμελώς έσκεψάμην, καΙ εύρον, εί όπωσουν μέλλοιμι έν έμαυτου τε γενέσθαι καΙ Θεφ πλησιάσαι, ουκ άλλην όδόν μοι βαδιστέον του βίου 11 τόν πάντα χρόνον τφ κελλίφ τφ έμαυτου παραμένειν, άσχετον παντελώς πρός τα ύπ' αισθησιν, δ τι μη πασα ανάγκη, καΙ
10 αφανή, καΙ περιττόν καΙ απέριττον' τό μεν ώς ουδεν είς τα ανθρώπινα συμβαλλόμενον, τό δε ώς οίόν τε δι' ευτελείας άπάσης διάγοντα. καν τούτφ μοι έδοξα σχήσειν τινα καΙ σοφίαν καΙ δύναμιν, μικραν μεν ώς πρός γεν-
15 ναίους άνδρας, εξειν δε δμως [Ρο!. 244τ] τινά' πρός δε σύστασιν έτέρων καΙ δλως την έξω διαγωγην εοικα παντός ανθρώπου αδυνατώτατος είναι καΙ αφρονέστατος. ουκ οίδα δε ει ποτε Θεός αυτός, ή πηγη παντός αγαθου καΙ πάσης δυνάμεως καΙ σοφίας, καΙ τοιούτου μέ τινος
20 ποιήσειε μέτοχον, νυν δέ, ώς έχω, πόρρω βέβηκα της τοιαύτης αξίας καΙ χάριτος. έπεΙ δε ουκ αν ύπάρξειεν ισως έμοΙ τό πάντα τόν χρόνον πρός έμαυτόν έπεστράφθαι καΙ τόν Θεόν, δι' έτέραν αύθις ένταυθα αδυναμίαν, αλλα δεήσει καΙ αφείναι την κέλλαν καΙ όμιλησαί τισι, δείν φή-
25 θην τοίς μεν άλλοις ώς ετυχεν έντυγχάνειν-καν μηδενΙ δε δλως έντυχείν μοι συμπέσΤ], μηδένα λόγον τούτου ποιείσθαι-σου δε ενεκα φροντίδα έχειν, ώστε παραβάλλειν είς τό κελλίον σου μη πλέον 11 τρΙς 11 τό πλείστον τετράκις του ένιαυσίου' πλέον δε τούτου αδυνάτως εχω,έπΙ χα-
30 ρας λέγω της συνειδήσεως. εί δε δοίη Θεός καΙ πλείονα δύναμιν καΙ δείξει μοι-καν ανάξιός τις ώ τών τοιούτων δειγμάτων-βουλόμενός με τουτο ποιείν συνεχέστερον,
S 243v-245r
1 τρισκαιδεκάτη smg
5-6 μέλλειμι S 11 έν]αν S 11 14 και σοφίαν iteravit et deinde delevit S 11 31 δείξη S 11 ώ S
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< Letter 14 )
I sat in my cell and collected myself before the only God, He
Who watches over all and knows all, and examined conscientious
ly my knowledge and ability. I also considered as carefully as
possible how I must live, and I discovered that if I am to control
myself at all and draw near to God I must not follow any other
path in life but remain in my cell all the time, having nothing
to do with the world of the senses-except when absolutely nec
essary-and living in obscurity as a man needed by no one and
needing nothing; the first, on account of my contributing-nothing
to human affairs; the second, on account of my living as spar
ingly as possible. I thought that by pursuing such a course I might
acquire some wisdom and ability, small in comparison to that
possessed by men of quality, but still of some magnitude, for
it seems that I am the least capable and wise of men when it comes
to directing others or to living in the outside world. I do not know
whether God Himself, the source of every blessing and ability
and wisdom, might give me one day a share of such < a gift ),
but in my present condition I dwell far from such merit and grace.
But since it will be perhaps impossible for me to concentrate all
the time on myself and God-this on account of another kind
of insufficiency-and since I shall have to leave my cell and speak
to some people, I thought that I must leave my meetings with
others to chance, thinking nothing of it even if I should happen
to meet no one, but to see to it, on your account, that I visit
your cell no more than three or at the most four times a year.
To do more than this is beyond my power. I mean it, upon the
happiness of my conscience. But if God should give me more
strength and show me-even though I am unworthy of such
signs-that He wishes me to do this more often, I shall not resist
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ούκ αντιστήσομαι, ούδ' απειθήσω Θεφ· νυν δε καΙ τουτο μόλις εμαυτόν αναγκάζω, δια ηΊν φαινομένην εντολ'ην του Σωτηρος.
35 Δεί δε καθάπερ σεαυτης [ΡοΙ. 244v] προμηθεύ1J καΙ κα-λώς ποιουσα ούδαμώς εξέΡΧ1J της θεσπεσίας μονης, οϋτω καΙ ήμών ποιήσασθαι λόγον εις τό σωθηναι, την πνευματικήν εις ήμας διατεθείσα διάθεσιν' a γαρ θ έλ ε τ έ, φησιν, ϊ ν α π ο ι ώ σ ι ν ύ μ α ς ο ί ά ν θ Ρ ω-
40 π ο ι, τ α υ τ α κ α Ι ύ μ ε ί ς ό μ ο ί ω ς π ο ι ε ί τ ε. ει δε άλλο τι πρότερον εφθημεν ειρηκότες πρός την σην σεμνοπρέπειαν, ώ την μεν κάτω βασιλείαν αφείσα καΙ ρίψασα, την δε Θεου ζητουσα καΙ μεταθέουσα, ούδεν θαυμαστόν' β ο υ λ ε υ τ ι κ ό ν γαρ ζ φ ο ν ό ά ν-
45 θ Ρ ω π ο ς καΙ πολλα βουλευόμενο ς μετατίθησιν, a πρότερον άπλώς η εξ ελάττονος βουλης παρεδέξατο. ει δε τα πρότερα ενθυμηθείης, ούτος ήν ό εμός τότε λόγος εφ' ον επανηλθεν ό ϋστερον διαιρεθεΙς λογισμός. ει μεν ούν καΙ συ ταύτην αποδέξ1J την κρίσιν καΙ στέρξεις τόν λο-
50 γισμόν, βεβαίως δόξεις πιστεύσασα ώς ού φαύλως εγω φρονών τε είην καΙ βουλευόμενος, καΙ δέξαιο αν καΙ τουτο αντΙ άλλης συμβουλης ωφελίμου καΙ ούκ αν λυπηθείης. ει δε μή, Θεός εστω, καΙ εστι γε, του αληθους επόπτης καΙ του έκάστφ συμφέροντος. καΙ αγαθός ων καΙ πάν-
55 των, μάλιστα δε τών αύτόν εν αληθείQ. ζητούντων, προνοητης αναγκαίος καΙ αδιάλειπτος, προνοήσαιτο καί σου καΙ ήμών καΙ πάντων [ΡοΙ. 245r] τών επ' αύτόν ηλπικότων.
38-40 Cf. Mt. 7.12 11 44-45 cf. Meletius, De natura hominis, 30 (ΡΟ. 64. 1276D).
53-54 έπ' δπτης (sic) S
71
nor will I disobey God. Now, however, I have to force myself
to do even this, fulfilling the manifest commandment of the
Savior.
Just as you take care of yourself and are quite right in never
leaving your holy convent, you must also consider my salvation
and show your spiritual concern for me. For, as the Gospel says:
"Whatever you wish that men would do to you, do so to them."
And if I recently said something else to Your Highness-O you
who gave up and rejected the worldly kingdom, and are seeking
and pursuing the kingdom of God!-this is nothing to be mar
veled at. "Man is a thinking animal," and after much thinking
he modifies what he had earlier accepted with no or little delibera
tion. If you think back to the earlier time, this was exactly what
I said then and my mind, which became at a later point divided,
has now come back to its original < resolve >. If you, too, will
accept this decision and be satisfied with my way of thinking,
you shall certainly come to the conclusion that I did not reason
and think badly. Accept this in place of other useful counsel and
you shall not regret it. Otherwise, let God watch over what is
true and profitable for everyone, as He certainly does. Since He
is good and is the indispensable and unfailing provider for all,
and especially for those who seek Him truly, may He look after
you and me and all who have placed their hopes in Him.
72
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Πέμπτη >
Σεβασμιώτατέ μοι και άγιώτατε πάτερ, τον σον θεοποιον σκοπον και την θαυμαστην πρόθεσιν ην περι σε
αυτου εβουλεύσω και ύπεράγαμαι και ευχαριστώ. έ ντ ε ι ν ε τοίνυν και κ α τ ε υ ο δ ο υ τij παντοκρατορικij
5 δεξιq, φρουρούμενος Χ Ρ ι σ τ ο υ τ ο υ α λ η θ ι ν ο υ Θ ε ο υ ή μ ώ ν, εξ ής και τ ο ν σ τ έ φ α ν ο ν κομιεί τον τ η ς δ ι κ α ι ο σ ύ ν η ς, τ ο ν δ Ρ ό μ ο ν τ ελ έ σ α ς. αλλ' ουδε ή προς ήμας παρουσία σου άμισθος και άκαρπος, τιμιώτατε πάτερ, ής δσος ό καρπος και
10 δσον το κέρδος οίδε τουτο πρώτον ό Θεός, είτα εγώ, είσ1] δε και ή άγιωσύνη σου δταν έλθ1] ό Θεος αποδιδους τον τών ταλάντων μισθόν. επει και εγω εξ εμαυτης μέν τι αγαθον και άξιον τών σών ακοών και της άγίας ψυχης ουκ έχω, δταν έλθ1]ς, δεξιουσθαί σοι, δια τουτο τών άγίων μου
15 πατέρων τους βίους προβάλλομαι και διηγουμαι έμπροσθέν σου, ταύταις ταίς διηγήσεσι δεξιουμένη την σην θεοφιλη και άγίαν ψυχήν. δια τουτο θαρρώ λέγειν δτι ουδ' ήμείς εκ της ήμών όμιλίας εμποδών τι πεποιήκαμεν την σην άγίαν ψυχήν.
20 Μη τοίνυν δια τας εμας αμέτρους ανομίας, δι' εγκατά-λειψιν Θεου, στερήσ1]ς με την ελευθερίαν και άνεσιν και ειρήνην και ανοικοδομην τών καταστραφέντων τοσούτους χρόνους, ην εύρον [Fol. 245v] εκ σου· τα γαρ άλλα τα συμβεβηκότα μοι νυν εις εμπόδιον της πνευματι-
25 κης εργασίας είχον αν λογίσασθαι του εχθρου και αντείχον, το δε σον ουκ έτι, αλλ' εγκατάλειψιν φανεραν του Θεου ώς αναξία του έργου και της σωτηρίας. δθεν και εις απόγνωσιν ήλθον και εσκοτίσθην τέλεον, τοιαύτη
3-4 Ps. 44 (45). 4 11 5-6 Cf. 1 Jn. 5.21; Joan. Chrysost., Liturgia (ed. Brightman), 361, 13 116-7 2 Tim. 4. 7-8 11 11-12 Cf. Mt. 25. 15-28
S 245r-247r 1 ιδη'
άπαλαγητικη προς την ιγην' S
mg 11 6 έξης S 11 10 ίδε S 11 είσαι S 11 12 έξ' έμαυτης 11 14 σαι]συ S 11 18 έμπαδών S 11 20-21 έγκατάληψιν S 11 21 στερρήσεις S 11 26 έγκατάληψιν S
73
< Letter 15 >
I admire your deifying pursuit and the admirable goal you set for yourself, most reverend and holy Father, and I am grateful. "Bend thy bow," then, "and prosper," guarded by the almighty right hand of "Christ our true God," from which you will receive the "crown of righteousness, having finished the race." Yet neither is your presence here without reward and fruitless, most honorable Father. God knows in the first place, and then myself, how great is the fruit and how great the profit from < that presence >. Your Holiness will know it, too, when God comes to give out the rewards for the talents. Since I have nothing of my own which is good or worthy of your ears and < of your > saintly soul with which to welcome you when you come for a visit, for this reason I bring forth and recount in your presence the lives of my saintly fathers. With these stories I welcome your God-loving and saintly soul. I dare say, therefore, that for my part I have not done anything by my talk to cause your saintly soul to stumble.
Now, do not take away from me, on account of my innumerable sins and of my being abandoned by God, the freedom and comfort and peace and restoration of what lay destroyed for so many years, which I have found through you. Anything else that has happened to me up to now I might think of as an obstacle to my spiritual labor set up by the enemy and I might bear it. But I
cannot bear < being rejected > by you: I find it to mean that God has openly abandoned me as unworthy of His work and salvation. This is why I have come to feel desperate and absolutely
74
γαρ ή ισχυς του ήμετέρου νοός, δτι έαν έννοτί ύποταγήν, 30 ώς ύπό χαλινου ταύτης κατέχεται' ει δε αφεθτί της ζεύ
γλης και έλεύθερος γένηται, θηριάλωτος ευθύς έστιν. δθεν έξ δτου του ζυγου της νοερας ύποταγης του αρχιερέως αφείθη, εκτοτε θηριάλωτος και αιχμάλωτος γέγονε και κατεποντίσθη' νυν δε Θεός κινήσας εις την σην πλη-
35 ροφορίαν την έμην ψυχήν, πάλιν ανέπνευσα και ειρήνευσα και ανωρθώθην. τοίνυν παρακαλω δια τόν Χριστόν αυτόν, δια την ύπέραγνον αυτου μητέρα, δια τους κόπους οϋς δια τόν Χριστόν έκοπίασας, μη έάσl]ς με καταποντισθηναι πάλιν. ουκ εστιν ατιμώτερος του κτήνους ό άνθρω-
40 πος, δ βοηθείν ό νόμος δια κελεύεται, και ταυτα νοερας ψυχης βοήθειαν δεομένου και παρα σου μόνου έν έμοι δυναμένου' διό και Θεός άνθρωπος γέγονε, και παρα σου δι' έμου ζητεί, και παρ' ού συ τα βέλτιστα προσδοκQ.ς.
'Ενδίδω δε και τό κατα [Fo1.246r] μηνα τουτο ζητείν, 45 εστω δε εξ τόν χρόνον' οϋτω γαρ δύναμαι περισώζειν
τόν λόγον του έμου σκοπου και της ωφελείας μου, ότε μεν δια γραφης, ότε δε δι' έξαγγελίας των χειλέων. χάρισαι γουν τόν Χριστόν και τας δις πρός τας τέσσαρας, και ει πρόκειταί σοι απολέσαι ήμέρας εξ του ένιαυτου
50 δια βίον δλον ανθρώπου, αυτου τό όφελος εις πολλας ψυχας διαβαίνει των ύπό την έμην χείρα δηλονότι. ναί, παρακαλω, δός αναπνευσαί με ήδη καταποντιζομένην ύπό της αφορήτου λύπης μη εστω ή ανακωχη και ή ευδαιμονία μου ένός μηνός και ήμίσεος μόνου και μαλλον αντ'
55 ευφροσύνης πλείονα λύπην και πικρίαν μοι προξενήσl], γευσαμένην μόνον της ανέσεως και αύθις πλέον καταποντισθείσαν. ταυτα δάκρυσιν έγράφησαν μαλλον η μέλανι.
"Ότι δε ουκ έξέρχομαι έγω φιλονεικίαν ήγείσαι και δ
60 μη ποιω απαιτω, ώς μη είναι έντευθεν καθαραν την πνευματικήν μου διάθεσιν, αλλα πλεονάζει ταύτην τό
29 εννοεϊ S 11 30 αψαιθη S 11 32 εξότου S 11 36 ανορθώθην S 11 37 ύπέαγνον S 11 39 ατιμότερος S 1142 διο]διού (sic) S 1146-47 οτε ... οτε S 1149 απωλέσαι S 11 50 αύτοϋ]τοϋ, το S 11 54 ήμίσεως S 11 55 προξενίση S
75
dazed. For such is the property of our mind: when it is aware
of submission, it is restrained by it as if by a bridle, but when
it is released from the yoke and set free, it is immediately suscep
tible to capture by wild beasts. Thus ever since my mind has been
released from the yoke of spiritual submission to the bishop, it
has been caught by the wild beasts and become a prisoner and
gone under. But now, stirred by God, my soul found full
assurance in you. I breathed again: I found peace and recovered.
I beg you, therefore, for the sake of Christ, for the sake of His
utterly pure Mother, for the sake of your labors in Christ, do
not let me go under again: A human being is not less valuable
than cattle which the law enjoins < us > to help, especially when
< that human being > is asking for help for < her > spiritual
soul from you who alone have the power to < help > me. It is
for this reason that God became man, and it is He who asks you
through me, and it is from Him that you expect the best.
I even give up asking for monthly visits. Let it be six times
a year. For in this way I shall be able to achieve a measure of
my goal and benefit, sometimes by writing, sometimes by con
versation. Add two to the four < times > as an offering to Christ,
and if you are to lose six days a year for the sake of an entire
human life, the latter's benefit will affect many other souls-I
mean those of people in my charge. Yes, I beg you, allow me
to breathe, for I am already drowning in unbearable sorrow. My
relaxation and happiness should not last only for a month and
a half. It will cause me more sorrow and bitterness than glad
ness, for just as I tasted of relaxation, I have been thrown back
to sink deeper into the sea. This was written with tears rather
than with ink.
You think that by not going out and by asking for something
that I do not do, I am being contentious, and, therefore, my
spiritual disposition is not pure but abounds more in self-interest
76
έμαυτης συμφέρον, παρα της σης θεολήπτου ψυχης. καΙ ουχ οϋτως έστΙν ώς όριΊ. ή έμη συνείδησις, άλλος γαρ λόγος του μη έξέρχεσθαί με της μονης έπεΙ γαρ συγγένειαν
65 καΙ γνησιότητα έχω εις την βασιλείαν, όποίαν ιδου όρQ.ς, [ΡοΙ 246v] ει ποσώς έξηρχόμην, ανάγκη πάσα απέρχεσθαί με καΙ έκουσαν καΙ άκουσαν εις γάμους βασιλικους καΙ εις πένθη καΙ ένώσεις αυθεντικάς. έντευθεν χρεία καΙ ανθρώπων καΙ αλόγων αρκούντων αναλόγως,
70 καΙ που έμελλε διαρκείν ό βίος μου βασιλικόν λαόν καΙ οίκον; δια ταύτας ούν τας ατοπίας έσχόλασα, λύσασα πάσαν, ώς προείρηται, πρόφασιν. τό δε σόν ουχ οϋτως, αλλ' έξελθόντος του κελλίου σου, πάλιν εις μοναχικόν απέρχει κελλίον, έξ ωφελείας εις ωφέλειαν μείζονα
75 θαρρώ λέγειν, ητις πρός σε πάλιν έπαναστρέφει. καΙ δ
έγω ποιώ καΙ οί πατέρες μου έποίησαν, τουτο καΙ απαιτώ. έγω γαρ δια την τών άλλων ωφέλειαν κάθημαι ώδε δεδουλωμένη καΙ ουκ έκρινα παντελώς της ϋλης καΙ τών άλλων έμπόδιον της πνευματικης έργασίας, ουδε γαρ
80 κρατουμαι εις τόν τόπον, μάρτυς μου ή συνείδησις, 11 δια δόξαν 11 αρχην 11 δια την τών γνησίων μου όμιλίαν, αλλ' 11 μόνον δια την τών μοναζουσών σωτηρίαν, βοηθουσα ταύτας εις τουτο σσον δύναμαι. ό δεσπότης μου ό αρχιερευς από όγδοον έτος έξελθων του κόσμου, έν τφ
85 τρια[ΡοΙ 247r]κοστφ τρίτφ έτει της ήλικίας αύτου ή τών έξ αυτου ωφελουμένων βοήθεια μάλλον έφώτισεν αυτόν.
Ει δε έστι λογισμός καΙ περΙ του καλου καΙ άγίου πατρός κυρου Μηνά, ώς γαρ έμαθον από του Άαρων στι έχει τουτο βάρος ή άγιωσύνη σου πώς ου λαλουμεν παρόν-
90 τος κακείνου, θεραπεύσω καΙ τουτο ώς οίόν τε, τό δε σπως, μηνύσω μετα του Άαρων 11 γράψω. νυν γαρ εις πολυ έξετάθη. περΙ δε του έχειν σε πληροφορίαν δτι εις αποδοχην ένι του Θεου του όδηγείσθαί με παρα σου, αρκουσα ταύτη πληροφορία του ωφελείσθαί με τij παρ' αυ-
95 του Ισχύϊ· έν τij καρδίζ!. μου τόν λόγον σου σλον, ουδενός
64 συγκένειαν S 11 65 όποίαν S 11 66 έξειρχόμην S 11 75 εϊ τις S 11 81-82 άλλ' η]άλλ' ή S " 84 έξελθών S " post ετος expunxit εχων (?) S " 90 κάκείνου S 11 94 τΏ ssv 11 94-95 post αυτού expunxit τΏ S 11 95 των λόγων σου δλων S " ουδ' ένας
77
than in the interest of your God-inspired soul. Yet this is not so, as conscience is my witness. The reason for my not leaving the convent is different. Since I am closely related to the emperor, as you are well aware, if I ever went out, it would be absolutely necessary to attend imperial weddings and funerals and royal gatherings whether I wished it or not. This would require quite a number of attendants as well as a corresponding number of horses, and how would my fortune < suffice ) for a royal retinue and household? Because of these extraordinary circumstances I kept to myself, having done away with all pretexts, as I just mentioned. But it is not so in your case. When you leave your cell, you go to another monastic cell: from benefit to greater benefit, I dare say, which returns to you again. I demand that which I do and my fathers did as well. For I stay here slaving for the benefit of others, and I did not at all consider material concerns and < the concern for ) others to be an obstacle to spiritual labor, nor do I stay at this place-as conscience is my witnesseither for the sake of glory or power or the company of my relatives, but for the salvation of the nuns alone, helping them to that effect as much as I can. My master, the bishop, became even more enlightened at the age of thirty-three (eight years after he retired from the world) through the help of those who benefited from him.
If you are also concerned about the good and saintly Kyr Menas-for I learned from Aaron that your holiness is annoyed because we do not converse when he, too, is present-I shall attend to this matter also, as I can, and let you know through Aaron, or I shall write to you how I propose to deal with this. This letter is already too long. As for your having full assurance that God approves of my being directed by you, the following is sufficient assurance that I benefit through His might: in my heart God sees
78
αλλου, όρQ. ό Θεός από του Φιλαδελφείας μέχρι του νυν.
εστω σοι τοίνυν ποτίζειν, τφ δε Θεφ αυξειν, ήτοι συνευδοκείν του λόγου.
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη 'Έκτη )
Εί ήθελον τοίς έμαυτου συνηγορησαι και λόγοις και λογισμοίς, ρgδιον ην έκ τών πατερικών και βίων και λόγων και κρίσεων. έννόησον γαρ τας ίερας γυναίκας έκείνας αϊτινες ύπό θείων πατέρων έγκαθειρχθείσαι σπηλαίοις
5 και οίκιδίοις τισίν, αί μεν απαξ μόνον ακούσασαι παρ' αυτών τί δεί ποιείν έν έκείνοις, τό λοιπόν ου τεθέανται μέχρις αυτου < του) μακαρίου τέλους αυτών, καίτοι πολλα ετη ζήσασαι έν τοίς ασκητηρίοις, [Ρο!. 247ν] αί δε δια τριών χρόνου κύκλων έδέχοντο την τών άγίων όψιν,
10 αί δε δι' ετους τουλάχιστον' και οϋτως ολίγοις μέν, τελείως δε τοίς τών άγίων λόγοις, κατα σχολην απασαν και αρτι τότε πρώτον έξελθουσαι του κόσμου και ουδεν ώσπερ και προφκοδομημέναι, θεοπρεπώς έξετέλεσαν την θαυμασίαν ζωήν.
15 Και συ δε αυτή τοι μαρτυρήσεις τφ λόγφ, της του θείου αρχιερέως έκείνου παρουσίας ου δια παντός απολαύσασα, αλλ' οίμαι, και ενα και δύο, τάχα δέ που και πλείους ένιαυτους στερηθείσα, δτε απιjει και παρην τij έαυτου έκKλησί�, και είχες την έξ αυτου βελτίωσιν δια γραμμά-
20 των μόνον. εί δε και όγδοον μεν ετος αγων έκ της έαυτου αποταγης του κόσμου, τριακοστόν δε τρίτον από του γεννηθηναι, τό της αρχιερωσύνης ύπηλθεν αξίωμα και πρός την τών πολλών ώφέλειαν ώρμησεν, ένθυμου και λογίζου και την έκ της θείας χάριτος έπιφοιτώσαν ίσχυν
25 τοίς είς τουτο κεκλημένοις τό εργον και καλώς ύπακούσασι, και δτι πρό ταύτης της κλήσεως ό θεοφιλης έκείνος ανηρ ουκ εδωκεν έαυτόν είς τό τοιουτον εργον, ουδε
S 247r-249r
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79
all your teaching, no one else's, from the time of the metropolitan
of Philadelphia until now. It is up to you then to water this
teaching, and up to God to make it grow; that is, to approve it.
< Letter 16 >
If I wished to defend what I said and thought, it would be
easy to do so from the lives and sayings and opinions of the
Fathers. Consider those holy women who were shut up by the
holy fathers in some caves and cells. Some of them, after hearing
from their spiritual fathers once for all what they ought to do in
these places, did not see their < directors > until the blessed end
of their lives, although they lived for many years in their hermit
ages. Others saw the holy men at three-year intervals, and others,
at any rate, once a year. And they lived out the marvelous life in
God's way < following > perfectly the few instructions of their
holy fathers and remaining in absolute peace, even though they
had just retired from the world for the first time and had no
previous training, so to speak.
In fact, you will attest to this yourself, seeing that you did
not enjoy the presence of the late holy bishop continuously, but
I believe that you were deprived of him for one or two, or perhaps
even for more years, when he went away to be at his own church
and he edified you by correspondence alone. And even if he
assumed the episcopal office eight years after he retired from the
world, and thirty-three years after he was born, and rushed to
help many people, bear in mind and consider the power which
is bestowed by divine grace upon those who have been called to
this task and have well obeyed the call. Remember also that before
he was called, that God-loving man did not devote himself to such
80
30 εθάρσησεν, αλλ' εν ερήμοις διέτριβε τόποις καθαρεύουσιν οχλου έως [Ρο!. 248τ] έλαβε δια της θείας σφραγιδος το ενδόσιμον.
Συ δε Όπως δήποτε της μονης ουκ εξέΡΧ1], καλως και αναγκαίως ποιεις και ει μη εκεινα ην a προβάλλ1] τα εν
35 αυτij σε κατέχοντα και μη προβαίνειν εωντα, ει επιμελως ειχες της έαυτης σωτηρίας, ωσπερ αν και είχες, ουκ αν προήρχου. ωστε σοι τον αυτον αν είχον εκεινον λόγον ειπειν ον είπον, Ότι μάλλον φροντίζεις Όπως αυτη σωθήσ1] 11 εγώ, και άνισος ή πνευματική σου διάθεσις ην εις ήμάς
40 λέγεις έχειν. αλλ' ϊνα σε μη πολλα λυπωμεν οϋτω σφόδρα ηπατημένην περι την ήμετέραν αφέλειαν, έσται σοι το ζητούμενον, Θεου συναιρομένου, ό αριθμος της αιτήσεως. νυν δε ειρήνην άγε και κατα την ηργμένην σοι συναγωγην δίαγε καθεζομένη εν τφ κελλίφ σου μετα φόβου και
45 πόθου της άγίας Τριάδος, π Ρ ο ο Ρ ω μ έ ν η τ ο ν Κ ύ Ρ ι ο ν ε ν ώ π ι ό ν σ ο υ δ ι α π α ν τ ό ς, κατα τον ίεροψάλτην, και τij KaeapQ. εννοίQ. και συνεχει του άγίου αυτου και καθαρτικου των εννοούντων ονόματος άγιάζουσά σου και φωτίζουσα διηνεκως την διάνοιαν, εις
50 πάσας τε τας έντολας αυτου κατορθουμένη τα δυνατα και οϋτω πάντοτε συν αυτφ ούσα, ώς δυνατόν, εν τφ σώματι· ει δέ που και σκοπου [Ρο!. 248ν] διαπίπτοις, έπανάγουσα σεαυτήν, ωσπερ είωθας, και εγω ακούων έθαύμαζόν σου την σύνεσιν και την εις το αγαθον αγάπην και
55 την εν ταις αποσπώσαις αυτου και απαγούσαις έπηρείαις σοφίαν, δι' ης άπρακτον ποιεις τον σοφιστην της κακίας και βέλτιον σεαυτην προς τον Χριστον επανάγεις, Όπερ εστι τφ πολεμουντι ξίφος τομώτατον, τij δε ΆγίQ. Τριάδι χρημα ερασμιώτατον. εύ δε ίσθι, της ευλογίας επώνυ-
60 με, ώς Όσον άν μοι πλείονα καιρον παρέχοις ιδιασμου και της προς εμαυτον και Θεον επεστραμμένης ζωης, ών
45-46 Ps. 15 (16). 8
33 όπωσδήποτε S 11 34 προβάλλει S 11 35 έώντα S 11 57 τον Ssv 11 58 post τομώτατον scripsit et deinde delevit τφ δε Χριστφ και S 11 δε SSv
81
a task nor did he dare to do so, but he lived in deserted places, free of crowds, until he was given the word through the holy ordination.
Whatever reasons you may have for not leaving the convent, you do what is right and necessary. Even if the reasons you adduce were not those that kept you at the convent and did not allow you to go out, if you cared for your salvation-as no doubt you do-you would not have gone out. So I shall say to you the exact same thing I said before, that you consider more how you will be saved than I will, and that the spiritual concern you claim to have for me is unequal < to that which you have for yourself>. But so as not to annoy you too much, seeing that you are exceedingly deceived about my mediocrity, I shall grant you what you asked for. With the help of God the number < of visits > will be as you requested. For the time being be at peace, and during the period of meditation that you have started, remain seated in your cell with fear and love of the Holy Trinity, "foreseeing the Lord always before your face," in the words of the holy Psalmist. And sanctify your soul and illuminate your mind with the pure and continuous thought of His holy name which purifies those who keep it in their thoughts, doing your best to accomplish successfully all His commandments, and being in body with Him as much as possible. And if sometimes you fall short of your goal, renew your effort, just as you were wont to do and, upon hearing of it, I used to admire your intelligence and love of the good and wisdom in the face of temptations which tear and lead away from the good. With this wisdom you render impotent the master of evil and return to Christ with more devotion. This is the sharpest sword against the enemy and the greatest < source of > gratification to the Holy Trinity. Be assured, 0 you who bear the name of blessing, that the more time you allow me for living in seclusion, turning to myself and God, and the more you listen to what
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τέ σε λέγω αναμφιβόλως ακούοις καΙ καρτερώς ύπομένοις εν ήσύχφ διαίΤ1] τους πνιγηρους λογισμούς, τοσουτον οψει εν σεαυτύ καΙ την θείαν επίσκεψιν μείζονα, καΙ
65 ούτω σύ τε αν κρειττον του ποθουμένου τύχοις 11 εί σε καθ' ήμέραν έώρων, εμοί τε δώσεις μη εκπεσειν του σκοπου.
ΠερΙ δε του ίερου καΙ ήγιασμένου κυρ Μηνά, καΙ πάντα εμοΙ πιστου καΙ ηκριβωμένου φίλου, θέλω μαθειν τίνα
70 ποιεις θεραπείαν εις σπερ μοι γέγραφας. ταυτα δε πέμψειν σοι εμελλον εξ στου σοι την γραφην εδεξάμην αυτίκα, ίνα μη εμφροντις ύς, ύπο δε του παρόντος ήμιν πε[Ροl. 249τ]ρισπασμου, ον ακούεις, ουκ είχον τον διακομιουντα τα γράμματα καΙ από ταύτης της αιτίας μέχρι του νυν
75 εβράδυναν.
62 ακούεις S 11 64 σεαυτη S 11 69 ήκριβομένου S 11 71 εξότου S 11 72 ης S
83
I say without questions and suffer with patience the distressing
thoughts, living quietly, the more you will see in you a greater
divine presence. Thus you will attain your desire better than if
I saw you every day and you will allow me not to fail in my
objective.
I wish to know how you will attend to the matter about which
you wrote to me regarding the holy and saintly Kyr Menas, my
most loyal and true friend. I intended to send this to you as soon
as I received your letter so that you may not be worried, but I
had no one to carry my letter because of the disturbance of which
you heard. For this reason it was delayed until now.
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< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Έβδόμη >
Έπειδή σοι τό ζητούμενον δέδοται, περιττόν ην ετι με πείθειν από τε του θείου αρχιερέως και των σεπτων γυναικων. επει δέ με πείθειν ετι από τούτων επιχειρείς, ϊσθι πρός μεν την νεότητα του ανδρός εκείνου και τα με-
5 γάλα θάρρη εκείνά σοι τόν λόγον αντεπιφέροντα, στι ου πασι ταυτα 11 καλα 11 δόκιμα 11 ρgδια, και δια τουτο εϋροις αν καν τοίς θείοις των πατέρων συγγράμμασι και λόγοις αλλα αλλοις αρέσαντα, και καθόλου μεν τιμωμένην την εκ πάντων θvflσιν και αναχώρησιν και σιωπην και
10 τό ακρως φιλέρημον, ελάχιστα δε την παρα ταυτα όδόν. και μην και συ μαρτυρείς στι σοι ουκ αδύνατον ην τό παρ' ήμων αξιούμενον, στε σου λέγεις ενιαυτόν 11 και δεύτερον αποδημησαι τόν θείον αρχιερέα και δια γραμμάτων μόνον οικοδομείν την ψυχήν σου. του γαρ σλου ενιαυτου
15 τεταρτημόριον τό τρίμηνόν εστι μέρος, εν Φ σοι απαξ μεν αυτοπροσώπως, όσάκις δε βούλει δια γραμμάτων ήξίουν εγω διαλέγεσθαι, ωστε τας τέσσαρας ωρας του ενιαυσίου κύκλου τέσσαρσιν όμιλίαις αυτοπροσώποις ήμων κατα λόγον τιμασθαι, [ΡοΙ 249v] έκάστην αποδόντων έκάσΤ1],
20 μηνι δε εκάστφ γράμματα. σσον ούν εστι πλέων ό ενιαυτός σλος του έαυτου τετάρτου και του τετράκις τό δωδεκάκις γράψαι, τοσουτο και συ μαλλον τουτ' αν εδυνήθης εκείνου· και συ μεν αν ύπετάσσου, ει και μη ύπερ εμε τό πραγμα, εγω δε ανεχώρουν, δύο ανθ' ένός αγαθα και
25 ήμίν συμφερώτατα και ασκανδάλιστα. Τί γαρ δοκείς περι των δια πολλων αρετων εις πρεσβυ
τάτην ήλικίαν ελθόντων, άρ' ου λυπηρόν αυτοίς είναι τό πραγμα και φθόνου κινητικόν, επειδήπερ ανθρωποι και αυτοί, καν εις [σε] μεγάλα μέτρα αρετης κατηντηκότες
30 ώσι; τί δε περι των αλλων γυναικων αίς ουδαμως μετεδί-
S 249r-251r
1 ιστη'
smg 11 7 καν S " 15 απαξ S " 20 πλέον S " 23-24 leg. ει και [μη] ύπερ έμε τό πράγμα? 11 27 αρ' S 11 29 σε uncis inclusi 11 30 ώσι S
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< Letter 17 )
Since you were granted your request, it was unnecessary to persuade me further from the < examples ) of the holy bishop and the pious women. But since you still attempt to persuade me by these, you must know, in reply to your argument regarding that man's youth and great confidence, that the same things are not good or acceptable or easy for all people, and for this reason you will find in the writings and sayings of the Fathers that different men liked different pursuits, but that being dead to the world and withdrawing from it and keeping silent and loving solitude to the extreme were generally respected, whereas taking a different path was the rarest of exceptions. In fact, even you attest that what I asked was not impossible when you say that the holy bishop was absent for one or two years and that he edified your soul by letters alone. Three months are indeed one fourth of the whole year, during which I agreed to visit you once personally and to converse with you by correspondence as often as you wished, so that the four seasons of the yearly cycle would be honored in like fashion by four personal visits on my part, assigning one visit to each season and a letter to each month. To the extent, therefore, that a whole year is longer than its quarter and writing twelve times is more than < writing) four times, it should have been easier for you to do < what I proposed ) rather than < what you did under the direction of the holy bishop ). And you would have submitted < to my direction ) -although the task < of directing you) exceeds my powers (?) -while I would have remained in solitude, two good things instead of one and to us more beneficial and without cause for scandal.
What do you think, indeed, about those men who have reached ripe old age pursuing many virtues? Don't you think that this will annoy them and stir up their jealousy, since they, too, are human even if they have attained a full measure of virtue? And
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δουν ενδιαθέτου γνώμης καίτοι πολλα ζητούσαις; άρ' ουκ ανδράποδόν με νομίσαι λαιμου καΙ κοιλίας καΙ ανθρωπίνης δόξης, συχνα φοιτώντα παρα σε θεωρούσας; εώ γαρ τους άλλους φίλους καΙ αρχιερεις καΙ αυτόν πατριάρχην,
35 οίς με απαιτουσιν εμαυτόν δι' ολίγου διδόναι, ου δίδωμι άνευ μεγάλης ανάγκης, αυτό τουτο αυτοις προβαλλόμενος, τ11ν αναχώρησιν.
Έξόν ούν καί σοι λαμβάνειν τοις παρ' ήμιν, εϊ τι καλόν καΙ [Fol. 250r] ωφέλιμον καΙ μη μάτην δοκουμέν σοι, κα-
40 μοΙ μένειν πρός έαυτφ καΙ τοις άλλοις ασκανδαλίστοις είναι, οίς δει μη διδόναι αφορμας του σκανδάλου κατα τους θείους νόμους, ου σοφώτερον ην αίρεισθαι τουτο καΙ μάλλον η τό συχνόν αποδέχεσθαι, καΙ νομίζειν ώς εμέ τί σου βέλ τιον τούτου λογίζεσθαι, καΙ τουτο στέργειν ώς
45 εκ Θεου, είπερ όντως κατα τρόπον ύποταγης καθαράς πρός ήμάς διατίθεσαι; λογίζου γαρ δτι καΙ τών ίερών εκείνων γυναικών ή διάνοια εξ αρχης εδυσφόρει τό παντελώς ανομίλητον και ανεπίσκεπτον σωματικώς τών πατέρων, και Ί]τουντο πλείονα την όμιλίαν' κανονισθεισαι δε
50 ύπό τών οίς ύπετάγησαν και ταύττι τij διαίττι παραδοθεισαι, ώς αληθώς αυτοις ύπηκόους έαυτας παρασχουσαι και παντελώς τό οίκειον αρνησάμεναι θέλημα, είς την διάκρισιν εκείνην τών έαυτών πατέρων πειθηνίως ύπήχθησαΥ" και μικρόν ύπομείνασαι, εύρον εν τοις δυσκόλοις
55 τό εύκολον και άνεσιν εν πνιγμονij και χαραν εν όδύναις, μεθ' ης τόν λοιπόν διατελέσασαι βίον εμακαρίσθησαν. ταυτα μεν ουν εχω λέγειν πρός τας ουχ ύπηκόους, αλλα ρητορικας αντιθέσεις σου. εχε δε δμως τόν εξ αριθμόν, δν με ϋτησας, και γράφε και [Fol. 25Ov] σημειου τα βουλό-
60 μενα, ώς εδοκίμασας. Περι δε του κυρ Μηνά δοκεις μοι ου τό δλον κατει
ληφέναι πράγμα, και δια τουτο δευτέρας πληροφορίας
41-42 Cf. Mt. 18. 7-10; Luc. 17. 1-3
31 αρ' ούκ S 11 42 αιρείσθαι S 11 46 διατίθεσθαι S 11 48 ανεπίσκηπτον S
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what about the other women to whom I did not give spiritual advice at all, for all their many entreaties? Will they not think that I am a slave to gorge and belly and the glory of this world . when they see me visiting you so often? Not to mention my other friends and the bishops and even the patriarch himself, who ask me to give them a little < of my time >, but I do not do so except under duress, adducing this very reason that I am an anchorite.
Since it is possible, then, for you to receive from me whatever you may think good and useful and not unprofitable to you, and for me to remain by myself, and for others to have no cause for scandal-for according to the divine laws we must not give cause of scandal to others-would it not have been wiser to choose < my proposal > and to accept it rather than the system of frequent < visits >, to believe that my judgment on this matter was a little better than yours and to be satisfied with this, as if it were God's decision, if indeed your disposition towards me is one of pure obedience? Bear in mind that those pious women, too, were annoyed at the beginning because their spiritual fathers did not communicate < with them > at all nor did they visit < them > in person, and that they were asking for a closer association, but once they received their instructions from their directors and devoted themselves to that way of life, they proved to be truly obedient and gave up completely their own wishes and submitted obediently to the decisions of their < spiritual> fathers. With a little patience they found ease in difficulty and comfort in discomfort and joy in sorrow. In this joy they spent the rest of their lives and were blessed. This, then, is my response to your objections which smack of rhetoric but not of obedience. Nevertheless, have the six < visits > that you requested from me and write and note down what you wish, as you have tried to do.
I do not think that you understand the whole matter regarding Kyr Menas, and for this reason you fear the burden of a second
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ευλαβείσθαι φορτίον διδασκάλου δευτέρου. πολλης γαρ αν ήν εγω μεστος ακρισίας καΙ ανεπιστημοσύνης του δέ-
65 οντος, ει τουτο ειδώς, επειτά σε ηξίουν Όπερ ηξίουν περΙ του φίλου. εγω γαρ τόν κυρ Μηνάν ουκ αξίωμα παρ' εμοί τι ζητουντα ουδε δικαίωμα ουδεν ύπο ευγνωμοσύνης, αλλ' οίον ύπηκόου τρόπον έαυτόν μοι παρέχοντα καΙ αεΙ μεν ακούοντα ωσπερ εκ διδασκάλου, ελάχιστα δε διακρίνον-
70 τα, ει καΙ πλείων εμου εις αρετην ό ανήρ, ήγησάμην δίκαιον είναι καΙ αυτον τιμης αξιουσθαι παρ' εμου της πρεπούσης, μηδενός άλλου χΡύζοντα. καΙ δια τουτο αναγκαίον μεν φμην συνοδοιπόρον εχειν άπανταχόσε τφ νόμφ της φιλίας, απρεπες δε καΙ άτιμον εν όμιλίαις τισΙ παρα-
75 πέμπειν εξω που παρακαθησθαι, ωσπερ εμοιγε απληροφόρητον 11 ανάξιον λόγων πνευματικών Όσον ακουσαι, μηδεν δια κρίνοντα, μηδε διδασκαλικόν ουδεν παραδεικνύντα ήθος, αλλ' έπόμενον εμοΙ καΙ ταίς εμαίς διακρίσεσιν, ωσπερ ένός όντος ανθρώπου μετ' εμου καΙ μηδεν διαφέ-
80 ροντος. Όστις με πολλάκις καΙ [Fol. 251r] επιτιμώντα αιδείται καΙ διδάσκοντα στέργει καΙ πάντα ακολουθεί μοι' καΙ πρό της σης χορηγίας πάντα παρείχεν απερ είχεν, ει γαρ ων εδείτο είπερ τις άλλος τών όμοτρόπων καΙ νυν εχει ανενδεώς, παρείχεν οόν μοι τα έαυτου χρειώδη ωσπερ
85 αυτός έαυτφ, μηδεν ίδιον έαυτου ποιούμενος μηδ' αφορίζων. τον οόν τοιουτον μέν, ούτω δε ανενδεώς εχοντα, ούτω δε ευπειθώς εμοί, ουκ ανάξιον δε της τοιαύτης συνεδρίας καΙ ακροάσεως, ου βλαβεράς δε ούσης ουδέ σοι της αυτου παρουσίας κατα τον λόγον ον είπον, ουδεν ή-
90 γοι')μην το προσιστάμενον παρειναι καΙ τουτον ακροαηΙν της ημών όμιλίας, ου διδάσκαλον δεύτερον, ου δε μερίζοντά σου την άπλην πρός ενα διάθεσιν. καν συνήθειαν βασιλικ-ην προβάλλΊ], καν απληροφορησίαν, καν ότιουν ετερον * * * αφιέναι τούτο καΙ κατόπιν ποιείσθαι του συμ-
95 βούλου κελεύοντος, καΙ μηδεν εχειν θέλημα, καν δοκυ
64 άκρισίας]άκρασίας S 1173 ώμην S 11 άπανταχόσε S 1177-78 παραδεικνυν
τα S 11 78 επόμενον S 11 89-90 ηγούμην S 11 94 post ετερον lacunam indicavi, δεί σε aut aliquid simile excidisse coniciens 11 94 κατ' σπιν S
89
tutelage by a second tutor. I would have been guilty of a great
deal of bad judgment and ignorance of proper conduct if, know
ing this, I had asked from you what I asked about my friend. Kyr Menas demands neither honor from me nor any other grateful
acknowledgement, but behaves towards me as someone who owes
me obedience; and he always listens to me as if to a teacher but
questions < me > very little, although the man is superior to me
in virtue. I considered it right, therefore, to honor him properly
seeing that he needed nothing else. For this reason, I thought
that it was necessary to have him accompany me everywhere by
the right of friendship and that it was unseemly and disgraceful
during some conversations to send him out to sit somewhere, as
if I did not fully trust him and considered him unworthy of as
much as listening to spiritual discussion, since he questions
nothing nor does he display any airs of a teacher, but he follows
me and my decisions as if we were one man and did not differ
at all. He respects me even when I reprimand him many times,
and loves me when I instruct him, and follows me in all respects.
And before your generous assistance he offered me all he had,
and even though now he has all that he needs, more than any of
his fellow monks, and lacks nothing, the fact remains that he gave
me things that were necessary to him just as if he were giving them
to himself, without keeping anything for himself or setting it aside.
I did not think, therefore, that there was any offense to having
him there as an auditor of our conversation- not as a second
teacher nor dividing your single predilection for one < teacher >
- such a man who was in want of nothing and so obedient to
me and not unworthy of sitting at such a conference and listen
ing. Besides, his presence was not harmful to you, as I said.
Whether you adduce imperial protocol as a reason or lack of con
fidence or anything else whatsoever, * * * < you ought > to give
this up and follow the orders of your adviser and have no other
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τό σοφώτατον, της τού συμβούλου Ισχυρότερον. επεΙ δε σφόδρα κανταύθα φιλονεικείς, δ σοι παρέστη καλόν ειπείν περΙ τούτου, τούτο δοκεί καΙ εμοί. ό κύριος Ίησούς, ή πηγη παντός αγαθού, καΙ τούτο ήμίν κατα τό έαυτού θέ-
100 λημα οΙκονομήσειεν.
96-97 της ... ισχυρότερον: ποπ satis perspicio 11 97 σοι]συ S " 99 πηγη S
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Όγδόη >
Εις τόν πατριάρχην απηγα, ώς οίδεν ό κύρ 'Ααρών, καΙ εποίησα τό πρός τους μοναχους γράμμα μου, ωστε κληθέντων αυτών ένδον καΙ λαβόντων τούτο καΙ [Fol. 251v] έπΙ τούτφ καΙ πατριαρχικώς ανέισθαι την ζήτησιν ήμίν
5 καΙ τελεσθηναι' οϋπω δε δμως Ο γέγονεν έγνω μεν . ώς δέ μοι δοκεί, δεί ήμερώσαι τόν πατριάρχην πρός σεαυτήν, αηδώς γάρ μοι έδοξεν έχειν πρός σέ, καΙ δείξαι πρός αυτόν ταπείνωσιν ίκανην καΙ λόγους ύποταγης' ωστε δε καΙ αζημίως τούτο γενέσθαι σοι καΙ την αρχην εις τούτο
10 καταστηναι τόν πατριάρχην ό θαυμάσιος Δεξιός δεξιώς απεργάσεται, ον δεί σε μετα καλέσασθαι καΙ τούτο αυτφ επιμελώς αναθέσθαι, φίλφ σοι οντι ώς ακριβώς έγω κατενόησα. γενέσθω δη τούτο προθύμως, οδ γαρ δίκαιον κρίνω, περΙ ταπεινοφροσύνης μάλιστά σοι διαλεγόμενος,
15 μη της πρός τόν πατριάρχην πρό παντός άλλου σοι συμβουλεύσαι φροντίσαι. ο γαρ αν καΙ είποις, πατήρ έστι τών πάντων Χριστιανων καΙ δεί αυτόν έχειν παρα τών πάντων στοργήν, καΙ μάλιστα οίς ακριβείας μέλει τού αγαθού πανταχού. καΙ ύπόθεσιν δταν έχυς πραγματικην πρός
20 αυτόν, ταπεινοίς αυτόν λόγοις ύπέρχου ύποχωρούσιν αυτφ καί, οίμαι, βέλ τιον απαλλάξεις κανταύθα δια τοιούτου τρόπου.
Καίτοι ουκ οίμαί σε δείν ακριβολογείσθαι περΙ τα πράγματα, μη μόνον πρός πατριάρχην, αλλ' ουδε πρός
25 όντινούν' ταύτα γάρ έστι τα κινούντα παρ' ήμίν καΙ όπλίζοντα τα ατίθασα [Fol. 252r] πάθη. καΙ ου λέγω παντελώς
S 251r-252v 1 ιζη' S mg 11 6 δείν S 11 26 ατίθασσα S
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wish-even if < what you wish> seems to be most sensiblestronger than that of your adviser. But since you are extremely contentious about this matter also, I agree with what you saw fit to say. May the Lord Jesus, the source of every blessing, provide for this, too, according to His will.
< Letter 18 >
As Kyr Aaron knows, I went to the patriarch and presented my letter < of complaint> against the monks, so that after they have been summoned on this account and received the letter, the inquiry may be opened and conducted for us by the patriarch. I do not know, however, what happened yet. Nevertheless, I think that you ought to appease the patriarch, for he seemed to me to dislike you, and you ought to behave towards him with considerable humility and the language of obedience. The marvelous Dexios will skillfully contrive to accomplish this without embarrassment to you and to prepare the patriarch for reconciliation. You must summon Dexios and carefully assign this task to him because he is your friend, as I exactly perceived. Let this be done in earnest, for I do not think that it is right, especially when speaking to you about humility, not to advise you to consider humility towards the patriarch above all. For whatever you may say, he is the father of all Christians and he must have the love of all, and especially of those who care for what is perfectly good in every way. And when you deal with him on a legal matter, mollify him with words of humility and deference, and I believe that in this manner you will fare better.
In fact, I do not think that you should be petty in disputes not only with the patriarch but with anyone whomsoever. For this is what stirs up and arms the wild passions in us. I do not
92
ύπό σου περιοφθηναι τό μοναστήριον και δια τούτου ( τα > τφ Θεφ αφιερωμένα σοι, αλλ' επειδη την θαυμασίαν 'Ράλαιναν ευτυχείς οϋτως ουσαν φρόνιμον και δραστήριον-
30 ώς ακούω- και εις ταυτα και πάντα, αρκείτω αϋτη τοίς πράγμασι, πλην εί τι τύχοι αναγκαιότατα και της σης επιστασίας δεόμενον. συ δέ, εί τοι και μέλλοις περισπασθηναι εις την μονήν, εις τας ψυχας περισπώ, και τουτο δη ήμέρως, ώς είρηταί μοι και πρότερον, και μετα πάσης
35 προσοχης· και πρός τας αναγκαίας ζητήσεις τij θυμώδει διαθέσει και τij οιηματικij μέχρι θανάτου μάχου, ευτάκτως δέ, ώς εφην, καί, ώς είπον, σωφρόνως.
'Ήκουσα Ότι παρωξύνθης, τουτ' εστιν ερρίγωσας, και ηυξάμην τφ τας ασθενείας ήμών δια της ενανθρωπήσεως
40 αραντι καί σε φιλανθρώπως Ιάσασθαι. ίσθι δε και εμε την αρτι παρελθουσαν νύκτα ουχ απλώς τι παθόντα, οίον πολλάκις πάσχω η ετερον ασθένημα τών μετρίων, αλλα θανατηφόρον και Όπερ αναιρεί παρ' αυτίκα ον αν κατάσχοι στερρώς-μικρου γαρ εξέπνευσα-οίμαι δε τουτο αφ'
45 ουπερ απέθανεν ή Συγκλητικη της Κραλαίνης. ανασπασθεν γαρ πνευμα, κοιμωμένου, από του στομάχου, η ουκ οίδ' Όθεν ενδοθεν, ανηλθεν επι του θώρακος και συνανασπασαν φλέγμα παχυ ερριψεν αυτό ύπερ τόν πνεύμονά μου και επέσχε τό πνευμα και ήδη επνιγέ με. μόλις ουν
50 ανηλθέ τι του φλέγματος [Fol. 252v] και παρέκυψεν ύπό τό στόμα, και ύποπτύσας τουτο μικρόν μεν ανέπνευσα· ετερον δε ανήγετο εκ του στομάχου, είτε του ηπατος, πνευμα και εστενοχώρει μοι. και παρην ουδεις τών συν εμοί, ωστε εξέπνευσα αν μηδενι αΙσθομένφ. ωραν δε Όλην
55 πάσχων, μόλις ανείθην, πολυ φλέγμα και παχύτατον απορριψάσης της φύσεως. τουτο δε και αλλοτε μοι συμβέβηκε πολλάκις, ουδέποτε δε ώς αρτι, και οίμαι Ότι από του τοιούτου πάθους του βίου τουδε απαλλαγήσομαι, ήδη
4 27 τα addidi 11 31 άναγκαιότατα (littera α ex η cοπecta) S 11 32 εϊ τι S 11 μέλ-λεις S 11 34 δη ήμέρως scripsi: δι' ήμερων S 11 36 οιηματικη S 11 38 τουτέστιν S 11 39 ηυξόμην S 11 τφ Ssv 11 40 ίάσασθαι S 11 47 ενδοθενδ' S 11 52 ϋπατος S
93
mean, of course, that you ought to neglect the monastery and thereby all that you have dedicated to God, but since you are fortunate to have the marvelous Ralaina, who is so sensible and efficient both in these matters and in everything else, as I hear, let her attend to matters of dispute, unless there is something that requires absolutely your own supervision. If you must divert your attention to the affairs of the monastery, divert it to the care of the souls, and do this gently, as I have said to you before, and very carefully. And when it comes to necessary inquiries, fight unto death against < your > irascible and arrogant disposition, but, as I said, conduct < yourself ) in an orderly and sensible manner.
I heard that you suffered a paroxysm, that is an attack of chills, and I prayed to Him Who lifted our ailments by His Incarnation to cure you also. Know that just the night before I, too, suffered not anything simple as I often do nor any other moderate indisposition, but a mortal < illness >, the kind that immediately kills whomsoever it grips firmly. I almost died and I fear that it was the same < illness >, from which Synkletike died, the attendant of the queen < of Serbia>. For while I was asleep, some vapor drawn from my stomach, or I know not from where inside my body, came up to my chest and drawing a thick mucus, threw it over my lung, stopping my breathing and nearly choking me. Then, just a bit of the mucus came up to my mouth; I spat it out and breathed a little. But another vapor came up from the stomach, or the liver, and oppressed me. And none of my companions were there, so that I might have died without anyone being aware of it. After suffering for a whole hour, I barely felt some relief as my body got rid of a great deal of thick mucus. This had happened to me many times before, but never like this time, and I fear that I shall die from this illness, for it
94
δυνατου παρ' έμοΙ γινομένου καΙ επικρατουντος. έστω 60 δέ, ει τουτο δοκεί τφ Θεφ, καΙ δέχομαι ου δυσχερώς, ει
μόνον αξιωθείην καθαρας μετανοίας' ει δε μ ή, δυσχεραίνω. εϋχου δη καΙ συ την σωτηρίαν μου.
< 'Επιστολη Δεκάτη - 'Ενάτη )
Αϊ μεν άλλαι αμέλειαι γινώσκεις όπόθεν συμβαίνουσί σοι καΙ ρqθυμίαι, ότι από της πρός τους συγγενείς σου προσπαθους όμιλίας τό δε κατα της Μάρθας "τα καΙ τα" φθέγξασθαί σε, ει μεν έξ απαθους διανοίας έλέγετο
5 χάριν του παιδευθηναι καΙ ρυθμισθηναι ώς πρός ανθρωπον, αναίτιον αν ην καΙ του καλου ηρτημένον' νυν δε ότι θυμός έστιν ό ταυτα βάλλων καΙ ακοντίζων, έξω κείται τών όρων του αγαθου, καΙ δια τουτο έπιμελητέον πρώτον του θυμικου της ψυχης, είτα μετα παρρησίας παιδευτέον
10 τους άλλους. t 'Αποδέχομαι δε τους από τών θείων ϋμνων καΙ της
κατα τούτους θεωρίας καΙ της κατα την του λόγου του μεγάλου Βασιλείου διάθεσιν.t απεδεξάμην καΙ τα του Δεξιου πλακούντια. ό Μανουήλ μοι είπεν από στόματος όπερ
15 [Fo1.253r] καΙ πρό της χθες ό 'Ααρών. περΙ δε της φιλαρέτου 'Ραλαίνης καΙ ότι μεν οφείλω πρός αυτην πολλην διάθεσιν ύπερ τών κόπων αυτης τών ύπερ εμαυτου, όμολογώ' ου μην ταύτην ήγουμαι την απόδοσιν αναγκαίαν του χρέους, αλλ' ευχας και μεστας διαθέσεως ευχαριστί-
20 ας. έφ' Φ δη καλουμαι παρείναι δυσφορώ' ου δη παρέσομαι. όπερ ουν πείσεις την θεοφιλη της 'Ραλαίνης καΙ ανελάττωτον φρόνησιν αλύπως δέξασθαι, την ήμετέραν της παρουσίας ταύτης παραίτησιν.
S 252v-253r 1 ιη η
' smg 11 οπόθεν S 11 5 ώς ssv 11 6 ήρτιμένον S Ι 11-13 'Αποδέχομαι ...
διάθεσιν: ποπ satis perspicio
95
is already progressing and conquering < my body >. Let it be
so, if that be the will of God. I do not find it difficult to accept
if only I may be granted the time for true repentance. Otherwise,
I would be distressed. You also should pray for my salvation.
< Letter 19 >
You know the origin of your other feelings of indifference
and listlessness; it is your intimate association with your relatives.
As for telling Martha' 'this and that," if it had been said calmly
for the purpose of educating and guiding her, as human beings
are wont to do, it would have been blameless and done for a good
cause. Now, however, because it is anger that shoots and hurls
these < words > like javelins, it is beyond the limits of the good
and, therefore, you must first take care of the irascible part of
the soul and then feel free to educate others.
I agree with the * * * inspired by the holy hymns and con
templation according to them and the * * * according to the in
tent of the saying of Basil the Great. I received the pastries of
Dexios. Manuel told me personally what Aaron had said to me
the day before yesterday. As for the pious Ralaina, I admit that
lowe her much gratitude for her troubles on my behalf, but I
do not think that I ought to repay my debt in this manner but
with my prayers and grateful thanks. I find it difficult to appear
for the purpose for which I have been invited. I shall not come,
of course. You must persuade Ralaina's pious and perfect good
sense to accept this, my absence that is, without complaining.
96
< Έπιστολη Εικοστη )
Ώς εοικεν, οϋπω μου κατέλαβες τό φρονουν' εγω γαρ τολμώ καΙ λέγω, κατα τόν μέγαν Βασίλειον, 'Όϋτω σπουδάζω μη φαίνεσθαι, ωσπερ οί σφόδρα σπουδάζοντες φαίνεσθαι αυτό τουτο τό φαίνεσθαι. " τί ουν κοινόν τοιαύΤ1]
5 γνώμ1] καΙ τοις λαμπροις συλλόγοις; ει δε δια την του μακαρίτου σου πατρός τουτο κελεύοις μνήμην, παρ' εμαυτφ βέλ τιον εγω τελέσω την τούτου μ νήμ ην. περΙ δε τών ανεψιών σου, πάνυ μέν, οίμαι,αναγκαιον ουκ εστιν ελθεί'ν με, χθες γαρ καΙ πρώην είδον αυτάς ει δέ τίς εστιν ανάγκη,
10 συ γέ μοι τουτο ουκ εγραψας. βέλτιον ουν, εί τις ανά [ΡοΙ. 253v]γκη πολλή, μετα τόν σύλλογόν με παραγενέσθαι 11 νυν αυτου γινομένου. απέστειλα δε αντ' εμαυτου τόν κυρ Νήφωνα καΙ ανεκτόν εστω σοι.
2-4 Cf. Basil. Caes., Epist. 210, 1 (ed. Courtonne, 2, 189-190): Έπει εμοιγε
το παντελώς άγνοείσθαι πλέον έσπούδασται η τοις φιλοδόξοις το
διαφαίνεσθαι.
S 253r-253v
1 κ η' smg 11 εοι κεν S
97
< Letter 20 )
It seems that you have not yet understood what I meant. For
I dare say, with Basil the Great, that "I avoid public appearances
as zealously as those who like public appearances seek these very
appearances." What does such an inclination have in common
with glittering gatherings? If it is for the memorial service of your
father that you command my appearance, I shall celebrate his
memory better by myself. As for your nieces, I do not think that
it is absolutely necessary for me to come because I saw them just
the other day. If there is an urgent reason, surely you did not
write to me about it. However, if there is a very urgent reason,
it is better that I come after, not now, during the gathering. I
sent Kyr Nephon in my place and you must bear with this.
98
< Έπιστολη Εικοστη - Πρώτη )
Τον επι τών μνημοσύνων εκπεφωνημένον κλαυθμον περιττον ήγησάμην και ήσυχαζούσ1J ψυχij προς τόν Θεόν ου προσήκοντα. τό πρός τόν άνθρωπον του παρακοιμωμένου αντιστρόφως εγένετο· οτε γάρ σε ιδείν προση-
5 κεν αυτόν, ουκ είδες, οτε δε ουκ εδει, τότε είδες. ομως τό παρελθόν ουκ ιάσιμον, και δια τουτο αφείσθω.
ΤΟ της δειλίας πάθος τεχνολογείν και την αιτίαν ζητείν αυτου νυν ουκ εϋκαιρόν μοι, συ δε πρόσεχε συντόνως πώς σε παθών απαλλάΤΤ1J ό μόνος δυνάστης και λυ-
10 τρωτης τών κακών, και ακορέστως αυτόν αγάπα τε και φοβου και μέχρι θανάτου τών αυτου προσταγμάτων εξέχου, και ουδεν ου μή σου κακόν της ψυχης κυριεύσ1J. αρχιοικοδόμος δε και Γρηγόριος, ώς αληθώς, μόνος εστιν ό Θεός ούτος γάρ εστιν ό γρήγορος δια παντός οφθαλμός
15 και ακοίμητος και ακοιμήτως οικοδομών τας έαυτφ προσηκούσας και προσιούσας ψυχας και ναοποιών έαυτφ. ον ζήτει μετα πόνου και πόθου και εργων διηνεκώς αγαθών και εννοιών αμώμων, και οικοδομηθήσ1J ναός αυτφ [Fol. 254r] ακατάλυτος ο και εμοι συνεύχου. οίδα
20 δε και αυτός οτι βιαστή εστιν ή σωτηρία, ητις εστιν ή βασιλεία τών ουρανών, και πολλών δεομένη καμάτων και ξένης πολιτείας παρ' ην ειώθαμεν οί πολλοι πολιτεύεσθαι· ής γένοιτο ήμας επιλαβέσθαι σφοδρώς, πασαν ανθρωπίνην συνήθειαν και ζωην απωσαμένους επιμελέστατα.
25 Τό δε του ' Ααρων οϋτως εσται. ελθείν δέ με προσδό-κα, ει και βιώσομεν, πρός τφ τέλει τών ήμερών της 'Απόκρεω, οτε μοι σύν σοι και αί ανεψιαί σου εντεύξονται, ει βουλήσονται.
20-21 Cf. Matt. 11. 12-3; Macarius, Apophthegmata, 1 (ΡΟ 34. 233Α); Sy
meon Junior, Capita moralia, 138 (ΡΟ 120. 676Α)
S 253v-254r
1 καη: smg 11 τον μν.μοσύνων S 11 2 ψυχι1 S 11 3 τον Ssv 11 6 παρελθων S 11 9 άπαλλάττει S 11 12 σου Ssv
99
< Letter 21 )
I thought that < your ) loud weeping at the memorial service was unnecessary and unbecoming to a soul who is at peace near God. What happened with the man of the parakoimomenos
happened in inverse order. When you should have seen him, you did not see him; and when you should not have, then you saw him. But there is no cure for the past, therefore let us forget it.
I have no time for a systematic analysis of the vice of cowardice and an examination of its causes. But you must earnestly see to it that the only conqueror and redeemer of evils free you of your passions. Love Him insatiably and fear Him and cling to His commandments unto death and no evil will gain possession of your soul. God alone is the truly "watchful" master builder. For He is the eye that watches everything and does not go to sleep, and sleeplessly edifies the souls that belong to Him and are attached to Him and makes them His temples. Seek Him with zeal and longing, and with works that are invariably good and with pure thoughts, and you shall build of yourself an indestructible temple to Him. Wish the same for me also. I, too, know that salvation-that is the kingdom of Heaven-requires strenuous effort and great pains and a different way of life from that which most of us are wont to lead. May we succeed in attaining this < salvation ), having thrust away most carefully every human habit and way of life.
I agree about the matter of Aaron. Expect me to come, if I am still alive, near the end of the season of the Apokreo. At that time your nieces will talk to me, if they so wish, together with you.
100
< Έπιστολη Εικοστη - Δευτέρα )
Ό Θεός συγχωρήσαι σοι. άπελθε εις τόν νεκρόν της θείας σου, κερδανουσά τι ζωηρόν εκ του τijδε θανάτου, δειλία δε πάσα απέστω σου της ψυχης, δτι της εναντίας μοίρας εστί τό πάθος και του εχθρου εστι παρασπωντος
5 την σύννοιαν και την πληροφορίαν της ψυχης ην εχει πρός τόν Θεόν. μηδε τόν του σώματος θάνατον υποσταλijς, ό γαρ ευσεβης άνθρωπος ουκ αΠOθνιjσKει, αλλ' εις ζωην μεταβαίνει από του αΠOθνιjσKειν, και ζωην την απέραντον. καίτοι ταυτα περιττα ην άρτι [Fο1.254v]λέγεσθαι πρός
10 σε και την σην ηδη από του χρόνου και της θείας πείρας στερρότητα. εγω δέ, εί μοι εξείη, παρέσομαι πρός υμάς.
S 254r-254v
1 συγχωρήσαι S
101
( Letter 22 >
May God forgive you! Go to the funeral of your aunt and derive a vital lesson from the death of the body. Let all fear go away from your soul, for this passion is the work of the enemy who wrests the soul away from meditation and the full assurance that it has in God. Neither should you fear the death of the body, for a pious person does not die but passes from death to life, and life without end at that. It is unnecessary, indeed, to say these things to you who have firm ( convictions > acquired through long experience of God. As for me, I will come to you if possible.
Commentary
Letter 1
2-3 'tTtV AOytW'tU'tllV ... ypa<P1lv oou: The director ' s first letter which has not survived .
5-6 u�a8tav ... ypa��a'ttKil<;: This is not a banal expression of modesty . Both the orthography and the syntax of Eulogia' s letters confirm her complaint that she had no literary training . For her mistakes in spelling, see the apparatus to the text; for the peculiarities of her syntax , see the commentary below . For some general remarks on her style, which is a mixture of different lexical and stylistic levels , see my article , " Irene-Eulogia, " note 48 .
6-7 EK 'trov uv'tto'tOtXwv: Eulogia refers here to instances of itacism which account for most of her mistakes in spelling .
On the term uV'tto'totxa (corresponding) as used by Byzantine grammarians to denote vowels , diphthongs or words which are identical in sound but differ orthographically , see for example , Theodore Ptochoprodromos , KavcOv 1tEpi uv'tto'tOtXWV, ed . A . Pappadopoulos, "Notice et collation d ' un manuscrit grec de la bibliotheque de Smyrne, contenant des lexiques grecs , " Annuaire de [' Association pour [' encouragement des etudes grecques en
France, 1 0 (1867) , 13 1 -34; and the short spelling exercise by Maximos Planoudes , ed. M . Treu , "Antistoichien, " BZ 5 ( 1 896) , 3 37-3 8 .
1 03
104
21 -23
24 -25
26
26-27
28- 29
Princess Irene-Eulogia
8ux 'tun£lvco(JtV KUt 8ux 't() * * * EK(j)\)YOt<; Ytlla<; . . . (JUV'tE'tllll IlEVOV : Although the meaning of this passage is clear (you made your letter deliberately brief out of humility and in order " to give me the slip' ' ) , the text appears suspect . �ux 'to with infinitive was common in biblical and Byzantine Greek (see Jannaris , Grammar, 1 5 22) , and Eulogia uses this final construction in Letter 3, lines 3-4 (o<p8uAIlOU<; 8EAEtV ElVUt 'to nav 8tu 'to 'to ulnoD KUAAO<; KU'tUVOEtv). It is, therefore, difficult to explain here the substitution of the optative for the infinitive.
E80�u(JuIlEV (JOt . . . 0XAEtV (JOt: The substitution of the dative for the accusative reflects the author ' s underlying uncertainty about the use of the dative which had disappeared from colloquial speech since the early Middle Ages . See Browning , Medieval and Modern Greek, 37 . For another example , see Letter 1 5 , lines 14 and 16, where the verb 8E�tOD(J8ut has first the dative and then the correct accusative .
a�tW tvu 1:8co: tvu with the subjunctive had appropriated the function of the prospective infinitive since biblical Greek; see Jannaris , Grammar, 1 762.
"("UAAU (JUYYPUIlIlU'tU (Jou : For the director ' s other writings , see commentary on Letter 1 2.
unEp . . . ' A8uvu(Jiou (JUYYPUIlIlU: On Patriarch Athanasios I of Constantinople, see Talbot , ed. The
Correspondence of Athanasius, xv-xxxi; eadem , "The Patriarch Athanasius ( 1 289- 1 293 ; 1 303- 1 309) and the Church. " DOP, 27 (1973), 1 1 -28 ; and J. Booj amra, Church Reform in the Late Byzantine Em
pire (Thessalonike, 1982) . For the known encomiasts of Athanasios-the fourteenth century monks Theoktistos the Studite, Joseph Kalothetos and Ignatios, as well as the otherwise unknown Basil-and for the reason that, with the exception of Ignatios, they cannot possibly be identified with Eulogia's director ,
Commentary 105
see my " Irene-Eulogia, " note 62, and my Additional Note below . See also A . -M . Talbot, Faith Healing,
24-25 and 1 48-52, where the author discusses the hagiographers of Athanasios and gives a complete listing of Theoktistos ' works . As for the director 's writings on Athanasios, all that we can say is that they must have been rather extensive, consisting of more than an encomium, since he refers to them as AOYOL See Letter 2, lines 1 8- 1 9 ; and Letter 4, line 5 .
Letter 2
3-7 uVDpi <Jo<pQ) . . . pU<JtAiDO<; \Vuxf\<; : See Letter 10 ,
lines 20-21 , where the director calls Eulogia the most educated of contemporary women .
1 4 cb <; E<p811V Etnwv: The reference i s t o the director 's first letter to Eulogia which has been lost.
1 7 "CEAEt(u8EV"CU<; . . . "CEAEC08EV"CU<; : Note the use of both forms of the verb : "CEAEtOCO - "CEAEOCO .
1 8 EXEt 0E<J<JuAoviKll : The Letters contain no other information about the director's background, except that he had come to the capital from Thessalonike, where he had left the finished copies of his works on Athanasios . However, the fact that these works were found in their original version at the double monastery of that patriarch in Constantinople, taken from the author " at birth," as he puts it, suggests that the director had lived in the capital before going to Thessalonike (cf. Letter 4, lines 5-7) . It is even possible that he was a monk at the monastery of Athanasios when he was first inspired to write in his honor. For Laurent's view that Eulogia's correspondent was a student of Theoleptos and, therefore, another Philadelphian, see commentary on Letter 9, lines 43-54.
20 OUDEV . . . E\VEU<JullllV: Another reference to the first letter where the director must have mentioned his works without adding any specific details about them.
106
1 -4
15 - 16
1 5- 1 6
1 9 -20
25
Princess Irene-Eulogia
Letter 3
E1 TtPoYrrl81l 6 f\AtO<; . . . KU'tUVOf:tv : An alternative interpretation of this passage would be to construe 'tou'to with 'to 1taV and translate, " If they asked the sun what part of the creation it would rather have prevail on the rest , it would answer (if it could utter a word) that it would like < our ) universe . . . "
ou8t 'tu U1tEO'tUAIl£VU EV 0EOOUAOviK1] : In Letter 2, line 1 8, the director wrote that the edited copies of his works were in Thessalonike . Eulogia-who was apparently unacquainted with his backgroundinferred from this statement that he had sent them to Thessalonike, but he explains in the following letter (Letter 4, lines 6-8) that he had left them in that city: KUt dolY oux, Otou<; EYW 'to\�)'tou<; IlE'tU 'tuu'tu KU't£0't1l0U KUt uqrr;Ku EV 'tij 0EOOUAOviK1].
I do not believe that Uq>tllllt is used in this passage as a synonym for the usual1t£Il1tw or U1tOO't£AAW , a usage which I have not found in the dictionaries or any other author. Furthermore, neither the construction of UQ)tllllt with a locative dative by the learned director nor his use of the verbs UQ)tllllt and
1t£Il1tW w arrant the translation , " I sent to Thessalonike. " In Letter 1 4, line 24, the director again uses UQ)tllllt in the sense of " to leave behind " (uq>f:tVUt TtlV K£AAUV) , whereas in Letter 4, line 3 ,
he writes : E1tEIl\jlcl OOt nov o u K UA<DV AOyWV .
'tu U1tEO'tUAIl£VU EV 0EOOUAOviK1] : For the confusion of EV with d<; in biblical and medieval Greek, see J annaris , Grammar, 1 565 .
EVt 8uvu'tov : On the replacement of EO'tt by EVt (there exists) since the early Middle Ages , see Browning , Medieval and Modern Greek, 66 .
8tu 'trlV nvwv u1l8tuv: A high-minded but austere ascetic who took a firm line with the Church as he sought to reform the morals of contemporary society, Athanasios made many enemies and was forced to
3 2-3 3
34-35
36
37
Commentary 107
resign twice ; see Talbot , ed. , The Correspondence
of Athanasius, xvii-xxv. Eulogia' s father was among the officials whose extravagance or abuse of authority had aroused the wrath of the patriarch. In a letter to Andronikos II, Athanasios lashed out at Nikephoros Choumnos for seeking advantageous matches for his children instead of seeking ' 'to be reconciled with God , for all that he has used his authority harmfully . " See The Correspondence of Athanasius, no . 37 , lines 3 3 -36 .
';�El<; 8E. Kat Aiav ,;8uo8tv"CE<;: Note t h e breach o f concord i n gender . Such confusion was not unusual in Byzantine subliterary texts ; see Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek, 64 . For other examples , see Letter 9, lines 1 2 and 65 ; Letter 1 1 line 6 . Even the learned Theoleptos was occasionally careless about congruence when writing to Eulogia. See , for example , his Address to Eulogia and the nun Agathonike , Ottobonianus 405 , fol 21 0v : '¥UAACOV, onxoAoyrov Kat avaytVo) 0 KCOV, Btu�ou OEau"CTtV Kat 1tEpt "CTtV nov f:V"COAroV "CTtPllotV Kat "CTtV "CCOV apE"CCOV 1toillOtV . . . tva ouvQ.8cov "C(9 EuayYEAtO"Cij AtY1]<; . . . Note also the incorrect form ,;8uo8tv"CE<; for ';8uv8tv"CE<; .
ou 8E. 8uI "Co �Tt BouAEo8ai Of: f:YKCO�tU�E08at: OE is superfluous here, but such construction was not uncommon in biblical and Byzantine Greek ; See Jannaris, Grammar, 2067-68 .
yuvij : For the inflection of YUVTt as a first declension noun in medieval Greek , see J annaris , Grammar, 43 3 ,4b
i8tco"CiOO1] : This demotic form of i8tron<; i s not found in the dictionaries , but such forms are attested in Modern Greek for a number of feminines in -t<; . For example, see Demetrakos, s.v . f:Pyu"Ct<; (f:pyunooa), �aKapht<; (�aKapinooa) , 1tEAU"Cll<; (1tEAU"Ct<;-
108 Princess Irene-Eulogia
Letter 4
3-5 E1tEIl\jJ(i OOt 'trov ou KUAroV AOYOOV . . . oG� IlUAtO'tU E�rl'tEt� : This is a covering letter accompanying the writer ' s works on Athanasios which Eulogia had specifically requested ; See Letter 3 , line 23 .
5-6 EV 'tOt� IlOVUO'tllPiot� , A9uvuoiou : The double monastery of Athanasios on the hill of Xerolophos in Constantinople. Laurent refers to five monasteries built by Athanasios in the capital ( " La direction spirituelle , " 62, note 3) , but Dr. Alice-Mary Talbot has kindly informed me that it would be more precise to state that he built one double monastery at Xerolophos (which included the Church of Christ the Savior where the relics of the patriarch were preserved) and at least three other churches . The key passage is to be found in Theoktistos ' B{or; Kat nOAl
Te{a TOr] tv aY{OIr; naTpOr; r,/.1WV �eavaa{ov, IlaTplapxov KwvaTavTlvovnOAewr;, ed. A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus , c cZitija dvuh Vselenskih patriarhov
XIV v. , svv. Afanasija I i Isidora I, " Zapiski istoriko-filologiceskago fakul' teta Imperatorskago S. -Peterburgskago Universiteta, 76 ( 1905), 48 : . . . E1td 8E KUt IlvllllOOUVOV 'tf\� EKElVOU IlEYUAO\jluXiu� E8Et 'tep J3iQ) KU'tUAEt<p9f\vut , 'ti IlfiAAOV E8Et f\ 'tou� vuou� 'to\hou�, oG � 0Eep 'tE i\YEtPE KUt TtlltV, EPYU Ilit otoo1tii� (i�tU, \jIUXrov <ppov'tto'trlptU, AtIlEVU� yuAllVO'tU'tou�, 1tUpOOU� EV 'tl] VUK'tt 'toG J3iou ; rov 6
IlEV uivEt'tut 'tl] SOOO1tOtep Tptu8t, 6 8E 'tep EVt 'tf\� Tptu80� LOO'tf\Pt Xpto'tep , tVU KUt 'to tEPOV uU'toG KU'tUKEt'tUt AEl\jlUVOV' 'tl] 8E 1tUVUXPuv'tQ) 'toG LOO'tf\ po� Illl't pt 6 E'tEPO�, 'tOt� 8uot TU�tupXUt� 'trov (ivoo 8uvuIlEOOV 6 AOt1tO�' Ot KUt 'to IlEoUi'tU'tov 'tf\� J3uOtAEUOUOll� EKAll PWOUV'to KUt KU'tEXOUOt. Talbot believes that Laurent must have been misled by Theoktistos ' allusion to phrontisteria and she
Commentary 109
agrees with J anin that the references are all to churches . For the Church of the Trinity see , J anin , La
geographie ecc/esiastique, 487 ; for the Church of Christ the Savior, part of the monastic complex of Xerolophos , see ibid . , 504 ; for the Church of the Virgin , see ibid. , 21 5 ; and for the Church of the Taxiarchs , see ibid . , 48 1 . Athanasios also established a double monastery on the mountain of Ganos in Thrace before he became a patriarch ; see Theoktistos, BioC;, ed. cit . , 17 . The director's works in honor of Athanasios were undoubtedly kept at Xerolophos because that double monastery was the center of the posthumous cult of the patriarch in Constantinople; see Talbot , Faith Healing, 29 .
6-8 Kai dCHY oux, OtOUe; EYcb TOlJ-TOUe; !lETa TaUTa KaTEC:Hll<Ja Kat uqriiKa EY Tij 0E<J<JaAoviK1] : See commentary on Letter 3 , lines 1 5- 1 6 .
Letter 5
5-14 Ti yap . . . EYTuyx,aYOVTWY: Eulogia was fond of rhetorical questions , a device she probably copied from her favorite ecclesiastical orator, Gregory of Nazianzos . For some other examples , see Letter 7, lines 1 -3
and Letter 1 3 lines 1 -7 ; 1 1 - 14 ; 20-28 ; 33-35 ; 41 -46 ;
7 -8 1tE1tat8EU!lEYOY Tile; 1tat8EU<JEWe; : Note the punning assonance. Other examples occur on line 8 (u1tat-8EUTWe; 1tat8EUEte;) -although in this instance Eulogia copies Gregory of Nazianzos-and on lines 24- 25 (11 1t OAAit <Jou EU1t o pia U1t0PEtV !lE 1tE1toillKEV) .
14-21 8t8a<JKO!lE8a . . . <JuvEj3ij3a<JEv: The reference is not to a treatise on peace , as assumed by Laurent (" La direction spirituelle , " 63-64) but to the director's encomium of Patriarch Athanasios which was written against that prelate' s detractors (Letter 4, line 1 3) . This is the work which Eulogia had demanded and
1 10
1 7
27-28
3 9-42
Princess Irene-Eulogia
received (Letter 3 , lines 23 -24; Letter 4, lines 3-6) , and her remark regarding the benefit of those against whom the discourse was written, further indicates that she had read the encomium. I believe, therefore, that she is here commenting on certain passages from this work which she must have found particularly interesting , such as the author 's explication of the meaning of forbearance and of divine and human peace . It must be noted that a disquisition on divine and human peace is not found in any of the surviving works on Athanasios , and this is further evidence that Eulogia' s director cannot be identified with either Theoktistos or Joseph Kalothetos . See Theoktistos , Bloe;, ed . A. Papadopoulos Kerameus as in commentary on Letter 4, lines 5-6) , 1 -5 1 ; idem, 'EyKW/lIOV de; rov aYlov 'A 8avaalov, cod. Const. Chalco mon. 64 (Istanbul, Patriarchate Library, collection Qf the monastery of the H oly Trinity on Chalke, nunc 57, olim 64) , fols . 1 07r- 1 33r ; idem , Aoyoe; de; rr,v aVaKO/ll()r,V rou 8V aYlOle; narpoe; r,/-ujjv 'A8avaalOV narplapxov KwvaravTlvovnoAeWe;, ed. A-M . Talbot , Faith Healing, 44- 1 22; Joseph Kalothetos , Bloe; Kai nOAlrela rou 8V aYlOle; narpoe; r,/lWV apX1eniaKonov KwvaravTlvovnoAeWe; 'A8avaalov, ed . D . Tsames , Syngrammata,
45 3 -502 .
fly aqrllKE 'tou<; �aell't<i<;: For the replacement of the dative proper by the accusative in Byzantine popular compositions, see Jannaris , Grammar, 1 349 and Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek, 37. For other examples, see line 43 of this letter; Letter 7, lines 23-24; Letter 1 3 , lines 4 and 8; Letter 1 5 , lines 1 8- 1 9 .
a�EA:fl(Ja(Jay . . . OUK avf\Ka: Note the anacoluthon. Another such example in Letter 1 5 , lines 55-57.
<pU(JIKE <plAO(JO<pE . . . 1tEyeEpE : Andronikos II is described by his encomiasts as a born philosopher ,
41
42
44
Commentary 1 11
the ideal ruler as envisaged by Plato . See the address which Gregoras dedicated to the emperor 's love of and conformity with the tenets of Platonism, ed . P. A. Leone, " Nicephori Gregorae ad imperatorem Andronicum II Palaeologum orationes , " Byzantion, 41 (1971) , 503 -10 . See also Nikephoros Choumnos , Enkomion, ed. Boissonade , Anecdota Graeca, 2 , 4 and 36-37 ; Gregory of Cyprus , Enkomion, ed . Boissonade , Anecdota Graeca, 1 , 3 86 ; 3 87-8 8 ; and Gregoras ' funeral oration of Andronikos II, in which the learning and piety of the deceased are extolled (Hist. 10, 1: 1, 471) .
auSEV'tTl : Eulogia uses the vocative common in colloquial speech , instead of the purist aUSEV'ta.
(Jo<pcO't"an: nu't"Ep : O n Nikephoros Choumnos a s a man of letters , see Verpeaux, Nicephore Choumnos, 63-192 .
E�TllltcOSTl't"E: Eulogia' s correspondent obviously arrived in the capital after the death of both her father and father-in-law . Choumnos died as the monk Nathaniel on 16 January 1327, according to a note on fo1 . Iv of cod. Ambrosianus C 71, published by A. Martini - D. Bassi in Catalogus codicum graecorun Bibliothecae Ambrosianae (Milan, 1906) , 1 , 201. See Verpeaux, Nicephore Choumnos, 62, note 10. For Laurent's persuasive argument that Choumnos died in the men's section of Eulogia's double monastery, and not at the monastery which he had founded, see Laurent , " Une fondation monastique , " 42-44. Andronikos II also ended his life as a monk , taking the name Anthony. He died at the convent of Lips in Constantinople, in February 1332. See P. Schreiner , Die byzantinischen Kleinchro
niken, I-III [ = Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, XII, 1-3] (Vienna, 1975-79) , Chronicle 8, 26a, v. 1, p. 79 .
1 12 Princess Irene-Eulogia
Letter 6
10-14 OUK dill 'IOU 1ta'!po� EKElVOO . . . U1tiJyaYE�: The reference is not to Theoleptos of Philadelphia, as Laurent thought ("La direction spirituelle, " 72-73), but to John Kolobos, one of the Desert Fathers. See 'Anocp8iY/1ara ayfwv ycp6vrwv, PO 65. 213D-16A.
2-3
15-16
17-18
1 7
21-22
Letter 7
il o'!0Ilw8iJoE'!al oi81l po� liVEO 1tOpO� Kat u8a'!0� : See Theoleptos ' second letter t o Eulogia i n Ottobo
nianus Gr. 405, fol . 236r : OU'!E Iluxalpa 8ixa 1tOpO� Kat u8a'!0� o'!ollou'!al, OU'!E liv8pa� 1tE1tOPWIl£VO� AaP180� EK'!O� oov£XE'!al .
'IOU 8aollao'!ou uv8pc01too: The reference is to Nikephoros Choumnos ; See Letter 8, lines 26-29, where her correspondent tells Eulogia that he read and admired her father 's discourses .
811tA11V '!llv cOq>£AElav: Eulogia does not fail to mention the literary value of her father ' s works. An advocate of clarity and simplicity in writing, Choumnos was the author of two essays on style . See IIEpt AOYWV KpioEW� Kat Epyaoia�, '!iVl '!ou'!wv E1:8El Kat 01tW� 1t POOEK'!£OV Kat '!ivo� Uq>EK'!£OV , ed . Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 3, 356-64 ; and IIpo� '!ou� 8ooXEpaivov'!a� E1tt '!ol� EA£YX01� '!rov uoaq>ro� Kat KaKo'!£xvW� Pll'!OPEOOV'!WV Kat '!uvav'!ia IIAU'!WVl Kat '!Ol� al>'!Q) 80KOU01V uo'!poVOllouv'!a�, ed . Boissonade, ed . cit . 365-9 1 . On Choumnos' literary feud with the polymath Theodore Metochites, which prompted him to write these essays, see I. Sevcenko, Etudes sur fa po temique en
tre Theodore Metochite et Nicephore Choumnos. La
vie intellectuelle et politique a Byzance sous fes
premiers Pateofogues (Brussels, 1962) .
EOll1lU8Eooa : A demotic word meaning "to mark . "
810. 'IOU llovaX1Kou uvaYEvviJoav'!o� IlE oxiJlla'!o�:
22-23
24-26
Commentary 113
Theoleptos the Metropolitan of Philadelphia (ca.
1283-ca. 1 322) . See the superscription of his first letter to Eulogia, which states that he tonsured the princess with his own hands (ed . Salaville, "Une lettre et un discours inedits , " 1 05) . On Theoleptos , in general , see the biographical sketch in PLP (Vienna, 1980) , fasc. 4, no . 7509 . On his association with the Choumnos family, see V . Laurent , "Une princesse byzantine au cloitre, " 45-58 and I . Sevcenko , " Le sens et la date du traite 'Anepigraphos ' de Nicephore Choumnos , " Bulletin de la Classe des Lettres et des Sciences Morales et Politiques, Academie Royale de Belgique, 5th ser . , 35 (1 949) , 473-78 . On his role as Eulogia's spiritual adviser , see the following articles by S. Salaville , " Formes ou methodes de priere" ; " La vie monastique grecque au debut du XIVe siecle d' apres un discours inedit de Theolepte de Philadelphie, " REB, 2 (1 944) ,
1 1 9-25; "Une lettre et un discours inedits " ; "Un directeur spirituel a Byzance au debut du XIVe siecle , Theolepte de Philadelphie . Homelie inedite sur Noel et la vie religieuse , " Melanges J. de Ghellinck, II (Museum Lessianum, sect . hist . , 14, 195 1) 877-87 . See also Hero, "Irene-Eulogia, " 12 1 -30. For the date of Theoleptos' death , see Kourouses, Manuel
Gabalas, 335-39 .
By . . . U1tE'tUYllY: For other examples of t h e u s e o f the accusative instead of the dative , see commentary on Letter 5 , line 1 7 .
<J'tEPll<JtY . . . 68uYllProC; sro : On Eulogia's attachment to Theoleptos and her grief over his death , see her father' s eulogy of Theoleptos , ed . , Boissonade , Anecdota Graeca, 5 , 1 84, lines 6- 10; 1 85 , lines 23-25 . See also Manuel Gabalas' consolatory address to the princess on the occasion of her spiritual father ' s death, e d . Previale, "Due monodie, " 28, lines 1 5-22. Gabalas , reminded Eulogia that she was no stranger
1 14
31-32
Princess Irene-Eulogia
to death and bereavement , having lost at such a tender age her young and beloved husband (cf. ibid. , lines 26-31). Indeed we know from her own father that the young widow was so afflicted by that loss that Choumnos wrote to her begging her to control her sorrow as a favor to him and her mother and brothers . See IIpoe; 'tllV Eau'tou 8uya'tEpa BaoiAtOoav, bti 't4> nu8f:t 'tlie; Xll pEiae;, aU'tli e; El;Kat8EKa'tov uYOUolle; Xp6vov, ed . Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 1, 299. Despite the advice of her mentors and her own vocation, Eulogia found it hard to accept death with equanimity. Her weeping at a memorial service for her father, several years after his death, drew a reprimand from her new spiritual adviser who found her conduct unbecoming to a nun; see Letter 21, lines 1-2.
unal; 'tou �llVOe; . . . uQnl;w: Reluctant to leave his solitude, the director obj ected to Eulogia's request for monthly visits and offered instead to advise her by correspondence (Letter 8, lines 39-53). He did not, however, exclude the possibility of visiting her in person (Letter 8, 53-54), and eventually, yielding to her emotional appeals (Letter 9, 29-81), he went to her convent (Letter 13, lines 60-61). But their first two meetings reawakened his scruples and he wrote that he could not leave his cell more than three or four times a year without endangering his own spiritual salvation (Letter 14, lines 1-34). Crying that her happiness had lasted only for a month and a half, the despondent princess begged him to meet her halfway by agreeing to visit her every other month (Letter 15, lines 20-55), and he reluctantly bowed to her wishes (Letter 16, lines 41-43). It must be noted that as anxious as the abbess was to meet and converse with her director , she never offered to visit him herself, although this would not have been absolutely impossible for a nun of her exalted rank . Laurent
32
40-41
41
42-44
Commentary 115
cites the example of an unidentified nun of noble birth who was allowed to leave the cloister and visit her mentor-an early fifteenth (?) century metropolitan of Chalcedon-for the purpose of receiving instruction. See Laurent, " La direction spirituelle des grandes dames a Byzance . La correspondance inedite d' un metropolite de Chalcedoine, " REB, 8 (1950) 71-73 .
EXOU -rllv aqn�lV : Note the incorrect use of the middle instead of the active form . For such usage , see Jannaris , Grammar, 1 486 .
apKOUIlUt de; OOOV: apKOUIlUt takes the dative, but Eulogia prefers the prepositional construction reflecting the living speech . For other examples , see Letter 9, lines 5, 6 and 75 .
1tAEOV ou XP1]�O): Verbs denoting need took the accusative instead of the genitive in Byzantine vernacular ; See Jannaris , Grammar, 1319 . For another example , cf. line 45 of this letter .
KallOl EVE1tlo-rEuoEv 6 0EOe; . . . 1tOAAOO'tTlIlOptOV: After the death of her husband , Eulogia spent part of her considerable fortune on the relief of the poor and the redemption of prisoners , and the rest she used for the restoration of the convent of Philanthropos Soter , which she completely and luxuriously rebuilt , sparing no expenses . See Gregoras , Hist. ,
29, 22: 3, 238; and Theodore Hyrtakenos, Movcp8iu E1tl -rep 1tEpt1t08i}-rcp . . . KUPep NtKll<POPCP XOUIlVcp, ed. Boissonade , Anecdota Graeca, 1, 287 . Although she says here that only a small fraction of her wealth was left , and in another letter she claims that her fortune was not sufficient for the maintenance of a royal household (Letter 15 , lines 70-71) , Eulogia was still a wealthy woman . As late as 13 5 5 she still owned the village of Tholos , near Zichna-in the theme of Serres and Strymon in Macedonia-which she partly sold and partly donated to the monks of
116
45
48
26-27
3 4-36
39-5 4
43
48-49
50-52
Princess Irene-Eulogia
the monastery of Saint John Prodromos on Mount Menoikion. See A. Guillou, Les Archives de Saint
lean-Prodrome sur Ie Mont Menecee (Paris , 1 955) , no . 46, 1 42-44.
OtKOVOIlWIlEV : For the ascendancy of the -uw over the -EW contraction in the spoken language , see Jannaris , Grammar, 85 4-55 .
UIlEATtOUtIlEV : Here Eulogia improperly substitutes aorist optative for future indicative .
Letter 8
'tu<; un09EOEt<; 'twv AOYWV . . . E9uUIlUOU: Since Eulogia speaks of their spiritual interest (cf. Letter 7, line 1 8) , the discourses in question may have been Choumnos' religious works , most of which were addressed to Theoleptos . On these works , see Verpeaux, Nicephore Choumnos, 1 8 and 1 46 .
t8civ KUt 'toG 9U'tEPOU nu'tpo<;, a 1111 IlEYUAU . . . ElVUt OUK dKO<;, ooG 9uUIlU�OU01l<; 'tuG'tu: The reference is to the writings of Theoleptos of Philadelphia, with which the director was obviously unacquainted . This is further proof that he was not a disciple of the metropolitan, as Laurent thought; see commentary on Letter 9, lines 43-5 4.
nEpt 88 'til<; OlltAiu<; . . . nOtTtoOIlEV : See commentary on Letter 7, lines 3 1 -32.
qnAOlltAoV : This word is not found in the dictionaries . It is used here in contrast to qnATtoux,oV (fond of peace/quietude/solitude) and undoubtedly means "social , " "gregarious . "
EX,Et<; E1ttO'tEAAEtV . . . nUt8EUoEcO<; 'tE KUt x,upt'to<;: For other compliments to his correspondent's learning, see Letter 2, lines 3-5 ; and Letter 10, lines 20-21 .
�u8i�EtV . . . 8tu IlE01l<; 'til<; nOAEw<;: As Laurent observes ("La direction spirituelle , " 57 note 1 ) , the
5 5-58
1-2
4-6
1 1-12
13 -16
Commentary 117
director may be here referring to the center of the City-the area from the Forum of Constantine to the Palace and the cathedral of Saint Sophia, near which Eulogia's monastery was situated-or alluding to the necessity of crossing the City's central thoroughfare , the so-called " Mese . " This main artery led from the imperial palace to the Forum of Constantine, at which point it divided into two avenues-one heading westward to the Golden Gate, and the other northward to the church of the Holy Apostles and the Gate of Adrianople . See R. lanin, Constantinople byzantine (Paris, 1964) , 88. For the location of Eulogia' s monastery , see lanin, La geographie ecc/esiastique, 541-42 .
DEpt 'tiic; <J(O�anKiic; XPEiac; . . . E1rTtV'tA£lC;: See Letter 1 0 , lines 1 - 1 6 , where he again thanks the princess for attending to his material needs so generously .
Letter 9
opQ. . . . on(Oc; OUK t<JXUE1 : Eulogia probably thought that on(Oc; was more stylish than n&c; which had become the common declarative conj unction after verbs of seeing and hearing; see Jannaris , Grammar, App . 6 , 13 and 14 .
EYKcb�la etc; <JE . . . 8TtYE<J8ai <J£ dC; ap£'tTtv . . . etc; nvac; yivE'tat: For other examples of prepositional construction , see commentary on Letter 7 ,
lines 40-41.
�,,8EV . . . t<Jxu<Jac;: Here we expect a genitive ab solute, but Eulogia uses the nominative and , as in other instances , she fails to observe the required agreement between the participle and its subj ect .
cO<Jn£p UlOV QHAonu'topa, d Kat �upiouc; <piAouC; EX£1V <Ju�Piival . . . OUK E�i<J'ta'tal 'tiic; npoc; 'tOY na'tEpa au'to\) 81a8E<J£(oC;: Note the lack of syntactical
118
1 9-20
24
40
43-54
43-44
Princess Irene-Eulogia
agreement between the clauses and especially the use of the infinitive instead of the finite mood of the verb in the conditional sentence . In the latter case we should perhaps postulate a scribal error and read OUj..L�ij(?), seeing that such a blatant breach of the rules of syntax does not appear anywhere else in Eulogia' s letters .
ou'tCt) KUt Ot unoo'toAOt, OU'tffi KUt Ot KU'tU OE 80GAOt uU'toG : Laurent thought that this phrase was an allusion to the director's followers and concluded that he was the leader of a group of hesychasts ; see " La direction spirituelle , " 58 note 1 . In this case , however, KU'tU OE means "like you . " Eulogia likens her correspondent to the Apostles and the other true servants of God whom no temptation can separate from God .
(iytOV EKUVOV nu'tEpu: The Desert Father , John Kolobos ; cf. Letter 6, lines 10- 1 4 .
unoAAouoU: o n the verb unoAAffi , a post classical form of UnOAAUj..Lt , see Jannaris Grammar, 775 . The learned Theoleptos also writes unoAAouoU . See his first letter to Eulogia in Ottobonianus 405 , fo!' 232r : 't o j..LEV Ku'top9ffi9EV KUAOV unoAAouoU 8tu 'tii� OlitoEffi� . . .
tvu 'tt . . . Ttoox,uoov: Laurent's conclusion that the director was a student of the metropolitan of Philadelphia is based on his assumption that Eulogia is here apostrophizing her correspondent (' 'La direction spirituelle , " 55 and note 6) . However , a careful reading of this paragraph leaves no doubt that the disobedient student was Eulogia herself and not the director , who was not even familiar with the writings of Theoleptos (cf. Letter 8 , lines 34-36) .
tVU 't t KUt o u OUK ElOEPX,1J KUt 'tou� npo� 0EOV 'tPEX,OV'tU� KffiAOEt� : I am indebted to Professor Sevcenko for pointing out to me that this is a para-
46-47
48
5 8
60-68
Commentary 119
phrase of Matt . 23 . 13 -15 : Ouui b8111ltY, ypullllu'tEte; Kui <l>uptaUtOt l>1tOKpnui, on KAElE'tE 't1lY �uatAElUY nov OUPUyroy £1l1t pOa8EY 'troY ay8pc01twy' Ullde; yap OUK daEPXEa8E, OUb8 'toue; daEPxollEVOl)e; a<piE'tE daEA8dv .
Kui ya p me; OUb8 'to. 'trov aAAWY 1tU'tEPWV f:<pUAU�ue;: In addition to a resident priest, female monastic communities were required to have a confessor who visited the convent regularly to hear the confession of the nuns and advise them on spiritual matters . He had to be a monk (see the typikon of the convent of Lips in Constantinople , founded by empress Theodora, the wife of Michael VIII Palaiologos , ed . Delehaye, " Deux typika, " 1 1 2) or both a monk and a eunuch ; see the typikon of Irene Doukas , the wife of Alexios I , for the convent of the Theotokos Ke
charitomene� ed . Miklosich-Miiller , 5 , 346. Eulogia, therefore, must have had other spiritual advisers after the death of Theoleptos , but she claimed that only he and her current director truly inspired her . See Letter 15 , lines 93 -97 .
1tu'tpoe; Kui bEa1t6'tol): Theoleptos of Philadelphia.
f:1ttIlEAdaut: On the -EaUt form of the second person singular of medio-passive verbs , common in modern Greek but present since the Hellenistic period, see Jannaris , Grammar� 773 . For other examples , see Letter 1 5 , line 59; and Theoleptos ' letter to Eulogia, ed. Salaville , " Une lettre et un discours inedits , " 1 06 and note 1 .
Kui £111 bta 1tUv'toe; 11 aYU1t11 . . . 8Eiol) <pw't6e;: Intellectual purification as a prerequisite for the attainment of contemplation and divine illumination is a common theme of ascetic and mystical literature . See, for example, Saint Basil , 'AaKI1TIKai l5zaTa�clC;, flpOO[/.110V, PG 3 1 . 1324C - 1 325A; Evagrios , KcqJaAala npaKTIKa, 7 1 , PG 40 . 1244A-B ; Makarios ,
120 Princess Irene-Eulogia
Il8pi 8A8vB8piac; vo6C;, 21-25 , PG 34. 956A-957D ; John of the Ladder , KAfl1a�, 28 , schol . 22 , PG 8 8 . 1145B-C ; 29 , PG 8 8 . 1148B-C; Maximos the Confessor K8qJuAala n8pi dyun'1C;, 2,61, PG 90 .1004C; Gregory Palamas , IlpoC; Eiv'1v PG 150.1080C-81A. See also Meyendorff, " Le theme du 'retour en soi ' dans la doctrine palamite du XIVe siecle , " Revue d' histoire des religions, 145 , 2 (1954) , 18 8-206 ; reprinted in Byzantine Hesychasm (London 1974) , Study 12 . Theoleptos-who initiated Palamas himself to the hesychast method of prayer (cf. Philotheos , Encomium, PG 151. 561A)- must have acquainted Eulogia with the hesychast tradition and the doctrine of the pure prayer . The Ottobonianus 405-which in all probability was the property of the princess (cf. commentary on Letter 12 , lines 15-18)-contains, among other works of Theoleptos , a discourse on vigilance and prayer and a short exposition on the ascetic life, whose preface shows that it was written specifically for Eulogia. See Salaville, "Formes ou methodes de priere , " 1-4 .
62-67 Tl VOEPU dpTtvll , dpllvEucHlvn.ov JlEV 'trov DUO nu-81l'tlKroV JlEProv 'tii� \jJu'X,ii� KUt uno'tuYEv'tWV 'tQ) AOyey , 'trov DE 'tECHJUpWV uta8Ttc}f:wv . . . uno'tuYEv'tWV 'tQ) vQ), 'tOU DE YOU uu8t� uno'tuYEv'tO� 'tQ) Xpta'tQ), Jl1l n pu't'tEtV, UAAU nua'X,EtV , JlllD' £VEPYEtV , UAA' £vEPYEta8ut: Another example of the author ' s predilection for assonantal devices .
62-63 'trov DUO nU81l'ttKrov JlEProV 'tii� \jJu'X,ii� : The appetitive part and the passionate part of the soul. See Plato , Republic 439d-e; Aristotle, De anima, 432a 25 . Adopted by the fathers of the church , Plato ' s tripartite division of the soul i s another topos in patristic and ascetic writings . See for example, Gregory of Nyssa, 'EnlaroAYt KavovlKYt npoc; AtirolOv, PG 45 . 224 A; Evagrios K8qJuAaza npaKrlKa 61, PG 40 . 1236 A-C ; Maximos the Confessor , K8qJuAala
64-65
64-65
84-85
Commentary 121
nspi dyanIJ<; 3 , 20 , PO 90. 1 02 1 B-C; John Damascene IIspi rwv oKrw r�<; novIJpfa<; nvsvf.1arwv, PO 95 . 92B-D; Niketas Stethatos , 'EKarov
ra<;, 1 , 1 5 , PO 1 20 . 8 57C.
rwv ()s rsaaapwv ala8tjaswv avr�<; r�<; If/VX�<; vnorayevrwv rep vep: Ascetic and spiritual writers distinguish between the senses of the body and the rational senses or senses of the soul . The latter , also known as powers (8UVUJlEl<;) , are : 8lUVOlU, vou<; , 8o�u, <puV'ruoiu , uto811ol<; (understanding, reason, opinion , imagination and sense). See, for example , Makarios of Egypt, '0f.1lA[a 4, 7, PO 34. 477B; John Damascene, IIspi rwv oKrw r�<; novIJP[a<; nvsvf.1a
rwv, PO 95 . 85B-D ; Theodore the Studite, 'EnlaroAr, 3 6 , PO 99. 1 220B-C; Niketas Stethatos , 'EKarovra<; 1 , 1 0 , PO 1 20. 856C; Theophylact of Bulgaria, 'EPf.1IJvsfa si<; ro Kara AOVKUV svayyeAlOv, 1 4, PO 1 23 . 937A . See also the following excerpt from the letter which Theoleptos wrote to Eulogia shortly before she entered the cloister , ed . Salaville, "Une lettre et un discours inedits , " 1 06 : "01'UV yap 1'0.<; Ut08i)oEl<; 1'OU ocOJlU1'o<; 1'oi<; 1'IDV EV1'OAIDV ropui�'IJ<; 1'POrtOl<; , 1'llV 8E YAIDOOUV 1'oi<; 8Eiol<; uJlVOl<; KU1'uo<puAi�'IJ<;, 1'0.<; 8E 8UVUJlEl<; 1'11<; 'VUX11<; 1'ij rtt>KV01'l11'l 1'11<; rtpOOEt>X11<; K U1'UOEJlVUV'IJ<;, EuqmID<; 1'01'E AEYEl<;· "JlVllo8i)ooJlul 1'OU 6voJlu1'o<; oot> EV rtuo'IJ YEVEQ. KUt YEVEQ.." (Ps 44[45] . 1 8) . I do not know , however , to which of these five senses Eulogia is referring when she speaks of the " four senses of the soul" which must submit to the mind .
Ut08i)oEWV . . . Urt01' UYEV1'WV: Note again the breach of concord in gender .
6 rtEPlortUOJl0<; 1'11<; EOP1'11<; 1'OU LW1'11PO<;: The reference is to the Feast of the Transfiguration of the Savior, celebrated on 6 August and often called simply the " feast of the Savior . " See N. Louvaris , MsyaAIJ 'EAAIJV1Kr, 'EYKvKAOnal()sfa (Athens:
122
86-87
92-93
Princess Irene-Eulogia
Pyrsos , 1 933) , vol . 22, 728 ; E . Theodorou, epllaKeVTZKr, Kai 'H8zKr, 'EYKvKAonazJe[a (Athens , 1 966) , 8 , 1053-54. Since Eulogia' s convent was dedicated to Christ the Savior , this was a very important holiday, and she was not merely pretending when she claimed to be busy . It was the custom to celebrate the feast of the patron saint of the monastery with a special liturgy and distribution of alms and food to the poor . Irene Doukas included in her foundation charter a special clause regarding the celebration of the Feast of the Dormition of the Holy Virgin after whom she had named her convent . The instructions of the empress ranged from the type of candles to be used for the illumination of the church on that festive day , to the menu for the nuns and the exact amount of bread and money to be distributed to the poor who were expected to gather at the convent' s gate. See Miklosich-Miiller 5 , 369-70. Theodora Synadena, a niece of Michael VIII Palaiologos and founder of another convent dedicated to the Holy Virgin (eeoT6KO� Ti7� Bepa[a� 'EAn[Jo�), left similar instructions for the celebration of the Feast of the Dormition; see Delehaye, "Deux typica, " 79. For another example , see the typikon of the convent of Lips (Delehaye, " Deux typica, " 126-27) , where Theodora Palaiologina specified how the feasts of the patron saints were to be celebrated .
Ecn-EtAa OE Kat x,ap"Cia Kat "Co YPU\jlt�ov : A word of the demotic, YPu\jIt�ov/ypa\jli�a"Cov meant either the copying of a manuscript or the fee charged by the copyist; see B. Atsalos , La terminologie du livre
manuscrit a I' epoque byzantine (Thessalonike , 1 97 1 ) , 1 86-89 . Evidently there was n o scribe among Eulogia's nuns , for she did not o ffer to have her director 's works copied at her convent.
1tuv"Ca <p6�ov a1tE(JEt(JU�llV: This is not a misquota-
1 7- 1 8
20-2 1
2 1
37-3 8
40-42
Commentary 123
tion but a deliberate paraphrase of Gregory of Nazianzos (cf. critical apparatus , Testimonia) . Judging from her director' s counseling , Eulogia was particularly afraid of death. See Letter 21 , lines 1 -2, 7-8 ; Letter 22 .
Letter 1 0
a D E ft�lv EYPU<PE� . . . EKKuAun'tEtv : See Letter 9, lines 1 -3 .
'tD YUVUtKroV unuarov . . . EUnUtDdg K pu'toUa1] : For similar compliments to Eulogia' s learning by Manuel Gabalas , Gregory Akindynos and Nikephoros Gregoras , see my article , " Irene-Eulogia, " notes 1 , 68 and 69 .
EUnUtDdg : EUnUtDdu-a word not attested in the dictionaries-is used here in the sense of EUnUtDEUalu : "good education, " "culture , " "scholarship . " See Liddell-Scott , Greek-English Lexicon, s . v . Eun u tDEU alu .
d DuaXEpulVEt� avuytVcOaKouau Dtet 'to KU KoXapuyov, Ev8u�oG 'tet aEuu'tf1� : KUKoxapuyo� is not found in the dictionaries , but it must have the same meaning as KUKoxapuK'to�, i. e. "badly engraved/ drawn . " See Demetrakos Lexikon, 3 554. Although her correspondent warned Eulogia that she was not in a position to complain because her own handwriting was equally bad, she did not refrain from playfully describing her ordeal in trying to decipher his illegible hand . See Letter 1 3 , lines 48-54 .
�t�AlCOV, Ot�Ut, acopov . . . EAAllVtKroV 'tE KUt 8ElCOV: In his correspondence with the Protobestiarissa
Theodora Raoulaina, Choumnos complained that he lacked the necessary books for his literary studies , and begged this learned niece of Michael VIII to alleviate his disgraceful indigence by lending him the books that he needed . See Choumnos , Letter 77 , ed .
124
3 7-50
49-50
Princess Irene-Eulogia
Boissonade , Anecdota Nova, 93-94 . Verpeaux (Nicephore Choumnos, 54) rightly points out that in this instance Choumnos was exaggerating, for despite the allegedly modest size of his library , he was able to lend the Protobestiarissa a manuscript-albeit an inferior copy and the only one he possessed-containing, among other works of Aristotle, the Mete
orologica and the commentaries on the letter by Alexander of Aphrodisias. See Choumnos , Letter 76, Anecdota Nova, 91 . His two letters to Raoulaina were written before her death on 6 December 1 300 (on this date, see Fassoulakis , Raoul Ral(l)es, no . 1 1 , p . 27) , therefore they antedate his retirement from public office . It was after the ascendancy of Theodore Metochites , his political and literary rival , that Choumnos devoted himself to scholarly pursuits and he must have then enriched his library, which was inherited by his scholarly daughter in whose double monastery he spent his last days .
'til yp<i��a'ta . . . 1tE�<peit't(Oo<iv �Ot : This part of the letter formed a postscript . It is marked off by crosses indicating the beginning and end of each letter in the MS, but it is not numbered as a separate letter nor does the context warrant such an assumption.
MWoatK<l . . . Kat 'to 'tE'tpa�aoi"-EtOV : The P entateuch and the four books of Kings .
Letter 1 2
1 -4 'to 1tapov �t�,,-iov EXEt ,,-oyou� U1tEP 'trov "-0-ywv . . . ll�E"-llv'tat: This treatise in defense of "outer" learning and against its detractors obviously had not circulated, since it was still in draft form . Written while the author was still a layman, it was the earliest of his known works and it had certainly nothing to do with the later dispute between Palamas and Barlaam (1 337-4 1 ) which called attention briefly to the issue of humanism in Byzantium . For the attitude of the Church towards ancient Greek
Commentary 125
philosophy and science, see D. M . Nicol, "The Byzantine Church and Hellenic Learning in the Fourteenth Century, " Studies in Church History, 5 ( 1 969) , 23-57 ; idem , Church and Society in the Last Centuries of Byzantium (Cambridge , 1 979) , 3 1 -65 .
8- 10 KU-r' uA<pciPll-rov Ku-ru-rux8Evn:<; . . . nu-rEptKOV E�EtAEYJlEVOV novO)v: As indicated by Laurent (' 'La direction spirituelle, " 66, notes 3 and 4) , such a work has survived under the name of Ignatios and was published by Boissonade from the Paris. gr. 3058 (fo1 .32r) . See Boisonade, Anecdota Graeca, 4,436-37 (PG 1 1 7 . 1 1 76C-77B) . An acrostic poem of twentyfour iambic verses in the regular sequence of the letters of the Greek alphabet , it is addressed to a "diligent youth" (n po<; q>tAonovov nuiDu) and contains the usual pious exhortations . Versions of the same poem have been preserved in twenty-two manuscripts , eight of which assign it to Gregory of Nazianzos, thirteen present it anonymously and only the Paris MS attributes it to Ignatios, who has been identified by Boissonade with Ignatios the Deacon, an eleventh-century author of a similar alphabetos. See D . N. Anastasijewic, Die Pariinetischen Alphabete in der griechischen Literatur (Munich, 1 905) , 44-45 ; Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 4, 436 . Boissonade's identification was rejected by later scholars who consider this poem, for stylistic reasons , to be the work of a writer of the late Byzantine period. See Anastasijewic, op. cit. , 46-48; K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur (Munich, 1 897), 7 1 8 ; and, especially, K . F . Muller , " Handschriftliches zu Ignatius Diaconus, " BZ, 3 (1 894), 520-22. Unfortunately , even though the late date of this alphabetos has been established , the name of its author remains uncertain . It is impossible to determine whether he was , in fact , a fourteenth century monk named Ignatios or his work was arbitrarily assigned in the Paris MS to the older Ignatios, just as it was elsewhere attributed to Gregory of Nazianzos , because both men
126 Princess Irene-Eulogia
were known as the authors par excellence of such poems; see F. D6lger, Die byzantinische Dichtung
in der Reinsprache (Berlin, 1948), 28 .
1 5 - 1 8 0 8E q>1]C; Elvat 'toG �f:YUAOU . . . 1tE�\VOV "�lv : The book in question may be the Vat. Ottob. gr. 405 which contains Theoleptos' discourses and letters to Eulogia and which was originally her property; see J. Gouillard, "Theolepte, " DTC, 1 5 1, cols 3 40-41 . As already commented by Laurent (' 'Une princesse byzantine au dOltre," 34 note 7) , the Ottobonianus dates from the fourteenth century and was copied for a woman . The same practiced hand which has transcribed most of the manuscript added on the lower margin of fol . a: the invocation : XptcnE �OU, (j)uAa't'tf: 'tnv Kf:KTrl �Evllv . If the copyist was a woman, as Salaville suggests (' 'Une lettre et un discours inedits, " 102) , she was certainly not the princess because she did not have a neat handwriting (cf. Letter 10 , lines 37-39) . Unfortunately, I was as yet unable to obtain a microfilm of the other surviving manuscript of the same works of Theoleptos, the codex Alexandrinus 131 (126 PII�) For a description of this MS, see T. D . Mosconas, " � i1t'tux,ov uVf:K86'twv EAAllVtKWV x,f:tpoypuq>wv," 'A vaAeKTa (Alexandria, 1 957), v . 6 , 95- 103 .
1 8-21 8ta 'toG uyiou �Ot Kat 8f:<J1tf:<Jiou 1ta'tpoc; . . . EV yap UAATtAOtC; E<J �EV: Probably the monk Menas whom the director describes in Letter 17 as his alter
ego. See commentary on Letter 17 , line 6 1 .
24 'Aaprov: Aaron acted as Eulogia's emissary, but we do not know whether he was a layman or an ecclesiastic. See Letter 1 3 , lines 59-6 1 ; Letter 1 5 , line 88; Letter 1 8 , line 1 ; Letter 19 , line 1 5 ; Letter 21 , line 25 .
The family name is known since the late thirteenth century; see PLP (Vienna, 1 976) , fasc. 1 , no . 6. In his study of the correspondence of an anonymous
4 and 8
22-23
27-28
29
Commentary 127
Byzantine of the first half of the fourteenth century (now identified with George Oinaiotes ; see Kourouses , Manuel Gabalas, 1 0 1 - 1 1 0) , E . Rein mentions a Nicholas Euapcov CEapcp [ ?]) , to whom the author had written to request a book containing the works of Aristophanes . See Rein , "Die florentiner Briefsammlung . (Codex Laurentianus S . Marco 3 56) , " Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, Ser . B , 1 4 , 2 (Helsinki , 1 9 1 5) , 5 ; 78 . I f the correct reading of that name is "Aaron, " as cited in the PLP, no . 7 , then Nicholas Aaron may be identified with Eulogia's learned friend .
Letter 1 3
'roue; <Joue; AOYODe; cO�tAllKcDe; . . . 'roue; <Joue; AOYODe; EVE'rDX£: On this construction, see commentary on Letter 5 , line 1 7 .
aKpt�£iae; . . . aKpo'ra'rllv aKpi�£tav: Eulogia's penchant for assonance is again reflected in this instance of alliteration.
6 . . . aA<pa�ll'rOe;: Many feminine substantives in -oe; changed to masculine in early medieval Greek; See Browning , Medieval and Modern Greek, 5 9 . Eulogia uses both forms interchangeably .
aytoe; , Ap<JEVtOe;: One of the most venerable ascetics, Arsenios was a Roman nobleman noted for his ed ucation in both Greek and Latin . Theodosios I (3 79-3 95) summoned him to Constantinople to be the teacher of his sons , Arkadios and Honorios . After spending forty years at court , Arsenios retired to the Egyptian desert where he became the follower of the anchorite J ohn Kolobos . See Theodore the Studite, Encomium, PG 99. 849B-8 1 C ; critical edition by Th . Niesen, " Das Enkomion des Theodoros Studites auf den heiligen Arsenios , " Byzantinisch
Neugrichische Jahrbucher, 1 ( 1 920) , 24 1 -62 .
128
28-32
42-44
48-49
52-53
54-59
Princess Irene-Eulogia
d yap . . . OU1tCO �E�u81lKa: This is rather a play on the word alphabetos (the title of the director ' s didactic poem) than an appropriate use of Arsenios ' saying . Arsenios-who made this remark when a fellow ascetic was surprised to see him engaged in a serious conversation with a rustic Egyptian anchorite-implied that in his pursuit of spiritual perfection he could learn even from the simple but pious monks of the desert . See Arsenios, 'AnoqJ8iY/-lara, no . 6, 'AnoqJ8iY/-lara ayzwv yspovrwv, PG 65 . 89A.
vGv �Ev 'toue; Aoyoue; £YKCO�lU�COV . . . aKu8pco1toue; £uaae;: An allusion to her correspondent 's treatise in defense of " outer " learning which was left in the form of an unedited draft.
a1tO �Ev yap 'trov ypa��u'tcov Kat 'tf\e; 'tot)-rcov auyxuaEco<;: See commentary on Letter 10 , lines 37-3 8 .
'tupavvou�Eval . . . 'tupavvi8a: This i s an instance of a cognate accusative-a Hebraism , common in the New Testament (cf. Moulton, Grammar, 245)rather than an example of the rhetorical device known as Jigura etymologica (cf. J . D . Denniston, Greek Prose Style, 4th ed . [London , 1970] , 134) . Since Eulogia had no literary training , it is safe to assume that she reflects the influence of Biblical Greek .
au 8E Ete; 'tnv KU'tCO aO<piav . . . 80UAEU1J: Eulogia is here expressing the traditional Byzantine view that all profane studies were ancillary to the supreme wisdom of God. For similar statements by other learned contemporaries , including Eulogia' s own father , see Nicol ' 'The Byzantine Church and Hellenic Learning , " 35-46 . Eulogia's protege , Gregory Akindynos , was of the same opinion and he congratulated his erudite correspondents for making philosophy the handmaiden of theology, which he called the ultimate goal of all philosophic pursuits .
59-60
60-6 1
1
36
42-43
46-48
Commentary 129
See The Letters of Gregory Akindynos, ed . Hero , Letter 1 9, lines 8- 1 3 ; Letter 42, lines 1 5-21 .
'Aapwv: See commentary on Letter 1 2, line 24 .
1tEpt 'tfj� Ev8u8E a<pi�Eco� 'tfj� uYtcoauvll� aou : This was to be the director 's first visit and the abbess was anxiously awaiting it .
Letter 1 4
Ka8iaa� EV 't ep KEAAiQ) /lOU Kat auvayayffiv E/laU'tOY: The director wrote this letter after his first visit to Eulogia. We can only guess that they met more than once from the following statement, in which Eulogia's use of the present tense suggests recurrent action : E1tEt Kat Eyffi E� E/lau'tfj� /lEV n aya80v . . . OUK £Xco, o'tav £A81J�, 8E�tOua8ai aOt, 8tu 'tOU'tO 'trov uyicov /lOU 1ta'tEpcov 'tou� Piou� 1t POpUAAO/lat Kat 8tllyou/lat £/l1tpOa8EV aou (Letter 1 5 , lines 1 2- 1 6) . On the other hand , his visits could not have been more than two , since Eulogia did not ask for more than monthly visits (cf . Letter 7, lines 3 1 -32) ,
and the present letter was written a month and a half after their first meeting; see Letter 1 5 , lines 53-54,
where she complains that her happiness lasted only for a month and a half.
ou8a/lro� E�EPX1J 'tfj� 8Ea1tEaia� /lovfj�: See Eulogia's comments on this statement in Letter 1 5 , lines 59-72 .
'tT]V /If:V KU'tCO paatAEiav a<pEtaa Kat pi'Vaaa: A reminder to the imperial widow that she had given up the comforts and splendor of life at court in order to seek salvation.
d 8f: 'tu 1tpo'tEpa Ev8u/l1l8Eill� . . . 8tatpE8Ei� AOyta /lo�: The director had originally offered to direct Eulogia by correspondence , although he did not exclude the possibility of an occasional visit . See Letter
130
14, 16-
17, 18-19
34-35
39-43
39-40
40
53-54
59-83
Princess Irene-Eulogia
8, lines 39-54; and commentary on Letter 7, lines 31-32.
Letter 15
8E�tOUOeu{ OOt . . . 8E�tOUIlEV11 'tllv 0llv eEoqnA:ii KUt uyiuv 'VUXllv . . . EIl1t08wv . . . 'tllv 0llv uyiuv 'VU-XTlv: On Eulogia's uncertainty about verbs taking the dative case, see commentary on Letter 1, lines 24-25.
0EO� Ktvr10W; . . . aVE1tVEuOU: Note the anacoluthon.
OUK EO'ttV a'ttlloHEpO� 'tou K'tTlVOU� 6 uvepro-1tO� . . . KUt 'tuu'tu VOEpa� 'VuX'ii� �OTleEtUV 8EOIlE-YOU . . . 1tp0080KQ.�: Despite the breach of concord in case, I believe that the subject of 8EOllEVOU is uvepro1tO� (sc . Eulogia) and have translated it accordingly .
'tou K'tTlVOU� ... 6 �Ol1eciv 6 v61l0� 8tUKEAEUE'tUt: Possibly an allusion to Si . 7.22: K'tTlV11 ooi EO'ttV; E1ttOKE1t'tOU uU'tu.
6 �Ol1eEtV:It is tempting to treat this as another instance of itacism and change the accusative to the correct dative, but I suspect that here, too, Eulogia's syntax reflects the influence of the spoken language.
1111 EO'tro" avuKroXll KUt " Eu8utlloviu 1l0U f.VO� 1111-VO� K Ut "1l{OEO� Ilovou : See commentary on Letter 14, line 1.
o'tt 88 OUK E�EPXOIlUt . . . ooov 8uVUIlUt: The director claimed that by asking him to leave his cell while she never left her convent , Eulogia proved that she cared more for her salvation than for his (cf. Letter 14, lines 35-38 and Letter 16, lines 37-40) . In response to this charge, Eulogia explains here the reasons for which she never ventured outside the confines of her convent and points out that her reasons differ from his . The director ' s visits to her ,
59-62
64-65
67-68
Commentary 131
she argues, present no spiritual risk; on the contrary, they may be of spiritual advantage to him since his counselling benefits not only herself but also her nuns (cf. lines 50-51) . On the other hand, if she had broken the rule of enclosure, it would have been for secular reasons, such as visits to her exalted relatives . This would have been extremely expensive, in addition to being spiritually unproductive .
on 8f. OUK E�Epx,OJ.lat . . . 8EOATpt'tOU \VuX,f}C; : Another instance of confused syntax .
cmYYEVEtaV Kat YVll(::nOTll'ta EX,CD dC; 'tllV �a(jtAEiav: Eulogia was the aunt by marriage of the reigning monarch Andronikos III .
unEpx,E(j8at . . . nEV81l Kat £VcD(jEtC;: In accordance with the 46th canon of the Synod in Trullo, which enj oined that religious be given permission to leave the convent only in extraordinary circumstances, nuns were allowed to pay a brief visit to a gravely ill parent, but they had to be accompanied by two aged and venerable members of their community and were under strict orders to return to the convent before sunset . See G. A. Rhalles-M . Potles, eds . , }2uv'taYJ.la 'trov 8EiCDV Kat lEProv KavovCDv (Athens, 18 52-56), 2, 4 1 4 ; Typikon of Irene Doukas (Miklosich-Miiller, 5, 347) ; Typikon of Theodora Synadena (Delehaye, "Deux typica, " 63); Typikon of Theodora Palaiologina (" Deux typica, " 1 1 4) . This rule, however, was not strictly enforced in the case of imperial princesses and other noble ladies . They were permitted to spend two or three days by the bedside of a sick relative and, if they had a dying kinsman, they could remain with him until the end . See the typikon of Irene Doukas, MiklosichMiiller, 5, 336. We do not know ho'w strict Eulogia's Rule was . Only a fragment from her typikon survives and, as already noted by its editor, it indicates
132
68
70-7 1
75-77
Princess Irene-Eulogia
that she had copied the typikon of Irene Doukas . See Ph. Meyer, " Bruchstiicke zweier wnlKu K'tTrrOptKU, " BZ 4 ( 1 895) , 48-49 . According to this letter the abbess never left her convent but suprisingly enough , she says that if she had not observed so strictly the rule of enclosure, she would have been expected to attend not only the funerals but also the weddings of the various members of the imperial family .
Evd)(JEt� aUeEV'tlKU�: For this meaning of Ev(Ocn� (assembly, meeting) , see E. Kriaras, AE�lKD "Cii� �Eaat(OvtKii � EAAllVtKii� 81l �c080u� ypa��a'tEia� (Thessalonike , 1 978), 6 , s. v. Ev(Oat�, 4a-4J3
Kat noG E�EAAE 81apKElV 6 J3io� �ou J3aalA1KDv AaDV Kat oIKOV; : After explaining that if she left her convent to attend her relatives ' weddings and funerals, she would have needed the proper retinue of men and horses , Eulogia asks : " And how was my fortune to provide adequately for a princely retinue and household ? " She does not say-as Laurent thought-that she would have had to " spend her life running a princely household" (cf. " La direction spirituelle , " 79) . For the meaning of J3io� (property) and 8tapKw (to sustain; to satisfy the needs) , see Demetrakos , Lexikon, 14 15 and 1 929 respectively . Instead of maintaing a royal equipage, the princess preferred to spend the funds for the benefit of her nuns and her worthy proteges such as the director .
6 r.yffi notw Kat ot na"CEpE� �ou r.noillaav . . . anal"Cw : By providing for the salvation of others, Eulogia followed in the footsteps of her father and Theoleptos . Eulogia' s father was the founder of the monastery of Theotokos Gorgoepekoos in Constantinople; see Laurent, "Une fondation monastique . " As for Theoleptos , h e had been the spiritual adviser and teacher of many of his fellow citizens , even
78-79
82-83
Commentary 133
before his appointment to the episcopacy , when he liv,ed as an ascetic in the wilderness near his native city of Nikaia. See his eulogy by Nikephoros Choumnos , 'E7rlTUrplOe; de; TOV /1aKUpIOV Kai aY1WTaTOV /111-TP07rOAlrI1V lP1AaosArpsiae; BSOAI17rTov, Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 5, 2 1 2- 1 3.
Kat OUK EKplVa 1taV'TEAW<; 'Tii<; UAll<; Kat 'TWV aAAwv tll1t68loV 'Tii<; 1tVEUlla1"lKii<; tpyaaia<;: Because of Eulogia's faulty syntax-the incorrect use of the genitives and the lack of accord between them and their modifiers-it is not clear whether by aAAwv she means " other secular concerns , " such as the administration of her large monastery , or her concern for " other human beings . " I have opted for the latter interpretation in view of the following statements that she makes further on in this letter : 1 ) tyw 8lU 'TTtV 'TWV aAAwv ro<pEAElav Ku811 llal 8E80UAWIlEVll c08E (lines 77-78): unlike the director who stays in his cell for the sake of his own salvation, the abbess remains confined to her nunnery for the purpose of serving her nuns and providing for their salvation . 2) 1i 'TWV t� aU'ToG ro<pEAOUIlEVWV J30rl8Ela llelAAOV t<pW1"laEV au'Tov (lines 85-86): it was not his retirement from the world but the guidance he offered to others that provided Theoleptos of Philadelphia with a higher degree of spiritual illumination .
8lU 'TTtV 'TWV Ilova�ouawv aW'TllPiav . . . oaov 80-vallal : According to Gregoras , there were over one hundred nuns at Eulogia's convent (Hist. , 29, 22: 3,
238, lines 22-23). This was an unusually large number. Irene Doukas limited the number of the religious at her convent to forty (Miklosich-Miiller , 5, 337); Leon the bishop of Nauplion mentions only thirty-six nuns in his typikon of the convent of Areia, (ed . G . Choras , II ayia /1ovr, 'Apsiae; NaV7rAiov [Athens , 1 975], 239); and the Palaiologan convents of Bebaia Elpis and Lips were allowed fifty nuns each ,
134 Princess Irene-Eulogia
while that of Saint Kosmas and Damian, no more than thirty (Delehaye, "Deux typika, " 97 ; 109; 139). Gregoras tells us that Eulogia was not only a model of virtue to her nuns but , like a true fellow servant , she shared with them the most menial duties , including work in the kitchen and even more " vulgar" tasks if necessary (Rist. , 29 , 22 : 3 , 23 8 , line 23-239, line 5) .
83 -86 6 oE<JnO'tll<; �Ol) . . . Ull'tOY : This type of anacoluthon - a nominative standing at the head of a clause without construction-is not uncommon in the New Testament ; see Moulton, Grammar, 231.
84 ano oyOOOY iho<;: For the substandard construction of ano with the accusative instead of the genitive since the Greco-Roman period, see Jannaris , Gram
mar, 1517 .
84-85 ano oyOOOY E'tO<; . . . 't ptUKO<J't<p 't pi'tcp E'tEt : The inference from this obscure passage is that Theoleptos was elected to the episcopacy at the age of thirtythree, after spending eight years as a solitary (cf. Letter 16 , lines 20-22, where the director clarifies Eulogia's statement) .
According to Nikephoros Choumnos, Theoleptos was a young deacon of twenty-five when John Bekkos , upon his ascension to the patriarchal throne in 127 5 , ordered the strict enforcement of the union of Lyon (cf. Choumnos , 'Ent't<iqno<; , Boissonade, Anecdota Greaca, 5, 199-200) . Instead of complying with the patriarch' s orders , Theoleptos left his native city of Nikaia and set off for Mount Athos (cf. Choumnos , 'Ent't<iq>to<;, 200-04; Philotheos, Encomium PG 151. 561A) . He was later summoned to Constantinople , but even a personal interview with Emperor Michael VIII failed to move him from his firm antiunionist stand and he suffered imprisonment . When he was released, he resisted his
88-90
88
89
93-94
94
97-98
Commentary 135
wife ' s pleas to return to their home, and settled instead as a solitary in the wilderness near Nikaia, remaining there until his appointment to the metropolitan see of Philadelphia shortly after the restoration of Orthodoxy by Andronikos II in 1 283 (cf. Choumnos , op . cit . , 204- 1 7) . The exact date of his appointment is not known , but on the basis of Eulogia's evidence we can now assign it to 1283 , eight years , that is , after his retirement from the world in 1 275 . This date agrees with the purported age of the metropolitan at the time of his appointment, for in 1 283 Theoleptos was thirty-three years old , inasmuch as he had been twenty-five in 1275 .
KUpOU MllVU . . . 9EpunEuaco KUl TOUTO : Eulogia obviously obj ected to the presence of a third person at her meetings with the director . We do not know how she proposed to deal with the matter , but her correspondent 's complaint that her alleged excuses for refusing to talk before his companion were not valid and that she was as contentious about this matter as about everything else suggests that he found her answer unsatisfactory. See Letter 17 , lines 6 1 - 1 00 .
'Aupmv: See commentary on Letter 1 2, line 24 .
nwc; ou AUAOUJ..LEV : For declarative clauses introduced by nwc; in modern Greek, see Jannaris, Grammar, 1 942 .
tiC; un080x-r,v EVl: For the replacement of EaTl by EVl , see commentary on Letter 3 , lines 1 9-20 .
TUUTll nAll PO<popiu : For the substitution of TUUTll for uihll in subliterary texts , see Jannaris , Grammar, 567b•
auvEu80KtlV TOU AOYOU : Here Eulogia uses the genitive instead of the correct dative.
136 Princess Irene-Eulogia
Letter 1 6
3 - 1 4 EVVOll<JOV yap 'tae; lEpae; yuvalKae; EKEtVae; . . . E�E't£AE<Jav 'tllV eaUl-la<JtaV �ffiitV: In his consolatory address following the death of Theoleptos, Manuel
. Gabalas gave Eulogia similar advice , urging her to imitate the example of the martyr Thekla who , having been converted to Christianity by Saint Paul, never saw the Apostle again but lived piously on the memory of their one and only meeting . See Previale, " Due monodie, " p . 30, lines 27-37 . On Thekla, see now G . Dagron-M . Dupre La Tour , eds . , "La vie et miracles de Sainte Thecle , " Subsidia Hagio
graphica, 62 (Brussels , 1 978) . Eulogia must have been familiar with the history
of other early women ascetics whose monastic life was spent in total isolation such as , for example, Saint Mary of Egypt, who lived for forty-seven years in the desert beyond the river Jordan ( Vita by Sophronios, PG 873 .3697 A-3725C) ; or Saint Pelagia the Harlot who , after her baptism by the bishop Nonnos of Edessa retired in secrecy to the Mount of Olives where she spent the remainder of her life confined to a cell ( Vita, by ps. -Jacob, ed. H. Usener, Legenden der hi. Pelagia (Bonn, 1 879) ; or Saint Theodora of Alexandria, the transvestite nun accused of having seduced a young girl and forced to stay for seven years in the desert ( Vita by Symeon Metaphrastes , PG 1 1 5 . 665A- 89C) ; or finally Saint Theoktiste of Lesbos , a late ninth-century nun taken prisoner by the Arabs, who succeeded in escaping from her captors and lived for thirty-five years hiding on the deserted island of P aros ( Vita by Niketas Magistros, Acta Sanctorum, 9 Novembris [ 1 925) 224-23 3 ) .
1 5- 1 8 'tile; 'tou eeiou apx,lEpEffie; EKEtVOU 1tapou<Jtae; . . . Kat Eva Kat 8uo . . . Kat 1tAeioue; EVlaU'tOUe; <J'tEPlleEl<Ja : Shortly after her tonsure in 1 307/8 ,
32
43-44
Commentary 137
Eulogia was separated from her spiritual father for nearly a decade. Theoleptos remained in Philadelphia from 1 309, when he sent Manuel Gabalas to Constantinople on a mission regarding his beleaguered diocese (see Kourouses, Manuel Gabalas, 68), until September 1 3 17 , when his name reappears in the acts of the Permanent Synod . See MiklosichMuller , 1 , no . 41 , pp . 75-76; J. Darrouzes , Les Regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople,
vol . 1 , fasc . 5 [Paris, 1 977] , no. 2082; H . HungerO. Kresten, eds . , Das Register des Patriarchats von Konstantinopel (Vienna, 1 98 1 ) , no . 52, pp . 342-47 .
He did not leave the capital again until sometime between November 1 3 1 8 and February 1 3 1 9 (Miklosich-Muller , 1 , nos 43-45 , pp. 76-83 ; no . 50, pp . 92-93 ; Darrollzes , Regestes, nos . 2083 , 2085-87,
2093 ; Hunger-Kresten, Das Register, nos. 54-56 , 6 1 , pp . 354-65 , 3 88-93) and h e returned in June 1 321 t o intercede i n the dispute between the two Andronikoi . See Gregoras , Hist. , 8, 6: 1 , 320-21 ; Kantakouzenos , Hist, . 1 , 14 ; 1 9 : 1 . 67 ; 94-96 . By November of the same year , Theoleptos was back in Philadelphia from where he wrote his last four letters to Eulogia. He died in that city in the last months of 1 322 . See Kourouses , Manuel Gabalas,
3 35-39 . It was during the last five years of his life that the Metropolitan kept in closer contact with his spiritual daugther and , as Kourouses notes (Manuel Gabalas, 334, note 1 ) , it is to this period that the director refers in this letter when he says that Eulogia was at times separated from Theoleptos for one or two years .
8Eiac; oq>payicSoc;: For this meaning of o<ppayic; (investiture/ordination) , see J . Darrouzes , Recherches
sur les O<l><I>IKIA de I' eg/ise byzantine (Paris , 1970),
index, s . v. oq>payic;.
ouvayroY'Jlv: Literally " assembling" or " collecting
138
44-49
Princess Irene-Eulogia
one ' s mind within one ' s self" during prayer . The expression <Juvuyro "Cov VOUV is widely used by spiritual writers in connection with prayer and the need for the monk to avoid distraction and the wanderings of the mind . See, for example, Kallistos Xanthopoulos, MiBobor; Kat Kavwv, PO 1 47 . 680B ; Nikephoros the Hesychast , IIept Vrjlflewr; Kat ({JVAaKllr; Kapb{ar;, PO 1 47 . 963B ; P alamas , TplUr; 1 , 2: 3 , 7 , 1 0 , ed . P . Chrestou , rp17YOp{OV rou IIaAal16" Ivyypapp,ara (Thessalonike, 1 962), 1 , p. 3 96, lines 1 0- 1 4; p. 399, lines 1 9-25 ; p. 403 , line 7. See also the passage from Theoleptos' address to Eulogia and Agathonike quoted below (commentary on lines 44-49) .
8iuYE KU8E�0�EV11 . . . n p 0 0 p ro � E v 11 "C 0 v K U P t 0 V . . . Q)ro"Ci�ou<Ju 8t11VEKWe; "CT,V 8tuvotuv : Years earlier , Eulogia had received identical instructions from Theoleptos who wrote to her in his short manual on ascetic life : Ku811�EV1l youv EV "(4) OtKq:>, �V11�6vEuE E>Eou, Enuipou<Ju "Cov VOUV uno nuv"Crov KUt n pOe; "Cov 0EOV uQ)86yyroe; Entppin"Cou<Ju , K Ut nU<Juv "C11e; Kup8iue; 8tu8E<JtV EKXEOU<JU EVc01ttOV uU"Cou Kut 8Ul "C11e; uyun11e; uu"(4) npo<JKoAAro�EV11 . �Vrl �l1 yap 0EOU 8Eropiu 0EOU E<J"CtV EAKOV"COe; "CT,V oPU<JtV KUt "CT,V EQ)E<JtV "Cou vou n poe; EUU"COV KUt "(4) nup' EUU"COU <pro"Ct nEptUuyu�ov"Coe; uu"COV (as quoted in Salaville , " Formes ou methodes de priere , " 1 1 , note 1 ) .
I n his long address t o Eulogia and the nun Agathonike, written shortly before his death , the metropolitan, who was one of the inspirers of the hesychast revival in the fourteenth century (cf. Meyendorff, Introduction, 30) , reiterated the importance of continuous prayer for intellectual purification and the attainment of contemplation. See, for example, the following two excerpts from Ottobonianus 405 , fols . 1 99v-200r: a) <I>EUYroV yap 6 voue; "Ca E�ro KUt <Juv-
67-70
Commentary 139
UYOIlEVOC; btl 'ta EVDOV , 1t pOC; £uu"["()V E1tUVUYE'tUt, El't"OUV 'tcp q>UOtKroC; Ku'ta DtUVOtUV K PU1t'tOIlEVq:> £UU'tOU AOyq:> oUyyiVE'tUt, KUt Dta 'tOU ouvov'toC; uU'tcp OUOtCODroC; AOYOU, OUVU1t'tE'tUt 'tij EUXij , KUt Dta 'tli c; Euxlic; dC; yvroOtV 'tOU GEOU uvuBuivEt IlEe ' OA11C; 'tlic; uYU1t111"tKllC; DUVUIlEcOC; 'tE KUt Dtu8EOECOC;. 'to'tE OUPKOC; Il£V E1tt8ulliu oiXE'tut, 1tCiou D£ il KU-8itDovoC; upyd ui0811OtC; , KUt 'ta cOpuTu 'tli c; Yli C; U11Dli KU'tuq>uivE'tUt· o1tioco yap £uu'tlic; il \vUXTJ 1tuv'tu 'ta 'tOU ocOIlU'tOC; KUt 'ta 1tEpt 'to orollu 8EIlEV11 , o1tioco 'tlic; cOPUto't11'tOC; 'tOU Xpto'tou yiVE'tUt, uU'tcp KU'tUKOAou80uou IlE'ta 'trov EPYCOV 'tlic; OEIlVO't11'tOC; KUt 'tlic; KU'ta DtUVOtUV uyvtiuC; KUt \VUAAOUOU u 1t E V E X 8 it 0 0 V 't U t 't cp B U 0 tA E T 1t U P 8 E v 0 t 0 1t i 0 co U U 't 0 U (P s . 44 [45] . 1 4) , Xpto'tov q>uV'tU�OIlEV11 KUt 1tpooproou KUt AEYOUOU 1t p O CO P cO 11 11 v 't OV K u p to v E v cO 1t t OV Il 0 U D t a 1t U v 't 0 C; (Ps . 1 5 [ 1 6] . 8); b) fo1 . 201 r : Kut W01tEP 6 'ADall XEtpt GEOU 1tAu08tiC; , U1tO XOOC; YEYOVEV dC; \vUXTJV �roouv EV q>uoit IlU1"t 8Eiq:> , oihco KUt 6 vouc; 'tuTC; UPE'tuTC; DtU1tAU08tiC;, 1tUKVij E1ttKAitoEt Kupiou EK KU-8upCiC; DtuvoiuC; KUt 8EPlllic; Dtu8EOECOC; U1tgDoIlEVl], 'tTJv 8Eiuv UAAOtOU'tUt UAAOicootV , �cooYOVOUIlEVOC; KUt 8E01tOtOUIlEVOC; EK 'tou YtVcOOKEtV KUt uyu1tCiv 'tov GEOV.
DEpt D£ 'tou iEPOU M11VCi . . . 01tEP 1l0t YEypUq>UC;: See Letter 1 5 , lines 87-9 1 ; and commentary on Letter 1 7 , line 6 1 .
Letter 1 7
'E1tEtDit oot 't o �l1'tOUIlEVOV DEDO'tUt: Eulogia had asked her correspondent to visit her six times a year and he finally agreed ; see line 58 of this letter , Letter 1 5 , line 45 ; and Letter 16 , lines 4 1 -43 . Apparently, in her answer to Letter 1 6 (now lost) , Eulogia
140
1 - 3
4-5
1 1 -23
22
3 3 -34
Princess Irene-Eulogia
still belabored the subj ect .
n£pl't'tov Tiv . . . 'tOU edou UPXl£P£COC; Kat 'tIDV <J£n'tIDV yuvalKIDV: See commentary on Letter 1 6 , lines 3 - 1 4 and 1 5- 1 8 .
npoc; 'tTtV v£o'tn'ta 'tOU uv8poC; EKdvou . . . 'tov AOYOV uV't£nup£pov'ta: The director reiterates his argument that Theoleptos was an anchorite in his youth and did not undertake the task of directing others before he was elevated to the episcopate (see Letter 1 6 , lines 20-3 2) . It must be noted , however , that in his eulogy of Theoleptos , Nikephoros Choumnos wrote that even while in the wilderness the future metropolitan taught all those who visited him seeking his advice ; see Boissonade , Anecdota
Graeca, 5 , 2 1 2- 1 3 .
Kai �TtV Kai <J u �ap'tup£iC; . . . 'tou't ' u v E8uvilenc; EK£ivou : The director points out t o Eulogia that in offering to direct her by means of four visits and twelve letters per year , he had offered more favorable terms than she had at times enjoyed under the direction of Theoleptos .
't£'t paKlC;: The four letters which Theoleptos wrote to Eulogia during the last year of his life; see commentary on Letter 1 6 , lines 1 5- 1 8 .
uv8pan08ov � £ vo�i<Jal Aal�ou Kai KOlAiac; Kai uvepconivnc; 8o�nc;: During the hesychast controversy , Akindynos ' close association with the wealthy abbess made him the butt of similar imputations by his opponents . See, for example , Kalothetos , A oyos Tpfros KaTa TOU Klvt5vv8vaavTos 'A K1Vt5VVOV, Syn
grammata, 1 43 , lines 49-53 : 'AAAU 'ti no't' UV <J£ 'tTic; 'tou XPl<J'tOU uyannC; Kai 'tou 8£<J �ou anayayol; MfiAAOV 8t. 'tiC; n8uvilen unayay£i'v <J£; rUVTt Ka'tu YTiv £uy£vilC; , �apoc; apyupiou , Aln apai 'tpan£Sal, �aydpcov �ayyav£u�a'ta, epU\jflC; <JapKoc;, olVOC; uveo<J �iac;, Ka't£ppa<J'tcov£u�£voC; �ioC; . . .
36
6 1
93-94
Commentary 141
na't"puipXllv : The reference is either to Patriarch Isaiah ( 1 323-34) or to John XIV Kalekas ( 1 3 34-47) . The evidence points to the latter because Dexios , whom the director proposes as a suitable mediator between the princess and the patriarch she had displeased with her arrogance (Letter 1 8 , lines 10- 12) , was a member of Kalekas ' entourage . See commentary on Letter 1 8 , line 10 .
KGp Mllvii: This simple-minded monk , who was the director ' s constant companion, is otherwise unknown . He certainly cannot be identified with the staunch Palamite monk by the same name who was one of Akindynos ' fiercest persecutors , nor with the hesychast Menas , author of an ascetic work containing instructions to the monks for the period of Lent . See, Hero, ed . , The Letters of Gregory Akindynos,
commentary on Letter 63 , line 1 5 .
anAllPoQ)oPllaia : Not in the dictionaries . The word anAllpoQ)oPll't"o� is defined in G. Lampe (A Patristic
Greek Lexicon, 6th ed . [London , 1 982] , s . v . ) , as " unsatisfied , " " lacking in confidence , " " uncertain" ; and in Demetrakos (Lexikon, s . v .) as apEpal0�, aaaQ)iJ� , ayvowv. I have translated anAllpOQ)oPllaia " lack of confidence , " on the basis of the director's own use of the word anAll poQ)oPll't"o�. He writes in the present letter (line 76) that he did not wish to offend his companion, Kyr Menas , by excluding him from his conversations with the princess " as if I did not fully trust him " (&anEp Ef..101YE anAll PoQ)oPll't"ov) . When he says therefore that anAll PoQ)oPllaia was one of Eulogia's alleged reasons for refusing to talk in the presence of Menas, he must mean that she claimed not to trust the man .
Letter 1 8
aniiya : Here the director lapses into the demotic .
142 Princess Irene-Eulogia
On the modern Greek verb unuyeo-nllYU(veo-n uyuiveo (to go), see Jannaris, Grammar, 996 .3
2-4 £noillau 'to npo<; 'tou<; !-lOVUXou<; YPU!-l!-lU !-lOU . . . nu'tptUPXtKcD<; uVEta8ut 't1lV �ll'tllatV n !-ltv: I do not know the nature of Eulogia's complaint nor the identity of the monks against whom it was addressed . Perhaps they were members of the adjacent male monastery which was also under her patronage and management , although not under her spiritual jurisdiction. See Laurent , " Une princesse byzantine au cloltre, " 48-50; Salaville, " Une lettre et un discours inedits , " 1 08- 1 2 ; R. Trone , "A Constantinopolitan Double Monastery of the Fourteenth Century : the Philanthropic Saviour , " Byzantine Studies/Etudes
Byzan tines, 1 0 ( 1 983) , 8 1 -87 .
1 0
The patriarchal tribunal, composed o f the patriarch and the synod of bishops, had jurisdiction over all disputes between ecclesiastics. See Epanagoge,
title 3 , 10 (J . and P . Zepos, Jus Graeco-Romanum
[Athens, 1 93 1] , 2, 243). Proceedings were initiated by the plaintiff who filed a formal complaint in writing; see P . Lemerle, " Recherches sur les institutions judiciaires des Paleologues. II . Le tribunal du patriarchat ou tribunal synodal, " A nalecta Bollandiana, 68 ( 1 950) ( = Melanges P. Peeters, 2) , 324.
6 8uu!-luato<; �E�t6<;: Theodore Dexios , known from his role in the hesychast controversy . At the synod of July 1 34 1 , Dexios was asked by Patriarch Kalekas to read a patristic passage on the incomprehensibility of God which was damaging to the Palamite cause; see Akindynos , Report to the Patriarch and the
Synod, ed. Th . Uspenskij , Sinodik v nedelju Pra
voslavija (Odessa, 1 983) , 89 . Later that summer , he was one of the emissaries sent to Epibatai by the empress , the patriarch , and John Kantakouzenos to assure Alexios Apokaukos that he had been granted
143 Commentary 143
amnesty for his machinations following the death of Andronikos III (Kantakouzenos , Hist. , 3 , 1 6 : 2 , 1 03 ) . After the death of Kalekas and Akindynos , Dexios emerged as one of the leaders of the antiPalamite party and as such he participated in and was condemned by the council of 1 3 5 1 . See the fragment of an anti-Palamite tome by Arsenios of Tyre, ed. Mercati, Notizie, 223 , notes 8-9 ( = Meyendorff, Introduction, 1 42 , note 7 1 ) ; Gregoras , Hist. , 1 8 , 5 : 2 , 894; Kantakouzenos , Hist. , 4 , 23 : 3 , 1 68 ; Lvvol5zKor; r0I10r;, PG 1 5 1 . 720C , 73 1 D .
Later on, Dexios became involved in a dispute with Isaak Argyros , another prominent anti-Palamite over the created nature of the light of the Transfiguration (cf. M. Candal, "Argiro contra Dexio, " Orientalia
Christiana Periodica, 23 [ 1 957] , 80- 1 1 3) and this , as Meyendorff suggests (Introduction, 1 53 , note 1 30) , may be the reason why he is represented as a moderate anti-Palamite in the Dialogue on Dogmatic Theology
by Philotheos of Selybria (cod . Patmiacus 366, fols . 393r-393v, as cited by Meyendorff) .
For the polemical works by Arsenios of Tyre which were erroneously attributed to Dexios , see Meyendorff, Introduction, 409 .
1 0 �E�tOC; 8E�t(J)C; unEPyuoE'tUt: For similar puns on Dexios' name , see Akindynos , R eport . . . 89 and Gregoras , Hist. , 1 8 , 5 : 2 , 894 .
1 6- 1 7 nu'tTtP EO'tt 'trov nuv't{()v Xpto'ttuvrov: According to the Epanagoge, the patriarch was the living image of Christ ; see Title 3 , 1 (ed . J. and P . Zepos , Jus Graeco-Romanum [Athens , 1 93 1 ] 2 , 242) .
28-29 'tllv eUl>�uoiuv 'Pu",UtVuv: This competent assistant of Eulogia cannot be identified with any certainty. For references to the Rales , or-according to the original and more common form of the name-Raoul family during the first half of the fourteenth century,
144
33-36
3 3 -34
Princess Irene-Eulogia
see Fassoulakis , Raoul-R al(l)es, nos . 1 6-3 1 . The Raouls , whose Norman ancestors entered the service of the Byzantine emperors at the end of the eleventh century, had by this time intermarried with such prominent Byzantine families as the Palaiologoi and Asanes (cf. Fassoulakis , p . 3) , and were among the leading members of Byzantine nobility; see E. Follieri , " 11 poema bizantino di Belisario, " Atti del con
vegno internazionale sui tema c cLa poesia epica e la sua jormazione, " Accademia nazionale dei Lincei , Problemi attuali di scienza e di cultura, quad . 1 3 9 (Rome , 1 970) , 622 , 52; 63 7 , 3 1 6 .
It must b e noted that the variant "Ralaina" , used here by the author is one of the earliest instances of the Hellenized form of the name (Rales) , which did not become prevalent in Constantinople until the fifteenth century; see Fassoulakis , p . 5 .
d� 'ta� WUXa� 1tEpt<J1tW, KUt 'tou'to 8it iH1EPCO� . . . 'tij 8UIlW8Et 8tu8E<JEt KUt 'tij Otll 1lU'ttKij IJ.Expt 8uvu'tou IJ.Uxou : This is one of the rules prescribed for superiors by St . Basil ; see " OPOt KU'ta 1tAU'tO�, 'EpW'tll<Jt� N : nw� xPit E1tt'ttIJ.Uy 'tOY 1tPOE<J'tW'tU (PO 3 1 . 1 040A-40B) : 'AAAa Kui 'ta� E1tt'ttIJ.Tl<JEt� Ilit EIJ.1tu8w� 'tol� Tt IJ.UP'tll Ko<JtV 6 1tpOE<J't(D� 1t pO<JUyE'tCO. To yap IJ.E'ta 8uIJ.OU KUt 6pYii� EAEYXEtY 'tOY U8EA<j>OY ouxi EKElYOY E<J'ttY alJ.up'tiu� EAEU8EPW<JUt , UAA' EUU'tOY 1tEptpUAEIY 1tAll IJ.IJ.EATl lJ.u<Jt.
'tOU'to 8it TtIJ.EpCO�: I proposed this conjectural emendation because the reading 8t' TtIlEPWY does not appear satisfactory in the context . The phrase 8t' Tt IJ.EPWY is not attested in the dictionaries . Both LiddellScott and Demetrakos (s . v. Tt IJ.EpU) cite 8ta 1tOAAWY Tt IJ.EpWY, 8t' Tt IJ.EpWY 'ttYCOY, meaning " at a distance of, " but such an interpretation would not make sense in this passage. Even if we assume that 8t' TtIJ.EPWY is used here in the same sense as 8t' TtIJ.EpU� (the whole day long) and translate accordingly, " divert
36
3 8
45
45
Commentary 145
your attention to the care of the souls , and do this for whole days , as I have said to you before , " we find that nowhere in his letters did the director give such advice to Eulogia . On the other hand , the need to control her irascible disposition is a recurrent theme in their correspondence . See lines 5-25 and 36 0 f this Letter , and Letter 1 9 , lines 7- 1 0 .
�EXPt Suva:rou : This i s apparently a favorite phrase of the director , for he uses it again in Letter 2 1 , line 1 1 .
1tUPCO�UVSlls, 'tou't ' EO't"tV eppiycoous: Eulogia evidently suffered an attack of fever of malarial character, usualy accompanied by paroxysms marked by chills , high fevers and sweating . On 1tUpo�uVO�Ut (to suffer an attack or exacerbation of a disease) , see, e . g . Hippocrates , IIepi apxa[11C; [11-rpIKijc;, 6. On ptym (to have a shivering fit) , see idem,
'E1ttbll �iut, 3 , I , o't . '
Although she lived to be sixty-five , the rigors of monastic life must have affected Eulogia physically . In the first letter he wrote to her after his return to Philadelphia in 1 32 1 , Theoleptos prays for her deliverance from her " ailments and her suspected serious illness . " See Ottobonianus 405, foI . 234r : 6 bf. iu'tpos 'tmv \VUXmv KUt 'tmv oco�u'tcov Xpto'tos . . . puoUt'to Of: a1tO 'tmv OU�1tt1t'tov'tcov OOt apPCOO'tll �a'tCOV KUt 'tOU U1t01t'tf:UO�EVOU XUAf:1tOU 1tuSous ·
LUYKAll't"tKit : It is not clear whether the word is used here as a proper name or a title. However, since Simonis-the widowed queen of Serbia-was by that time living as a nun in Constantinople , and since Synkletike happens to be a monastic name, it is most probable that the reference is to an unknown nun in the service of Simonis .
KpuAuivlls: Eulogia's sister-in-law Simonis, daugh-
146 Princess Irene-Eulogia
ter of Andronikos II from his marriage to Yolanda of Montferrat and widow of Uros II Milutin of Serbia. After the death of her husband in 1 32 1 , she returned to the capital, became a nun and ended her life at the convent of Saint Andrew in Krisei . See Papadopoulos , Genealogie, no . 65 , for pertinent bibliography . Like Eulogia, Simonis must have espoused the Akindynist cause because her name is listed among those of prominent anti-Palamites ; see Mercati, Notizie, 223 , no . 28 . For her alleged literary interests , see my Additional Note below .
45-5 1 ava01ta08EV yap 1tVEU�a . . . avTjA8Ev E1tt 'tOU 8wpaKoe; Kat CWvava01to.oav <pAEy�a . . . E1tVtYE �E . . . U1to1t'tuoae; 'tOU'to . . . aVE1tVEuoa: On the symptoms described here by the director , I consulted my husband, who is a physician, and he agrees with Laurent 's observation that Eulogia's correspondent suffered from pulmonary oedema due to cardiac failure . See " La direction spirituelle , " 58 note 2 .
Unconnected with Eulogia's correspondence but of possible prosopographical interest is a note that appears on the last folio of the Scorialensis (254v) , immediately after the director's last letter (Letter 22) , by a hand different from that of the main scribe. In the note the author offers his condolence to a fellow monk who had lost his father, and concludes with the following request for the medicines for his own serious illness : "01tEP EXW �aeito1] 1tpOe; 'trov acSEA<provo ct n ouv cSUV1] , poit81loov �Ot, 1tE�\jIae; aAE�ll'titPta <pup�aKa Kat Tij VOoev 1tOAE�ta . Ka'ta01tU�o�ai OE, �OVE YV1l0tw'ta'tE <piAE Kat acSEA<pE, 1tAT1V E1ttOaAEUE'tW EA1tie; ne; Kat 8upooe; �E'ta 0EOV' 'tie; yap OtcSEV d �E'ta�EA1l8itoE'tat Kat au8te; E�1tVEUOEt �WT1V 'tep VEKPep Kat o\jlo�ai OE 'tOY <piA 'ta'tov . The note's position in the manuscript and the complaints of ill health that it contains suggest that it might belong to the director . However, if he wrote it soon
Commentary 147
after his last letter to Eulogia and in extremis , this evidence would argue against his identification with anyone who lived into the 1 340s .
Letter 1 9
2-3 1'i;C; npoc; 1'00C; (JuYYEvdC; (Jou npo(Jnu90uc; O!J,lAiuC;: Citing Luke 1 4 . 26 ( " If anyone comes to me and does not hate his own father and mother and wife and children and brothers and sisters , yes , and even his own life, he cannot be my disciple " ) , the Fathers of the Church ordained that the monk must have no earthly family. See, for example , Saint Basil , 'AaK1]TlKai ()zaTU�8l(;, 20, PO 3 1 . 1 3 89C- 1 393C; Evagrios, Twv KaTa f.1,ovaxwv npaYf.1,UTWV TO. ai'rza, 5 , PO 40. 1 257A. Consequently, any contact between nuns and their relatives outside the cloister was officially discouraged, although in practice a limited number of visits by a nun ' s close relatives was permitted as a concession to human weakness .
Irene Doukas allowed the mothers , sisters and sisters-in-law of her nuns to visit the convent twice a year . On those occasions they were invited to partake of the common meal at the refectory but they could not remain overnight . Only the mother of a seriously ailing nun was allowed to spend the night with her daugther . Fathers, brothers and brothersin-law, on the other hand , were received at the outer gate of the convent , and if a nun happened to be ill , she was carried thither on a litter . Even the imperial princesses were subject to this rule, for the convent was strictly out of bounds to men. See Miklosich-Miiller, 5, 346- 47. The typika of the Palaiologan convents of Bebaia Elpis and Lips are equally strict on this point (Delehaye, "Deux typica, " 6 1 ; 1 1 5) , although Empress Theodora authorized occasional visits by her son Andronikos II , and the female members of her family; see Typikon of the Convent
148
3
7
1 3 - 1 4
1 4
1 5
2 1
5
Princess Irene-Eulogia
of Lips, Delehaye , "Deux typica, " 1 1 5 .
I n his short manual on monastic life , addressed to Eulogia at the beginning of their association , Theoleptos warned her that her close relatives were among the many things she would have to renounce when she embraced monastic life (Salaville, " Formes ou methodes de priere , " 7 and note 2) . It appears that his advice went unheeded for we know from Choumnos ' correspondence that Eulogia received her father every Saturday and Sunday; see Choumnos , Letter 1 63 , ed . Boissonade , Anecdota Nova, 1 82 . Until the end of his life , Theoleptos continued to voice his disapproval of Eulogia' s passionate attachment to her family and , like her future director , he held this attachment responsible for her general malaise . See Hero , " Irene-Eulogia, " 1 29 .
KU'tU Map9uc;: An unknown nun who had provoked the abbess ' quick temper .
on 9u�oC; £(jnv 6 'tufhu �aAAcov KUt aKov1"i�cov: Theoleptos also advised Eulogia to exercise greater self-control in dealing with the nuns in her charge and reprimanded her for her occasional pettiness and severity . See Hero , " Irene-Eulogia, " 1 25-26 .
�E�tOG : Theodore Dexios ; see commentary on Letter 1 8 , line 10 .
MuvourlA: Unknown .
, Aupcbv : See commentary on Letter 12 , line 24 .
<PuAuivll C;: See commentary on Letter 1 8 , lines 28-29 .
Letter 20
AU�1tpOtC; (jUAAOYOtC;: Eulogia had invited her correspondent to the commemoration of the anniversary of her father ' s death ( 1 6 January; on this date, cf. commentary on Letter 5 , line 44) , which accord-
Commentary 149
ing to custom would have been solemnized with a special liturgy, followed by an elaborate meal for members of the family, friends and the monastic community . See, for example , the typikon of Irene Doukas for the convent of Kecharitomene (Miklosich-Miiller , 5 , 3 74-75) and Theodora Synadena' s typikon for the convent of Bebaia Elpis, in which she too gave detailed instructions for the requiems of the various members of her family (Delehaye , "Deux typica, " 9 1 -94) .
7-8 aVE'lllwV aou: It is not clear whether these nieces of the abbess were members of the monastic community or occasional visitors . The director says here that he had just seen them recently, and in Letter 21 (line 27) he offers to meet with them again during his forthcoming visit to the convent . Eulogia had one attested niece, the daughter of her eldest brother John; See Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques , " no. 24. It is possible, however, that she had other nieces from her three younger brothers. Of her nieces by marriage, only two were living at this time: Theodora, the daughter of Michael IX and widow of Michael Sisman of Bulgaria, who was by then the nun Theodosia at the convent of Kyra Martha, and the young Princess Irene, daughter of the Despot Demetrios and future wife of Matthew Kantakouzenos. See Papadopoulos, Genealogie, nos . 7 1 and 64 respectively.
1 3 Kup Nit<pcova: Perhaps the monk Nephon who carried one of Eulogia's last letters to Theoleptos in 1 322; See Theoleptos' second letter to Eulogia in Ot
tob. 405 , fo! . 234v . He may even be further identified with the anti-Palamite Nephon who is mentioned in the Fifth Antirrhetic of Patriarch Philotheos Kokkinos together with Dexios and Oregoras , (PO 1 5 1 . 872C ; latest edition by D . Kaimakis, lPl
A o8iov KOKKlvov LJ oY/.1UTlKa "Epyu [Thessalonike, 1 983] , 1 53 ) , and who is listed among the prominent
150 Princess Irene-Eulogia
anti-Palamites as hieromonk and father confessor (nvEU�l(l'ttKOC;) ; see Mercati , Notizie, 223 , no . 1 0 .
Letter 2 1
3-4 1"OU nupUKOtJ.1(J)J.1EVOU: As suggested by Laurent ("La direction spirituelle , " 52) , the reference is to Eulogia's eldest brother John, the Bearer of the Great Seal (nupUKOlJ.1cOJ.1EVOC; 1"iiC; J.1EyaA:11C; oq>Ev8oVllC;), a Palace official, successful general and man of letters . See Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques , " no. 1 6, pp . 257-59. John had been governor of the island of Chios for one year when he died (cf. his eulogy by Manuel Gabalas, Vindobon. gr. 1 74, foI. 1 94r, as in Verpeaux, "Notes . . . , " 259, note 52) , but the exact date of his death is unknown. Kourouses recently concluded that John was dead by 1 338 because Manuel Gabalas in a letter dating from the middle of 1 339 wrote that he had composed the eulogy of John Choumnos "sometime ago " ; see Manuel Gabalas, 1 9 1 .
1 2- 1 3 apXtotK08oJ.10C;: According t o W . Petersen and C . Buck (A Reverse Index of Greek Nouns and Adjectives [Chicago, 1 945] , 1 95) , this extremely rare word is found only in an early Byzantine inscription from a building in Assuan, Egypt ; See F. Bilabel . ed . , Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Agypten
(Heidelberg , 1 93 1 ) , IV, no . 7425 , p . 72.
1 2- 1 3 apXtotK08oJ.10C; 8€ KUt rpllyoptOC;, roc; aA1l9roc;, J.10-voc; t01"tV 6 eEOC; ' OU1"OC; yap to'ttv 6 YPTtYoP0C; 8ta nuv1"oc; Oq>9UAJ.10C;: Here the director appears to be answering a statement which Eulogia had made using the words apXtotK08oJ.10C; and rpllyoptOC;. It is , however , difficult to determine how Eulogia had used these terms . The first thought that comes to mind is that her correspondent's name was probably Gregory and that she had made a pun on it , since the verb YPllYOPro means " to be fully awake, to watch , to live . " In that case it would be very tempt-
Commentary 1 5 1
ing t o identify the director with Gregory Akindynos , Eulogia's protege and close associate during the hesychast controversy. Certain evidence would, in fact, support such a conjecture. Like the director , Akindynos was a scholar-monk who arrived in the capital from Thessalonike in the late 1 3 30s and became known in the patriarchal circles . Furthermore, four of his letters are found in the Escorial manuscript adjacent to Choumnaina's correspondence edited here. Unfortunately, however, there is no evidence that Akindynos , who had been denied admittance by most of the Athonite monasteries (cf. Hero, Letters
of Gregory Akindynos, x-xi) , was a highly respected hesychast, nor is there any evidence in his surviving writings , or in those of his opponents , that he ever wrote any such works as are here attributed to Eulogia's correspondent. Moreover, there are no noticeable similarities between the director 's style and that of Akindynos in his correspondence, although this may be due to the difference in their respective readers . Akindynos' surviving letters are addressed to his fellow-literati and other learned men, and consequently they exhibit all the traits of the rhetorical style . On the other hand, the director' s simple and concise manner of writing most probably reflects the fact that he is addressing a woman. Still , one small but interesting detail must be noted: Akindynos does not share the director's predilection for rare words . His seventy-six letters contain only two words which are unattested in the dictionaries , whereas the director ' s fourteen letters show five such words . Finally had she been writing to Gregory Akindynos , it is highly unlikely that Eulogia would have missed the opportunity to make some pun on his last name , as he himself and his opponents did later during the controversy . For that matter neither are there any other puns in her letters on the name rpllyo ptOC; or the verb YPllYo pw and its derivatives . I am inclined ,
152
26-27
Princess Irene-Eu/ogia
therefore, to dismiss the possibility of a pun and the only explanation I can suggest regarding this obscure allusion is that Eulogia might have referred to Gregory of Nazianzos who was her favorite Church Father , according to her statement in another letter (Letter 9, lines 9 1 -92) .
'trov it�EProV Tii<; 'AnoKpEco : The Director promises to visit Eulogia at the end of the three-week period which precedes the Great Lent . The whole period receives its name from the third Sunday , the Sunday of the Apokreo, so called because after that day no meat may be eaten until Easter Sunday . See E . Theodorou, ' " AnoKpEco<;, " epl1aKSVTlKY, Kai 'B81-KY, 'EYKvKAonalbs[a (Athens 1 960) , 2, 1 098- 1 1 02 .
Letter 22
1 -2 'tOY VEKPOV 'tf\<; 9Eiu<; 000 . Nothing is known about the brothers or sisters of Eulogia's parents , except that Choumnos had one attested brother; see Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques , " no . 2 1 , p . 262 . Of her husband' s aunts-the sisters of Andronikos II-Anna, the wife of Michael of Epiros died in 1 300 and Eudokia the empress of Trebizond died in 1 302 . See Papadopoulos , Genealogie, nos .47 and 52, pp. 29; 32-3 3 . However, the date of death of Irene , the wife of John III Asen, is unknown; see Papadopoulos, op . cit . , no . 44 , pp. 27-28 .
Additional note
When this edition was already in press , I was informed by Father Darrouzes of G. A. Papademetriou ' s article, " <H KpaAUtyU 'troy TptpuArov KUt 6 Kco8tKoypa<po<; 0EOK'ttO'tO<; ( ± 1 340) , " MsaalwvlKa Kai Nia tEAAI1V1KU, 1 ( 1 984) 4 1 9-5 1 . In this study, the author convincingly identifies Simonisthe daughter of Andronikos II and widow of Uros II
Commentary 153
Milutin of Serbia-with an unnamed ' ' kralaina of the Tribali" for whom a scribe by the name of Theoktistos had copied several manuscripts containing an anthology of ascetic writings known as Ever
getinos (Barlaam 1 5 1 ) , various menaia (Vindob. theol. gr. 1 32, Vindob. hist. gr. 66, Vindob. theol.
gr. 1 38) , seven tragedies of Sophocles (Marc. gr. 467) , and Plutarch's Moralia (Bruxellensis 1 8967) . Papademetriou identifies this scribe with Theoktistos the Studite, author of several works on P atriarch Athanasios I of Constantinople, and concludes that the same man was the spiritual director of Choumnaina through whom he must have made the acquaintance of the latter 's sister-in-law , Simonis .
Unfortunately the evidence from their letters does not permit us to identify Eulogia's correspondent with a man who was a scribe. We know from his own as well as Eulogia's comments that the director's handwriting was very bad (see commentary on Letter 10, lines 37-38 , above) and that when the princess requested fresh copies of his writings she provided both paper and money for a copyist 's fee (Letter 9, lines 86-87 , above) . Indeed, if Theoktistos the Studite was the copyist of the manuscripts commissioned by Simonis , this would be further evidence against his identification with Eulogia' s correspondent .
I wish to thank both Father Darrouzes for bringing Dr. Papademetriou 's study to my attention and Dr. Papademetriou for providing me with an offprint of his article .
Addenda
The following passages were misprinted in my article , "Irene-Eulogia, " notes 15 and 75 : Letter 9, lines 78-80 (EV xapl"U . . . u\Vuxou) and Letter 1 8 , lines 1 6-20 (1to:nl P . . . U1tEpXOU) .
Indices
INDEX ΤΟ ΤΗΕ GREEK ΤΕΧΤ OF ΤΗΕ CORRESPONDENCE
* Distinguishes unattested or rare words
, Ααρών (emissary of Eulogia) 12. 24, 28; 13. 60-61; 15. 91; 18. 1; 19. 15; 21.25
αβαρής 7. 31 αβαρώς 9. 100 αβίαστος (έξαγγελία) 5. 23 αγάλλομαι 5. 1, 43-44 άγαμαι 1. 2-3 άγιοπρεπής 5. 6 αγιος (Andronikos ΙΙ) 5. 41; (of
director) 1. 1; 5. 45; 9. 1; (monk) 12. 18; 15. 87; (others) 16. 9, 11. Cf. also ' Αρσένιος, Τριάς
άγιότης, ή σή (director) 11. 1 άγιωσύνη, ή σή (director) 1. 13,
26, 29; 3. 20, 27, 30; 5. 45; 9. 1, 56, 88; 13. 61-62; 15. 11, 89
άγιώτατος (Patriarch Athanasios Ι) 1. 28; (director) 13. 41-42; 15.1
αγράμματος (γυνή) 3. 36 αγροίκος 13. 29, 32. αγροικωτάτη (ref. Eulogia) 13.
34-35. αδιάλειπτος (προνοητής): of God
14. 56 αδυνατώτατος 14. 16 αηδία 3. 25 αηδίζομαι 3. 31-32 αηδώς (έχειν) 18. 7
155
, Αθανάσιος, patriarch of Constantinople 1. 29; 2. 18-19; 3. 23; 4. 6
αθόλωτος (ήδονή) 9. 61 αϊσθησις (ψυχής) 9. 64 αιχμάλωτος 15. 33 άκαρπος 9. 51 ακατάλυτος 21. 19 ακηδέω 7. 28-29 ακηδία 7. 33 ακμαίος 7. 4; 13. 15 ακοίμητος (οφθαλμός): of God
21. 15 ακορέστως 21. 10 ακρίβεια 13. 22, 23; 18. 18 ακριβολογέομαι 18. 23 ακριβόω 16. 69 ακρισία 16. 64 άλογον (horse) 15. 69 αλφάβητος 12. 8; 13. 28, 31, 33 αμαθής 2. 14; 3. 33 αμαθία 1. 5 αμέλεια 19. 1 άμετρος 9. 49; 15. 20 άμισθος 15. 8 άμωμος 21. 18 ανάβασις 9. 72 αναγκαίος (προνοητής): of God
14. 56 αναισθητέω 9. 3-4 ανακωχή 15. 53
156 Princess Irene-Eulogia
αναλλοίωτος 8. 12-13 αναξιότης 9. 45 ανάπαυσις 7. 46; 9. 71 αναχωρέω 8. 40-41; 17. 24 αναχώρησις 17. 9 ανδράποδον (λαιμοϋ καΙ κοιλίας) 17. 32
ανέκφορος 3. 24; 4. 12-13 ανελάττωτος 19. 21-22 ανεξικακία 5. 15 ανεπιλήπτως 5. 12 ανεπίσκεπτον, τό 17. 48 ανεπιστημοσύνη 17. 64 άνεσις 15. 21, 56; 17. 55 ανεψιαί (nieces of Eulogia) 20.
7-8; 21. 27 άνθρωπος (Θεοϋ): ref. director
13. 1, 20; (θαυμαστός) ref. Nikephoros Choumnos 7. 15-16 (παρακοιμωμένου) 21.3
ανομίλητον, τό 17. 48 αντέχομαι (τοϋ λόγου) 9. 96 αντίγραφον 11. 2 αντίστοιχον, itacism 1. 6 αξιολογώτατος 12. 8-9 αξιόω, ask 1. 26. 27; 17.65 απαιδεύτως 5. 8 απαναίνομαι 7. 26-27 απαρρησίαστος 3. 11 απειρία 9. 84 άπειρον, τό 9. 1-2 απέραντος 22. 8-9 απερισκέπτως 3. 6-7 απέριττος 14. 10 * απληροφορησία, lack of con-
fidence 17. 93-94 απληροφόρητος 17. 76 απόγνωσις 15. 27 Άπόκρεω 21. 27 απόλλω 9. 40 άπορον, τό 9. 75
αποσείω 9. 93 απόστολος (St. Paul) 8. 9, 13; 9.
7; (ρl.) 9. 19 αποσώζομαι, arrive 11. 2 αποταγή 16. 21 , Αρσένιος, αγιος 13. 29 άρτιος 7. 27 αρχιερεύς (Theoleptos of Phiala
delphia) 9. 48; 15. 32-33, 83-84; 16. 16; 17. 2, 13; (others) 17. 34
αρχιερωσύνη 16. 22 * αρχιοικοδόμος (of God) 21.13-14 ασθένεια, ή εμαυτοϋ 6. 3; ή ήμών
10. 2-3 ασθένημα 18. 42 ασκανδάλιστος 17. 25, 40 ασκητήριον 16. 8 ασπούδαστος 4. 9 αστοχέω 9. 39 ασύνετος 3. 9 άσχετος 14. 8 ατίθασος 18. 26 ατιμία 8. 8, 10-11 άτιμος 17.74 ατοπία 15. 71 αυθέντη ς (Andronikos ΙΙ) 5. 41;
(Gregory of Nazianzos) 9. 91 αυθεντικός 15. 68 αυτοπρόσωπος 17. 18 αυτοπροσώπως 17. 16 αυτόσοφος 2. 5 αφέλεια, ή ήμετέρα 16. 41 άφθονος, genial 5. 47 αφόρητος 15. 53 αφρονέστατος 14. 16 άψυχος 9. 80
βάρος (εχειν) 15. 89 βασιλεία (of empire) 14. 42;
(emperor) 15. 65; (kingdom
Indices 157
of heaven) 21. 20-21 Βασίλειος ό μέγας 19. 12-13; 20.
2 βασιλεύς (Andronikos ΙΙ) 5.
41; 6. 21 βασιλίς (ψυχή) 2. 6-7 βέλτιστος (form of adress) 6. 13 βιαστός 21. 20 βιβλίον (book of Nikephoros
Choumnos) 8. 21; (of the direcιοτ) 9. 90; 12. 1, 14; (of Theoleptos) 12. 16; (Eulogia's library) 10. 40
βίος (fortune) 15. 70 βουλευτικός 14. 44
γάμος (βασιλικός) 15. 67 γενναίος (of patriarch Athanasios
Ι) 2. 19; (gen.) 2: 3; 8. 27; 14. 13-14
γεννήτωρ (Nikephoros Choum-nos) 5. 44; 6. 21
γεύμα, taste 3. 30 γλυκύτης (Χριστού) 9. 61 γλυφίς 7. 34 γνήσιος, relative 15. 81 γνησιότης (είς την βασιλείαν)
15. 65 γογγυσμός 7. 39 γράμμα, letter of complaint 18. 2 γραμματική 1. 6, 10-11 γραφή (letter) 1. 1, 13; 3. 30, 31;
5. 56-57; 15. 47; 16. 71; (writing) 5. 5, 26, 56, 58; 9. 2; 13. 24, 50
γράψιμον, writing < fee > 9. 87 Γρηγόριος, Gregory of Nazianzos
9. 92; (of God) 21. 13 γρήγορος (οφθαλμός): of God 21.
14 γυμνάσιον 9. 10
γύμνωσις 13. 44 γυναικείος 2. 4 γυνή 3. 36; 10. 20; 16. 3; 17. 3, 30,
47
δάκρυον 5. 39; 15. 57 δακρύω 11. 6 Δαυίδ (bibl.) 10. 13; 13. 35; cf.
also ίεροψάλτης, προφήτης δα ψιλως 8. 57 δειλία 21. 7; 22. 3 Δεξιός (Θεόδωρος) 18. 10; 19.
13-14 δεσπότης (God) 7. 40, 42, 47;
(Theoleptos of Philadelphia) 9. 48; 15. 83
διάθεσις 1. 16; 7. 37; 13. 7; 14. 38; 15. 61; 16. 39; Ι8. 36; 19. 13, 19
διάπυρος 13. 7 διαρκέω, suffice 15. 70 διασχεδιάζω 2. 16 διδασκαλία 5. 13 διδάσκαλος 8. 4; 12. 16; 17. 63,
69, 91 δούλος (Χριστού) 8. 13; 9. 19-20,
74; 13. 2 δραστήριος 18. 29 δυνάστης (των κακων): of God
21. 9 δυσαίσθητος 3. 34 δυσδιάκριτος 2. 16 δυσεφίκτως 3. 10 δυσφημία 7. 9; 8. 11
εγκωμιάζω 3. 35; 13. 42 εγκωμιαστικός 9. 27 εγκώμιον 1. 15; 3. 39; 7. 12, 14;
9. 4, 20, 22 είρήνη, peace 15. 22; (διπλή) 5.
16; (θεία) 5. 18; (νοερά) 9. 62 (Χριστού) 5. 17
158 Princess /rene-Eu/ogia
ειρηνεύω 9. 62; 15. 35 εκγράφω 4. 12 εκκαθαίρω, edit 2. 22 εκκλησία, congregation 10. 14; 11. 12-13; (metropolis of Philadelphia) 16. 18-19
εκπαιδεύω 1. 11 <Ελληνικός, profane 10. 42;
Greek 13. 30 <Ελληνισμός, Hellenic learning
10. 22 εμβριθως 9. 42 εμφροντις 16. 72 ενανθρώπησις 18. 39 ενδιάθετος 17. 31 ενδόσιμον 16. 32 ενεργέω 9. 66, 67 ενωσις, gathering 15. 68 εξοδον, τό 3. 22 έορτή (του Σωτήρος) 9. 85 επίδειξις 4. 15 επίλοιπος 5. 57 επίσκεψις (θεία) 16. 64 επιστήμων (ήσυχίας) 8. 39-40 επιστρέφομαι (προς εμαυτόν) 14.
21 (προς Θεόν) 16. 60 επόπτης (of God) 14. 53-54 επωφελης 13. 13 εραστής (ήσυχίας) 9. 32 ερως (ήσυχίας) 9. 31-32 ευδαιμονία 15. 53-54 εύδρομον (τής φράσεως) 13. 27 ευλαβής 5. 7; 8. 58 ευλογία (ε. επώνυμος) 16. 59 * ευπαιδεία, education 10. 21 ευπετή ς 3. 26 ευπορία 5. 24-25; 13. 26 ευπορώτατον, τό (του νοός) 5.
21-22 ευτέλεια (of director) 3. 11 ευφημία 7. 9, 10; 8. 11
ευφροσύνη, 5. 29; 15. 55 ευφυως, 2. 8 εχθρός (of devil), 22. 4
ζεύγλη, 15. 30-31 ζήτησις, inquiry 18. 4, 35 ζυγός (νοερας ύποταγής), 15. 32
ήδονή (Χριστου) 9. 61 ήδύνω 3. 32-33 ήμερόω 18. 6 ήμέρως 18. 34 ήρωϊκός (στίχος) 12. 3 ήσυχάζω 21. 2 ήσυχία 8. 39, 45, 52; 9. 32, 32-33;
12. 9, 16
θανατηφόρος 18. 4243 θαυμασιώτατος (of director) 13.1 θαυμαστός (of Nikephoros Chou-
mnos) 7. 15 θαυμαστόω 13. 36, 38 θεία (Eulogia's aunt) 22. 2 θείος (of patriarch Athanasios Ι)
2. 19; (Theoleptos) 16. 15; 17. 13
< Θεόληπτος >, metropolitan of Philadelphia cf. αρχιερεύς, δεσπότης, θείος, θεσπέσιος, μέγας, πατήρ
θεόληπτος (of director) 13. 18; 15. 62
θεολογικώτατος (of Gregory of Nazianzos) 9. 91
θεοποιός 15. 1-2 θεοπρεπως 16. 3 θεοφιλής (of director) 15. 16-17;
(Theoleptos) 16. 26 θεσπέσιος (of Theoleptos) 12. 15
(monk) 12. 18; (monastery) 14. 36
Indices 159
Θεσσαλονίκη 2. 18; 3. 16; 4. 7-8
θεωρία contemplation 9. 71 θέωσις 9. 72-73 θησαυρός (of director) 9. 35, 40 θη ριάλωτος 15. 31 θλίψις 8. 15 θυμικόν (της ψυχης) 19. 9 θυμός 19. 7 θυμώδης (διάθεσις) 18. 35
ιαμβικός (στίχος) 12. 3 ιδιασμός 16. 60 ίδιόομαι 12. 29-30 ίδιωτεία 1. 5; 3. 8 ίδιώτισσα 3. 37 ίερός (of monk) 16. 67; (nuns) 17.
46 ίεροψάλτης, David 16. 47 'Ιησους (κύριος) 17. 99; 'Ιησους
Χριστός 1. 9; cf. also Χριστός ίλιγγιάω 3. 39 ίσον, τό 3. 24
καθαίρω, edit 3. 16 * κακοχάραγον, bad hand writ
ing 10. 38 < Καλέκας 'Ιωάννης >, J ohn
ΧΙV Patriarch of Constantinople cf. πατριάρχης
κάλλιστος (ref. director) 13. 5, 11
καλλονή (γραφης) 1. 2; 5. 4; 13. 50
κανονίζομαι 10. 26; 17. 49 καρδία 7. 30; 9. 50, 69; 15. 95 Kαταβαπτ�oμαι 9. 41 καταθέλ γω 5. 25 καταμέμφομαι 5. 48 κατανύσσομαι 11. 6 καταξιόω 3. 21 καταποντίζομαι 15. 34, 38-39,
52, 56-57
καταρτίζομαι 7. 11-12 κατάστοιχον 10. 46 κατατρυφάω 9. 90 κατεργασία 9. 98 κέλευσις 4. 12 κέλλα 14. 23 κελλίον 14. 1, 8, 27; 15. 73, 74;
16. 44 κίνημα (αρετης) 13. 25 κολακεύω 5. 53 < Κολοβός 'Ιωάννης >, Desert
Father 6. 10; 9. 24 κοσμικός layman 12. 4 Κράλαινα, Simonis, Queen of
Serbia 18. 45 κράτιστος (of Andronikos Π) 5.
41 κρίμα 9. 46 κτηνος 15. 39 κυρ, ό (indecl.): of monks 16.
67; 17. 61, 66; 20. 13; others 18. 1
κυρις, ό (Patriarch Athanasios Ι) 1. 29; 3. 23; (monk) 15. 88
λαλιά 11. 4 λαός (βασιλικός) 15. 70 λογικός, literary 7. 18, 27; rhe-
torical 10. 22 λόγιος 3. 38 λογιότης 5. 33 λογισμός 5. 38; 14. 48, 49-50; 15.
87; 16. 63 λογιώτατος 1. 1; 3. 4; 9. 99 λόγος, argument 5.11; learning
9. 95; 13. 42; Hellenic learning 12. 1, 2; written work 2. 10-11, 13; 3. 19; discourse 4. 3, 5, 11; 5. 20, 27; 7. 15; 8. 24, 26; 9. 88; 12. 1, 3, 16-17; 13. 4, 8, 20; reason
160 Princess Irene-Eu/ogia
9. 63; teaching 15. 95, 98; 16. 11
λοχεία 4. 8 λύπη 5. 31; 9. 41, 43; 15, 53 λυτρωτής (τών κακών): of God
21. 9-10
μακαρίτης (of Nikephoros Choumnos) 20. 5-6
Μανουήλ (emissary of Eulogia), 19. 14
Μάρθα (nυn) 19. 3 μάρτυς (ή αλήθεια) 9. 56; (ή συν-
είδη σις) 15. 80 μεγαλοπρέπεια 8.25-26 μεγαλοφυια 13. 39-40 μέγας (of Gregory of Nazianzos),
9. 91, 92; (Theoleptos of Philadelphia) 12. 15
μέλαν, τό, ink 9. 79; 15. 58 μελίττω 8. 4 μένος 5. 6 μεταγράφω 3. 21; 9. 87; 10. 45 μεταίχμιος 5. 3 μετάνοια 18. 61 Μηνας (monk) 15. 88; 16. 67; 17.
11, 66; < 12. 18 > μήτηρ (Χριστου) 15. 37 μικροπρεπής 9. 6 μισθαποδότης (of God) 11. 7 μνημόσυνα, memorial service 21.1 μοναδικός 8. 40 μονάζων 12. 5; 15. 82 μοναστήριον (of Patriarch
Athanasios Ι) 4. 5-6; (Philanthropos Soter) 18. 27
μοναχικός 7. 22; 15. 73 μοναχός 5. 43; 18. 2 μονή (of Philanthropos Soter), 14.
36; 15. 64; 16. 33 μοχθηρός 6. 1
μυριοπλάσιος 11. 8 μυσταγωγέω 7. 23 Μωσαϊκά (Pentateuch) 10. 49
ναοποιέω 21. 16 νεκρός, funeral 22. νευρά 7. 33 νήπιος 8. 3 νηπιώδης 8. 3, 5-6 Νήφων (monk) 20. 13 νοερός (ειρήνη) 9. 62; (ύποταγή)
15. 32; (ψυχή) 15. 40 νόημα 5. 22, 24; 13. 26 νους 1. 20; 7. 3; 8. 17; 9. 65; 13.
5,28; 15. 29
όδηγέομαι 15. 93 οδυνηρώς 7. 26 οιηματικός 18. 36 οικίδιον 16. 5 οικονομέω 5. 57; 7. 43, 45; 17.
100 οικονομία (Θεου) 9. 44-45 οικονόμος 7. 43 όμιλία, association 17. 49; 19.
3; company 7. 26, 30-31; 9. 37, 97; 10. 19, 28; 12. 20; 13. 14; conversation 17. 91; talk 15. 18; visit 8. 39, 47, 50; 9. 81, 17.18
όμότροπος 17. 83-84 οξύς (πους) 5. 49-50 ορεκτόν τό 9. 70 ορφανία 7. 19 ουράνιος (αλφάβητος) 13. 33
παθητικός 9. 62-63 παίδευσις 1. 10; 5. 8, 9; 8. 49; 12.
24; 13. 31 < Παλαιολόγος 'Ανδρόνικος >,
Andronikos ΙΙ cf. αγιος, αυθέντης, βασιλεύς, κράτιστος,
Indices 161
πενθερός, φιλάρετος, φιλόκαλος, φιλόλογος, φιλομόναχος, φιλόσοφος, φυσικός; Andronikos πι < 15. 65 >
πανάγαθος (Χριστός) 12. 22 παντοκρατορικός 15. 4 παρακοιμώμενος, John Chou-
mnos 21. 3-4 παραλιμπάνω 5. 9 παροξύνομαι 18. 38 παρουσία (δευτέρα)� 11. 13;
(of director) 15. 8 πατερικός 12. 10; 16. 2 πατήρ, author 13. 6; father
(Nikephoros Choumnos) 5. 42; 8. 22, 23; 9. 82; 15. 15, 76; 20. 6; spiritual father (patriarch) 18. 16; (Theoleptos of Phialdelphia) 7. 25; 8. 34; 9. 48, 82; 12. 15; 15. 15, 76; (John Kolobos) 6. 10; 9. 24; (monk Menas) 12. 18; 15. 88; (others) 9. 47; 16. 4; 17. 7, 53; form of address (ref. director) 1. 1; 5. 23-24, 45; 9. 1; 13. 42; 15. 1, 9
πατριάρχης, Athanasios Ι 1. 28; John χιν Kalekas (?) 17. 34; 18. 1, 6, 10, 15, 24
πατριαρχικώς 18. 4 πενθερός, Andronikos ΙΙ 5. 42 πένθος, funeral 15. 68 περιέχομαι (τού λόγου), 9. 96 περισπασμός 9. 84; 16. 73 πηγαίνω 18. 1 πηγή (ζώσα): ref. director 3.
26; (παντός αγαθού): ref. Christ 17. 99
πηχυς (βασιλικός) 10. 21 πικρία, 15. 55 Πίνδαρος 8. 28 πλακούντιον 19. 14
πλάτος (νοημάτων) 5. 22, 24 πληροφορία, full assurance 15.
34-35, 92, 94; 22. 5; tutelage 17. 62
πνεύμα, Holy Spirit 5. 18-19; spirit 5. 39; 7. 29; breathing 18. 49; vapor 18. 46, 53
πνευματικός (διάθεσις) 14. 38; 15. 61; (έμφασις) 12. 9; (εργασία) 15. 79; (όμιλία) 7. 26-27; 9. 97-98; (πατήρ) 7. 25 (ωφέλεια) 7. 18;
πνιγηρός 16. 63 πνιγμονή 17. 55 ποιητής ref. Christ 1. 8-9 πόλις, Constantinople 8. 52 πολιτεία (μοναχική) 13. 23 πολλοστημόριον 7. 44 ποταμός (δια συγγραμμάτων
ρέων): ref. director 3. 28 πράγματα, <material > goods
7. 43, 46; matters of dispute (ref. legal disputes) 18. 24, 31
πραγματεύομαι 5. 36-37 πραγματικός 18. 19 πραότης 5. 15 πρεσβύτατος 17. 26-27 πρεσβυτικώτατος 13. 22-23 προνοητής (of God) 14. 55-56 προοικοδομέω 16. 13 προπετώς 3. 6 προσκόλλησις 9. 16 προσπαθής 19. 3 προσφυέστατος 2. 5 προφήτης, David 10. 14 πτωχεία (of director) 3. 11 πυρίτης (λίθος) 3. 18 πυρσός (λόγων) 3. 19
ρqθυμία 19. 2
162 Ρrίncess Ιrene-ΕuΙοgία
ρ�θυμoς 9. 6 'Ράλαινα, nυn 18. 28-29; 19. 16,
21 ρητορικός 5. 6; 17. 58 ριγέω 18. 38 ρυθμίζω 19. 5 'Ρωμαϊκός 13. 30
σεβασμιώτατος (ref. director) 15. 1
σεμνοπρέπεια, ή σή 14. 42 σημαδεύω 7. 17 σκαφίδιον 6. 19 σκοτίζομαι 15. 28 σκότωσις 13. 44 σκυθρωπός 13. 43 σκυλον 5. 2 σοφία (ανωτάτω) 13. 58; (κάτω)
13. 56; (θεου) 13. 39; (of director) 3. 7, 10, 13; 5. 33; 14. 13; (Eulogia) 16. 56; (Nikephoros Choumnos) 8. 23
σοφιστής (κακίας), devil 16. 56 σοφός (director) 3. 38; (Nikepho
ros Choumnos) 5. 42; 6. 21; 8. 22
σπήλαιον 16. 4 σπυρίς 6. 11 στενοχωρία 8. 15-16 στομόω 7. 2 στερρότης, ή σή 22. 11 στοχάζομαι 9. 34, 36 συγγένεια (εις την βασιλείαν) 15.
64 συγγενής 19. 2 σύγγραμμα 1. 29; 3. 14, 28; 11.
5-6; 17. 7 Συγκλητική, nυn 18. 45 σύλλογος 20. 5, 11 σύμβουλος 17. 95, 96
συνάγω, collect oneself 14. 1 συναγωγή, meditation 16. 43-44 συνεδρία 17. 88 συνείδησις 14. 29; 15. 63, 80 σύνεσις (of director) 13. 22, 24;
(Eulogia) 16. 54 συνετός 3. 6; 5. 7 συνήθεια (ανθρωπίνη) 21. 24;
(βασιλικη) 17. 93 σύννοια 22. 5 συνοδοιπόρος 17. 73 συντάσσομαι 9. 94 συντέμνω 1. 19-20, 22-23 σύντονον, το 7. 33 σύστασις (ref. spiritual direction)
14. 15 σφραγίς, ordination 16. 31 σχεδίασμα 3. 15, 21-22; 9. 88 σχήμα, monastic habit 7. 22 σχολάζω 15. 71 σχολή 16. 11 σωτήρ, Christ 1. 9; (εντολη του
Σωτήρος) 14. 34; (έορτη του Σωτήρος) 9. 85
σωτηρία 15. 82; 16. 36; 18. 62; 21. 20
τάλαινα (of Eulogia) 7. 20 τάλαντον 7. 35; 15. 12 ταπεινοφροσύνη 18. 14 ταπείνωσις (of director) 1. 21;
7. 38 τεκμήριον 1. 19; 9. 34 τέλεος 6. 10-11 τελεόω 2. 17 τελειόω 2. 17 τετραβασίλειον, the four books
of Kings 10. 49-50 τεχνολογέω 21. 7 τιμιώτατος (of director) 15. 9 τομός 16. 58
Indices 163
τόνος, accent (gramm.) 1. 7 Τριάς, άγία 16. 45, 58-59
ύπεράγαμαι 15. 3 ύπέραγνος (μήτηρ Χριστου) 15. 37 ύπερθαυμάζω 8. 23 ύπήκοος 17. 51, 57, 68 ύποβρύχιος 6. 20 ύπόθεσις 1. 20; 8. 26; 18. 19 ύπόληψις Ι. 17 ύπομνήσκω 3. 29 ύποταγή 15. 29, 32; 17. 45; 18. 8 ύποτάσσομαι, submit to the
direction 7. 23; 17. 23, 50 ύστερέω 1. 28 ύψηλόν (της φράσεως) 13. 27 ϋψωμα 9. 8
φήμη 5. 47-48 Φιλαδέλφεια 12. 16; 15. 96 φιλανθρωπία (of Christ) 1. 8 φιλανθρώπως 18. 40 φιλάρετος (Andronikos Π) 5. 40;
«Ράλαινα) 19. 15-16 φιλέρημον, τό 17. 10 φιλήσυχος (of Eulogia) 8. 43 φιλόδοξος (of director) 6. 1 φιλοθεϊ"α, ή σή: ref. Eulogia 10. 45 φιλόθεος (of Eulogia) 8. 44;
(director) 9. 23 φιλόκαλος (of Andronikos Π) 5.
40-41 φιλόλογος (of Andronikos Π) 5.
40; (Eulogia) 6. 4; 12. 13 (gen.) 13. 46
φιλομαθία (of Eulogia) 10. 30, 41 φιλομαθής (of Eulogia) 2. 6 * φιλόμιλος, loνing society, com
pany 8. 43 φιλομόναχος (of Andronikos Π)
5. 41
φιλονεικία 15. 59 φιλονει κέω 17. 97 φιλοπάτωρ 9. 14 φιλοσοφία 1. 18, 18-19 φιλόσοφος (of Andronikos Π) 5.
40; (ref. director) 7. 3; 9. 23; 13. 34
φιλοτιμία 5. 51; 10. 5 φιλοτίμως 4. 15 φιλόχριστος (of Eulogia) 10. 1 φίλτρον 7. 16 φίμωτρον 7. 32 φλέγμα 18. 48, 50, 55 φράσις 13. 27 φρόνησις 19. 22 φρόνιμος 18. 29 φυά 8. 27 φυσικός (φιλόσοφος): ref. An-
dronikos Π 5. 39-40 φύσις 2. 11; 13. 59 φως (θείον) 9. 68 φωτίζω 15. 86; 16. 49 φωτισ μός 9. 60-61
χαλινός 15. 30 χαρά (συνειδήσεως) 14. 28-29 χάρις (diνine) 9. 67; 12. 21;
16-24; grace < of style > 8. 49; gratitude 10. 1
χάρτης 2. 16; 9. 78 χαρτίον 3. 22; 5. 58; 9. 87; 11. 1 χειροπέδη 13. 51 χορηγία 17. 82 Χριστιανός 18. 17 < ΧοΟμνος Ίωάννης > cf. pa
ρακοιμώμενος < ΧοΟμνος Νικηφόρος > cf.
γεννήτωρ, θαυμαστός, μακαρίτης, πατήρ, σοφός
Χριστός 1.9; 3. 12; 8. 13, 14; 9.
164 Princess Irene-Eulogia
10, 11,61,66,93; 11. 13; 12.
22; 13.2; 15.5,36,38,48; 16.
57; cf. also Ίησούς
ψήφος (θεία) 10. 36 ψυχή 2. 5, 7; 6. 1; 7.28; 9. 23, 63,
64; 13. 18; 15. 17, 19, 35, 41,
50-51,62; 19.9; 21. 2, 12
ώραιότατος (λόγος): ref. director 13. 5
ωφελιμωτάτη (ομιλία): ref. director 9. 37
Index to Biblical and Other Quotations
BIBLE
Genesis
4. 7: 9. 53-54
Psalms
15 (16). 8: 16. 45-46 21 (22).25: 10. 13-15; 11. 12-13 44 (45). 4: 15. 3-4 60 (61). 2: 7. 28-29 76 (77). 3: 7. 27-28 117 (118). 162-163: 5. 1-2 138 (139). 6: 13. 36-37 149 (150). 8: 13. 51-52
Isaiah
10.15: 7. 1-2
Siracides
/6. 19: 9. 50
Matthew
7. 12: 14. 38-40 18. 7-10: 17. 41-42 18.26, 29: 13. 16-17 25. 15-28: 7. 35; 15. 11-12
Luke
17. 1-3: 17.41-42
John
14. 27: 5. 16-17
Romans
8. 35: 8. 14-16; 9. 9-10
1 Corinthians
10. 24-25: 9. 76-77
2 Corinthians
6. 7-8: 7. 7-10; 8. 7-15 6. 9-10: 9. 7-9
Philippians
4.7: 9. 68-69
1 Timothy
1. 9: 9. 101-102 6. 11: 13. 1, 20
2 Timothy
4. 7-8: 15. 6-7
Hebrews
11. 7: 11. 12-13
1 John
3. 17: 9. 52-53 5.20-21: 11. 12; 15.5-6
B. OTHER
Arsenios
Apophthegmata, 6 (PG 65.89A): 13. 30-32
Saint Basil
Epist. 210, 1 (Courtonne, 2, 189-90): 20. 2-4
Saint Gregory of N azianzos
Or. 2,40 (Bernardi, 142, 16): 3. 18
165
166 Princess /rene-Eulogia
Or. 4, 100 (Bernardi, 248, 10): 9.
95-96
Or. 21, 1 (Mossay- Lafontaine, 112, 25): 9. 70-71
Or. 21, 2 (Mossay-Lafontaine,
114, 5): 9. 73
Or. 24, 3 (Mossay-Lafontaine,
44, 7-10): 9. 92-94
Or. 42, 13 (ΡΟ 36. 472D): 5. 8-9
Or. 42, 13 (ΡΟ 36. 472D-73A): 5.
10-11
Herodotos
Hist. 1, 178; 7. 117: 10.20-21
Homer
Iliad 6, 182: 5. 6
St. John Chrysostol1l
Liturgia (Brightman, 361, 13): 11.
12; 15. 5-6
John Kolobos
Apophthegmata, 32 (ΡΟ 65.
213D-16A): 6. 13-14
Meletios
De Natura hominis, 30 (ΡΟ 64.
1276D): 14. 44-45
Pindar
Olymp. 2, 86: 8. 27-28
INCIPITS
"Αγιε πάτερ 1
Αι μεν αλλαι αμέλειαι 19
Ει ηθελον τοις εμαυτου συνηγορησαι 16
Ει ηρωτήθη ό ηλιος 3
Εις τόν πατριάρχην απηγα 18
Έπειδή σοι τό ζητούμενον δέδοται 17
Ήγ α λ λ ι α σ ά μ η ν ε γω 5
Καθίσας εν τφ κελλίφ μου 14
Μη δ οξα σ θ ή σ ε τ α ι αξί ν η 7
<ο Θεός συγχωρήσαι σοι 22
'Όπλον αρετης ό επαινος 8
<Oρ� ή άγιωσύνη σου 9
ου παύσ1] ψυχην μοχθηραν 6
ουκ αρα μόνον δεδώκαμεν 2
Σεβασμιώτατέ μοι και άγιώτατε πάτερ 15
Τί ψιjς, ώ θαυμασιώτατε 13
Τό αποσταλεν παρ' εμου χαρτίον 11
Τό παρόν βιβλίον εχει λόγους 12
Τόν επι τών μνημοσύνων εκπεφωνημένον κλαυθμόν 21
Χάριν μεν όμολογειν 10
"Qμην μεν σβέσειν 4
<Ως εοικεν, οϋπω μου κατέλαβες τό φρονοΟν 20
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