Young people's perceptions and experiences of leaving high school early: an exploration
Transcript of Young people's perceptions and experiences of leaving high school early: an exploration
Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology
J. Community Appl. Soc. Psychol., 17: 329–346 (2007)
Published online 3 April 2007 in Wiley InterScience
(www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI: 10.1002/casp.887
Young People’s Perceptions and Experiencesof Leaving High School Early: An Exploration
TRISH LEE* and LAUREN BREEN
School of Psychology, Edith Cowan University, Perth, Western Australia
ABSTRACT
Research suggests it is important for students to feel a sense of belonging to their school. Students
who do not belong at school often attempt to satisfy this need through membership in antisocial
groups, or they drop out from school altogether. The current study explored the perceptions and
experiences of the school context held by young people who have left school early. Twelve young
people aged 16–19 years were interviewed on their experiences of school and their wellbeing as a
result of leaving school early. Constructionist grounded theory methodology formed the basis of the
data analysis. The early leaving process was identified as having three phases; exclusion from school,
the transition into workforce and the ‘now’ phase. The results identified factors in the school context
that contributed to early student withdrawal. Furthermore, the research has implications for creating a
‘normative narrative’ (Rappaport, 2000) in relation to early school leavers. Copyright # 2007 John
Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Key words: early school leavers; perceptions; school context; transition; disempowerment;
exclusion; qualitative; critical; community; wellbeing
Feeling needed, supported and respected are fundamental concepts underlying
psychological motivation (Anderman, 2002; Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Encapsulating
these concepts is the notion of sense of belonging, which is perceived as a fundamental
human need whereby individuals have a desire to form friendships from which they gain a
sense of being valued, accepted and encouraged by others (Baumeister & Leary, 1995;
Rice, 1996). The need to belong and to experience positive interactions has been found to
be crucial for young people. The present study explores the perceptions and experiences of
the school context held by young people who left school early in an attempt to identify the
impact the school context had on their wellbeing.
The school environment is becoming increasingly influential on young people’s
development, relationships, adjustments and problems (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2000) partly
due to the changes in family and social structures over recent times. As a result, it is argued
* Correspondence to: Trish Lee, E-mail: [email protected]
Copyright # 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Accepted 20 June 2006
330 T. Lee and L. Breen
that young people are becoming more reliant on the school context to provide a sense of
belonging (Basic, Balaz, Uzelac, & Jugovac, 1997; Beck & Malley, 1998). The structure
and functions of a school can facilitate its students in fulfilling their needs for belonging, or
may create new problems by stimulating further tension and frustration (Fallis & Opotow,
2003; Jenson, Olympia, & Farley, 2004; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2000; Rice, 1996; Steinberg &
Morris, 2001).
SENSE OF BELONGING IN SCHOOLS
The sense of belonging literature collectively illustrates that the connectedness one feels
towards his or her school is related to positive academic, psychological and behavioural
outcomes during adolescence (Goodenow, 1993; Williams & Downing, 1998). When
students experience a supportive environment in school, such as having friends who
support their academic goals, they are more likely to experience positive outcomes
(Newman, Lohman, Newman, Myers, & Smith, 2000). These findings suggest that a sense
of belonging within school is important in facilitating intellectual and social wellbeing.
There are a large proportion of young people, however, who do not feel a sense of
belonging within their school. The common finding within the literature is that students
who do not feel a sense of belonging within their school experience feelings of alienation
and loneliness and often attempt to alleviate these feelings through membership in groups
such as gangs and cults (Beck & Malley, 1998; Lee & Robbins, 1995). Although social in
nature, gangs and cults are usually considered to be undesirable, dangerous, rebellious and
antisocial. Furthermore, individuals deprived of a sense of belonging often experience a
variety of negative outcomes, including emotional distress, increased stress and health
problems (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Beck & Malley, 1998; Elkind, 1984; Jenson et al.,
2004; Kagan, 1990). These particular children experience more social rejection and
problems in school, such as being victims of bullying (Anderman, 2002). In addition,
increased incidents of disciplinary problems have been found to occur as a result of not
belonging in school (Jenson et al., 2004; Roeser, Midgley, & Urdan, 1996). Ultimately,
when a sense of belonging is not nurtured in students, they are more likely to leave school
early (Finn, 1989).
Attempts have been made within many schools to ameliorate the negative outcomes
related to not feeling a sense of belonging. These relational approaches to school reform
attempt to improve schooling by attending to the social milieu in which academic learning
develops (Baker, Terry, Bridger, & Winsor, 1997). Specifically, ensuring a sense of
belonging, psychological safety and academic achievement is thought to enable children’s
potential and thus produce a ‘caring school community’ by fostering the development of
caring relationships between children and teachers at school. Relational approaches are
reported to be effective in examining and adjusting the wellbeing of students by increasing
the use of student centred learning strategies and by developing an intrinsic motivation to
learn (Battistich, Solomon, Watson, & Schaps, 1997).
Despite some positive outcomes, relational approaches to school reform have recently
been criticized for their potential to ultimately disempower students (Cowan, 1996; Pooley,
Breen, Pike, Cohen, & Drew, 2005; Prilleltensky, Nelson, & Peirson, 2001; Ryan & Deci,
2000; Sarason, 2003; Stumpers, Breen, Pooley, Cohen, & Pike, 2005). For example, Pooley
et al. (2005) argued that sense of belonging is a characteristic of the individual, not the
school context. As such, students who do not have a sense of belonging to their school are
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DOI: 10.1002/casp
Leaving high school early 331
often implicitly excluded, while the role of the wider school context in facilitating their
negative school experiences remains largely unexamined (see Howarth, 2004).
In addition, power and control at the level of the school context has been largely ignored
through the processes and strategies of the ‘caring school community’ approach (Cowan,
1996; Pooley et al., 2005; Prilleltensky et al., 2001; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Stumpers et al.,
2005). While the attempts to foster sense of belonging, psychological achievement and
academic achievement are positive, it is also important to consider the opinions,
perceptions and conceptions of a group that is not commonly listened to or respected—the
students (Sarason, 1995). The recognition of the role of power and the redistribution of
control within the school context provide opportunities for students to participate, and thus
develop self-determination, competence and self-efficacy (Prilleltensky et al., 2001;
Sarason, 1995; Stumpers et al., 2005).
Furthermore, relational approaches tend to focus on the ‘common good’ of students, but are
ultimately exclusionary (Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Fine, 1990; Pooley et al., 2005; Prilleltensky
et al., 2001; Stumpers et al., 2005). Schools have been known to exclude certain students on
the premise that they distract or threaten remaining students, the school and even the
institution of education (Fine, 1990; Howarth, 2004). Consequently, psychological oppression
is likely to result whereby the students’ lack of power and control affects their health and
wellbeing (Compas, Banez, Malcarne, & Worsham, 1991; Prilleltensky et al., 2001). Thus,
feelings of worthlessness, depression and anxiety are likely to develop within the individual,
contributing to further displacement and withdrawal from the school.
The legitimation of excluding certain students from school is based upon a ‘dominant
cultural narrative’ (Rappaport, 2000, p. 4) that suggests certain students are less deserving of
education. For example, students from low-income families are often excluded on the basis of
financial standing, female students may be excluded from the finest schools primarily due to
‘tradition’, and students from non-dominant racial, ethnic and cultural backgrounds may be
excluded due to their race, ethnicity or culture (Fine, 1990; Howarth, 2004). Fine argues that
although these education institutions might have excluded these students unintentionally,
these discriminatory and exclusionary practices generally go unnoticed because of the power
inherent in the dominant discourse that permits these forms of exclusion.
Despite the criticisms discussed above, the dominant constructions or discourses concerning
early school leavers are deemed credible and are thus given that stamp of ‘truth’ that renders
them powerful and pervasive (Foucault, 1961; Rappaport, 2000). Further, the application of the
dominant discourse maintains and reinforces the asymmetrical power differential, rendering
early school leavers as ‘less’ because they have not followed the normative standard.
Ultimately, those students that leave school early, despite the exclusionary practices they
are subjected to, are labelled with terms such as ‘losers’, ‘underachievers’, ‘unsuccessful’,
‘dangerous’ and ‘unambitious’ (Fine, 1990; Finn, 1989; Howarth, 2004; Rappaport, 2000).
Subsequently, these young people are left to negotiate their post-school lives without the
support and assistance of the school or wider society. Institutionalized exclusion has been
referred to as a ‘tale of terror’ (Rappaport, 2000) because the dominant cultural narrative
concerning early school leavers is likely to be harmful.
In summary, the ‘caring school community’ approach to school reform attempts to
increase students’ sense of belong, psychological safety and academic achievement.
Furthermore, it promotes student-centred learning strategies that ultimately lead to an
increase in care for the students and the creation of a more caring school community.
However, we argue it is vital to attend to and potentially transform all aspects of the school
context whereby the needs of all students are met and all students are given a voice so they can
Copyright # 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Community Appl. Soc. Psychol., 17: 329–346 (2007)
DOI: 10.1002/casp
332 T. Lee and L. Breen
participate in and influence processes that affect them (Fortini & Fitzpatrick, 2000; Howarth,
2004; Jorgensen, 1998; Lipsky & Gartner, 1997; Udvari-Solner, Villa, & Thousand, 2005).
Ideally, schools that foster an environment that facilitates student empowerment, choice and
voice (Beck & Malley, 1998; Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Prilleltensky et al., 2001) will ultimately
encourage the healthy development of all its students.
THE CURRENT CONTEXT
The Curriculum Council of Western Australia is responsible for the development of the
curriculum framework for all schooling from kindergarten to year 12 in Western Australia.
Currently, almost one third of students in Western Australia leave school before completing
year 12 (Hutchison, 2003). Training via Technical and Further Education (TAFE) and
apprenticeships are options for those that do not complete year 12, but the minimum
requirement for entry is usually year 10.
In 1998, the Curriculum Council embarked on a review of post-compulsory education,
as currently students are able to leave school at the end of the year of school they turn 15
years of age (usually year 10). The aim of the review was to develop an education system
that meets young people’s individual needs and to assist them more effectively with their
transition from school (Curriculum Council, 2002). Recently, the Western Australian
government has proposed to increase the high school compulsory level to year 12
(Carpenter, 2004), meaning that all students must complete high school education.
AIM AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
In light of the literature, the current study explored the perceptions and experiences of the
school context held by young people who left school early, which is particularly relevant
given the scarcity of empirical research that privileges the student voice. The time
immediately following high school is critical for many young people (Rojewski, 1999),
especially as the milestone of school completion is often characterized by instability and
uncertainty (Crockett & Silbereisen, 2000; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2000; Steinberg & Morris,
2001). With young people who leave school early faced with this instability as well as the
frustration gained through their school and community’s perception of them, the transition
process would presumably add extra tension for them.
The research questions were:
1. W
Cop
hat was the experience of school for young people who left school early?
2. H
ow did the school context impact on their wellbeing?3. H
ow has their decision to leave school early impacted on their wellbeing?METHOD
Research design
The study was exploratory and as such an emergent qualitative design drawing on the
epistemology of constructionism was used. Constructionism recognizes the way people
yright # 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Community Appl. Soc. Psychol., 17: 329–346 (2007)
DOI: 10.1002/casp
Leaving high school early 333
construct and interpret an experience or event. In direct contrast to objectivism,
constructionists argue that truth and meanings are constructed and that there is no one
objective truth to be discovered (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess-Limerick, 1998; Crotty,
1998; Gergen, 1985; Shotter, 1993; Shotter & Gergen, 1989).
In addition, research on sense of belonging within schools has traditionally taken a
quantitative perspective and/or targeted the views of the teachers or parents (Arhar &
Kromrey, 1995; Goodenow, 1993). We considered it important to use a more personable
approach to gain insight from the students’ own perspective, which allows their voices to be
at the forefront of the research. As a result, a qualitative methodology, namely grounded
theory, was used. Grounded theory is an interpretative and data driven methodology aimed
at generating theory (Crotty, 1998; Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Grounded theory allows
researchers to embark on an exploration of a topic and produces a comprehensive
description and theoretical examination of a phenomenon (Artinian, 1986; Chenitz, 1986a;
Denzin & Lincoln, 1998).
Participants
Twelve young people participated in the study. The participants were between the ages of
16 and 19 years (M¼ 18, SD¼ 1) and included eight females and four males. The
participants left school between the ages of 15 and 17 years (M¼ 16, SD¼ 0.5) during the
years of 10, 11 and 12 (M¼ 10.92, SD¼ 0.58) of their schooling. The participants had left
school between 6 months and 4 years prior to conducting the interviews (M¼ 2.04 years,
SD¼ 1.05).
The participants had previously been enrolled in a variety of schools within Western
Australia. Seven participants attended schools within the metropolitan area of Perth (the
capital city of Western Australia), four participants attended schools in the outer-
metropolitan areas and one participant attended a rural school. Two participants had
attended private schools with the remaining 10 attending schools that were solely
government-funded. In addition, one school composed of years 7–12 rather than years 8–
12 like other schools in Western Australia. Four participants attended this school.
Materials
An interview is generally defined as a conversation with a purpose and is the most common
method of data collection in qualitative research (Berg, 2001). As such, interviews were the
main method of data collection in my study (Chenitz, 1986b; Davis, 1986; Swanson,
1986a). An interview guide consisting of topics related to the research questions was used
to explore the perceptions and experiences of the participating young people during their
time at school. The aim of the interview guide was to facilitate the exploration of the
participants’ experiences and perceptions of leaving high school early. Topics included
school likes and dislikes, the decision to leave school and school teachers, among others
(see Appendix). The wording and order of the questions derived from the guide were not
predetermined; rather they were constructed ‘in the moment’ according to the interaction
(Minichiello, Aroni, Timewell, & Alexander, 1995; Moustakas, 1990). The wording of
questions was based on Minichiello et al. (1995) question types and probes were used to
clarify and access further details. Minor subsequent revisions to the guide were made after
some interviews (particularly the first few interviews) to ensure the language and issues
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DOI: 10.1002/casp
334 T. Lee and L. Breen
covered were appropriate for each participant (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess-Limerick,
1998). The use of open-ended questions and probes enabled participants to provide
answers in their own words (Patton, 2002). Allowing the participants to share their
experiences in a way that made sense to them also facilitated the development of a
relationship with each participant (Minichiello et al., 1995).
The interviews concluded with questions such as ‘Is there anything that I haven’t
covered that you would like to tell me?’ and ‘Is it okay if I contact you regarding any
queries about the information you have just given me, or any further questions I may have,
if I need to?’. The method used to end the interview was decided at the time based on the
interview context. It provided a check that each participant had shared his or her experience
and that the interview had come to a conclusion (Moustakas, 1990; Patton, 2002).
Procedure
Initially, it was proposed that the participants would be recruited from advertisements that
were placed in local newspapers. However, this technique yielded no potential participants.
Thus, the participants were recruited as a result of a snowball sampling, which is an
effective method of recruitment for populations that prove to be unattainable through other
methods (Berg, 2001; Fife-Schaw, 2000; Patton, 2002) including young people (Van Der
Graaf, 2001). The participants were recruited through the primary author’s social networks.
The primary author conducted all the interviews.
Prior to the interviews, informed consent was gathered from all participants and by the
parents of participants aged less than 18 years. Before the interview, the participants were
briefed on the study, and were told they did not have to answer every question and that they
could withdraw from the interview at any time. All interviews were tape-recorded. During
the interviewing process, probes were asked where necessary to expand upon and clarify
the participants’ responses. Each interview lasted between 30 and 40 minutes. On the
completion of the interview participants were briefed, and were thanked for participating.
Each participant received a small gift for his or her participation.
The interviews were transcribed verbatim to ensure authentic records for analysis. The
interviews were transcribed and analyzed as soon as possible after each interview to guard
against inaccurate interpretations of the data (Swanson, 1986a). A problem was
encountered while transcribing one interview, as the recording on the audiotape was
unclear and uninterpretable. Handwritten notes that were taken during the interview were
used to counteract the errors on the tape.
The process of interviewing young people required particular consideration. Young
people can have difficulty communicating their thoughts and experiences, particularly
when required to do so with a person they are not familiar with (Steinberg & Morris, 2001).
We chose to incorporate the suggestions of Howarth (2004); Morrow (1999); Smyth and
Hattam (2004), and as such encouraged the participants to tell their stories by utilizing a
non-judgemental, non-intrusive manner. In doing so, their voices were afforded authority
and the power differentials between interviewer and interviewee were reduced.
Data analysis
The overarching aim of the data analysis was to produce an exploratory description and
theoretical examination (Chenitz, 1986a) of the phenomenon of early high school leaving.
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DOI: 10.1002/casp
Leaving high school early 335
Each transcript was read to get an overall sense of the data. Biases and questions were
identified and recorded in the margins of the transcripts (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998).
Significant concepts, sentences and statements were highlighted while re-reading the
transcripts to reduce and manage the data (Miles & Huberman, 1994).
Data analysis occurred via the constant comparison across participants, codes,
categories and so on (Chenitz & Swanson, 1986; Corbin, 1986a) and began with the
comparison of the first two interviews (Swanson, 1986a), facilitating an idiographic
approach to analysis (Moustakas, 1990; Smith, 1995). Interim analysis led to further
exploration of ideas in the next interview (Swanson, 1986b). Further, a question-
ordered matrix was utilized to reduce the data and to assist in developing significant themes
(Miles & Huberman, 1994). Significant statements and concepts as reported by the
participants were placed in the matrix, with the participants identifying codes listed in
the far left column and the interviewing questions ordered across the top of the matrix. The
matrix proved to be useful in reducing the data further, and provided a condensed,
systematic display (Miles & Huberman, 1994), which enabled the data to be viewed
concurrently.
Emerging categories and possible conflicts among the responses from the systematic
data were identified. This was achieved by grouping related responses together and
identifying the underlying factors of the responses (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). A summary
of the content of each theme was then written, which in essence, highlighted the
perceptions and experiences of school from the perspectives of early leavers.
After categories were sufficiently dense, they were linked using the ‘six Cs’ to achieve
conceptual order (Corbin, 1986a). The six Cs are causes (explanations), context (wider
setting), contingencies (the direction of relationships), consequences (outcomes),
covariances (relationships between concepts and variables) and conditions (under which
the phenomena occurs) (Glaser, 1978; see also Chenitz, 1986a). The questioning process
served to continually move the data analysis to higher levels of abstraction (Corbin,
1986b).
Data collection and analysis occur concurrently until saturation was achieved, as
identified via the recurrence and verification of data and themes from the participants
(Chenitz & Swanson, 1986; Corbin, 1986a; Morse, 1994). The theoretical scheme was
continually refined throughout the analysis process and write-up of results (Corbin,
1986a). The findings were summarized (Creswell, 1998) and compared with the
literature, enabling an inductive process to the research (Crotty, 1998; Miles &
Huberman, 1994; Rose & Webb, 1998). Finally, quotes from the participants were used
throughout the findings and interpretations section to illustrate the themes and
ensure their own words were at the forefront of the research (Breakwell, 1995; Morse,
1994).
Research rigor was maximized by engaging in the following processes. First, both
researchers independently studied the data to interpret and verify the proposed themes
(Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). Necessary changes and adjustments were made to ensure that
the themes corroborated with the participants’ responses as a result of collaborating with each
other and discussing various issues surrounding the findings. Second, four participants were
contacted with their permission, with whom the findings and interpretations of the study were
discussed (Breakwell, 1995; Maykut & Morehouse, 1994; Silverman, 1993). All four
provided positive feedback concerning the interpretations. Third, we provided a detailed
description of both the setting and the participants involved in the study so readers can
determine the credibility and transferability of findings to different contexts based on the level
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336 T. Lee and L. Breen
of similarity between research setting and other settings (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess-
Limerick, 1998; Nagy & Viney, 1994).
FINDINGS AND INTERPRETATIONS
The interviews explored the experiences of school from the young people’s perspectives,
their wellbeing within their school and the implications of leaving school early. From this
we were able to develop an understanding of the dynamics that helped turn the school
students into early leavers, as outlined in the research questions. The experience of leaving
school early occurred in three consecutive phases; school exclusion, the transition phase
(from school into the workforce) and the ‘now’ period.
Exclusion from school
The participants’ experiences of school were characterized by instances of implicit and
explicit exclusion. Explicit exclusion was identified when the participants were asked to
leave, or were ‘kicked out’. The more insidious exclusion is implicit, when the participants
were isolated and ostracized.
Explicit exclusion. The literature suggests that exclusion is a common occurrence
within schools (Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Fine, 1990; Van Der Graaf, 2001). The findings
from our study are of no exception. Explicit exclusion is apparent because many
participants left school early because they were told to leave by various teaching and
administrative staff. For example, ‘I got kicked out ‘cause I was failing too much. I didn’t
pass enough subjects’ (Sally), and ‘Everyone though it was best if I got a job . . . I was
getting into too much trouble’ (Bradley). These responses highlight that schools focus
on particular academic and behavioural characteristics of students. If students do not
meet these expectations, then they are often explicitly excluded from education at their
school.
Implicit exclusion. Implicit exclusion was found to be prominent among the
participants’ responses. Bullying and gossip were identified as implicit forms of exclusion
and were common responses when participants were asked what they disliked about their
school and how they felt about being at school. Both bullying and gossip are frequent
within schools today and affect the wellbeing of many individuals (Beck & Malley, 1998;
Geffner, Loring, & Young, 2001). Sam commented, ‘ . . .most people in my year would give
me a hard time’, and Chloe responded with, ‘I was the minority, the little odd person that
nobody liked . . . I was afraid of what my peers would say or do so I would come late [to
school]’. These responses indicate that bullying and gossip were aspects of the school
experience for the participants and that it affected the targeted students emotionally to the
extent that they preferred not to go to school.
The physical appearance of the participants’ schools affected the way that they felt
about going to school and how they felt about being at school. For example, students
stated that their school ‘Looks like a prison’ (Josh) and ‘We are caged in like
animals’ (Luke). The participants felt that they were not trusted or considered responsible
because wire fences surrounded some of the schools. According to these students, the
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DOI: 10.1002/casp
Leaving high school early 337
fences made the schools look like prisons, which consequently made the participants feel
like prisoners.
Julie described herself as an ‘outcast’ because she felt she was not popular
enough to be a part of a particular group. She stated, ‘The only thing I wanted to do
was go in the little singing group at lunchtime and you could only go in there if you were
popular and I wasn’t very popular’. This experience for her affected the way she felt about
her school and the other students. Her feelings of connectedness within her school was
confounded as a result of internalizing the expectations of others in the school
environment, and ultimately impacted on her decision to leave school early. Psychological
oppression refers to the psychological outcome of experiencing a lack of power and
control and is thought to affect the health and wellness of individuals and is related
to reduced coping, self-esteem, self-efficacy, depression and anxiety (Compas et al., 1991;
Prilleltensky et al., 2001). Perceived inadequacies in domains such as academic com-
petence, athletic ability, likeability, behavioural conduct and physical appearance that
are highly valued within the school context may encourage students to internalize their
perceived deficiencies.
Most respondents felt a need to be connected and wanted within their school. A common
finding was that a practical, fun, small and an interactive learning environment would be a
useful and an effective way of learning. For example, ‘Classes were too big [at school],
which made it uncomfortable to approach the teacher for help’ (Anne), and ‘They could
have made it a bit more interesting, like some subjects could have had more activities.
Things have to be practical’. (Susan). These responses highlight the importance of
increasing the interaction within the classroom (Beck & Malley, 1998; Fallis & Opotow,
2003; Meier, 1996). The content was not applied, nor real, and therefore was not relevant to
the students. Consequently, school has not met these students’ educational needs, which
perhaps contributed to their decision to leave.
Furthermore, the participants frequently expressed that their schools did not offer
the educational opportunities they desired. For example, ‘They really didn’t have anything
I was interested in’ (Ian), ‘My school didn’t have anything like Rock Eisteddfod
[a national dance competition), a school council, or an interschool carnival – it was a
country school’ (Sally) and ‘I could pick things up a lot quicker than everyone else . . .there was no program available for higher-level students so they could move at their
own pace . . . [so] it was boring’ (Katie). These participants were denied the opportunity
to further their education because there was no program and/or activities available
that suited their needs and desires to learn. Thus, schools implicitly exclude these
students by denying educational needs such as the provision of additional activities,
practical programs and the respect and support that they desired. Overall, the parti-
cipants were not satisfied with the learning conditions within their school, and the parti-
cipants reported that their unfulfilled needs contributed to their decision to leave school
early.
Generally, participants commented that school made them feel depressed, and that
they were not enjoying their time at school and consequently, could not wait to leave
school permanently. The responses indicating dissatisfaction with school include:
‘School wasn’t really for me’ (Josh), ‘ . . . I didn’t pay much attention to it’ (Alicia)
and ‘ . . .waste of time . . . I learnt nothing there’ (Bradley). Those participants who
expressed feelings of dissatisfaction and a lack of enjoyment appeared to have
strong career aspirations that do not require university qualifications and they also
appeared to have a strong desire for money, and independence. As such, they realized that
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338 T. Lee and L. Breen
staying at school was actually a barrier to them achieving their goals rather than a way to
attain them.
As students, all the participants indicated that they were treated unfairly. For
example, ‘Teachers had their favourites, it was stupid and it shouldn’t have happened’
(Julie), ‘Teachers saying I’m not going to pass when I know I would have’
(Katie), ‘There is no unity across [teachers’ approaches to] discipline’ (Bradley) and
‘We weren’t listened to and treated with respect’ (Alicia). The participants were relying
on the teachers for respect and support, but when these needs were not met the
participants felt a sense of disengagement, which impacted on their connection with the
school. However, schools that create an atmosphere of respect, self-disclosure and
kindness, are thought to encourage students to choose to belong to that environment
(Arhar & Kromrey, 1995).
Consequently, because the participants did not feel respected or valued, especially by the
teachers, they felt they could not confide in the teachers. Instead the participants’
friends, family members and other community members were deemed to be the most
approachable people when experiencing problems at school. For example, Susan
selected her ‘brother . . . I can talk to him about anything’. Comments like this indicate
that the participants felt more comfortable discussing their problems with people
external to the school environment because they were more likely to receive a non-
judgemental, empathic response. The fact that they were unable to find this comfort and
security within the school environment likely contributed to the students’ decisions to leave
school early.
Positive school experiences. The participants did express having positive perceptions
and experiences of their school. For example, ‘I was asked to play for the school basketball
team, which was nice’ (Luke) and ‘ . . . the socialising part of it and learning how to interact
with people . . . learning new things like experimenting and that sort of stuff’ (Josh). The
participants appeared to enjoy interacting with other students, particularly on a practical,
non-academic level. Socializing with close friends was important to every participant to
the extent that it was considered more important than school. For example, when
the participants were asked how they view school their responses were: ‘ . . . to go there
and have fun’ (Luke) and ‘ . . .meeting up with my friends’ (Katie). These responses
indicate that the participants were very reliant on their friends to provide a social
network and support at school (Cui, Conger, Bryant, & Elder, 2002; Goodenow, 1993;
Steinberg & Morris, 2001). This thereby suggests that school was useful for the
development of social networks and skills even if the school environment was not
conducive to their other needs.
Despite the positive experiences in relation to the social networks established during
their time at school, overall the participants’ perceptions and experiences within their
school were negative. These responses indicate that the school experience was not
satisfactory for these students. The students were explicitly or implicitly excluded from an
education, which made them feel they did not deserve it because they did not fit the
perception of a ‘normal’ or ideal student. The data illustrate that schools that do not meet
the needs of their students are in essence excluding them from school (Fallis & Opotow,
2003; Fine, 1990) and consequently, the students develop feelings of inferiority and their
desire to continue on with their schooling is jeopardized. Consequently, students, such as
those participating in our study, desire to seek out other alternatives to school.
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Leaving high school early 339
Transition into the workforce
All the participants left school early because they were dissatisfied with their high school
education and felt the need to seek alternatives that would provide them with
independence, freedom, money and interest. Those participants that appeared to have
strong direction while in school report that they were generally happy at the time of the
interviews and did not regret leaving school early. As participants explained: ‘It felt good, I
gained a lot more responsibility and confidence’ (Sally) and ‘I was really nervous at
first‘cause I wasn’t much into change but it was a good opportunity so I took it’ (Alicia).
While making the transition from school to the workforce the participants found
themselves faced with issues such as their parents’ reactions, unexpected changes in social
networks and finding work.
Parents. Many participants indicated that their families, particularly parents,
continued to be an important support for them during adolescence. The participants
commented that they were concerned about their parents’ thoughts and reactions in regards
to them leaving school early. Some participants wanted parental input into their decision to
leave school and thus talked about it with their parents, indicating that leaving school early
was a considered decision and involved parental consultation. The importance of the
family structure remained a priority, despite the literature suggesting that the development
of young people’s sense of self and future considerations often occur separate from the
family environment (Cui et al., 2002; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). However, some of the
participants’ parents were not so compliant to their children’s request to leave school early.
For example, Luke stated ‘My dad, he nearly ripped me apart’. Being unsupported by
parents during an important life decision has the potential to have a negative effect on the
way young people interact and respond to their parents during this important life transition
(Cui et al., 2002; Rojewski, 1999).
Social network changes. Friends from school were important in the lives of the
participants. They described their school friends as caring, supportive and easy to talk to.
For example, Anne described a friend as ‘always there, she listened and gave good advice’.
Participants commented that the most significant aspect of school they missed was their
friends, because aside from the occasional best friend from school, all ties with friends
from school had been broken by the decision to leave school early. For example, ‘I lost
touch with most of [my friends] when I left’ (Susan). The feelings of disappointment that
transpired as a result of the loss of school friends and networks suggested that they had not
expected their social networks to change with their decision to leave school. Subsequently,
the participants’ social networks changed to consist of work colleagues, housemates and
boyfriends/girlfriends rather than friends from school.
Finding work. Some participants found it difficult making the transition into the
workforce. For example:
‘I felt great at the time [I left school]. I went‘‘Yahoo’’, I don’t have to go back no more. But then Igot stuck in a rut. I didn’t want to do anything at all. I didn’t have the motivation to get a job. It wastoo easy to put my [unemployment] form in every fortnight’ (Julie).
However, most found the transition to the workforce to be a positive experience. For
example, ‘It felt good. I gained a lot more responsibility and confidence’ (Chloe).
When the participants were asked about the reasons why they decided to leave school
early, they stated: ‘I thought I knew what I wanted to do’ (Sam), ‘There was no point me
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DOI: 10.1002/casp
340 T. Lee and L. Breen
staying on at school doing non-TEE [tertiary entrance courses] and wasting my time when
I can go to TAFE [non-university training]’ (Anne) and ‘I just got sick of being there [at
school]’ (Susan). Although these comments are quite varied in nature, they all imply that
the participants thought it was pointless being at school when university is not the goal. In
addition, for those individuals who are interested in pursuing a career in retail, for example
no further education is required. As one participant explained, ‘I hated school, and I could
go to working fulltime’ (Bradley), highlighting that school is a barrier for some of the
participants in reaching their goals.
Two participants intended to gain fulltime employment but they were less successful
in achieving their goals. Ian stated, ‘I am still looking for work . . . I am a‘‘couch
surfer’’now . . . I need new clothes, everything. A new car and a social life . . . I would
have preferred to stay at school’. These participants feel regret about leaving school
early. They thought that leaving school would provide them with independence
and freedom that they desired. For them, finding employment was an unexpected
difficulty. Katie commented that, ‘ . . . they don’t usually give you a good perspective
about what real life is like’, which suggests that the school did not educate these
individuals before they left school about what they should expect about leaving and the
troubles they may face, nor provided them with advice on how to prepare themselves for
the workforce.
Having little direction appeared also to be a cause of feeling unsatisfied with school.
This was evident with the participants who on leaving school had no alternatives to
school organized (such as going to TAFE, gaining an apprenticeship or employment)
and expressed feelings of despair during their interviews. For example, ‘At the time it
was good, now I want to go back. I’m having trouble getting into TAFE because I didn’t
finish year 10’. (Sally). For admission, TAFE has a requirement of year 10 completion. In
essence, those participants who left school early with little direction discovered that the
transition into the workforce was more difficult than they had anticipated. This led these
few individuals feeling regret and remorse for leaving early.
The ‘Now’
Most of the participants were in fulltime employment at the time of the interviews, were
content with their decision to leave school early and were happy with their occupations.
The positions that they occupied at the time of the interviews included working at a
supermarket, a cafe, a hobby shop, a media consultancy agency and as a painter, a
hairdresser and a secretary; all of which are important and useful occupations within
today’s society. Opposed to the feelings that were felt while these individuals were
at school, the participants expressed such feelings such as, ‘I love it . . . I’m out in the
big world’ (Anne) and ‘I am treated as an equal and with respect and it is something I
like doing’ (Julie). The participants have been successful in seeking respectable full
time work, further education (such as TAFE) or apprenticeships after leaving school
early and were enjoying their newly found freedom and money. These findings
indicated that work was more rewarding than school for the participants because they gain
money, respect, freedom, independence, responsibility, confidence and a sense of
accomplishment. These are all the factors they reported that they needed but did not receive
while at school.
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Leaving high school early 341
DISCUSSION
We explored the perceptions and experiences of school held by young people who have left
school early. Further, we examined the impact the school context had on the wellbeing of
students who left school early and explored the ways in which their decision to leave school
impacted on their wellbeing. The young people expressed that the early leaving process
encompassed three phases: exclusion from school, transition into the workforce and the
‘now’ phase. In essence, the participants described school as a negative experience,
predominantly characterized by explicit and implicit exclusion (Fallis & Opotow, 2003;
Fine, 1990). Besides providing the participants with the basic literacy and mathematics
skills needed for everyday living, the school context did not fulfil their needs for alternate
opportunities, power and control within the school context. Consequently, the participants
developed feelings of inferiority and resentment as a result of this exclusion, which
jeopardized their wellbeing within school. This potentially contributed to psychological
oppression where the young people felt that they were not deserving of school. Ultimately
it was the school environment that provoked the participants’ desires to seek out
alternatives to school. These findings support the growing literature suggesting that the
school context is not always supportive of all students (Fallis & Opotow, 2003; Fine, 1990;
Pooley et al., 2005; Prilleltensky et al., 2001; Sarason, 2003; Stumpers et al., 2005). Our
study adds to this growing body of research by privileging the perspectives of early school
leavers themselves.
For most of the participants, the decision to leave school early had an overall positive
impact on their wellbeing. All the participants expressed feelings of happiness and relief
after making the decision to leave school. Many of the participants were indeed focused on
pursuing a particular occupation after leaving school early. Further, most of them have been
successful in finding fulltime work in areas that they enjoy and were interested in. Although
some difficulties were encountered, the participants were able to work through the issues
and seek further non-tertiary education or apprenticeships to achieve their goals. They had
a direction of where they wanted to go, what they wanted to be, and school was a barrier
rather than the way to achieve their goals.
The transition process into the workforce was challenging, however, this was found to be
a positive experience for most of the participants. Ten of the 12 participants had fulltime
jobs and were enjoying their roles. The ‘dominant cultural narrative’ constructs early
leavers as unsuccessful and unambitious losers (Fine, 1990; Finn, 1989; Rappaport, 2000),
and as such it is commonly assumed that people who leave school early are unable to
acquire challenging and enjoyable careers. Not only is the dominant narrative harmful, the
participants demonstrate it is clearly false, as almost all were gainfully employed, enjoyed
their work and contributed to society. Thus, the findings from the current study contribute
to the development of a ‘normative narrative’ (Rappaport, 2000).
Future directions that have arisen as a result of these exploratory findings are the
examination of the perceptions and experiences of school held by those students who are
considered ‘at risk’ of leaving school early. Identifying and further delineating aspects of
the school context that contribute to school withdrawal would have implications for the
prevention of withdrawal for those students who may not benefit from leaving early
(Somers & Piliawsky, 2004). How these students might be identified is a topic for potential
future research. A further avenue for research involves the explication of ways in which
students, parents and others within school systems might resist the exclusionary practices
inherent in educational institutions (see Howarth, 2004, for a discussion).
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342 T. Lee and L. Breen
In addition, the current study was retrospective in that the participants were asked to
recall their perceptions and experiences of school and transition to the workforce. These
recollections might have been clouded as the participants relied on their memories. It
would be beneficial to assess the transition from leaving school early to entering the
workforce from a longitudinal perspective. Finally, we propose more research on the
phenomenon of early school leaving by utilizing multiple methods of data collection from
a number of stakeholder groups, such as teachers, students, parents and policy makers,
which would enable a greater understanding of this complex issue (see also Howarth,
2004). In light of such issues, we are currently embarking on research (Lee, in preparation)
to explore the phenomenon of early leaving in further depth by focussing on recent leavers
from the one school.
It is vital for researchers and policymakers to re-conceptualize the importance of the school
context and its role in affecting impact on students. It is imperative that school reform attempts
to include opportunities for students to have a voice, have their needs fulfilled and experience
power and control. In addition, the participants reported feeling unprepared when leaving
school. Students were not made aware of what to expect, nor provided them with advice on
how to prepare themselves for work and therefore had to figure it out themselves and often
without support from their families or schools. Thus, we have a situation where current
educational policy can create an environment where students drop out, and although
alternatives to academia exist, these have minimum requirements that are not clearly
articulated to students who potentially want to leave school, so the lack of knowledge
regarding these requirements undermines the smooth transition from school to the workplace
or other education settings. The importance of the participants’ families in their decision to
leave school was an unexpected finding, given the participants’ developmental stage (Cui
et al., 2002; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). This unanticipated finding has implications in the
provision of information about alternative training and employment pathways requirements to
families. Perhaps in part, the government has a duty of care to provide information on the
transition to the workforce to students, families and employers, given that nearly one third of
students in Western Australia leave school before completing year 12 (Hutchison, 2003).
In conclusion, we have identified a normative narrative concerning young people who leave
school before completing secondary education. However, there is a lack of understanding and
respect for those students who do decide to leave school early (Fine, 1990; Finn, 1989;
Prilleltensky et al., 2001; Rappaport, 2000; Sarason, 2003). It is for this reason that
psychologists need to have a more vested interest in education. Without psychology the
inadequacies within education, such as the current issues surrounding reform processes, could
not be understood and addressed sufficiently (Sarason, 2003). It is therefore imperative that
research continues in this area in an attempt for the societal attitudes regarding this issue to be
understood and addressed. As Rappaport (2000) asserts, ‘ . . . the mission of the community
psychologist/social scientist can be understood as a calling to use our tools (methods, critical
observation and analysis, scholarship, social influence) to assist others in the job of turning
tales of terror into tales of joy’ (Rappaport, 2000, p. 7).
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study was a component of the first author’s Postgraduate Diploma in Psychology, under
the supervision of the second author. We acknowledge and thank all the young people who
participated in the project, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.
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DOI: 10.1002/casp
Leaving high school early 343
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APPENDIX
Interview guide
Age:High school:Experiences of school:� Likes/dislikes about school� Why?
� Thoughts and feelings� Typical school day� Impact of school on life� Confidants at school� Friends/peers� Liked/disliked peers� Why?
� Teachers� Good/bad or liked/disliked teachers� Why?
� Interests at school� Liked/disliked subjects and activities� Why?
� Improvements to school� Why?
The decision to leave school:� When?� Why?� Thoughts and feelings� Best things/worst things about leaving school� Why?
Current employment/studies/situation� Better/worse than school� Why/why not?
Things you miss about school� Why?
Close friends� How friendships started
Interview code ______________ (researcher’s use only)
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DOI: 10.1002/casp