Young Immigrants’ Political Participation on the Internet in Germany : Comparing...
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Transcript of Young Immigrants’ Political Participation on the Internet in Germany : Comparing...
YOUNG IMMIGRANTS’ POLITICAL
PARTICIPATION ON THE INTERNET IN
GERMANY : COMPARING GERMAN-EAST-EUROPEANS AND
GERMAN-TURKS
Viktoria Spaiser
International Joint Workshop on Immigrant Inclusion by E-
Participation, Helsinki
Outline
1. Introduction
2. Theory
3. Methods and Data
4. Results
4.1. Political Online Participation – Excerpt
4.2. Online and Offline Political Participation
4.3. Political Online Participation & Gender
4.4. Political Online Participation & Education
4.5. Model for young people from East-Europe
4.6. Model for young people from Turkey
5. Conclusions
Introduction
• digital divide vs. digital empowerment of
immigrant groups
• (digital) political integration of immigrants
• Immigrants’ agendas in the political long tail?
• Do only immigrant elites participate online?
Theory Political participation on the Internet:
1. Information activities online: e.g. reading online
news
2. Communication activities online: e.g. political
online-debates, writing political blogs, networking,
coordinating political activities, …
3. Participation activities online: e.g. protest email
campaigns, online petitions, digital civil
disobedience,…
Theoretical Background
Theory-synthesis of rational-choice and resource
models to explain political online participation →
Factors of influence:
• Political discontentment and/or grievance (relative
deprivation, discrimination experience)
• Political efficacy
• Social incentives / social capital: young people’s
socio-political milieu
• Education
• Internet skills
Data & Methodology
• Survey-Data , N= 2,082 (ages of 14 to 26), German
respondent (n=771) left out for this analysis
• Survey in school classes, including all types of
German schools
• Survey from November 2009 – March 2010 in four
German cities Bielefeld, Berlin, Cologne, Frankfurt
→ clustered sample
Data & Methodology
Two groups, based on origin
1. Young East-Europeans, mainly from Poland
and former Soviet Union, n=221
2. Young people with Turkish origins, n=497
Data & Methodology
Statistical Methodology:
• Descriptive statistics (means, frequencies)
• Variance-Analyses (Eta)
• Structural Equation Models (SEM)
• Missing Data handled with Full Information
Maximum Likelihood
Results: Political Online Participation
Immi-
grants
East-
Europe
Turkey
online
news
at least
rarely 92% 92.8% 92.5%
online
debates
at least
once 37.9% 32% 42.3%
online
content
at least
once 21% 18.4% 23.4%
coordina-
ting action
at least
infrequently 68% 56.4% 74.3%
protest
at least
once 20.3% 17.8% 20.8%
On-/Offline Participation
On-/Offline Participation
Which political issues are related to intense
political Internet usage?
• Internet freedom/preventing Internet censorship
• Data security/ (digital) civil rights
• Fundamental political changes in Germany
• Anti-racism/ anti-fascism
• Human rights
• Supporting marginalized groups
• Intercultural dialogue (German-Turks)
Gender
Significance of gender differences: Eta Immigrants: 0.130**; Eta Turkey: 0.133*; Eta East-Europe: n.s. **: p < 0.01 (ANOVA) *: p < 0.05 (ANOVA)
Education
Socioeconomic Status
Significance of socio-economic status: all Etas are n.s.
apart from Eta East-Europe: 0.173* with p < 0.05
Significance of socio-economic status: all Etas are n.s. apart from Eta
East-Europe: 0.173* with p < 0.05
Model:
German-East-Europeans
Model: German-Turks
Some additional notes
• Surprising that German-Turks are more active
politically on the Internet than German-East-
Europeans, because
– On average lower Internet skills: Tur.: M=1.38, SD=0.67
vs. East: M=1.47, SD=0.70
– Related to lower socioeconomic status: Tur.: M=46.67,
SD=13.12 vs. East: M=56.90, SD=13.74
– But German-Turks included in rather politized milieus:
Tur.: M=1.70, SD=0.93 vs. East: M=1.21, SD=0.71
– Therefore higher level of political efficacy: Tur.: M=1.44,
SD=0.76 vs. East: M=1.21, SD=0.80
– Finally, stronger incentives
Conclusions
• Immigrants use the Internet for political purposes to raise
their voice, therefore, e-Participation is a chance
• However, different immigrant groups have different
incentives, backgrounds, resources and therefore e-
participation needs
• Bottom-up approach: immigrant communities build cyber-
spaces for participation themselves. Authorities, politicians
etc. should go to this spaces and listen to the voices; more
important than producing new spaces for immigrants from
above
• Still (digital) divides: e.g. women, Internet skills (necessary to
find ways to reduce Internet skills discrepancies) to avoid an
establishment of second-level digital (democratic) divide