Young people's perceptions and experiences of leaving high school early: an exploration

Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology

J. Community Appl. Soc. Psychol., 17: 329–346 (2007)

Published online 3 April 2007 in Wiley InterScience

(www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI: 10.1002/casp.887

Young People’s Perceptions and Experiencesof Leaving High School Early: An Exploration

TRISH LEE* and LAUREN BREEN

School of Psychology, Edith Cowan University, Perth, Western Australia

ABSTRACT

Research suggests it is important for students to feel a sense of belonging to their school. Students

who do not belong at school often attempt to satisfy this need through membership in antisocial

groups, or they drop out from school altogether. The current study explored the perceptions and

experiences of the school context held by young people who have left school early. Twelve young

people aged 16–19 years were interviewed on their experiences of school and their wellbeing as a

result of leaving school early. Constructionist grounded theory methodology formed the basis of the

data analysis. The early leaving process was identified as having three phases; exclusion from school,

the transition into workforce and the ‘now’ phase. The results identified factors in the school context

that contributed to early student withdrawal. Furthermore, the research has implications for creating a

‘normative narrative’ (Rappaport, 2000) in relation to early school leavers. Copyright # 2007 John

Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Key words: early school leavers; perceptions; school context; transition; disempowerment;

exclusion; qualitative; critical; community; wellbeing

Feeling needed, supported and respected are fundamental concepts underlying

psychological motivation (Anderman, 2002; Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Encapsulating

these concepts is the notion of sense of belonging, which is perceived as a fundamental

human need whereby individuals have a desire to form friendships from which they gain a

sense of being valued, accepted and encouraged by others (Baumeister & Leary, 1995;

Rice, 1996). The need to belong and to experience positive interactions has been found to

be crucial for young people. The present study explores the perceptions and experiences of

the school context held by young people who left school early in an attempt to identify the

impact the school context had on their wellbeing.

The school environment is becoming increasingly influential on young people’s

development, relationships, adjustments and problems (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2000) partly

due to the changes in family and social structures over recent times. As a result, it is argued

* Correspondence to: Trish Lee, E-mail: [email protected]

Copyright # 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Accepted 20 June 2006

330 T. Lee and L. Breen

that young people are becoming more reliant on the school context to provide a sense of

belonging (Basic, Balaz, Uzelac, & Jugovac, 1997; Beck & Malley, 1998). The structure

and functions of a school can facilitate its students in fulfilling their needs for belonging, or

may create new problems by stimulating further tension and frustration (Fallis & Opotow,

2003; Jenson, Olympia, & Farley, 2004; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2000; Rice, 1996; Steinberg &

Morris, 2001).

SENSE OF BELONGING IN SCHOOLS

The sense of belonging literature collectively illustrates that the connectedness one feels

towards his or her school is related to positive academic, psychological and behavioural

outcomes during adolescence (Goodenow, 1993; Williams & Downing, 1998). When

students experience a supportive environment in school, such as having friends who

support their academic goals, they are more likely to experience positive outcomes

(Newman, Lohman, Newman, Myers, & Smith, 2000). These findings suggest that a sense

of belonging within school is important in facilitating intellectual and social wellbeing.

There are a large proportion of young people, however, who do not feel a sense of

belonging within their school. The common finding within the literature is that students

who do not feel a sense of belonging within their school experience feelings of alienation

and loneliness and often attempt to alleviate these feelings through membership in groups

such as gangs and cults (Beck & Malley, 1998; Lee & Robbins, 1995). Although social in

nature, gangs and cults are usually considered to be undesirable, dangerous, rebellious and

antisocial. Furthermore, individuals deprived of a sense of belonging often experience a

variety of negative outcomes, including emotional distress, increased stress and health

problems (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Beck & Malley, 1998; Elkind, 1984; Jenson et al.,

2004; Kagan, 1990). These particular children experience more social rejection and

problems in school, such as being victims of bullying (Anderman, 2002). In addition,

increased incidents of disciplinary problems have been found to occur as a result of not

belonging in school (Jenson et al., 2004; Roeser, Midgley, & Urdan, 1996). Ultimately,

when a sense of belonging is not nurtured in students, they are more likely to leave school

early (Finn, 1989).

Attempts have been made within many schools to ameliorate the negative outcomes

related to not feeling a sense of belonging. These relational approaches to school reform

attempt to improve schooling by attending to the social milieu in which academic learning

develops (Baker, Terry, Bridger, & Winsor, 1997). Specifically, ensuring a sense of

belonging, psychological safety and academic achievement is thought to enable children’s

potential and thus produce a ‘caring school community’ by fostering the development of

caring relationships between children and teachers at school. Relational approaches are

reported to be effective in examining and adjusting the wellbeing of students by increasing

the use of student centred learning strategies and by developing an intrinsic motivation to

learn (Battistich, Solomon, Watson, & Schaps, 1997).

Despite some positive outcomes, relational approaches to school reform have recently

been criticized for their potential to ultimately disempower students (Cowan, 1996; Pooley,

Breen, Pike, Cohen, & Drew, 2005; Prilleltensky, Nelson, & Peirson, 2001; Ryan & Deci,

2000; Sarason, 2003; Stumpers, Breen, Pooley, Cohen, & Pike, 2005). For example, Pooley

et al. (2005) argued that sense of belonging is a characteristic of the individual, not the

school context. As such, students who do not have a sense of belonging to their school are

Copyright # 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Community Appl. Soc. Psychol., 17: 329–346 (2007)

DOI: 10.1002/casp

Leaving high school early 331

often implicitly excluded, while the role of the wider school context in facilitating their

negative school experiences remains largely unexamined (see Howarth, 2004).

In addition, power and control at the level of the school context has been largely ignored

through the processes and strategies of the ‘caring school community’ approach (Cowan,

1996; Pooley et al., 2005; Prilleltensky et al., 2001; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Stumpers et al.,

2005). While the attempts to foster sense of belonging, psychological achievement and

academic achievement are positive, it is also important to consider the opinions,

perceptions and conceptions of a group that is not commonly listened to or respected—the

students (Sarason, 1995). The recognition of the role of power and the redistribution of

control within the school context provide opportunities for students to participate, and thus

develop self-determination, competence and self-efficacy (Prilleltensky et al., 2001;

Sarason, 1995; Stumpers et al., 2005).

Furthermore, relational approaches tend to focus on the ‘common good’ of students, but are

ultimately exclusionary (Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Fine, 1990; Pooley et al., 2005; Prilleltensky

et al., 2001; Stumpers et al., 2005). Schools have been known to exclude certain students on

the premise that they distract or threaten remaining students, the school and even the

institution of education (Fine, 1990; Howarth, 2004). Consequently, psychological oppression

is likely to result whereby the students’ lack of power and control affects their health and

wellbeing (Compas, Banez, Malcarne, & Worsham, 1991; Prilleltensky et al., 2001). Thus,

feelings of worthlessness, depression and anxiety are likely to develop within the individual,

contributing to further displacement and withdrawal from the school.

The legitimation of excluding certain students from school is based upon a ‘dominant

cultural narrative’ (Rappaport, 2000, p. 4) that suggests certain students are less deserving of

education. For example, students from low-income families are often excluded on the basis of

financial standing, female students may be excluded from the finest schools primarily due to

‘tradition’, and students from non-dominant racial, ethnic and cultural backgrounds may be

excluded due to their race, ethnicity or culture (Fine, 1990; Howarth, 2004). Fine argues that

although these education institutions might have excluded these students unintentionally,

these discriminatory and exclusionary practices generally go unnoticed because of the power

inherent in the dominant discourse that permits these forms of exclusion.

Despite the criticisms discussed above, the dominant constructions or discourses concerning

early school leavers are deemed credible and are thus given that stamp of ‘truth’ that renders

them powerful and pervasive (Foucault, 1961; Rappaport, 2000). Further, the application of the

dominant discourse maintains and reinforces the asymmetrical power differential, rendering

early school leavers as ‘less’ because they have not followed the normative standard.

Ultimately, those students that leave school early, despite the exclusionary practices they

are subjected to, are labelled with terms such as ‘losers’, ‘underachievers’, ‘unsuccessful’,

‘dangerous’ and ‘unambitious’ (Fine, 1990; Finn, 1989; Howarth, 2004; Rappaport, 2000).

Subsequently, these young people are left to negotiate their post-school lives without the

support and assistance of the school or wider society. Institutionalized exclusion has been

referred to as a ‘tale of terror’ (Rappaport, 2000) because the dominant cultural narrative

concerning early school leavers is likely to be harmful.

In summary, the ‘caring school community’ approach to school reform attempts to

increase students’ sense of belong, psychological safety and academic achievement.

Furthermore, it promotes student-centred learning strategies that ultimately lead to an

increase in care for the students and the creation of a more caring school community.

However, we argue it is vital to attend to and potentially transform all aspects of the school

context whereby the needs of all students are met and all students are given a voice so they can


DOI: 10.1002/casp


participate in and influence processes that affect them (Fortini & Fitzpatrick, 2000; Howarth,

2004; Jorgensen, 1998; Lipsky & Gartner, 1997; Udvari-Solner, Villa, & Thousand, 2005).

Ideally, schools that foster an environment that facilitates student empowerment, choice and

voice (Beck & Malley, 1998; Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Prilleltensky et al., 2001) will ultimately

encourage the healthy development of all its students.

THE CURRENT CONTEXT

The Curriculum Council of Western Australia is responsible for the development of the

curriculum framework for all schooling from kindergarten to year 12 in Western Australia.

Currently, almost one third of students in Western Australia leave school before completing

year 12 (Hutchison, 2003). Training via Technical and Further Education (TAFE) and

apprenticeships are options for those that do not complete year 12, but the minimum

requirement for entry is usually year 10.

In 1998, the Curriculum Council embarked on a review of post-compulsory education,

as currently students are able to leave school at the end of the year of school they turn 15

years of age (usually year 10). The aim of the review was to develop an education system

that meets young people’s individual needs and to assist them more effectively with their

transition from school (Curriculum Council, 2002). Recently, the Western Australian

government has proposed to increase the high school compulsory level to year 12

(Carpenter, 2004), meaning that all students must complete high school education.

AIM AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS

In light of the literature, the current study explored the perceptions and experiences of the

school context held by young people who left school early, which is particularly relevant

given the scarcity of empirical research that privileges the student voice. The time

immediately following high school is critical for many young people (Rojewski, 1999),

especially as the milestone of school completion is often characterized by instability and

uncertainty (Crockett & Silbereisen, 2000; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2000; Steinberg & Morris,

2001). With young people who leave school early faced with this instability as well as the

frustration gained through their school and community’s perception of them, the transition

process would presumably add extra tension for them.

The research questions were:

1. W

Cop

hat was the experience of school for young people who left school early?

2. H
ow did the school context impact on their wellbeing?
3. H
ow has their decision to leave school early impacted on their wellbeing?
METHOD

Research design

The study was exploratory and as such an emergent qualitative design drawing on the

epistemology of constructionism was used. Constructionism recognizes the way people

yright # 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Community Appl. Soc. Psychol., 17: 329–346 (2007)

DOI: 10.1002/casp


construct and interpret an experience or event. In direct contrast to objectivism,

constructionists argue that truth and meanings are constructed and that there is no one

objective truth to be discovered (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess-Limerick, 1998; Crotty,

1998; Gergen, 1985; Shotter, 1993; Shotter & Gergen, 1989).

In addition, research on sense of belonging within schools has traditionally taken a

quantitative perspective and/or targeted the views of the teachers or parents (Arhar &

Kromrey, 1995; Goodenow, 1993). We considered it important to use a more personable

approach to gain insight from the students’ own perspective, which allows their voices to be

at the forefront of the research. As a result, a qualitative methodology, namely grounded

theory, was used. Grounded theory is an interpretative and data driven methodology aimed

at generating theory (Crotty, 1998; Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Grounded theory allows

researchers to embark on an exploration of a topic and produces a comprehensive

description and theoretical examination of a phenomenon (Artinian, 1986; Chenitz, 1986a;

Denzin & Lincoln, 1998).

Participants

Twelve young people participated in the study. The participants were between the ages of

16 and 19 years (M¼ 18, SD¼ 1) and included eight females and four males. The

participants left school between the ages of 15 and 17 years (M¼ 16, SD¼ 0.5) during the

years of 10, 11 and 12 (M¼ 10.92, SD¼ 0.58) of their schooling. The participants had left

school between 6 months and 4 years prior to conducting the interviews (M¼ 2.04 years,

SD¼ 1.05).

The participants had previously been enrolled in a variety of schools within Western

Australia. Seven participants attended schools within the metropolitan area of Perth (the

capital city of Western Australia), four participants attended schools in the outer-

metropolitan areas and one participant attended a rural school. Two participants had

attended private schools with the remaining 10 attending schools that were solely

government-funded. In addition, one school composed of years 7–12 rather than years 8–

12 like other schools in Western Australia. Four participants attended this school.

Materials

An interview is generally defined as a conversation with a purpose and is the most common

method of data collection in qualitative research (Berg, 2001). As such, interviews were the

main method of data collection in my study (Chenitz, 1986b; Davis, 1986; Swanson,

1986a). An interview guide consisting of topics related to the research questions was used

to explore the perceptions and experiences of the participating young people during their

time at school. The aim of the interview guide was to facilitate the exploration of the

participants’ experiences and perceptions of leaving high school early. Topics included

school likes and dislikes, the decision to leave school and school teachers, among others

(see Appendix). The wording and order of the questions derived from the guide were not

predetermined; rather they were constructed ‘in the moment’ according to the interaction

(Minichiello, Aroni, Timewell, & Alexander, 1995; Moustakas, 1990). The wording of

questions was based on Minichiello et al. (1995) question types and probes were used to

clarify and access further details. Minor subsequent revisions to the guide were made after

some interviews (particularly the first few interviews) to ensure the language and issues


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covered were appropriate for each participant (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess-Limerick,

1998). The use of open-ended questions and probes enabled participants to provide

answers in their own words (Patton, 2002). Allowing the participants to share their

experiences in a way that made sense to them also facilitated the development of a

relationship with each participant (Minichiello et al., 1995).

The interviews concluded with questions such as ‘Is there anything that I haven’t

covered that you would like to tell me?’ and ‘Is it okay if I contact you regarding any

queries about the information you have just given me, or any further questions I may have,

if I need to?’. The method used to end the interview was decided at the time based on the

interview context. It provided a check that each participant had shared his or her experience

and that the interview had come to a conclusion (Moustakas, 1990; Patton, 2002).

Procedure

Initially, it was proposed that the participants would be recruited from advertisements that

were placed in local newspapers. However, this technique yielded no potential participants.

Thus, the participants were recruited as a result of a snowball sampling, which is an

effective method of recruitment for populations that prove to be unattainable through other

methods (Berg, 2001; Fife-Schaw, 2000; Patton, 2002) including young people (Van Der

Graaf, 2001). The participants were recruited through the primary author’s social networks.

The primary author conducted all the interviews.

Prior to the interviews, informed consent was gathered from all participants and by the

parents of participants aged less than 18 years. Before the interview, the participants were

briefed on the study, and were told they did not have to answer every question and that they

could withdraw from the interview at any time. All interviews were tape-recorded. During

the interviewing process, probes were asked where necessary to expand upon and clarify

the participants’ responses. Each interview lasted between 30 and 40 minutes. On the

completion of the interview participants were briefed, and were thanked for participating.

Each participant received a small gift for his or her participation.

The interviews were transcribed verbatim to ensure authentic records for analysis. The

interviews were transcribed and analyzed as soon as possible after each interview to guard

against inaccurate interpretations of the data (Swanson, 1986a). A problem was

encountered while transcribing one interview, as the recording on the audiotape was

unclear and uninterpretable. Handwritten notes that were taken during the interview were

used to counteract the errors on the tape.

The process of interviewing young people required particular consideration. Young

people can have difficulty communicating their thoughts and experiences, particularly

when required to do so with a person they are not familiar with (Steinberg & Morris, 2001).

We chose to incorporate the suggestions of Howarth (2004); Morrow (1999); Smyth and

Hattam (2004), and as such encouraged the participants to tell their stories by utilizing a

non-judgemental, non-intrusive manner. In doing so, their voices were afforded authority

and the power differentials between interviewer and interviewee were reduced.

Data analysis

The overarching aim of the data analysis was to produce an exploratory description and

theoretical examination (Chenitz, 1986a) of the phenomenon of early high school leaving.


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Each transcript was read to get an overall sense of the data. Biases and questions were

identified and recorded in the margins of the transcripts (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998).

Significant concepts, sentences and statements were highlighted while re-reading the

transcripts to reduce and manage the data (Miles & Huberman, 1994).

Data analysis occurred via the constant comparison across participants, codes,

categories and so on (Chenitz & Swanson, 1986; Corbin, 1986a) and began with the

comparison of the first two interviews (Swanson, 1986a), facilitating an idiographic

approach to analysis (Moustakas, 1990; Smith, 1995). Interim analysis led to further

exploration of ideas in the next interview (Swanson, 1986b). Further, a question-

ordered matrix was utilized to reduce the data and to assist in developing significant themes

(Miles & Huberman, 1994). Significant statements and concepts as reported by the

participants were placed in the matrix, with the participants identifying codes listed in

the far left column and the interviewing questions ordered across the top of the matrix. The

matrix proved to be useful in reducing the data further, and provided a condensed,

systematic display (Miles & Huberman, 1994), which enabled the data to be viewed

concurrently.

Emerging categories and possible conflicts among the responses from the systematic

data were identified. This was achieved by grouping related responses together and

identifying the underlying factors of the responses (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). A summary

of the content of each theme was then written, which in essence, highlighted the

perceptions and experiences of school from the perspectives of early leavers.

After categories were sufficiently dense, they were linked using the ‘six Cs’ to achieve

conceptual order (Corbin, 1986a). The six Cs are causes (explanations), context (wider

setting), contingencies (the direction of relationships), consequences (outcomes),

covariances (relationships between concepts and variables) and conditions (under which

the phenomena occurs) (Glaser, 1978; see also Chenitz, 1986a). The questioning process

served to continually move the data analysis to higher levels of abstraction (Corbin,

1986b).

Data collection and analysis occur concurrently until saturation was achieved, as

identified via the recurrence and verification of data and themes from the participants

(Chenitz & Swanson, 1986; Corbin, 1986a; Morse, 1994). The theoretical scheme was

continually refined throughout the analysis process and write-up of results (Corbin,

1986a). The findings were summarized (Creswell, 1998) and compared with the

literature, enabling an inductive process to the research (Crotty, 1998; Miles &

Huberman, 1994; Rose & Webb, 1998). Finally, quotes from the participants were used

throughout the findings and interpretations section to illustrate the themes and

ensure their own words were at the forefront of the research (Breakwell, 1995; Morse,

1994).

Research rigor was maximized by engaging in the following processes. First, both

researchers independently studied the data to interpret and verify the proposed themes

(Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). Necessary changes and adjustments were made to ensure that

the themes corroborated with the participants’ responses as a result of collaborating with each

other and discussing various issues surrounding the findings. Second, four participants were

contacted with their permission, with whom the findings and interpretations of the study were

discussed (Breakwell, 1995; Maykut & Morehouse, 1994; Silverman, 1993). All four

provided positive feedback concerning the interpretations. Third, we provided a detailed

description of both the setting and the participants involved in the study so readers can

determine the credibility and transferability of findings to different contexts based on the level


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of similarity between research setting and other settings (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess-

Limerick, 1998; Nagy & Viney, 1994).

FINDINGS AND INTERPRETATIONS

The interviews explored the experiences of school from the young people’s perspectives,

their wellbeing within their school and the implications of leaving school early. From this

we were able to develop an understanding of the dynamics that helped turn the school

students into early leavers, as outlined in the research questions. The experience of leaving

school early occurred in three consecutive phases; school exclusion, the transition phase

(from school into the workforce) and the ‘now’ period.

Exclusion from school

The participants’ experiences of school were characterized by instances of implicit and

explicit exclusion. Explicit exclusion was identified when the participants were asked to

leave, or were ‘kicked out’. The more insidious exclusion is implicit, when the participants

were isolated and ostracized.

Explicit exclusion. The literature suggests that exclusion is a common occurrence

within schools (Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Fine, 1990; Van Der Graaf, 2001). The findings

from our study are of no exception. Explicit exclusion is apparent because many

participants left school early because they were told to leave by various teaching and

administrative staff. For example, ‘I got kicked out ‘cause I was failing too much. I didn’t

pass enough subjects’ (Sally), and ‘Everyone though it was best if I got a job . . . I was

getting into too much trouble’ (Bradley). These responses highlight that schools focus

on particular academic and behavioural characteristics of students. If students do not

meet these expectations, then they are often explicitly excluded from education at their

school.

Implicit exclusion. Implicit exclusion was found to be prominent among the

participants’ responses. Bullying and gossip were identified as implicit forms of exclusion

and were common responses when participants were asked what they disliked about their

school and how they felt about being at school. Both bullying and gossip are frequent

within schools today and affect the wellbeing of many individuals (Beck & Malley, 1998;

Geffner, Loring, & Young, 2001). Sam commented, ‘ . . .most people in my year would give

me a hard time’, and Chloe responded with, ‘I was the minority, the little odd person that

nobody liked . . . I was afraid of what my peers would say or do so I would come late [to

school]’. These responses indicate that bullying and gossip were aspects of the school

experience for the participants and that it affected the targeted students emotionally to the

extent that they preferred not to go to school.

The physical appearance of the participants’ schools affected the way that they felt

about going to school and how they felt about being at school. For example, students

stated that their school ‘Looks like a prison’ (Josh) and ‘We are caged in like

animals’ (Luke). The participants felt that they were not trusted or considered responsible

because wire fences surrounded some of the schools. According to these students, the


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fences made the schools look like prisons, which consequently made the participants feel

like prisoners.

Julie described herself as an ‘outcast’ because she felt she was not popular

enough to be a part of a particular group. She stated, ‘The only thing I wanted to do

was go in the little singing group at lunchtime and you could only go in there if you were

popular and I wasn’t very popular’. This experience for her affected the way she felt about

her school and the other students. Her feelings of connectedness within her school was

confounded as a result of internalizing the expectations of others in the school

environment, and ultimately impacted on her decision to leave school early. Psychological

oppression refers to the psychological outcome of experiencing a lack of power and

control and is thought to affect the health and wellness of individuals and is related

to reduced coping, self-esteem, self-efficacy, depression and anxiety (Compas et al., 1991;

Prilleltensky et al., 2001). Perceived inadequacies in domains such as academic com-

petence, athletic ability, likeability, behavioural conduct and physical appearance that

are highly valued within the school context may encourage students to internalize their

perceived deficiencies.

Most respondents felt a need to be connected and wanted within their school. A common

finding was that a practical, fun, small and an interactive learning environment would be a

useful and an effective way of learning. For example, ‘Classes were too big [at school],

which made it uncomfortable to approach the teacher for help’ (Anne), and ‘They could

have made it a bit more interesting, like some subjects could have had more activities.

Things have to be practical’. (Susan). These responses highlight the importance of

increasing the interaction within the classroom (Beck & Malley, 1998; Fallis & Opotow,

2003; Meier, 1996). The content was not applied, nor real, and therefore was not relevant to

the students. Consequently, school has not met these students’ educational needs, which

perhaps contributed to their decision to leave.

Furthermore, the participants frequently expressed that their schools did not offer

the educational opportunities they desired. For example, ‘They really didn’t have anything

I was interested in’ (Ian), ‘My school didn’t have anything like Rock Eisteddfod

[a national dance competition), a school council, or an interschool carnival – it was a

country school’ (Sally) and ‘I could pick things up a lot quicker than everyone else . . .there was no program available for higher-level students so they could move at their

own pace . . . [so] it was boring’ (Katie). These participants were denied the opportunity

to further their education because there was no program and/or activities available

that suited their needs and desires to learn. Thus, schools implicitly exclude these

students by denying educational needs such as the provision of additional activities,

practical programs and the respect and support that they desired. Overall, the parti-

cipants were not satisfied with the learning conditions within their school, and the parti-

cipants reported that their unfulfilled needs contributed to their decision to leave school

early.

Generally, participants commented that school made them feel depressed, and that

they were not enjoying their time at school and consequently, could not wait to leave

school permanently. The responses indicating dissatisfaction with school include:

‘School wasn’t really for me’ (Josh), ‘ . . . I didn’t pay much attention to it’ (Alicia)

and ‘ . . .waste of time . . . I learnt nothing there’ (Bradley). Those participants who

expressed feelings of dissatisfaction and a lack of enjoyment appeared to have

strong career aspirations that do not require university qualifications and they also

appeared to have a strong desire for money, and independence. As such, they realized that


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staying at school was actually a barrier to them achieving their goals rather than a way to

attain them.

As students, all the participants indicated that they were treated unfairly. For

example, ‘Teachers had their favourites, it was stupid and it shouldn’t have happened’

(Julie), ‘Teachers saying I’m not going to pass when I know I would have’

(Katie), ‘There is no unity across [teachers’ approaches to] discipline’ (Bradley) and

‘We weren’t listened to and treated with respect’ (Alicia). The participants were relying

on the teachers for respect and support, but when these needs were not met the

participants felt a sense of disengagement, which impacted on their connection with the

school. However, schools that create an atmosphere of respect, self-disclosure and

kindness, are thought to encourage students to choose to belong to that environment

(Arhar & Kromrey, 1995).

Consequently, because the participants did not feel respected or valued, especially by the

teachers, they felt they could not confide in the teachers. Instead the participants’

friends, family members and other community members were deemed to be the most

approachable people when experiencing problems at school. For example, Susan

selected her ‘brother . . . I can talk to him about anything’. Comments like this indicate

that the participants felt more comfortable discussing their problems with people

external to the school environment because they were more likely to receive a non-

judgemental, empathic response. The fact that they were unable to find this comfort and

security within the school environment likely contributed to the students’ decisions to leave

school early.

Positive school experiences. The participants did express having positive perceptions

and experiences of their school. For example, ‘I was asked to play for the school basketball

team, which was nice’ (Luke) and ‘ . . . the socialising part of it and learning how to interact

with people . . . learning new things like experimenting and that sort of stuff’ (Josh). The

participants appeared to enjoy interacting with other students, particularly on a practical,

non-academic level. Socializing with close friends was important to every participant to

the extent that it was considered more important than school. For example, when

the participants were asked how they view school their responses were: ‘ . . . to go there

and have fun’ (Luke) and ‘ . . .meeting up with my friends’ (Katie). These responses

indicate that the participants were very reliant on their friends to provide a social

network and support at school (Cui, Conger, Bryant, & Elder, 2002; Goodenow, 1993;

Steinberg & Morris, 2001). This thereby suggests that school was useful for the

development of social networks and skills even if the school environment was not

conducive to their other needs.

Despite the positive experiences in relation to the social networks established during

their time at school, overall the participants’ perceptions and experiences within their

school were negative. These responses indicate that the school experience was not

satisfactory for these students. The students were explicitly or implicitly excluded from an

education, which made them feel they did not deserve it because they did not fit the

perception of a ‘normal’ or ideal student. The data illustrate that schools that do not meet

the needs of their students are in essence excluding them from school (Fallis & Opotow,

2003; Fine, 1990) and consequently, the students develop feelings of inferiority and their

desire to continue on with their schooling is jeopardized. Consequently, students, such as

those participating in our study, desire to seek out other alternatives to school.


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Transition into the workforce

All the participants left school early because they were dissatisfied with their high school

education and felt the need to seek alternatives that would provide them with

independence, freedom, money and interest. Those participants that appeared to have

strong direction while in school report that they were generally happy at the time of the

interviews and did not regret leaving school early. As participants explained: ‘It felt good, I

gained a lot more responsibility and confidence’ (Sally) and ‘I was really nervous at

first‘cause I wasn’t much into change but it was a good opportunity so I took it’ (Alicia).

While making the transition from school to the workforce the participants found

themselves faced with issues such as their parents’ reactions, unexpected changes in social

networks and finding work.

Parents. Many participants indicated that their families, particularly parents,

continued to be an important support for them during adolescence. The participants

commented that they were concerned about their parents’ thoughts and reactions in regards

to them leaving school early. Some participants wanted parental input into their decision to

leave school and thus talked about it with their parents, indicating that leaving school early

was a considered decision and involved parental consultation. The importance of the

family structure remained a priority, despite the literature suggesting that the development

of young people’s sense of self and future considerations often occur separate from the

family environment (Cui et al., 2002; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). However, some of the

participants’ parents were not so compliant to their children’s request to leave school early.

For example, Luke stated ‘My dad, he nearly ripped me apart’. Being unsupported by

parents during an important life decision has the potential to have a negative effect on the

way young people interact and respond to their parents during this important life transition

(Cui et al., 2002; Rojewski, 1999).

Social network changes. Friends from school were important in the lives of the

participants. They described their school friends as caring, supportive and easy to talk to.

For example, Anne described a friend as ‘always there, she listened and gave good advice’.

Participants commented that the most significant aspect of school they missed was their

friends, because aside from the occasional best friend from school, all ties with friends

from school had been broken by the decision to leave school early. For example, ‘I lost

touch with most of [my friends] when I left’ (Susan). The feelings of disappointment that

transpired as a result of the loss of school friends and networks suggested that they had not

expected their social networks to change with their decision to leave school. Subsequently,

the participants’ social networks changed to consist of work colleagues, housemates and

boyfriends/girlfriends rather than friends from school.

Finding work. Some participants found it difficult making the transition into the

workforce. For example:

‘I felt great at the time [I left school]. I went‘‘Yahoo’’, I don’t have to go back no more. But then Igot stuck in a rut. I didn’t want to do anything at all. I didn’t have the motivation to get a job. It wastoo easy to put my [unemployment] form in every fortnight’ (Julie).

However, most found the transition to the workforce to be a positive experience. For

example, ‘It felt good. I gained a lot more responsibility and confidence’ (Chloe).

When the participants were asked about the reasons why they decided to leave school

early, they stated: ‘I thought I knew what I wanted to do’ (Sam), ‘There was no point me


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staying on at school doing non-TEE [tertiary entrance courses] and wasting my time when

I can go to TAFE [non-university training]’ (Anne) and ‘I just got sick of being there [at

school]’ (Susan). Although these comments are quite varied in nature, they all imply that

the participants thought it was pointless being at school when university is not the goal. In

addition, for those individuals who are interested in pursuing a career in retail, for example

no further education is required. As one participant explained, ‘I hated school, and I could

go to working fulltime’ (Bradley), highlighting that school is a barrier for some of the

participants in reaching their goals.

Two participants intended to gain fulltime employment but they were less successful

in achieving their goals. Ian stated, ‘I am still looking for work . . . I am a‘‘couch

surfer’’now . . . I need new clothes, everything. A new car and a social life . . . I would

have preferred to stay at school’. These participants feel regret about leaving school

early. They thought that leaving school would provide them with independence

and freedom that they desired. For them, finding employment was an unexpected

difficulty. Katie commented that, ‘ . . . they don’t usually give you a good perspective

about what real life is like’, which suggests that the school did not educate these

individuals before they left school about what they should expect about leaving and the

troubles they may face, nor provided them with advice on how to prepare themselves for

the workforce.

Having little direction appeared also to be a cause of feeling unsatisfied with school.

This was evident with the participants who on leaving school had no alternatives to

school organized (such as going to TAFE, gaining an apprenticeship or employment)

and expressed feelings of despair during their interviews. For example, ‘At the time it

was good, now I want to go back. I’m having trouble getting into TAFE because I didn’t

finish year 10’. (Sally). For admission, TAFE has a requirement of year 10 completion. In

essence, those participants who left school early with little direction discovered that the

transition into the workforce was more difficult than they had anticipated. This led these

few individuals feeling regret and remorse for leaving early.

The ‘Now’

Most of the participants were in fulltime employment at the time of the interviews, were

content with their decision to leave school early and were happy with their occupations.

The positions that they occupied at the time of the interviews included working at a

supermarket, a cafe, a hobby shop, a media consultancy agency and as a painter, a

hairdresser and a secretary; all of which are important and useful occupations within

today’s society. Opposed to the feelings that were felt while these individuals were

at school, the participants expressed such feelings such as, ‘I love it . . . I’m out in the

big world’ (Anne) and ‘I am treated as an equal and with respect and it is something I

like doing’ (Julie). The participants have been successful in seeking respectable full

time work, further education (such as TAFE) or apprenticeships after leaving school

early and were enjoying their newly found freedom and money. These findings

indicated that work was more rewarding than school for the participants because they gain

money, respect, freedom, independence, responsibility, confidence and a sense of

accomplishment. These are all the factors they reported that they needed but did not receive

while at school.


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DISCUSSION

We explored the perceptions and experiences of school held by young people who have left

school early. Further, we examined the impact the school context had on the wellbeing of

students who left school early and explored the ways in which their decision to leave school

impacted on their wellbeing. The young people expressed that the early leaving process

encompassed three phases: exclusion from school, transition into the workforce and the

‘now’ phase. In essence, the participants described school as a negative experience,

predominantly characterized by explicit and implicit exclusion (Fallis & Opotow, 2003;

Fine, 1990). Besides providing the participants with the basic literacy and mathematics

skills needed for everyday living, the school context did not fulfil their needs for alternate

opportunities, power and control within the school context. Consequently, the participants

developed feelings of inferiority and resentment as a result of this exclusion, which

jeopardized their wellbeing within school. This potentially contributed to psychological

oppression where the young people felt that they were not deserving of school. Ultimately

it was the school environment that provoked the participants’ desires to seek out

alternatives to school. These findings support the growing literature suggesting that the

school context is not always supportive of all students (Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Fine, 1990;

Pooley et al., 2005; Prilleltensky et al., 2001; Sarason, 2003; Stumpers et al., 2005). Our

study adds to this growing body of research by privileging the perspectives of early school

leavers themselves.

For most of the participants, the decision to leave school early had an overall positive

impact on their wellbeing. All the participants expressed feelings of happiness and relief

after making the decision to leave school. Many of the participants were indeed focused on

pursuing a particular occupation after leaving school early. Further, most of them have been

successful in finding fulltime work in areas that they enjoy and were interested in. Although

some difficulties were encountered, the participants were able to work through the issues

and seek further non-tertiary education or apprenticeships to achieve their goals. They had

a direction of where they wanted to go, what they wanted to be, and school was a barrier

rather than the way to achieve their goals.

The transition process into the workforce was challenging, however, this was found to be

a positive experience for most of the participants. Ten of the 12 participants had fulltime

jobs and were enjoying their roles. The ‘dominant cultural narrative’ constructs early

leavers as unsuccessful and unambitious losers (Fine, 1990; Finn, 1989; Rappaport, 2000),

and as such it is commonly assumed that people who leave school early are unable to

acquire challenging and enjoyable careers. Not only is the dominant narrative harmful, the

participants demonstrate it is clearly false, as almost all were gainfully employed, enjoyed

their work and contributed to society. Thus, the findings from the current study contribute

to the development of a ‘normative narrative’ (Rappaport, 2000).

Future directions that have arisen as a result of these exploratory findings are the

examination of the perceptions and experiences of school held by those students who are

considered ‘at risk’ of leaving school early. Identifying and further delineating aspects of

the school context that contribute to school withdrawal would have implications for the

prevention of withdrawal for those students who may not benefit from leaving early

(Somers & Piliawsky, 2004). How these students might be identified is a topic for potential

future research. A further avenue for research involves the explication of ways in which

students, parents and others within school systems might resist the exclusionary practices

inherent in educational institutions (see Howarth, 2004, for a discussion).


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In addition, the current study was retrospective in that the participants were asked to

recall their perceptions and experiences of school and transition to the workforce. These

recollections might have been clouded as the participants relied on their memories. It

would be beneficial to assess the transition from leaving school early to entering the

workforce from a longitudinal perspective. Finally, we propose more research on the

phenomenon of early school leaving by utilizing multiple methods of data collection from

a number of stakeholder groups, such as teachers, students, parents and policy makers,

which would enable a greater understanding of this complex issue (see also Howarth,

2004). In light of such issues, we are currently embarking on research (Lee, in preparation)

to explore the phenomenon of early leaving in further depth by focussing on recent leavers

from the one school.

It is vital for researchers and policymakers to re-conceptualize the importance of the school

context and its role in affecting impact on students. It is imperative that school reform attempts

to include opportunities for students to have a voice, have their needs fulfilled and experience

power and control. In addition, the participants reported feeling unprepared when leaving

school. Students were not made aware of what to expect, nor provided them with advice on

how to prepare themselves for work and therefore had to figure it out themselves and often

without support from their families or schools. Thus, we have a situation where current

educational policy can create an environment where students drop out, and although

alternatives to academia exist, these have minimum requirements that are not clearly

articulated to students who potentially want to leave school, so the lack of knowledge

regarding these requirements undermines the smooth transition from school to the workplace

or other education settings. The importance of the participants’ families in their decision to

leave school was an unexpected finding, given the participants’ developmental stage (Cui

et al., 2002; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). This unanticipated finding has implications in the

provision of information about alternative training and employment pathways requirements to

families. Perhaps in part, the government has a duty of care to provide information on the

transition to the workforce to students, families and employers, given that nearly one third of

students in Western Australia leave school before completing year 12 (Hutchison, 2003).

In conclusion, we have identified a normative narrative concerning young people who leave

school before completing secondary education. However, there is a lack of understanding and

respect for those students who do decide to leave school early (Fine, 1990; Finn, 1989;

Prilleltensky et al., 2001; Rappaport, 2000; Sarason, 2003). It is for this reason that

psychologists need to have a more vested interest in education. Without psychology the

inadequacies within education, such as the current issues surrounding reform processes, could

not be understood and addressed sufficiently (Sarason, 2003). It is therefore imperative that

research continues in this area in an attempt for the societal attitudes regarding this issue to be

understood and addressed. As Rappaport (2000) asserts, ‘ . . . the mission of the community

psychologist/social scientist can be understood as a calling to use our tools (methods, critical

observation and analysis, scholarship, social influence) to assist others in the job of turning

tales of terror into tales of joy’ (Rappaport, 2000, p. 7).

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This study was a component of the first author’s Postgraduate Diploma in Psychology, under

the supervision of the second author. We acknowledge and thank all the young people who

participated in the project, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.


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APPENDIX

Interview guide

Age:High school:Experiences of school:� Likes/dislikes about school� Why?

� Thoughts and feelings� Typical school day� Impact of school on life� Confidants at school� Friends/peers� Liked/disliked peers� Why?

� Teachers� Good/bad or liked/disliked teachers� Why?

� Interests at school� Liked/disliked subjects and activities� Why?

� Improvements to school� Why?

The decision to leave school:� When?� Why?� Thoughts and feelings� Best things/worst things about leaving school� Why?

Current employment/studies/situation� Better/worse than school� Why/why not?

Things you miss about school� Why?

Close friends� How friendships started

Interview code ______________ (researcher’s use only)


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Young people's perceptions and experiences of leaving high school early: an exploration

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