Adding meaning to Indo-Aryanaspectual adverbials “then” and “again”
(with comparison to Hungarian)
Benjamin Slade and Aniko Csirmaz
Dept. of LinguisticsUniversity of Utah
23rd International Conference on Historical LinguisticsSan Antonio, Texas
Logical Vocabulary & Logical Change workshop3 August 2016
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 1 / 52
Aspectual particles
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 1 / 52
Aspectual particles
Overview
Discuss various meanings of Hindi phir & Nepali pheri ‘then’, ‘again’,[‘(concessive) still’]Propose a template definition shared by the meaningscomparison with Hungarian (and beyond)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 2 / 52
Aspectual particles
Hindi phir, Nepali pheri
Hindi(1) Ram
Ramphirthen/again
sosleep
gaya.went
“Ram slept then/again.”
Nepali
(2) BirendraBirendra
pherithen/again
sutyo.slept
“Birendra slept then/again.”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 3 / 52
Aspectual particles
Hindi phir bhı, Nepali pheri pani
Hindi(3) Shyam
Shyamgun. d. avillain
hai;is,
phirthen/again
bhıtoo
meramy
dostfriend
hai.is
“Shyam’s a villain; stillconc he’s my friend.”
Nepali
(4) Pherithen/again
panitoo
timroyour
tasbirimage
˜akha.maeye.in
ae.rahancha.come.continues
“Stillconc your image keeps coming into my eyes.”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 4 / 52
Phir/Pheri
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 4 / 52
Phir/Pheri
Some Adverbials in Hindi & Nepali
Hindi Nepali Meaningtab tab(a) “then (at that time)”
tailephir pheri “then (after that)”
tab(a) pachiphir pheri “again” (repetitive, restituitive)phir se(dobara)
abhı bhı aile samma temporal/continuityab tak ajha(i) (pani) “still”
aile paniphir bhı pheri pani concessive/adversative
tai pani “still”tarai panira pani
bhı pani additive & scalar(-additive)particle “also”/“even”
Table: Hindi & Nepali “pieces”B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 5 / 52
Phir/Pheri
(Ordering) phir/pheri “then”
Hindi(5) Ram-ne
Ram-ergkhanafood
khaeat
liya.took.
VahHe/she
phirthen
sosleep
gaya.went
“Ram ate food. Then he slept.”
Nepali
(6) Birendra-leBirendra-erg
bhatfood
kha-i-diyo.eat-abs-gave.
UHe/she
pherithen
sutyo.slept
“Birendra ate food. Then he slept.”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 6 / 52
Phir/Pheri
(Ordering) phir/pheri “then” defined
phir “then”:
λTλtλeλP :∃t∗∃e∗∃Q
Q(e∗, t∗, . . . ) &Q(e∗, t∗, . . . ) ∈ FA(P(e, t, . . . )) &t∗ ≺ t &t, t∗ ∈ T
.P(e, t, . . . )
phir/pheri combines with an ordered scale of times T, a time t, aneventuality e, and a saturated predicate P, and asserts that there is aP eventuality e at time tP inherits the specifications of saturated predicate, so might appearin fuller form as e.g. sleep(e∗, t∗, John) & in(e∗, kitchen)presupposes that there is another eventuality e∗ of Q which occurs attime t∗, and that t∗ precedes talternatives will vary depending on exactly what subconstituent isfocussed (e.g. the VP); e.g. = {John snored, John drooled, Johnwalked about, John slept, . . . }
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 7 / 52
Phir/Pheri
(Ordering) phir/pheri “then” tree
vP
then vP
subevent vP
subjectv VP
subevent VP
V object
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 8 / 52
Phir/Pheri
Relational adverbials and focus
The focus alternatives are of course determined by what is focussed(see Rooth 1985, 1992)E.g. John [woke up]F , Then he [got dressed]F , Then he [had ashower]F , Then [Mary]F had one, . . .
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 9 / 52
Phir/Pheri
(Repetitive) phir/pheri “again”
Hindi
(7) Ram-neRam-erg
bat.an-kobutton-dat
dabapush
diya.gave.
KuchSomething
nahınot
hua.became.
Us-nehe/she-erg
phir (se)again
bat.an-kobutton-dat
dabapush
diya.gave.
“Ram pushed the button. Nothing happened. He pushed the buttonagain.”
Nepali
(8) Birendra-leBirendra-erg
bat.an-laıbutton-dat
daba-i-diyo.push-abs-gave.
KeWhat
panialso/even
bhaena.became.neg.
Us-lehe/she-erg
pheriagain
bat.an-laıbutton-dat
daba-i-diyo.push-abs-gave.
“Birendra pushed the button. Nothing happened. He pushed the buttonagain.”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 10 / 52
Phir/Pheri
Repetitives
phir (se), pheri :
λTλtλeλP :∃t∗∃e∗∃Q
Q(e∗, t∗, . . . ) &Q(e∗, t∗, . . . ) ∈ FA(P(e, t, . . . )) &t∗ ≺ t &t, t∗ ∈ T
.P(e, t, . . . )
Identical to temporal ordering “then”, except that the time variable(rather than some other constituent) is under focus, and so thealternatives will vary in terms of temporal specificatione.g. FAs might include {John woke at t1, John woke at t2, Johnwoke at t3, . . . }
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 11 / 52
Phir/Pheri
(Repetitive) phir/pheri “then” trees 1
Again, repetitivevP
again vP
subevent vP
subjectv VP
subevent VP
V object
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 12 / 52
Phir/Pheri
(Repetitive) phir/pheri “then” trees 2
Again, restitutivevP
subevent vP
subjectv VP
again VP
subevent VP
V object
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 13 / 52
Phir/Pheri
Generalised template for phir/pheri
Template
λSλxλeλP :∃x∗∃e∗∃Q
Q(e∗, x∗, . . . ) &Q(e∗, x∗, . . . ) ∈ FA(P(e, x , . . . )) &x∗R x &x , x∗ ∈ S
.P(e, x , . . . )
P,Q are (saturated) predicatesx , x∗ are scalar entities (times, degrees, &c.)e, e∗ are eventuality variablesR is a relation (e.g. ≺,�,∝, &c.)S is a scaleFA is a set of focus alternatives to P(e, x) which differ in terms ofvariation of elements under focus, which may include times, degrees,or subconstituents &c. (assuming ‘transparency’ of the event variable)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 14 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 14 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
Concessive “still”
Recall from above: for the “concessive still” sense, both Hindi & Nepalicombine the temporal phir/pheri with a particle, Hindi bhı, Nepali pani
Hindi(9) Shyam
Shyamgun. d. avillain
hai;is,
phirthen/again
bhıtoo
meramy
dostfriend
hai.is
“Shyam’s a villain; stillconc he’s my friend.”
Nepali
(10) Pherithen/again
panitoo
timroyour
tasbirimage
˜akha.maeye.in
ae.rahancha.come.continues
“Stilltemp your image keeps coming into my eyes.”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 15 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
Additive particles in Hindi and Nepali
The particles which show up in the “concessive still” in Hindi & Nepali,bhı & pani, are members of the µ-type (< Japanese mo) which appear inuniversal & conjunctive environments (see Szabolcsi 2010,2015,Slade 2011, Mitrovic 2014, amongst other; cf. Reichenbach 1947)
Japanese Dravidian Sinhala Nepali Hindi Hungarianµ-series mo um t pani bhı is,
mind
Table: µ series in select languages
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 16 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
Examples of bhı and pani as µ
Hindi
(11) RamRam
bhıalso/even
mardie
gayawent
“Ram died too.”/“Even Ram died.”(12) Ram
Rambhıalso
ShyamShyam
bhıalso
. . .
. . .“Both Ram and Shyam”
Nepali
(13) RamRam
panieven/also
maryodied
“Ram died too.”/“Even Ram died.”(14) Ram
Rampanialso
ShyamShyam
panialso
. . .
. . .“Both Ram and Shyam”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 17 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
Examples of bhı and pani as µ (cont.)
Hindi
(15) KoıSomeone
bhıalso/even
nahınot
aya.came.
“No-one came.”(16) Jo
rel.probhıalso/even
lar.kıgirl
vah˜athere
khar.ıstanding
hai,is,
vahhe/she
merımy
dostfriend
hogıbe.fut
“Whichever girl is standing there will be my friend.”
Nepali
(17) MaI
kahilesometimes
panieven/also
raksialcohol
piudinadrink.neg
“I never drink alcohol.”(18) Jo
who.rel.proaecame
panieven/also
hunchais
“Whoever comes, it is all right.”B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 18 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
‘Concessive/adversative’ phir bhı/pheri pani
Concessive
λSλwλeλP:
∃e∗
∃Q∃e′
∃R∃W cg⊆W
R(e′,w ,... ) &Q(e∗,... )∈FA(P(e,... )) &Σ({Λ(w′)|R(e∗,w′)∧P(e,w′)∧w′∈W cg}) <
Σ({Λ(w′′)|R(e∗,w′′)∧Q(e,w′′)∧w′′∈W cg})
Σ({Λ(w′)|R(e∗,w′)∧P(e,w′)∧w′∈W cg}),
Σ({Λ(w′′)|R(e∗,w′′)∧Q(e,w′′)∧w′′∈W cg})∈S
.P(e,w ,... )
W cg is the set of world consistent with the common groundbecause verum is focussed, FA(P(e)) = {P(e),¬P(e)}Λ(w ′) = likelihood of w ′Σ({Λ(w ′)| . . . }) is the aggregate of the likelihood of every world in a particular set. Thusboth the number of worlds in the set and the individual likelihood of each particular worldaffects the result.S is an ordering of real numbersSo here the overall likeliness of the worlds in which both the presupposed ‘frame-setting’eventuality and the eventuality in question both occur is lower than the overall likelinessof the worlds in which the ‘frame-setting’ eventuality occurs but the eventuality inquestion does notFAs = {p,¬p}B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 19 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
Concessive treeAspP
Concessive.still AspP
event AspP
Perf/Imperf vP
subevent vP
subjectv VP
subevent VP
V object
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 20 / 52
Additive particles & phir/pheri
Concessive
This sense is rather different from the “templatic” phir/pheriUnsurprising given the additional element bhı, paniThe additive bhı/pani seems to correlate with the additionalpresupposition of a “framing” eventualityAlso note the complexity of scalar elements (summation of likelihoodover sets of worlds)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 21 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 21 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Comparison of (a subset of) Hungarian, Hindi, Nepalitemporal adverbials
Hungarian Hindi Nepali Meaningmegint phir pheri repetitive,ismet phir se restituitivemeg (mindig) abhı bhı aile samma temporal/continuity
ab tak ajha(i) (pani) “still”aile pani
megis phir bhı pheri pani concessive/adversativeakkor is tai pani “still”is bhı pani additive particle “also”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 22 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Comparison of (a subset of) Hungarian, Hindi, Nepalitemporal adverbials
Hungarian Hindi Nepali Meaningmegint phir pheri repetitive,ismet phir se restituitivemeg (mindig) abhı bhı aile samma temporal/continuity
ab tak ajha(i) (pani) “still”aile pani
megis phir bhı pheri pani concessive/adversativeakkor is tai pani “still”is bhı pani additive particle “also”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 22 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Repetitives in Hungarian
The Hungarian repetitives are etymologically connected to meg viameg :
(19) FeriF-nom
megintagain
//
ismetagain
ivottdrank
egyone
palinkat.palinka-acc
‘Feri drank a palinka again.’
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 23 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Concessive megis
Concessive interpretation
(20) Barthough
fogyokurazott,diet.V.past,3sg
FeriF-nom
megisstill
evettate
zsıroskenyeret.lard-adj.bread-acc
‘Even though he was on a diet, Feri still ate some bread with lard.’
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 24 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Additives in Hungarian
Like Hindi phir bhı, Nepali pheri pani, Hungarian megis contains anadditive particle
(21) JanosJ.
isalso
jott.came.
“John came too.”(22) Janos
J.isalso
(es)(and)
MariM.
isalso
. . .
. . .“Both John and Mary”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 25 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Scalar additive
Scalar component from ‘meg’, additive from ‘is’.
(23) Mindenkieveryone-nom
zsıroskenyeretlard-adj.bread-acc
kert.asked.
Megstill
FeriF-nom
*(is)too
zsıroskenyeretlard-adj.bread-acc
kert.asked
‘Everyone asked for some bread with lard. Even Feri asked forsome bread with lard.’
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 26 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Another ordering relation in Hungarian
Hungarian meg has (amongst other uses) a temporal ordering use,which interestingly is the inverse of the relation in the Indo-Aryanordering phir, pheriEvent e associated with P precedes another event e∗
(24) Megstill
epıtettbuilt
egyone
hazathouse-acc
(mielottbefore
megmeg
halt)died
‘He built a house (before he died)’
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 27 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Hungarian inverse ordering
meg “(inverse) then; before that”:
λTλtλeλP :∃t∗∃e∗∃Q
Q(e∗, t∗, . . . ) &Q(e∗, t∗, . . . ) ∈ FA(P(e, t, . . . )) &t∗ � t &t, t∗ ∈ T
.P(e, t, . . . )
FAs, e.g. = {He built a cabin, He sneezed, He walked about, Hedied. . . }
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 28 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Other stills in Hungarian
comparative
(25) Ezthis
egyone
nagybig
labda.ball
(Azthat
nagyobb.)bigger
Esand
azthat
megstill
nagyobb.bigger
‘This is a big ball. (That one is bigger.) And that one is stillbigger.’
S-marginality [standard-marginality] (vs. “comparative” C-marginality)
(26) SopronSopron-nom
megstill
MagyarorszagonHungary-on
van.is
‘Sopron is still in Hungary.’ (‘true’ marginality)(27) Ez
thisathe
ruhadress
draga.expensive
Azthat
athe
ruhadress
istoo
//
#megstill
draga.expensive
‘This dress is expensive. That dress is expensive too / stillexpensive.’ (comparative marginality, only ok if temporal meg)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 29 / 52
Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
Comparison of Hungarian, Hindi, Nepali, German
Hungarian Hindi Nepali German Meaningakkor tab tab(a) da “then (at that time)”
taileaz (u)tan phir pheri dann “then (after that)”
tab(a) pachimeg — — — “before that”megint phir pheri wieder repetitive,ismet phir se restituitiveujra (dobara). . .meg (mindig) abhı bhı aile samma noch temporal/continuity
ab tak ajha(i) (pani) “still”aile pani
megis phir bhı pheri pani noch concessive/adversativeakkor is tai pani “still”
tarai panira pani
meg . . . is bhı pani sogar scalar(-additive)particle “even”
is bhı pani auch additive particle “also”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 30 / 52
Historical developments
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 30 / 52
Historical developments
Historical developments
HindiHindi phir “then, again” is related to Hindi phirna “to turn”, which derivesfrom a reconstructed Old Indo-Aryan *phirati “moves, wanders, turns”, cp.Prakrit phiraı “goes, returns” (Turner 1966: #9078)
Kutchi Gujarati (Patel-Grosz & Beck 2014)Pacho “again (repet. & restit.) & back” < OIA. *pasca- “hinder part”(much like English back) [Turner 1966: #7990]
cp. Hindi vapas “back” (no repetitive senses (yet)), loanword from Persian,with the pas part being cognate with *pasca- [Platts 1884:1171]
Cp. English againAgain originally meant “back, in the opposite direction” OE ongean: “He sceafþa mid Dam scylde, Dæt se sceaft tobærst, and þæt spere sprengde, þæt hitsprang ongean.” [“He shoved then with shield so the shaft burst — the spearbroke and sprang back.”](Battle of Maldon 137)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 31 / 52
Historical developments
Sanskrit punar api
Nepali paniderives from Sanskrit punar api “even again; again too; moreover; also” (Turner1966:#8274)
Sanskrit punar api
(28) ks.iptothrown
’yamthis
mandaradrih.Mandara
punaragain
apieven/also
bhavatalord.instr
ves.t.yatamsuitable-be-whirled
vasukeVasuki.voc
’bdhauocean.loc
“Let this Mount Mandara, thrown into the ocean, again be twirled by thee, OVasuki.” [Can. d. ısataka of Ban. a 59.1]
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 32 / 52
Historical developments
Sanskrit punarSkt. punar polysemous consistent with templatic analysis:
(29) hitv´ayaabandon.conv
avadyamimperfection.acc
punaragain
astamhome.acc
´ato
ihicome.impv
“Having cast off imperfection, come home again.” [R. gveda X.14.8c](30) Punar
again/backagamyacome.conv
nis.adhanNishadha
naleNala.loc
sarvamall.acc
nyavedayatknow.caus.impf.past.3sg
“Having returned back to Nishadha, [the goose] made all known to Nala.” [Nala I.32](31) sr.n.u
listen.impvpunah.again/back
“Listen still/further!”(32) Punar
againcaand
raman. ıyes.upleasant.loc.pl
vanes.uforests.loc.pl
upavanes.ugroves.loc.pl
caand
DamayantyaDamayanti.instr
sahawith
NaloNala.nom
vijaharawandering-for-pleasure
amaropamah. .like-immortals.
“Moreover (?), Nala with Damayanti, like immortals, was always wandering about forpleasure in pleasant forests and groves.” [Nala V.44]
(33) arthaih.wealth.instr
samcayavanaccumulated-wealth-person
arthanwealth.acc
prapnotiobtains
kiyadlittle
adbhutam,wonder,
mayame.instr
punarstill
vinawithout
evaemph
arthamwealth
laks.mıh.Laxmi
asaditasit.caus.impf.fem
puraformerly
“It is little wonder that someone who has inherited wealth should obtain wealth by usingwealth; still I achieved prosperity long ago without any wealth to start with.”[Kathasaritsagara XXIII.1–2]B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 33 / 52
Historical developments
Old English
Old English eftSimilar “polysemy” is also found in earlier English eft:
(34) Efterwardafterward
meone
sselshall
þernethis
metefood
eftagain
chyewechew
aseas
þethe
oxeox
þet...that. . .
“Afterward one shall chew this food again like the oxthat. . . (CMAYENBI111.2146 — from Gergel et al. 2016)[repetitive reading]
(35) þonethat.acc
monman
eftafterwards
onin
CentKent
forbærnde.burned.
“That man was afterwards burned in Kent.” [Anglo-Saxon Chron.ann. 685 (Parker MS.) ]
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 34 / 52
Historical developments
Origins of Repetitives in Hungarian
Hungarian meg appears in a number of different senses (temporal “still”, additive“still”, &c.)meg derives from the particle meg (Zaicz 2006), which could mean “again”:
(36) (Muncheni kodex, 1466)esand
tondid
megagain
ugylike.that
“and he did again like that” (?)
Both megint, ismet are derived from meg(with an additional additive for ismet)Meg originally had the interpretation of ‘back’ (Zaicz 2006)
(37) ‘Back’ (Muncheni kodex, 1466)nenot
mennenekwent.3pl
megmeg
Herodeshez,Herod-to
masdifferent
utonroad-on
fordulanakturned.3pl
megmeg
othey
orszagukbacountry.pos.3pl-to“They didn’t return to Herod, they returned on a different road to theircountry.”
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 35 / 52
Historical developments
Further echoes of additives:
Even in German, the form noch “still” historically contains an additiveparticle (as Hungarian is, Hindi bhı, Nepali pani):
German noch < PGmc. *nuh < PIE *nu- “now” plus the PIE additiveparticle *-kwe (Pokorny 1959)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 36 / 52
Other accounts
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 36 / 52
Other accounts
Other accounts
Michaelis 1993, Ippolito 2007, Beck 2016 on various senses of still(among others)Focus of papers: no morphological relevance, no templatic definitionConcern (Michaelis 1993): aspectual restrictions
Morphological facts (also later), role of additive particles
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 37 / 52
Other accounts
Other accounts: abutment
Abutment in temporal interpretationFor others, abutment survives in other interpretations, e.g. themarginality senseNo necessary abutment relation (e.g. comparative, C-marginality,perhaps also just an implicature in S-marginality)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 38 / 52
Other accounts
Other accounts: temporal implicature
Beck 2016: temporal implicature with temporal stillIt’s still raining implicates that it won’t be raining in the future (Beck)This dress is still expensive: no necessary entailment, presuppositionor entailment that it will be cheaper at a later time
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 39 / 52
Conclusion & refs
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 39 / 52
Conclusion & refs
Temporal Adverbials - Different Scales, Relations, Foci
Item Scale Relation Focus Identity ofScale/Focus
“temporal” still time ∝ time yes“temporal additive” time ≺ time yesstill“marginality” still degrees � individuals no“concessive” still likelihood < verum noagain time ≺ time yesthen time ≺ non-time element no
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 40 / 52
Conclusion & refs
Summary
templatic relation between various senses of temporal/relationaladverbsovertly manifested in morphology in some languagesuse of templatic definitions elsewhere
P elements fluid between spatial, temporal realms, &c., e.g.:“30 and above”, “above average”, “X is above Y” (inhierarchy/organisation), “see above” (ordering in a text), &c.“under the table”, “under 30 inches”, “under 2 hours”, “undercontract”, &.
can explain historical relationships (e.g. in Hungarian), ormorphologically-connected paradigms of adverbs
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 41 / 52
Conclusion & refs
Remaining problems
more fully work out syntax and compositional accounte.g. explain precise contribution of additives in forming “concessivestill”
for bhı/pani, ambiguous between additive, and scalar-additive, possibleexplanation is clearer (scalar additives typical rank according tolikelihood)but Hungarian is seems to be a plain additive (unless it was similarlyambiguous at an earlier stage)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 42 / 52
Conclusion & refs
ReferencesBeck, S. 2005. There and back again: a semantic analysis, JoS 22:3–51Beck, S. 2016. Discourse related readings of scalar particles. SALT26Benko, L. 1991. A magyar nyelv torteneti nyelvtana. Budapest: Akademiai KiadoGergel, R., Blumel, A., & Kopf, M. 2016. . . . Notes from a Dying Adverb. PENN39Horn, L. 1969. A presuppositional analysis of only and even, CLS 5:98–107Ippolito, M. 2007. On the meaning of some focus-sensitive particles. NLS 15(1)Kayne, R. 2016. The unicity of there and the definiteness effect. Ms., New York Uni.Klein, W. 2007. About the German particles schon & noch. Ms., Max PlanckKrifka, M. 1998. Additive particles under stress, SALT VIII, 92–110Michaelis, L. 1993. ‘Continuity’ within 3 scalar models: . . . polysemy of . . . still. JoS 10Mitrovic, M. 2014. Morphosyntactic atoms. . . Uni. of Cambridge PhDPatel-Grosz, P. & Beck, S. 2014. Revisiting again . . . Gujarati. Sinn & Bedeutung 18Platts, J.T. 1884. A dictionary of Urdu, classical Hindi, & English. London: W.H. AllenPokorny, J. 1959. Indogermanisches etymologisches Worterbuch, Bern: FranckeReichenbach, H. 1947. Elements of symbolic logic. New York: MacmillanRooth, M. 1985. Association with Focus, UMass PhDRooth, M. 1992. Theory of focus interpretation, NLS 1:75–116Slade, B. 2011. Formal and philological inquiries. . . . Urbana: UIll PhDSzabolcsi, A. 2010. Quantification, Cambridge: CUPSzabolcsi, A. 2015. What do quantifier particles do? L & P 38:159–204Turner, R.L. 1962–6. A compar. dict. of Indo-Aryan langs. London: RoutlegeZaicz, G. (ed) 2006. Etimologiai szotar [Etymological dictionary]. Budapest: Tinta KiadoZimmermann, M. 2017. Scalar particles . . . in . . . Vietnamese. IATL2015Hungarian Generative Diachronic Syntax (http://corpus.nytud.hu/hgds-dev/en-intro.html)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 43 / 52
Additional materials
1 Aspectual particles
2 Phir/Pheri
3 Additive particles & phir/pheri
4 Crosslinguistic comparisons - Hungarian &c.
5 Historical developments
6 Other accounts
7 Conclusion & refs
8 Additional materialsAdditional Hungarian Diachronic dataMore on other treatments
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 43 / 52
Additional materials
Temporal/aspectual still treeAspP
Temporal.still AspP
event AspP
Imperf vP
subevent vP
subjectv VP
subevent VP
V objectB Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 44 / 52
Additional materials Additional Hungarian Diachronic data
meg as repetitive
(38) (Muncheni kodex, 1466)
esand
tondid
megagain
ugylike.that
“and he did again like that” (?)(39) (Szabolcs Viadala 1476)
nagybig
bussad
jonhhal?-with
meg-visszaterenekagain-back.returned
“they returned again with big sad ?”
(40) esmeg (Jakob kodex, 1440)
adjadgive.imp
esmeg (=ismet)again
ennekemme
“give it to me again”B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 45 / 52
Additional materials Additional Hungarian Diachronic data
Other repetitives
(41) ismet (Muncheni kodex, 1466)
ismetismet
mondomsay.1sg
tinektekyou.pl-to
‘I say to you again’(42) megint (Jordanszky kodex, 1516-19)
esand
kiwho
szent,saint
szenteltessekblessed.imp
megintmegint
‘and that who is a saint should be blessed again’
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 46 / 52
Additional materials Additional Hungarian Diachronic data
Meg as still
(43) Temporal meg (Becsi kodex, 1430-60)
Megmeg
negyvenforty
napokdays
vannakare
‘There are still forty days’(44) Concessive megis (Bod kodex, first half of 16th c)
debut
megismegis
tobbetmore-acc
akarwant
valahad
bırniahave.inf
‘but still he wanted to have more’
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 47 / 52
Additional materials Additional Hungarian Diachronic data
Additives
(45) Additive (Birk kodex, 1474)
Ohe
rajtaon
isis
konyorultokmercy.V.2pl
‘You(pl) have mercy on him as well’(46) Scalar additive (Muncheni kodex, 1466)
megmeg
tiyou.pl
isis
ertelemreason
nelkulwithout
vagytok-eare.2pl Q
‘Whether even you are without reason’(47) Additive (Birk kodex, 1474)
nenot
csakonly
szatokmouth.poss.2pl
etket,food-acc
debut
megmeg
fuletekear.poss.2pl
istoo
bevegyein.take.imp
hallgassahear.imp
istennekgod-dat
igejetword.poss-acc
‘Let not only your mouth take in food, but also your ears take in and hearGod’s word’
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 48 / 52
Additional materials More on other treatments
Misc. Remarks on Previous Accounts
Michaelis (1993)Examines three senses of English still with reference to diachronicdevelopment (temporal, marginality, concessive)Posits for each of the 3 that still denotes the existence of effectivelyidentical elements at two contiguous scalar lociThe more advanced locus is asserted, the less advanced presupposedScales may differ (times, worlds, rankings along property scale)Nb: problematic claim about homogeneity of contiguityrequirement
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 49 / 52
Additional materials More on other treatments
Misc. Remarks on Previous Accounts (cont.)
Ippolito (2007)Examines English still and already, discussing aspectual/temporal,marginality, concessive uses (relating these to additive particles, scalarparticles, and exclusive particles), also investigating againAlso notes focussing of time variable for (temporal) still & againComplex interactions of adverbials with aspectual headsIn some cases definitions perhaps overspecified
Concessive still : requires worlds considered to be maximally similar toevaluation worldArgues that concessive involves presupposition that the set of worlds inwhich the framing proposition (John studied all night) and theproposition at issue ((still) he failed the exam) are both true are lesslikely the worlds in which the framing proposition is not true but theproposition at issue is true - which seems incorrect
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 50 / 52
Additional materials More on other treatments
Misc. Remarks on Previous Accounts (cont.)
Beck (2016)Focuses on German noch & English still, in various senses, includingtemporal, marginal, and various “discourse”-related (though notconcessive)Also posits common core/template, but which like Michaelis’sproblematically posits contiguity (=abutment) for all sensesAlso explores implicatures
Beck suggests that temporal noch/still carries implicature that 6 P willhold in future (explain oddity of John’s still dead)In actuality, implicature seems to involve 6 P being true in someaccessible world (John is still annoying)
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 51 / 52
Additional materials More on other treatments
Vietnamese
(48) TanTan.top,1
thıprt
tha˙m chı
scal1.7m1.7m
cungadd
nhay quajump
‘Tan can even jump 1.7m.’ [Zimmermann 2017: 141]
tha˙
m chı. . . cung is reminiscent of the meg . . . is of HungarianZimmerman (2017) argues that tha
˙m chı is a scalar(-additive) particle
and cung is an additiveHowever, the contexts for the Vietnamese examples seem to largelyinvolve a contrastive topic in addition to the scalar-additive and thusapparently differ from HungarianFurther, Zimmermann (2017: 140) notes that cung sometimes alsoappears to bear a scalar reading even without the scalar tha
˙m chı
B Slade & A Csirmaz (Uni. of Utah) Indo-Aryan aspectual adverbs ICHL23(LVLC) : San Antonio 52 / 52
Top Related