[XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and...

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1886-1935, 1936-1960, and "nontest but Interesting", are provided to show that earlier usage was primarily concatenate coordination and that mutual coodination was scarcely found at all. The JSTOR worksheet 2001-02 is provided to show that in 2001-02 the dominant usage in the five major journals searched was mutual coordination, with concatenate coordination scarcely found. The "Mises Hayek Kirzner" worksheet is provided to show that Mises and Hayek meant concatenate coordination, and to support the criticisms of Kirzner made in the paper. The "Misc Concatenate" worksheet just contains additional concatenate occurrences. The "Figure" worksheet contains the construction of the figure that appears in the paper. Each worksheet has its own "ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET" description, reiterating its purpose and telling the methods employed.

Transcript of [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and...

Page 1: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

ABOUT THIS EXCEL FILE: This file accompanies the article "Coordination in the History of Economics" by Daniel B. Klein and Aaron Orsborn. In that paper, the authors offer a narrative of the usage of "coordination" in the history of economics. The worksheets of this file are provided to substantiate particular factual claims made in that narrative. The New School and Econlib files are provided to show that "coord" scarcely existed in political economy prior to 1880. The JSTOR worksheets called 1886-1935, 1936-1960, and "nontest but Interesting", are provided to show that earlier usage was primarily concatenate coordination and that mutual coodination was scarcely found at all. The JSTOR worksheet 2001-02 is provided to show that in 2001-02 the dominant usage in the five major journals searched was mutual coordination, with concatenate coordination scarcely found. The "Mises Hayek Kirzner" worksheet is provided to show that Mises and Hayek meant concatenate coordination, and to support the criticisms of Kirzner made in the paper. The "Misc Concatenate" worksheet just contains additional concatenate occurrences. The "Figure" worksheet contains the construction of the figure that appears in the paper. Each worksheet has its own "ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET"

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.Author Works SearchOccurrencesQuotes Meaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).Henry C. Adams, 1851-1921 Claude-Camille-François Comte d'Albon, 1753-1789 Eloge histori 0Dr. James Anderson, 1739-1808. An Inquiry int 0Giovanni B. Antonelli, 1858-1944.Thomas Aquinas, 1225- 1274.René Louis de Voyer, Marquis d'Argenson, 1694-1757.Aristotle, 384-322 BC. Politics 0William J. Ashley, 1860-1927.Rudolf Auspitz, 1837-1906.

Sir Francis Bacon, 1561-1642.Walter Bagehot, 1826-1877. Review of Mil 0Samuel Bailey, 1791-1870 A Critical Di 0Nicholas Barbon, 1637-?1698.Enrico Barone, 1859-1924.Charles Henry Bastable, 1855-1945. Public Financ 0Claude Frédéric Bastiat, 1801-1850.Abbé Nicholas Baudeau, 1730-1792.Rev. Thomas Bayes, 1702-1761.Cesare Bonesana Marchese di Beccaria, 1738-1794Johann Joachim Becher, 1625-1685.Jeremy Bentham, 1748-1832. A Fragment on 0Bishop George Berkeley, 1685-1753.Daniel Bernoulli, 1700-1782.Jacob Bernoulli, 1654-1705Eduard Bernstein, 1850-1932. Evolutionary S 0Joseph L.F. Bertrand, 1822-1900.Gabriel Biel, 1425-1495.Jean-Joseph Louis Blanc, 1813-1882.Jean Bodin, 1530-1596.Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, 1851-1914. "The Historic 1 If, however, wNPierre le Pesant, Seigneur de Boisguilbert, 1646-1714.Giovanni Botero, 1543-1617John Francis Bray, 1809-1895.

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Ludwig Joseph (Lujo) Brentano, 1844-1931.John Bright, 1811-1889. Karl Bücher, 1847-1930.Jean Buridan, c.1295 - 1358Edmund Burke, 1729-1797

Etienne Cabet, 1788-1856.John Elliot Cairnes, 1823-1875. The Character 0John Calvin, 1509-1564Nicolas-François Canard, 1750-1833.Richard Cantillon, 1680-1734. Essai Sur la 0Henry C. Carey, 1793-1879. The Principle 1 Such is the h NThomas Carlyle, 1795-1881Giovanni Ceva, 1647-1734Thomas Chalmers, 1780-1847 Michel Chevalier, 1806-79.Jean-Jacques Emile Cheysson, 1836-1910.Sir Josiah Child, 1630-1699.John S. Chipman, 1926-John Bates Clark, 1847-1938.John Maurice Clark, 1884-1963.Thomas E. Cliffe Leslie, 1825-1882. The Love of M 0Richard Cobden, 1804-1865.Roger Coke, ?-1704?Jean Baptiste Colbert, 1619-1683.Clement-Leon Colson, 1853-1939Auguste Comte, 1798-1857 A General Vie 0Etienne Bonnot de Condillac, 1714-1780.M.J.A. Nicolas de Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet, 1743-1794.Nicolaus Copernicus, 1473-1543Jean-Gustave Courcelle-Seneuil, 1813-92Antoine Augustin Cournot, 1801-1877. Essai sur les This in not his economic work; it contains many occurrences, but don't know how he uses since it is in French. This finding prompted us to search the worldwide web for the content of his 1838 economics book, and indeed it was found at Google scholar (in the 1897 English translation, that is). We searched that. It contains "coordinate" on pp. 49, 81, 82, 101, 105, however all but one occurrence is in the mathematical sense (the coordinate of point x). There is no C or M.Diego de Covarrubias y Leiva, 1512-1577William Cunningham, 1849-1919.

Joachim Georg Darjes, 1714-1791.

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Bernardo Davanzati, 1529-1606.Charles D'Avenant, 1656-1714.David Davidson, 1854-1942.Daniel Defoe, 1660-1731.Gustavo Del Vecchio, 1883-1972Antoine-Louis-Claude Destutt de Tracy, 1754-1836.Antonio de Viti de Marco, 1858-1943Denis Diderot, 1713-1784Eugen K. Dühring, 1833-1921.Charles Dumoulin (Molinaeus), 1500-1556Charles Franklin Dunbar, 1830-1900.Charles Dunoyer, 1786-1862.Claude Dupin, 1683-?Pierre Samuel DuPont de Nemours, 1739-1817.A. Jules E. Dupuit, 1804-1866.Émile Durkheim, 1858-1917 The Division o2 in French

Francis Ysidro Edgeworth, 1845-1926. "The Hedonica 0Richard T. Ely, 1854-1943. Socialism in A 0Ernst Engel, 1821-96.Friedrich Engels, 1820-95.

Henry Fawcett, 1833-1884.Millicent Garrett Fawcett, 1847-1929.Adam Ferguson, 1723-1815. An Essay on th 0Francesco Ferrara, 1810-1900.Ludwig Andreas Feuerbach, 1804 - 1872 William Fleetwood, 1656-1723Alfred W. Flux, 1867-1942.François Veron de Forbonnais, 1722-1800Samuel Fortrey, 1622-1681.Herbert S. Foxwell, 1849-1936.Charles Fourier, 1772-1837.Benjamin Franklin, 1706-1790John Fullarton, 1780-1849.

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Ferdinando Galiani, 1728-1787.Joseph Clement Garnier, 1813-81Antonio Genovesi, 1712-1769.Henry George, 1839-1897.Isaac Gervaise, 1680-1720.Charles Gide, 1847-1932.Sir Robert Giffen, 1837-1910William Godwin, 1756-1836. An Inquiry Con 2 Those who beliNHermann Heinrich Gossen, 1810-1858.Vincent de Gournay, 1712-1759.Jean J.L. Graslin, 1727-1790John Graunt, 1620-1674John Gray, 1799-1850.Sir Thomas Gresham, ?1519-1579.Hugo Grotius, 1583-1645

Arthur T. Hadley, 1856-1930Sir Matthew Hale, 1609-1676.John Hales, ?-1571Charles Hall, 1745-1825.James Harrington, 1611-1677.William Edward Hearn, 1826-88Georg W.F. Hegel, 1770-1831.Claude-Adrien Helvétius, 1715-1771 Claude Jacques Herbert, 1700-1758Friedrich B.W. Hermann, 1795-1868.Bruno Hildebrand, 1812-1878.Thomas Hobbes, 1588-1679.John A.Hobson, 1858-1940. Work and Weal 0Thomas Hodgskin, 1787-1869. Labour Defend 0Paul Henri Dietrich (Thiry), Baron d'Holbach, 1723-1789Philip Wilhelm von Hornick, 1638-1712.David Hume, 1711-1776. A Treatise of 0Francis Hutcheson, 1694-1746. Remarks upon 0

John K. Ingram, 1823-1907. History of Pol 4 And thus CareyC perhaps for the first two. Notice that the first suggests that we might find occurrences in Henry Carey (Ingram does provide a cite to "co-ordinating power"). We consulted the index in Vol 3 of Carey's "Principles of PE" and found no entry for "coord". We only flipped casually through the three volumes.

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Achylle-Nicolas Isnard, 1749-1803.

Jean Jaurès, 1859-1914H.C. Fleeming Jenkin, 1833-85.William Stanley Jevons , 1835-1882. Brief Account 0William Ernest Johnson, 1859-1931.Richard Jones, 1790-1855. An Essay on t 0Thomas Joplin, 1790-1847. Essay on Mone 0Clèment Juglar, 1819-1905.Johannes Heinrich von Justi, 1717-1771.

Henry Home, Lord Kames, 1696-1782Karl Kautsky, 1854-1938. Trade Unions a 0John Neville Keynes, 1852-1949.Ibn Khaldun, 1332-1406Gregory King, 1648-1712.Georg Friedrich Knapp, 1842-1926.Karl Knies, 1821-1898.

Abbé Félicité de Lamennais, 1782-1854.Pierre Simon de Laplace, 1749-1827Ferdinand Lassalle, 1825-1864.James Maitland, Earl Lauderdale, 1759-1838.James Laurence Laughlin, 1850-1933.Carl Wilhelm Friedrich Launhardt, 1832-1918.John Law, 1671-1729.Pierre Guillaume Frédéric Le Play, 1806-1862Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, 1843-1916.Leonard de Leys (Lessius), 1554-1623Pierre Émile Levasseur, 1828-1911.Richard Lieben, 1842-1919.Friedrich List, 1789-1846. The National 1 And would it NWilliam F. Lloyd, 1795-1852. Lecture on the 0Francis Davy Longe, 1813-80 Samuel Mountifort Longfield, 1802-1884.John Locke, 1632-1704.

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Cardinal Juan de Lugo, 1583-1660Martin Luther, 1483-1546

Gabriel Bonnot, Abbé de Mably, 1709-1785Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1800-59 Henry Dunning MacLeod, 1821-1902.Thomas Robert Malthus, 1766-1834. An Essay on th 0Gerard de Malynes, c.1586-1641.Bernard de Mandeville, 1670-1733Hans Karl Emil von Mangoldt, 1824-68.Jane Haldimand Marcet, 1769-1858.Juan de Mariana, 1536-1624.Alfred Marshall, 1842-1924.Mary Paley Marshall, 1850-1944.Giuseppe Palmieri, Marchese di Martignano, 1721-1794Harriet Martineau, 1802-1876Karl Marx, 1818-1883John Ramsay McCulloch, 1789-1864.Juan de Medina, 1490-1546.Jean-François Melon, 1675-1738.Carl Menger , 1840-1921.Tomas de Mercado, 1530-1576.James Mill, 1773-1836.John Stuart Mill, 1806-1873.John Millar, 1735-1801.Thomas Milles, c.1550-1627.Victor de Riqueti, Marquis de Mirabeau, 1715-1789.Edward Misselden, 1608-1654.Wesley Clair Mitchell, 1874-1948.Luis Molina, 1535-1600Gustave de Molinari, 1819-1912 The Society of 0Antoine de Montchrétien, 1575-1621.Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, 1689-1755.Thomas Moore, 1779-1852Sir Thomas More, 1478-1535.Abbé Andre Morellet, 1727-1819

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Adam Müller, 1779-1829.Thomas Mun, 1571-1641.

Martin de Azpilcueta (Navarrus), 1493-1586.Jacques Necker, 1732-1804Simon Newcomb, 1835-1909.Sir Isaac Newton, 1642-1727.John Shield Nicholson, 1850-1927.Sir Dudley North, 1641-1691.

Nicole de Oresme, 1320- 1382Giammaria Ortes, 1713-1790Lord Samuel Jones Lloyd Overstone, 1796-1883.Robert Owen, 1771-1858 A New View of 0

Thomas Paine, 1737-1809Mary Paley (Marshall),1850-1944.William Paley, 1743-1805Maffeo Pantaleoni, 1857-1924.Vilfredo Pareto, 1848-1923.Blaise Pascal, 1623-1662Simon Nelson Patten, 1852-1922. The Developme 3 Two particula NSir William Petty, 1623-1687. A Treatise on 0Eugen von Philippovich von Philippsberg, 1858-1917.Georgy V. Plekhanov, 1856-1918. Socialism and 0Francis Place, 1771-1854 Beatrice Potter (Webb), 1858-1943.Pierre Joseph Proudhon, 1809-1865. What is Prop 2 If education wN. Perhaps the latter example is C.Samuel von Pufendorf, 1632-1694

François Quesnay, 1694-1774. Le Tableau É 0Thomas de Quincey, 1785-1859 The Logic of 4 In the first N

John Rae, 1796-1872. Statement of 0Karl Heinrich Rau, 1792-1870.Daniel Raymond, 1786-1849.

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Thomas Reid, 1710-1796David Ricardo, 1772-1823. High Price of 0Paul Pierre le Mercier de la Rivière, 1720-1794.Johann Karl Rodbertus, 1805-1875.J.E.Thorold Rogers, 1823-90.Wilhelm G.F. Roscher, 1817-1894.Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 1712-1788.Ibn Rushd (Averroes), 1126-1198John Ruskin, 1819-1900

Michael Thomas Sadler, 1780-1835 Claude Henri de Rouvroy, Comte de Saint-Simon, 1760-1825Friedrich Carl Savigny, 1779-1861.Horace Émile Say, 1794-1860Jean-Baptiste Say, 1767-1832. Letters to Th 0Léon B. Say, 1826-1896.Gasparo Scaruffi, 1515?-1584Gustav von Schmoller, 1838-1917. The Idea of Ju 2 finally ideal M (this is actually a nice early example of what Klein has called "the people's romance")John Duns Scotus, 1265-1308.George Jules Poulett Scrope, 1797-1876. Veit Ludwig von Seckendorff, 1626-1692.Nassau William Senior, 1790-1864. Three Lecture 0George Bernard Shaw, 1856-1950Karl Shell, 1938-Gerald F. Shove, 1887-1947.Henry Sidgwick, 1838-1900.Georg Simmel, 1858-1918. "A Chaper in t 1 And in spite oCJean-Charles-Leonard Simonde de Sismondi, 1773-1842Political Eco 0William T. Smart, 1853-1915.Adam Smith, 1723-1790.Joseph von Sonnenfels, 1733-1817.Hugo Sonnenschein,Georges Sorel, 1847-1922.Domingo de Soto, 1494-1560Herbert Spencer, 1820-1903. First Principl many And even the C--important passages to see how the biological idea of concatenate coordination begins to get taken up in the social and economic context.Sir James D. Steuart, 1713-1780. An Inquiry int 0

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Dugald Stewart, 1753-1828 . Account of the 0Johann Peter Süssmilch, 1707-1767William Graham Sumner, 1840-1910 difficult time searchingJonathan Swift, 1667-1745

Frank W. Taussig, 1859-1940.Fred M. Taylor, 1855-1932.Henry Thornton,1760-1815.William Thomas Thornton, 1813-80Johann Heinrich von Thünen, 1780-1850.Thomas Tooke, 1774-1858. An Inquiry int 0Col. Robert Torrens, 1780-1864.Arnold Toynbee, 1852-1883. Lectures on th 0Guillaime François Le Trosne 1728-1780 Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot, 1727-1781.

Jacob Vanderlint, ??-1740.Sébastien le Prestre, Seigneur de Vauban, 1633- 1707Rice Vaughan, ??-1672.Thorstein Veblen, 1857-1929. "The Beginnin 3 They are consiCCount Pietro Verri, 1728-1797.Francisco de Vitoria, 1485-1546.François Arouet (Voltaire), 1694-1774.

Adolph H.G. Wagner, 1835-1917.James Earl Waldegrave, 1684-1741.Amasa Walker, 1799-1895.Francis Amasa Walker, 1840- 1897. 0Robert Wallace, 1697-1771Graham Wallas, 1858-1932.Antoine-Auguste Walras, 1801-1866.M.E. Léon Walras, 1834-1910. 0Beatrice Potter Webb, 1858-1943.Sidney J. Webb, 1859-1947.Sir Edward F. West, 1782-1828. Essay on the A 0Richard Whately, 1787-1863 Introductory 0

 "The Wage- Fund Theory", 1875, North American Review; "Principles of Taxation" 1880, Princeton Review ; "Socialism", 1887, Scribner's

"Économique et méchanique", 1909, Bulletin de la Societe Vaudoise de Sciences Naturelles. 

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John Wheatley, 1772-1830.John Wheeler, c.1553-1611.William Whewell, 1794-1866. Six Lectures 0Knut Wicksell , 1851-1926.Philip H. Wicksteed, 1844-1927. An Essay of thseveral Now as long aNFriedrich von Wieser, 1851-1926. "The Theory o 0Thomas Wilson, 1525-1581.Stuart Wood, 1853-1914.Xenophon, 420?-355? BC.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.Meaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).

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This in not his economic work; it contains many occurrences, but don't know how he uses since it is in French. This finding prompted us to search the worldwide web for the content of his 1838 economics book, and indeed it was found at Google scholar (in the 1897 English translation, that is). We searched that. It contains "coordinate" on pp. 49, 81, 82, 101, 105, however all but one occurrence is in the mathematical sense (the coordinate of point x). There is no C or M.

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C perhaps for the first two. Notice that the first suggests that we might find occurrences in Henry Carey (Ingram does provide a cite to "co-ordinating power"). We consulted the index in Vol 3 of Carey's "Principles of PE" and found no entry for "coord". We only flipped casually through the three volumes.

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N. Perhaps the latter example is C.

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M (this is actually a nice early example of what Klein has called "the people's romance")

C--important passages to see how the biological idea of concatenate coordination begins to get taken up in the social and economic context.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.Meaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).

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This in not his economic work; it contains many occurrences, but don't know how he uses since it is in French. This finding prompted us to search the worldwide web for the content of his 1838 economics book, and indeed it was found at Google scholar (in the 1897 English translation, that is). We searched that. It contains "coordinate" on pp. 49, 81, 82, 101, 105, however all but one occurrence is in the mathematical sense (the coordinate of point x). There is no C or M.

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C perhaps for the first two. Notice that the first suggests that we might find occurrences in Henry Carey (Ingram does provide a cite to "co-ordinating power"). We consulted the index in Vol 3 of Carey's "Principles of PE" and found no entry for "coord". We only flipped casually through the three volumes.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.Meaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).

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This in not his economic work; it contains many occurrences, but don't know how he uses since it is in French. This finding prompted us to search the worldwide web for the content of his 1838 economics book, and indeed it was found at Google scholar (in the 1897 English translation, that is). We searched that. It contains "coordinate" on pp. 49, 81, 82, 101, 105, however all but one occurrence is in the mathematical sense (the coordinate of point x). There is no C or M.

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C perhaps for the first two. Notice that the first suggests that we might find occurrences in Henry Carey (Ingram does provide a cite to "co-ordinating power"). We consulted the index in Vol 3 of Carey's "Principles of PE" and found no entry for "coord". We only flipped casually through the three volumes.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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This in not his economic work; it contains many occurrences, but don't know how he uses since it is in French. This finding prompted us to search the worldwide web for the content of his 1838 economics book, and indeed it was found at Google scholar (in the 1897 English translation, that is). We searched that. It contains "coordinate" on pp. 49, 81, 82, 101, 105, however all but one occurrence is in the mathematical sense (the coordinate of point x). There is no C or M.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The basic purpose of this worksheet (as well as the Econlib worksheet) is to demonstrate that "coord" was scarcely occurring in political economy prior to 1880, and that therefore the story of "coord" in economics starts around 1880. The sampling represented here was done on September 9 and 10, 2007. We searched on "coord" or "co-ord" in articles and books that could be directly found from the New School History of Economic Thought website (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/). If the link went to a page with further links by many subsections of the work, we did not search the work. In other words, the link had to lead to a page that represented the whole work and was searchable (in a few cases we drilled down when the subsections were not too numerous). Also, we did not always pursue a work that was in a foreign language, and links to the Liberty Fund site were omitted because they are covered on the Liberty Fund (Econlib) worksheet. In column E we list all of the works of that author that were linked and searchable. We have reproduced the complete listing of figures at the site, even though a majority of them did not have links to works to search (in which case the search cells are simply blank). For those we could search, we record the results below. We provide what we consider representative "coord" quotations and sometimes comments about the other occurrences in the article. Columns show what was searched, number of occurrences, quotes if found, and the classification.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: I (Aaron Orsborn) searched the books and articles that can be found online from the Library of Economics and Liberty website (http://econlib.org/library/classics.html) for "co-or" or "coor" in order to find the occurrences of coordinate or coordination. The results are arranged by author lastname. The title of the work, the year it was published (and translated to English), the number of occurences of either "co-or" or "coor" are given as well as the quotes themselves and the classification of how the author is using the term. Not every occurrence will have a quote given for it. The reasons being that sometimes it was only a name of an article or because the usage was repetitive. The focus here was on authors born before 1860, so some that come much later were left off.Author Title of Work Year Published Occurrences Relevant QuotationMeaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).

Bagehot, Walter (1826-1877) Lombard Street 1873 0The Postulates 1885 0

Barbon, Nicholas (1640?-1698) A Discourse of 1690 0Bastable, Charles F. (1855-1945) Public Finance 1892 15 (co-or) Where a new local dutC1 - coordination in public finance

A third circumstance C1 - coordination in public financeAfter dwelling on the N - used as counterpart or corresponding (many other usages like this)Even greater progressC1 - coordination in public financeA final characteristic C1 - coordination in public financeThus it may be said t C1 - coordination in public finance

Bastiat, Frédéric (1801-1850) Economic Harm 1850 0Economic Sophi 1845 1 (coor) Our theory consists onNSelected Essays 1848 0

Bentham, Jeremy (1748-1832) Defence of Usur 1787 0An Introduction 1789 0

Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen v. (1851-1914) Capital and Inte1890 translated 3 (co-or) Their usual treatment NIt will be noticed tha NAs already pointed outN

The Positive Th 1891 translated 2 (co-or) Now the immediate poiNIt would be quite erro N

Brough, William (1826-?) The Natural La 1896 0Burke, Edmund (1729-1797) Select Works of Edmund Burke 3 (co-or) They ought not to tru N

As all these provincia NThey must be considerN

Cairnes, John Elliot (1823-1875) The Character a 1861 0Cannan, Edwin The Application 1921 0Cantillon, Richard Essai sur la Nature du Commerce 0Clark, John Bates (1847-1938) The Distributio 1908 [1899] 14 (coor) The function of this n C1

We have said that theC1The whole income of thC1If we look at the rela NCatallactics, as a whoC2 - organismIn this condition, any C2 (I think)We said, however, thaC1Capital, apportioned C2, but maybe also C1

Cobden, Richard (1804-1865) The Political W 1867 0Speeches on Que 1870 0

Fetter, Frank A. (1863-1949) Capital, Interes between 1897 an5(co-or), 8(cooThese are perhaps but NOur author says he coNThe initial error in t NThe negative and critiNSuggestions have beenNThe capital concept reNThis distinction dese NThe rent and interest N

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Finally, it is said*80 NThe essence of the so-NSeager's argument at tN

Fisher, Irving (1867-1947) Dollar Stabiliza 1921 0The Purchasing 1911 1 (coor) Such legal regulation NThe Theory of I 1930 6 (coor) We can scarcely exaggC

Viewed as above outlinNseveral occurrences as x and y coordinates

George, Henry (1839-1897) Progress and Po 1879 2 (co-or) The bringing together NBook III, Chapter 7 T N

Protection or F 1886 1 (co-or) So it is with competi C2Heckscher, Eli F. (1879-1952) The Continental 1918 0Hirst, Francis W. (1873-1953) Free Trade and 1903 0Hobson, John Atkinson (1858-1940) Imperialism: A 1902 0Hodgskin, Thomas (1787-1869) A Lecture on Fr 1843 0

Popular Politic 1827 0Hoxie, Robert F. (1868-1916) Trade Unionism 1914 0Hume, David (1711-1776 Essays: Moral, P 1777 0

Jevons, William Stanley The Coal Quest 1865 0Money and the 1875 0The Theory of P 1871 0

Keynes, John Maynard (1883-1946) The Economic C 1919 0Knight, Frank H. (1885-1972) Risk, Uncertaint 1921 8 (coor) Mr. Hawley is in agre C1

In a sense Mr. Hawley C1We do not need to strC1Even in the hypotheti C1

Lachmann, Ludwig M. (1906-1990) Capital and Its 1956 4 (co-or) In the same way, all C1 Of consistent capital C2 with some elements of MWe may also note that AThese results suggestC2

Lalor, John J. (?-1899) Cyclopædia of P 1881 There is one, p. 290, but since this is an encyclopedia with many authors, we exclude it.Laughlin, J. Laurence (1850-1933) The History of 1885 0Leggett, William (1801-1839) Democratick Edi 1834 0List, Friedrich (1789-1846) The National Sy1841 [Translated 1 (co-or) And would it be logic N

Macaulay, Lord (Thomas Babington) ( Southey's Collo 1830 0Mackay, Charles, LL. D. (1814-1889) Memoirs of Extr 1841 0Malthus, Thomas Robert (1766-1834) An Essay on the 1798 0Marcet, Jane Haldimand (1769-1858) John Hopkins's 1833 0Marshall, Alfred (1842-1924) Principles of E 1890[1920 eighth3 (co-or) Everyone is familiar wC1

This doctrine may be NMarx, Karl (1816-1883) Capital: A Criti 1867 [1906] 1 (co-or) Dr. Ure, the Pindar o N

Vol. II 1885 [1909] 1 (co-or) In the second place, i C1?Vol. III 1894 [1909] 1 (co-or) Assuming the prices ofA

Mill, James (1773-1836) Elements of Political Economy 0Mill, John Stuart (1806-1873) Essays on Some 1844 1 (co-or) We have hitherto spokeN

On Liberty 1859 1 (co-or) In maintaining this pr N

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Principles of Po 1848 0Milton, John (1608-1674) Areopagitica 0Mises, Ludwig von (1881-1973) Human Action 1949 6 (coor) The historian can enuC2

There are two differe C2Western civilization C2The market price is a COf course, in order t CIn the market economy C2

Socialism 1981 [1922,1932 E4 (co-or) The materialist conceNThose socialists who C2Guild Socialism greatlCNow the defect in thisA

The Theory of 1981 [1912,1934 E1 (coor) After Menger's reviewNMolinari, Gustave de (1819-1912) The Society of 1899 2 (co-or) These associations, orC

Competition provides tCNewcomb, Simon (1835-1909) The A B C of Fi 1887 0North, Sir Dudley (1641-1691) Discourses Upo 1691 0Pigou, Arthur C. (1877-1959) The Economics o 1920 3 (co-or) GENERALLY speaking, ecN

We conclude, then, thNNow, if it were the fa C1

Rae, John (1845-1915) Life of Adam Sm 1895 0Ricardo, David (1772-1823) On the Principl 1817 0Richter, Eugene (1838-1906) Pictures of the 1891 0Robbins, Lionel (1898-1984) Remarks upon ce 1934 0Say, Jean-Baptiste. (1767-1832) A Treatise on P 1803 [1855 transl 0Senior, Nassau W. (1790-1864) Political Econo 1850 0Shaw, George Bernard Fabian Essays i 1889 1 (coor), 1(co- The projection and COON

The Basis of SocialismC2Smiles, Samuel Self-Help 1859 0Smith, Adam (1723-1790) An Inquiry into 1776 0

The Theory of 1759 0Smith, Bruce (1851-1937) Liberty and Lib 1887 0Spencer, Herbert (1820-1903) The Man Versus 1884 1 (co-or)[3 by Thus far in comparingC1

Foreword by Eric MackAHThroughout the whole CAnother fact which shoC1The analogies betweenC1A form of government,C1I pass now from this gNNotwithstanding "the mCShould it be said that C1On the brief rejoinderC1

Taussig, Frank William (1859-1940) Some Aspects of 1915 0Tracy, Antoine Louis Claude Destutt A Commentary an 1811 0Turgot, Anne Robert Jacques. (1727-1 Reflections on 1774 0

Viner, Jacob (1892-1970) Studies in the T 1937 4 (coor) The mercantilist writ C

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Torrens freely concedNDuring this period, hoN

Walker, Francis A. (1840-1897) The Wages Ques 1876 0Whately, Richard (1787-1863) Introductory Le 1831 0Wicksell, Johan Gustaf Knut. (1851-19 The Influence of 1907 0Wicksteed, Philip H. (1844-1927) The Common Sen 1910 8 (co-or) Therefore, if we can pC2

And this confirms the CWhat, then, is our pic C1Summary.—The laws of NWhen the statements aNThis utter disparity o N

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: I (Aaron Orsborn) searched the books and articles that can be found online from the Library of Economics and Liberty website (http://econlib.org/library/classics.html) for "co-or" or "coor" in order to find the occurrences of coordinate or coordination. The results are arranged by author lastname. The title of the work, the year it was published (and translated to English), the number of occurences of either "co-or" or "coor" are given as well as the quotes themselves and the classification of how the author is using the term. Not every occurrence will have a quote given for it. The reasons being that sometimes it was only a name of an article or because the usage was repetitive. The focus here was on authors born before 1860, so some that come much later were left off.Meaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).

N - used as counterpart or corresponding (many other usages like this)

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There is one, p. 290, but since this is an encyclopedia with many authors, we exclude it.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: I (Aaron Orsborn) searched the books and articles that can be found online from the Library of Economics and Liberty website (http://econlib.org/library/classics.html) for "co-or" or "coor" in order to find the occurrences of coordinate or coordination. The results are arranged by author lastname. The title of the work, the year it was published (and translated to English), the number of occurences of either "co-or" or "coor" are given as well as the quotes themselves and the classification of how the author is using the term. Not every occurrence will have a quote given for it. The reasons being that sometimes it was only a name of an article or because the usage was repetitive. The focus here was on authors born before 1860, so some that come much later were left off.Meaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).

Page 40: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: I (Aaron Orsborn) searched the books and articles that can be found online from the Library of Economics and Liberty website (http://econlib.org/library/classics.html) for "co-or" or "coor" in order to find the occurrences of coordinate or coordination. The results are arranged by author lastname. The title of the work, the year it was published (and translated to English), the number of occurences of either "co-or" or "coor" are given as well as the quotes themselves and the classification of how the author is using the term. Not every occurrence will have a quote given for it. The reasons being that sometimes it was only a name of an article or because the usage was repetitive. The focus here was on authors born before 1860, so some that come much later were left off.Meaning: C=concatenate coordination; C1=specifically, top-down concatenate coordination; C2=specifically, spontaneous concatenate coordination; M=mutual coordination; A=ambiguous usage that can be interpreted as concatenate or mutual or a mixture; N=neither (e.g., corresponding, counterpart, corollary, or related).

Page 41: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: I (Aaron Orsborn) searched the books and articles that can be found online from the Library of Economics and Liberty website (http://econlib.org/library/classics.html) for "co-or" or "coor" in order to find the occurrences of coordinate or coordination. The results are arranged by author lastname. The title of the work, the year it was published (and translated to English), the number of occurences of either "co-or" or "coor" are given as well as the quotes themselves and the classification of how the author is using the term. Not every occurrence will have a quote given for it. The reasons being that sometimes it was only a name of an article or because the usage was repetitive. The focus here was on authors born before 1860, so some that come much later were left off.

Page 42: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: I (Aaron Orsborn) searched the books and articles that can be found online from the Library of Economics and Liberty website (http://econlib.org/library/classics.html) for "co-or" or "coor" in order to find the occurrences of coordinate or coordination. The results are arranged by author lastname. The title of the work, the year it was published (and translated to English), the number of occurences of either "co-or" or "coor" are given as well as the quotes themselves and the classification of how the author is using the term. Not every occurrence will have a quote given for it. The reasons being that sometimes it was only a name of an article or because the usage was repetitive. The focus here was on authors born before 1860, so some that come much later were left off.

Page 43: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: This is essentially a sample of the 50 top-"Relevance" articles to test the claim about the dominance of conAuthor Citation Quotations Meaning: C=cC? CoM? ColA? CoN? JSTOR URL: Note: These URLs will be useful only to those who can tap into the George Mason University library system.G. Shorey Peterso JPE Vol. 38, No. 6 (Dec., 1930), title: "Trans C1, C2, and M: 1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950697/95p0125u/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950697%2b95p0125u%2b0%2c7FDF7F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1H. Lauterpacht Economica No. 37 (Aug., 1932), pMany quotatioN 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009843/00p0078z/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009843%2b00p0078z%2b5%2cC07F06&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Herbert E. DougallAER Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, Many occurrenC1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950294/95p0525t/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950294%2b95p0525t%2b0%2c86FE03&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1A.V. Arragon JPE Vol. 25, No. 6 (Jun., 1917), p "Railroad Co-oC - transporta 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950599/95p07712/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950599%2b95p07712%2b0%2c7F5D0F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1I.L. Sharfman;S.L. AER Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, many usages oC - transporta 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950294/95p0526u/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950294%2b95p0526u%2b2%2cD801&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1T.N. Carver AEA Quarterly 3rd Series, Vol. 9, Ag Econ - The C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/15325059/di007779/00p0167t/0?currentResult=15325059%2bdi007779%2b00p0167t%2b20%2c000020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Frederick B. HawleQJE Vol. 15, No. 1 (Nov., 1900), p C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951518/95p0008z/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951518%2b95p0008z%2b1%2c047C0780&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1E.R.A. Seligman; C.Publications of the AEA 3rd Serie "Its[Clark's b C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007748/00p0100a/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007748%2b00p0100a%2b0%2c02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Herbert E. Dougall JPE Vol. 42, No. 3 (Jun., 1934), "The French SoC1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950718/95p0072j/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950718%2b95p0072j%2b3%2c9001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Frank E. Horack; WPublications of the AEA 3rd Serie "(9) there wasC 1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007773/00p0139m/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007773%2b00p0139m%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Thorstein Veblen Publications of the AEA 3rd Serie "Theoretician C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007748/00p0098g/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007748%2b00p0098g%2b21%2c0000C0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Thomas N. Carver; Publications of the AEA 3rd Serie C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007760/00p0032q/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007760%2b00p0032q%2b8%2c0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Franklin H. Giddin QJE Vol. 4, No. 2 (Jan., 1890), pp C - in organis 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951475/95p0003u/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951475%2b95p0003u%2b8%2c00E6010004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1John B. Clark Publications of the AEA 3rd Serie "We must assuC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007756/00p0156p/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007756%2b00p0156p%2b8%2c0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1William C. Hunt Publications of the AEA New Seri "…there is a l A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007743/00p0044v/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007743%2b00p0044v%2b25%2c00000004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Francis Walker Publications of the AEA 3rd Serie "This is so, A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007762/00p00505/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007762%2b00p00505%2b320%2c0000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Sidney Webb Publications of the AEA Vol. 4, No "The lesson ofC1 - in organ 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007708/00p0047y/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007708%2b00p0047y%2b38%2c0000000080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Charles H. Cooley Publications of the AEA Vol. 9, N in regards to C - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007731/00p00675/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007731%2b00p00675%2b130%2c0000000000000000000000000000000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1P. Sargant Florenc EJ Vol. 44, No. 176 (Dec., 1934) C (mostly C1, 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983281/98p0477c/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983281%2b98p0477c%2b1%2c64&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Austin Robinson EJ Vol. 44, No. 174 (Jun., 1934), "The Problem C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983279/98p03797/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983279%2b98p03797%2b0%2c82FB01&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Joseph E. Cummin JPE Vol. 35, No. 6 (Dec., 1927), Title: "The NeC - transporta 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950679/95p0012z/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950679%2b95p0012z%2b0%2cD707&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Simeon E. Leland AER Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, In title only A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950294/95p0533u/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950294%2b95p0533u%2b0%2c07&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1--- JPE Vol. 29, No. 5 (May, 1921), p only occurs i N 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950638/95p0037c/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950638%2b95p0037c%2b0%2c0A&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1F.A. Delano JPE Vol. 21, No. 9 (Nov., 1913), "Enough has beA - transportation system 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950560/95p0575v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950560%2b95p0575v%2b8%2c0006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1H.R.G. Greaves Economica No. 33 (Aug., 1931), p"All its comm C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009839/00p00056/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009839%2b00p00056%2b1%2c04C0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Arthur G. Coons JPE Vol. 35, No. 4 (Aug., 1927), quoting Profe N 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950677/95p0401v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950677%2b95p0401v%2b18%2c000018&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1R.W. Harbeson JPE Vol. 42, No. 1 (Feb., 1934), "During the wC1 - central p 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950716/95p0005v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950716%2b95p0005v%2b1%2c8C0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Willard E. HotchkisJPE Vol. 28, No. 2 (Feb., 1920), in footnote: A but probably C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950625/95p0090x/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950625%2b95p0090x%2b0%2c0301&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1William R. Camp JPE Vol. 29, No. 9 (Nov., 1921), "During the wC 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950642/95p0131t/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950642%2b95p0131t%2b4%2c2008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1J. M. Barriger, III; AER Vol. 24, No. 1, Supplement, co-ordination C - transporta 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950289/95p0345p/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950289%2b95p0345p%2b4%2c201D&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Simon N. Patten QJE Vol. 7, No. 2 (Jan., 1893), p has to do wit C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951487/95p00327/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951487%2b95p00327%2b9%2c0004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Leslie Craven AER Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, "I think it is C1 (of transpo 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950294/95p0524s/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950294%2b95p0524s%2b1%2cF402&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Lionel Robbins Economica No. 30 (Nov., 1930), pmentions WickN 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009836/00p0318g/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009836%2b00p0318g%2b2%2c8810&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

* A match in the title, author, or abstract scores higher than a match in the body of an article."

"We have here both CO-ORDINATION and ownership and yet no element of profit, from which it appears that the peculiar income of the

"The fallacy underlying Professor Clark's analogy, and in so far, Professor Fetter's argument, arises, like so many other troublesome misconceptions in recent theoretical discussion, from neglect of the "the evolution of utility is always a process of CO-ORDINATION

Reply to A. Robinson 1934: Robinson "has criticised the belief in the efficiency of large-scale production put forward in my

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C.O. Ruggles JPE Vol. 28, No. 2 (Feb., 1920), "co-ordinationA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950625/95p0097u/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950625%2b95p0097u%2b1%2cC4&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1A.L. Bowley Economica No. 3 (Oct., 1921), pp. "…for the pur A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009809/00p0015e/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009809%2b00p0015e%2b0%2c02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Morris Ginsberg Economica No. 6 (Oct., 1922), pp "Thus one indiC - analogy b 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009812/00p0049r/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009812%2b00p0049r%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Frederick B. HawleQJE Vol. 7, No. 4 (Jul., 1893), pp. "According to C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951489/95p00154/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951489%2b95p00154%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1John A. Hobson QJE Vol. 5, No. 3 (Apr., 1891), p "This CO-ORDINC 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951480/95p0001s/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951480%2b95p0001s%2b8%2c0006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1J.H. Hollander QJE Vol. 9, No. 2 (Jan., 1895), p C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951495/95p0005w/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951495%2b95p0005w%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Frederick B. HawleQJE Vol. 16, No. 2 (Feb., 1902), "The assumptioC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951523/95p00235/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951523%2b95p00235%2b24%2c00000006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1D.H. Macgregor EJ Vol. 37, No. 145 (Mar., 1927), "…and althougA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983250/98p0416r/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983250%2b98p0416r%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1H.P. EJ Vol. 37, No. 145 (Mar., 1927), "…and urged tA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983250/98p0418t/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983250%2b98p0418t%2b0%2c02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1A.M. Carr-Saunder EJ Vol. 37, No. 148 (Dec., 1927) "The decision C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983253/98p05433/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983253%2b98p05433%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1William Notz JPE Vol. 28, No. 8 (Oct., 1920), "While it mak A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950631/95p0047f/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950631%2b95p0047f%2b17%2c000014&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1E.R.L. Gould QJE Vol. 14, No. 3 (May, 1900), p A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951516/95p0061g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951516%2b95p0061g%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Jacob H. HollanderQJE Vol. 17, No. 2 (Feb., 1903), "A survey of t C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951527/95p0034a/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951527%2b95p0034a%2b18%2c000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Frederick B. HawleQJE Vol. 15, No. 4 (Aug., 1901), p C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951521/95p0006x/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951521%2b95p0006x%2b9%2c0004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Phillip H. WicksteeQJE Vol. 3, No. 3 (Apr., 1889), p "some better pA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951472/95p0061g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951472%2b95p0061g%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1John Cummings QJE Vol. 13, No. 1 (Oct., 1898), "…while, as a C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951510/95p0040j/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951510%2b95p0040j%2b8%2c0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1F.A. von Hayek Economica No. 40 (May, 1933), p "The mere exiC2 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009846/00p01427/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009846%2b00p01427%2b2%2c0802&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1935%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

Total 34 2 12 4Total/34 1.000 0.059 0.353

"On the whole, it seems probable that some part at least of the clear CO-ORDINATION of extensive and intensive cultivation which appeared in the

"But there is a middle ground between pure philanthropy and pure business. We may call it

"I hope I am not premature in inferring that Professor Carver admits my contention that "the essential function of the

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JSTOR URL: Note: These URLs will be useful only to those who can tap into the George Mason University library 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* A match in the title, author, or abstract scores higher than a match in the body of an article."

Page 46: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: This is essentially a sampling of the 50 top-"Relevance" articles to test the claim about the dö in Jstor issAuthor Citation Quotations Meaning: C=cC? CoM? ColA? CoN? JSTOR URL: Note: These URLs will be useful only to those who can tap into the George Mason University library system.William Fellner AER Vol. 40, No. 2, Papers and P "But it shoul A, maybe M, maybe C2 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950017/95p0008d/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950017%2b95p0008d%2b0%2cEE01&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Herbert E. Douglas JPE Vol. 46, No. 2 (Apr., 1938), title: "Railw C1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950741/95p0005v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950741%2b95p0005v%2b0%2cBB0F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1E. Ronald Walker JPE Vol. 51, No. 2 (Apr., 1943), title: "The C C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950771/95p07686/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950771%2b95p07686%2b0%2cAF&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1I.L. Sharfman AER Vol. 26, No. 1, Supplement, Minutes of disC - transporta 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950299/95p0779o/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950299%2b95p0779o%2b0%2c06&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1G.F. Thirlby Economica New Series, Vol. 17, Many occurrenC1 - his "ex a 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009915/00p0138c/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009915%2b00p0138c%2b1%2cDCCB02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1George P. Baker AER Vol. 30, No. 1, Part 2, Supp title: "The P C1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950123/95p0150n/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950123%2b95p0150n%2b0%2c0B7A07&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1F. Sewell Bray Economica New Series, Vol. 13, references ThiC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009900/00p00067/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009900%2b00p00067%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Dean A. Worcester, JAER Vol. 48, No. 2, Papers and P "There is, the A, maybe C2 or M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950352/95p0490g/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950352%2b95p0490g%2b2%2cA805&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1G.F. Thirlby Economica New Series, Vol. 13, N"The Subjecti C, sometimes 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009897/00p00953/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009897%2b00p00953%2b3%2cF00703&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Charles E. LindblomJPE Vol. 66, No. 6 (Dec., 1958), C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950861/95p0066k/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950861%2b95p0066k%2b4%2cE0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1T.L. Johnson Economica New Series, Vol. 25, many uses aboA, maybe M or C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009948/00p00045/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009948%2b00p00045%2b0%2cBADC01&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1A.M. Milne EJ Vol. 61, No. 242 (Jun., 1951) many uses aboC1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983341/98p02933/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983341%2b98p02933%2b0%2c363CDC&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Edwin C. Johnson; JoAER Vol. 43, No. 2, Papers and P Co-ordination C1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950340/95p0055t/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950340%2b95p0055t%2b0%2c1F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Horace M. Gray AER Vol. 41, No. 2, Papers and P co-ordination A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di957302/95p0063u/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi957302%2b95p0063u%2b1%2c7401&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Edith Penrose AER Vol. 45, No. 2, Papers and P "I suppose thaC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950311/95p01133/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950311%2b95p01133%2b10%2c0018&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Henry M. Oliver Jr. QJE Vol. 74, No. 1 (Feb., 1960), "Just as post C2 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951759/95p01496/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951759%2b95p01496%2b0%2c020A34&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Tibor Scitovsky JPE Vol. 63, No. 5 (Oct., 1955), co-ordination C1 and M 1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950842/95p0029b/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950842%2b95p0029b%2b0%2c06&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Nicolas Spulber AER Vol. 46, No. 2, Papers and P economic co-oC 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di957305/95p0054s/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi957305%2b95p0054s%2b1%2c4428&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Gardiner C. Means AER Vol. 26, No. 1, Supplement, "Our economy C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950299/95p0758h/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950299%2b95p0758h%2b11%2c0030&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Roy G. Blakey AER Vol. 32, No. 1, Part 2, Supp title: "Co-ord A (occurs only in the title) 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950171/95p01257/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950171%2b95p01257%2b0%2c03&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Louis S. Reed; Calvi AER Vol. 41, No. 2, Papers and P "…closer CO- A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di957302/95p0074y/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi957302%2b95p0074y%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Hans Staudinger AER Vol. 27, No. 1, Supplement, title: "The Co A, V 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950005/95p0221a/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950005%2b95p0221a%2b0%2cF703&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1K.S. Isles Economica New Series, Vol. 4, No"Mr. Durbin's C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009861/00p00067/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009861%2b00p00067%2b1%2c0C&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1W. Arthur Lewis Economica New Series, Vol. 13, The first prob C - seems to p 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009900/00p00034/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009900%2b00p00034%2b15%2c00000D0F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Frederick Harbison QJE Vol. 70, No. 3 (Aug., 1956), "co-ordinationC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951745/95p0090y/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951745%2b95p0090y%2b1%2c04D0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Raymond F. MikeselAER Vol. 48, No. 2, Papers and "…for a certaiC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950352/95p04743/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950352%2b95p04743%2b0%2c1601&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Albert O. Hirschman;QJE Vol. 72, No. 3 (Aug., 1958), "better co-ordC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951753/95p02192/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951753%2b95p02192%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Robert V. Roosa AER Vol. 42, No. 2, Papers and "…to achieve A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di957304/95p0028n/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi957304%2b95p0028n%2b1%2c240041&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Paul J. Strayer AER Vol. 40, No. 2, Papers and P "the extent o A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950017/95p0020p/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950017%2b95p0020p%2b6%2c8003&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Richard A. Lester; DAER Vol. 42, No. 2, Papers and P "… thoroughgoC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di957304/95p0042n/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi957304%2b95p0042n%2b1%2c3C&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1George B. Baldwin QJE Vol. 67, No. 4 (Nov., 1953), "Since one of C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951734/95p01393/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951734%2b95p01393%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Elliot Zupnick QJE Vol. 69, No. 1 (Feb., 1955), "planning and C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951739/95p0098w/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951739%2b95p0098w%2b8%2c0042&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1F. Zeuthen QJE Vol. 73, No. 4 (Nov., 1959), "the idea of c C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951758/95p0124u/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951758%2b95p0124u%2b7%2c0001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"In these three prescriptions, Tinbergen

Page 55: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

Franz Gehrels; BruceJPE Vol. 63, No. 4 (Aug., 1955), "…some of whiA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950841/95p0106l/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950841%2b95p0106l%2b8%2c000602&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1James H. Stauss JPE Vol. 52, No. 2 (Jun., 1944), "Tentatively, C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950777/95p0003t/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950777%2b95p0003t%2b1%2c34&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Virgil D. Cover; Har AER Vol. 40, No. 2, Papers and "CO-ORDINATIONC1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950017/95p0032k/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950017%2b95p0032k%2b5%2cC0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Joseph B. Eastman AER Vol. 34, No. 1, Part 2, Supp "Centralized C1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950125/95p0010m/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950125%2b95p0010m%2b0%2c22&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Martin G. Glaeser AER Vol. 47, No. 2, Papers and P "supplementedA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950346/95p0075z/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950346%2b95p0075z%2b1%2c14&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1John D. Black JPE Vol. 47, No. 5 (Oct., 1939), "…requiring coA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950750/95p0476r/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950750%2b95p0476r%2b3%2c30&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Orwell De R. Foena QJE Vol. 63, No. 3 (Aug., 1949), "Certainly a C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951717/95p0057j/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951717%2b95p0057j%2b16%2c000026&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1C.W. Efroymson QJE Vol. 69, No. 1 (Feb., 1955), "But CO-ORDINAA, maybe M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951739/95p0101h/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951739%2b95p0101h%2b7%2c004102&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Peter O. Steiner QJE Vol. 71, No. 4 (Nov., 1957), "But the essenC1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951750/95p0045e/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951750%2b95p0045e%2b18%2c000018&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1James C. Nelson JPE Vol. 44, No. 4 (Aug., 1936), title: "The M C - transporta 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950731/95p0362f/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950731%2b95p0362f%2b1%2c240420&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1F.A. Lutz Economica New Series, Vol. 11, "In the secondC, C2 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009892/00p0071s/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009892%2b00p0071s%2b2%2c38&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1G.F. Thirlby Economica New Series, Vol. 27, a few occurre C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009954/00p0044m/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009954%2b00p0044m%2b8%2c0006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1C.O. Ruggles AER Vol. 32, No. 1, Part 2, Supp "…problems ofA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950171/95p0127b/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950171%2b95p0127b%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Arnold Plant Economica New Series, Vol. 6, N C1 - transport 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009870/00p0078z/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009870%2b00p0078z%2b7%2c0001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1W.H. Hutt Economica New Series, Vol. 9, No"Perhaps the C1 and C2 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009883/00p00964/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009883%2b00p00964%2b3%2c30&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1K.W. Rothschild QJE Vol. 66, No. 1 (Feb., 1952), quoting FellneC1, because th 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951727/95p0093r/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951727%2b95p0093r%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1A. Beacham QJE Vol. 64, No. 4 (Nov., 1950), footnote:""Th C1 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951722/95p0042b/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951722%2b95p0042b%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dco-ordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1936%26ed%3D1960%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

Total 36 1 14 0Total/36 1.000 0.028 0.389

"Plans for "transport co-ordination" are almost as rife in this undeveloped continent as in Europe, and even to the compilers of the

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JSTOR URL: Note: These URLs will be useful only to those who can tap into the George Mason University library 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* A match in the title, author, or abstract scores higher than a match in the body of an article."

Page 57: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

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Page 64: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into
Page 65: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into
Page 66: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET (by Aaron Orsborn): This is supplement that includes many of the items on the 1886-ö in Jstor issue: It seems that the ö in JStor docs simply does not get read, even if you search on ö. I think that there is no way to do a JStor search on coord in any spelling or variation that will pull up Hayek AER 1945, because he spells it "coörd". This would mean that our JStor searches are not finding ö uses. The Hayek 1945 piece is treated on the Mises Hayek Kirzner worksheet.Year Author Journal Quotation Meaning: C=concatenatJSTOR URL: Note: These URLs will be useful only to those who can tap into the George Mason University library system.

1887 Seligman, Edwin R.A. AER "But although the guild N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di021442/02p0015r/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi021442%2b02p0015r%2b39%2c00000000000104&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1889%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"In the main, however, t N

1888 James, Edmund J. AER "On the other hand, whenN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007702/00p0023o/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007702%2b00p0023o%2b3%2c30&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1889%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11888 Wright, Carroll D. AER "Such features lead to whN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007702/00p0021m/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007702%2b00p0021m%2b14%2c0080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1889%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11888 Smith, Richmond Mayo AER "When we compare the labN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007705/00p0004f/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007705%2b00p0004f%2b94%2c0000000000000000000000800008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1889%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11889 Wicksteed, Philip H. QJE "some better principle o V http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951472/95p0061g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951472%2b95p0061g%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1889%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11889 Webb, Sidney AER "The lesson of Evolution,C1 - in organism http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007708/00p0047y/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007708%2b00p0047y%2b38%2c0000000080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1889%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1890 Giddings, Franklin H. QJE C - in organism http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951475/95p0003u/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951475%2b95p0003u%2b8%2c00E6010004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"These associations and C - in organism"Beyond certain limits, cC - in organismquotes a biologist speakC - in organism

1891 Bonar, James QJE "In this sense, it seems C or N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951479/95p00257/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951479%2b95p00257%2b26%2c00000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11891 Hobson, John A. QJE "This co-ordination of th C or N or V http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951480/95p0001s/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951480%2b95p0001s%2b8%2c0006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11891 Webb, Sidney EJ "Modern Socialism is, acC1 - but socialist planni http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983107/98p0035s/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983107%2b98p0035s%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11893 Patten, Simon N. QJE has to do with distribut A but probably C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951487/95p00327/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951487%2b95p00327%2b9%2c0004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"He (Ricardo) does not cN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951488/95p00154/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951488%2b95p00154%2b13%2c004001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"We have in his book theN

1893 Hawley, Frederick B. QJE "According to Professor CC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951489/95p00154/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951489%2b95p00154%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"But the president of a cC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951489/95p00154/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951489%2b95p00154%2b6%2c80&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1893 Seligman, Edwin R.A. QJE "It seems, then, that wr N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951488/95p00143/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951488%2b95p00143%2b24%2c0000000608&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11894 Cooley, Charles H. AER in regards to transportatC - transportation syste http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007731/00p00675/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007731%2b00p00675%2b130%2c0000000000000000000000000000000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11894 Hadley, Arthur T. AER "Profit, and not interest, N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007734/00p00837/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007734%2b00p00837%2b0%2c02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11895 Hollander, J.H. QJE V, maybe C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951495/95p0005w/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951495%2b95p0005w%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"It is always to be borne N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951495/95p0005w/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951495%2b95p0005w%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11895 Haynes, John QJE "Is the function of risk- N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951497/95p0006x/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951497%2b95p0006x%2b14%2c008086&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11895 Bohm-Bawerk, E. QJE "Confusion seems to me tN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951496/95p0028b/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951496%2b95p0028b%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11896 Bohm-Bawerk, E. QJE "Mr. White would deduce N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951499/95p00316/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951499%2b95p00316%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11896 Fisher, Irving EJ "Walras comes very closeN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983129/98p08022/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983129%2b98p08022%2b20%2c000020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11897 Dunbar, Charles F. QJE "The inability of the sys C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951506/95p0010a/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951506%2b95p0010a%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11897 Hadley, Arthur T. EJ "Boehm-Bawerk presents anN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983133/98p0925k/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983133%2b98p0925k%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11899 Veblen, Thorstein QJE In the "early and rude stN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951513/95p00165/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951513%2b95p00165%2b9%2c0004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"This propensity, taken aN - good example of how http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951511/95p0001s/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951511%2b95p0001s%2b9%2c00040004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1890%26ed%3D1899%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11900 Gould, E.R.L. QJE V http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951516/95p0061g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951516%2b95p0061g%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"the evolution of utility is always a process of co-ordination

"On the whole, it seems probable that some part at least of the clear co-ordination of extensive and intensive cultivation which appeared in the

"But there is a middle ground between pure philanthropy and pure business. We may call it

Page 67: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

1900 Hawley, F.B. QJE C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951518/95p0008z/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951518%2b95p0008z%2b1%2c047C0780&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"In the last analysis an C1"Whichever we regard as C1Co-ordination Theory of PC1"and the neglect to subjeC1

1901 Hawley, F.B. QJE C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951521/95p0006x/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951521%2b95p0006x%2b9%2c0004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11901 Veblen, Thorstein AER "Theoreticians who are gC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007748/00p0098g/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007748%2b00p0098g%2b21%2c0000C0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"It is notorious, and it C"The furtherrance of coorC

1902 Hawley, F.B. QJE "The assumption that lanC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951523/95p00235/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951523%2b95p00235%2b24%2c00000006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"On the other hand, the mC1

1902 McLean, S.J. EJ "All this means that the A http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983152/98p15313/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983152%2b98p15313%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11902 Ross, Edward A. QJE A http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951525/95p0048h/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951525%2b95p0048h%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11903 Clark, John B. AER "We must assume without C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007756/00p0156p/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007756%2b00p0156p%2b8%2c0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11903 Hollander, J.H. QJE "A survey of the developN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951527/95p0034a/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951527%2b95p0034a%2b18%2c000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"Finally, in the writings N"It thus appears that onN - good example of how the Ns are often the concatenate coordination of ideas

1903 Tuttle, Charles A. QJE N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951530/95p0006x/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951530%2b95p0006x%2b4%2c200010000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11904 Walker, Francis (not F.AAER "This is so, because, fi V, maybe C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007762/00p00505/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007762%2b00p00505%2b320%2c0000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11904 Edgeworth, F.Y. QJE N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951531/95p0039f/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951531%2b95p0039f%2b22%2c000080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1906 Chapman, S.J. EJ cites in a footnote Wick N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983169/98p00836/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983169%2b98p00836%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11906 Hoxie, Robert F. JPE "in the third solution bo N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950488/95p0056h/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950488%2b95p0056h%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"According, then, to the N1906 Hollander, Jacob. H. AER "The didactic quality of N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007768/00p0094c/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007768%2b00p0094c%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11907 Fetter, Frank A. JPE "Much of what is best in N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950494/95p0001r/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950494%2b95p0001r%2b19%2c000010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1907 Marshall, Alfred EJ "Government has now manyA http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983170/98p0128h/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983170%2b98p0128h%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11908 Fisher, Irving JPE "Not only have they (WalN - good example of how http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950511/95p0001r/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950511%2b95p0001r%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11909 Noyes, Alexander D. QJE The opinion then entertaV http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951551/95p0090y/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951551%2b95p0090y%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11911 Cunningham, William J. QJE footnote of J. Shirley Ea C - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951560/95p0068n/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951560%2b95p0068n%2b23%2c00000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11913 Haney, Lewis H. QJE "Society means co-ordinaA but more M http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951570/95p0008z/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951570%2b95p0008z%2b14%2c0080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11913 Delano, F.A. JPE "Enough has been said to A - transportation syste http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950560/95p0575v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950560%2b95p0575v%2b8%2c0006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11913 Jones, Edward D. JPE "Such a science of adminsC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950554/95p0492t/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950554%2b95p0492t%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11913 Hawley, F.B. AER "The first division of h A http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950167/95p0005a/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950167%2b95p0005a%2b2%2c18&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"Mr. Spencer's immediateA

"We have here both co-ordination and ownership and yet no element of profit, from which it appears that the peculiar income of the

"I hope I am not premature in inferring that Professor Carver admits my contention that "the essential function of the

"The organicists linger over the

"Yet capital, in the sense of

footnote of Wicksteed's Essay on the Co-ordination of the Laws of Distribution

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1915 Thompson, C. Bertrand QJE "Certain of the fundamenC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951575/95p0047g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951575%2b95p0047g%2b21%2c000040000040&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11916 Thompson, C. Bertrand QJE "Industrial organization C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951579/95p0060p/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951579%2b95p0060p%2b0%2c02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11917 Arragon, A.V. JPE "Railroad Co-ordination: C - transportation and c http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950599/95p07712/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950599%2b95p07712%2b0%2c7F5D0F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"Of equal importance is C - transportation1918 Zimmern, Dorothy M. EJ "The best method of achiA http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983214/98p04553/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983214%2b98p04553%2b18%2c000048&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11918 Seager, Henry Rogers AER Title:Coordination of Fe C (probably) http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950199/95p0236i/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950199%2b95p0236i%2b0%2c47&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11919 Foreman, C.J. QJE "Judgment is simply an inC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951594/95p0006x/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951594%2b95p0006x%2b20%2c000020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11919 Dixon, Frank Haigh QJE "In April the Railroads' C - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951593/95p00197/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951593%2b95p00197%2b15%2c000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"In connection with the C - transportation1919 Magee, James D. JPE "After the declaration o C - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950618/95p0060o/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950618%2b95p0060o%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11920 Gardner, Henry B. AER "There are many problemsC http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950207/95p00015/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950207%2b95p00015%2b16%2c000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D126%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11920 Meeker, Royal AER "Each agency dealing witV - satirically so! http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950211/95p0148i/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950211%2b95p0148i%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D126%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11921 Camp, William R. JPE "During the war the co-oC http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950643/95p0003t/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950643%2b95p0003t%2b19%2c000030&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11922 Friday, David QJE "Particularly must we sc C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951603/95p0051d/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951603%2b95p0051d%2b20%2c000020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11922 Ginsberg, Morris Economic "Thus one individual or oC - analogy between indhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009812/00p0049r/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009812%2b00p0049r%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11924 Daniels, Winthrop M. QJE "The mention of the motoC - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951612/95p0123t/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951612%2b95p0123t%2b4%2cA045&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11924 Lindsay, A.D. EJ "But if the necessary meC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983238/98p0036t/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983238%2b98p0036t%2b12%2c0060&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"It is sometimes held th C1 - central planning1924 Frankel, Emil JPE "His plan was to effect C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950656/95p0170g/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950656%2b95p0170g%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11925 Frank, Lawrence K. JPE "In briefest fashion, ver C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950663/95p0043b/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950663%2b95p0043b%2b0%2c0226&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"Buying and selling at mC1 and C2"We may see in the foregC"By such a technique it C1

1927 Cummings, Joseph E. JPE Title: "The Need for Co- C - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950679/95p0012z/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950679%2b95p0012z%2b0%2cD707&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"In providing for unifie C - transportation and central planning

1927 Coons, Arthur G. JPE quoting Professor MitcheN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950677/95p0401v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950677%2b95p0401v%2b18%2c000018&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11929 Kendall, W.L. EJ "The production of a GotC2 and/or M (conventionhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983259/98p0760r/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983259%2b98p0760r%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11929 Bye, Raymond T. AER title: "The Central Plann C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950262/95p0189v/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950262%2b95p0189v%2b0%2c030008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"Among the many interestC1 - central planning"Such co-ordination as thC2

1929 Flugge, Eva JPE "The aim of this sort of C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950687/95p00234/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950687%2b95p00234%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D76%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1920%26ed%3D1929%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11930 Peterson, G. Shorey JPE title: "Transport Co-ord C1, C2, and M: This is a http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950697/95p0125u/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950697%2b95p0125u%2b0%2c7FDF7F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1932 Homan, Paul T. QJE "The literature of plann C - interesting remark! http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951646/95p00316/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951646%2b95p00316%2b9%2c002412&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11932 Lauterpacht, H. Economic Many quotations about "lN http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009843/00p0078z/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009843%2b00p0078z%2b5%2cC07F06&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11932 Tugwell, R.G. AER "Planning is by definitio C1 (almost seems to denhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950278/95p00804/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950278%2b95p00804%2b3%2c10A0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

Page 69: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

1933 Hayek, F.A. von Economic "The mere existence of aC2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009846/00p01427/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009846%2b00p01427%2b2%2c0802&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"From the time of Hume aC2

1934 Kaldor, Nicholas Economic "Co-ordination," on the C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983278/98p0340z/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983278%2b98p0340z%2b7%2c0027&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11934 Robinson, Joan EJ N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983280/98p0416r/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983280%2b98p0416r%2b1%2c3C0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11934 Harbeson, R.W. JPE "During the war period, C1 - central planning (I thttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950716/95p0005v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950716%2b95p0005v%2b1%2c8C0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11934 Robinson, Austin EJ "The Problem of ManagemeC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983279/98p03797/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983279%2b98p03797%2b0%2c82FB01&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11934 Cunningham, William J. AER title: "Correlation of R C1 - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950289/95p0344o/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950289%2b95p0344o%2b0%2c0204&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"To quote from the findi C1 - transportation1934 Florence, P. Sargant EJ C (mostly C1, but see p. http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983281/98p0477c/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983281%2b98p0477c%2b1%2c64&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11934 Dougall, Herbert E. JPE "The French Solution for C1 - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950718/95p0072j/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950718%2b95p0072j%2b3%2c9001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11935 Dougall, Herbert E. AER Many occurrences, like i C1 - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950294/95p0525t/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950294%2b95p0525t%2b0%2c86FE03&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11935 Craven, Leslie AER "I think it is commonly aC1 (of transport regulati http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950294/95p0524s/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950294%2b95p0524s%2b1%2cF402&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11936 Means, Gardiner C. AER "Our economy has developC http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950299/95p0758h/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950299%2b95p0758h%2b11%2c0030&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11936 Sharfman, I.L. AER Minutes of discussion of C - transportation; one http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950299/95p0779o/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950299%2b95p0779o%2b0%2c06&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11936 Nelson, James C. JPE title: "The Motor Carrie C - transportation; one http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950731/95p0362f/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950731%2b95p0362f%2b1%2c240420&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11936 Rosenstein-Rodan, P.N. Economic title: "The Coordination N http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009859/00p00034/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009859%2b00p00034%2b0%2cAFAAAA01&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11937 Staudinger, Hans AER title: "The Co-ordination A, V http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950005/95p0221a/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950005%2b95p0221a%2b0%2cF703&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

In conclusion, we find i A, V1937 Isles, K.S. Economic "Mr. Durbin's argument aC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009861/00p00067/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009861%2b00p00067%2b1%2c0C&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11937 Coase, Ronald H. Economic "The Nature of the Firm C1 and C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009864/00p00034/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009864%2b00p00034%2b2%2c18&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11938 Dougall, Herbert E. JPE title: "Railway Nationali C1 - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950741/95p0005v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950741%2b95p0005v%2b0%2cBB0F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"Coincidental with the p C1 - transportation1939 Plant, Arnold Economic C1 - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009870/00p0078z/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009870%2b00p0078z%2b7%2c0001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11939 Knight, Frank H. Economic "Market dealings leave wiC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009869/00p0130e/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009869%2b00p0130e%2b27%2c00000010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D101%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1930%26ed%3D1939%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11940 Hoover, Calvin B. AER "This means that the ecoC, C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950123/95p0161h/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950123%2b95p0161h%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D101%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11940 Anderson, Jr., Benjamin AER "The problem of governmeC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950123/95p0160q/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950123%2b95p0160q%2b3%2c70&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"The market is the greatC2"No conclusion stands ouC, C2

1940 Baker, George P. AER title: "The Possibiities C1 - transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950123/95p0150n/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950123%2b95p0150n%2b0%2c0B7A07&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1"By consolidation I her A

1940 Pinney, Harvey JPE "Since the institution is C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950755/95p0078p/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950755%2b95p0078p%2b11%2c00D0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11940 Lerner, A.P. QJE "If perfect competition C but something ambiguhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951676/95p0087s/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951676%2b95p0087s%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11941 Yntema, Theodore O. JPE "The principal limitatio C1 - relates to the A Ro http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950763/95p0004u/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950763%2b95p0004u%2b4%2c60&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11941 Hayek, F.A. von Economic "But the main defect of pC, C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009879/00p00805/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009879%2b00p00805%2b33%2c0000000004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D76%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11941 Knight, Frank H. JPE "If production is to be e C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950763/95p0003t/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950763%2b95p0003t%2b3%2c1002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11941 Polanyi, M. Economic "This will be the more tr C, mainly C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009880/00p0009b/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009880%2b00p0009b%2b5%2c4010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

quoting Wicksteed's Coordination:

Reply to A. Robinson 1934: Robinson "has criticised the belief in the efficiency of large-scale production put forward in my

"Plans for "transport co-ordination" are almost as rife in this undeveloped continent as in Europe, and even to the compilers of the

Page 70: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

1941 Hutt, W.H. Economic footnote: "Just how ratioC http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009880/00p00034/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009880%2b00p00034%2b7%2c0081&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11942 Hutt, W.H. Economic "Perhaps the most importC1 and C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009883/00p00964/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009883%2b00p00964%2b3%2c30&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11942 Blakey, Roy G. AER title: "Co-ordination of C (presumably, not usedhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950171/95p01257/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950171%2b95p01257%2b0%2c03&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11943 Walker, E. Ronald JPE title: "The Co-ordinati C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950771/95p07686/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950771%2b95p07686%2b0%2cAF&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1944 Stauss, James H. JPE "Tentatively, the manageC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950777/95p0003t/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950777%2b95p0003t%2b1%2c34&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11944 Lutz, F.A. Economic "In the second type of ecC, C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009892/00p0071s/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009892%2b00p0071s%2b2%2c38&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11944 Hayek, F.A. von Economic footnote: "It cannot be oC http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009889/00p0031g/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009889%2b00p0031g%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11946 Thirlby, George Economic "The Subjective Theory C, sometimes A and somehttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009897/00p00953/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009897%2b00p00953%2b3%2cF00703&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11946 Lewis, W. Arthur Economic The first problem in co- C - seems to point out t http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009900/00p00034/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009900%2b00p00034%2b15%2c00000D0F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11946 Dewey, Ralph L. AER "Rail improvement in theC -transportation http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950317/95p00956/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950317%2b95p00956%2b10%2c00D8&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11946 Knight, Frank H. AER "On any extended scale aC2 edu1947 Hahn, F.H. Economic "Let us now, while assumC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009903/00p0052n/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009903%2b00p0052n%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1940%26ed%3D1949%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11950 Fellner, William AER "But it should be realiz A, maybe C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950017/95p0008d/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950017%2b95p0008d%2b0%2cEE01&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11950 Thirlby, George Economic Many occurrences ex anteC1 - his "ex ante co-ord http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009915/00p0138c/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009915%2b00p0138c%2b1%2cDCCB02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11950 Strayer, Paul J. AER "the extent of co-ordina C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950017/95p0020p/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950017%2b95p0020p%2b6%2c8003&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11951 Stigler, George J. JPE "Sometimes the rivalry wiC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950816/95p0167a/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950816%2b95p0167a%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D76%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11952 Thirlby, George Economic "But the constitution of C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009922/00p00045/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009922%2b00p00045%2b4%2c2008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11954 Oxenfeldt,Alfred R.;Ern QJE "However, co-ordination tC1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951735/95p0004v/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951735%2b95p0004v%2b16%2c000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11955 Efroymson, C.W. QJE "But co-ordination of pri A, maybe M http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951739/95p0101h/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951739%2b95p0101h%2b7%2c004102&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11955 Penrose, Edith AER "I suppose that if an ina C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950311/95p01133/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950311%2b95p01133%2b10%2c0018&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1957 Smith, Warren L. QJE "In this context, the pr A (coordination of publichttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/search/AdvancedResults?hp=25&si=26&q0=co-ordination&f0=&c0=OR&q1=coordination&f1=&c1=AND&ar=on&wc=on&sd=1950&ed=1959&la=&ic=00028282|15325059|10497498&ic=00130133&ic=00130427&ic=00223808&ic=00335533&node.Economics=11958 Worcester, Jr., Dean A. AER "There is, therefore, a s A, maybe C2 or M http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009915/00p0138c/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009915%2b00p0138c%2b1%2cDCCB02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11958 Lindblom, Charles E. JPE C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950861/95p0066k/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950861%2b95p0066k%2b4%2cE0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1950%26ed%3D1959%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11960 Hicks, J.R. EJ "In practice, of course, C1 and C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983379/98p0088c/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983379%2b98p0088c%2b23%2c00000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11960 Oliver Jr., Henry M. QJE "Just as postwar West GeC2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951759/95p01496/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951759%2b95p01496%2b0%2c020A34&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11960 Thirlby, G.F. Economic a few occurrences C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di009954/00p0044m/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi009954%2b00p0044m%2b8%2c0006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11961 Wolfe, J.N. QJE title: "Co-ordination As A - BTW, there are "co-ohttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951764/95p0190n/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951764%2b95p0190n%2b0%2c7BE601&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11961 Malmgren, H.B. QJE "To say that firms exist C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951765/95p0091p/1?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951765%2b95p0091p%2b1%2c0C&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11961 Webb, L.R. Economic "It appears then that tw A http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/di012182/01p01336/0?currentResult=00130427%2bdi012182%2b01p01336%2b3%2c30&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11962 Lave, Lester B. QJE "Players had to call upo M http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951769/95p0106m/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951769%2b95p0106m%2b7%2c0023&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11962 Simon, Herbert A. AER "Administration discoverA http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di957307/95p0068z/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi957307%2b95p0068z%2b1%2c44&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11962 Kirzner, Israel M. JPE "These disappointments--plan coordination http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950883/95p0005v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950883%2b95p0005v%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11964 Nelson, Richard R.; WintQJE "The economics of informC, notably C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951777/95p0186g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951777%2b95p0186g%2b0%2c07&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11965 Williamson, Oliver E. QJE "Explicit treatment of t A http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951782/95p0114r/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951782%2b95p0114r%2b4%2c20040001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"In these three prescriptions, Tinbergen

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1967 Williamson, Oliver E. JPE many occurrences about C1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950912/95p0001r/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950912%2b95p0001r%2b1%2c0C84&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11967 Buchanan, James M. QJE "They are reluctant to C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951790/95p0061g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951790%2b95p0061g%2b0%2c02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11968 Lord Robbins JPE "Still detaching ourselv A, probably C (about publhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950922/95p0002s/7?searchUrl=http%3a//www.jstor.org/search/AdvancedResults%3fhp%3d25%26si%3d26%26q0%3dco-ordination%26f0%3d%26c0%3dOR%26q1%3dcoordination%26f1%3d%26c1%3dAND%26ar%3don%26wc%3don%26sd%3d1960%26ed%3d1969%26la%3d%26ic%3d00028282%7c15325059%7c10497498%26ic%3d00130133%26ic%3d00130427%26ic%3d00223808%26ic%3d00335533%26node.Economics%3d1&frame=noframe&currentResult=00223808%2bdi950922%2b95p0002s%2b7%2c0009&[email protected]/01cce4405a5dc3113653cfb4d&dpi=3&config=jstor1969 Cooper, Richard N. QJE "This paper is concernedA, probably C (about publhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951795/95p0003u/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951795%2b95p0003u%2b0%2c0A5CFF01&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1960%26ed%3D1969%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1972 Richardson, G.B. EJ within and between firm,C1 and C2 (and "co-operathttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983427/98p0522v/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983427%2b98p0522v%2b0%2c6A67&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1970%26ed%3D1979%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11972 Marris, Robin EJ "Why Economics Needs a C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983425/98p0437y/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983425%2b98p0437y%2b1%2c0C&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1970%26ed%3D1979%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11972 George, Kenneth D. EJ "Even though the decentraA http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983425/98p0438z/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983425%2b98p0438z%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1970%26ed%3D1979%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11974 Arrow, Kenneth J. AER "The problematic nature C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950083/95p00934/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950083%2b95p00934%2b0%2c0E&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D76%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1970%26ed%3D1979%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

"Hence, the need for cooC"How this coordination C

1975 Clower, Robert and AxelAER see my notes, "The CoordC (I think) http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950093/95p0061s/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950093%2b95p0061s%2b0%2c7F&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1970%26ed%3D1979%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1979 Baumol, William J. JPE "Similarly, if some sort A http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950994/95p0007x/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950994%2b95p0007x%2b16%2c000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1970%26ed%3D1979%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

1988 Milgrom, Paul R. JPE "The fact that centraliz C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di951048/95p0004u/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi951048%2b95p0004u%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D101%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1980%26ed%3D1989%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11992 Becker, Gary and Kevin QJE "The Division of Labor, C, really, with a facet o http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di976340/97p0073d/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi976340%2b97p0073d%2b0%2cE7FB23&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1990%26ed%3D1999%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D11994 Williamson, Oliver E. AER "If real time responsive C1 and C2 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di976324/97p0089y/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi976324%2b97p0089y%2b0%2c06&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DWilliamson%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics

"The exercise of fiat th C1997 Demsetz, Harold AER "Neoclassical theory is C http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di981877/98p0425g/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi981877%2b98p0425g%2b0%2c06&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DDemsetz%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics

"Coase seeks the bright C1 and C2

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ö in Jstor issue: It seems that the ö in JStor docs simply does not get read, even if you search on ö. I think that there is no way to do a JStor search on coord in any spelling or variation that will pull up Hayek AER 1945, because he spells it "coörd". This would mean that our JStor searches are not finding ö uses. The Hayek 1945 piece is treated on the Mises Hayek Kirzner worksheet.JSTOR URL: Note: These URLs will be useful only to those who can tap into the George Mason University library system.http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di021442/02p0015r/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi021442%2b02p0015r%2b39%2c00000000000104&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dcoordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1880%26ed%3D1889%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

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http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983152/98p15313/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983152%2b98p15313%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951525/95p0048h/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951525%2b95p0048h%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007756/00p0156p/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007756%2b00p0156p%2b8%2c0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951527/95p0034a/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951527%2b95p0034a%2b18%2c000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

N - good example of how the Ns are often the concatenate coordination of ideashttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951530/95p0006x/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951530%2b95p0006x%2b4%2c200010000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007762/00p00505/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007762%2b00p00505%2b320%2c0000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951531/95p0039f/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951531%2b95p0039f%2b22%2c000080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983169/98p00836/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983169%2b98p00836%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950488/95p0056h/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950488%2b95p0056h%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/10497498/di007768/00p0094c/0?currentResult=10497498%2bdi007768%2b00p0094c%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordinate%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordinate%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950494/95p0001r/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950494%2b95p0001r%2b19%2c000010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di983170/98p0128h/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi983170%2b98p0128h%2b12%2c0020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950511/95p0001r/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950511%2b95p0001r%2b2%2c08&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951551/95p0090y/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951551%2b95p0090y%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1900%26ed%3D1909%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951560/95p0068n/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951560%2b95p0068n%2b23%2c00000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di951570/95p0008z/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi951570%2b95p0008z%2b14%2c0080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950560/95p0575v/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950560%2b95p0575v%2b8%2c0006&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/di950554/95p0492t/0?currentResult=00223808%2bdi950554%2b95p0492t%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di950167/95p0005a/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi950167%2b95p0005a%2b2%2c18&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D51%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D1910%26ed%3D1919%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

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ö in Jstor issue: It seems that the ö in JStor docs simply does not get read, even if you search on ö. I think that there is no way to do a JStor search on coord in any spelling or variation that will pull up Hayek AER 1945, because he spells it "coörd". This would mean that our JStor searches are not finding ö uses. The Hayek 1945 piece is treated on the Mises Hayek Kirzner worksheet.

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ö in Jstor issue: It seems that the ö in JStor docs simply does not get read, even if you search on ö. I think that there is no way to do a JStor search on coord in any spelling or variation that will pull up Hayek AER 1945, because he spells it "coörd". This would mean that our JStor searches are not finding ö uses. The Hayek 1945 piece is treated on the Mises Hayek Kirzner worksheet.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: The sampling for the 2001 articles was done on September 5, 2007. We samAuthor Citation QuotationMeaning: CC? CoM? ColA? CoN? JSTOR URL: Note: These URLs will be useful only to those who can tap into the George Mason University library system.Xavier Deb EJ Vol. 111 "the countrM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di015585/01p0175l/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi015585%2b01p0175l%2b0%2c00&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FBasicResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26gw%3Djtx%26jtxsi%3D1%26jcpsi%3D1%26artsi%3D1%26Query%3Daa%253A%2522Xavier%2BDebrun%2522%26wc%3DonRoger GuesQJE Vol. 11 "expectatioM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di021420/02p0037v/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021420%2b02p0037v%2b0%2cBFFEABAF03&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Eve Caroli; QJE Vol. 11 p. 1453: "AA, but mor 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di021421/02p0011j/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021421%2b02p0011j%2b4%2c200000000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Giancarlo CQJE Vol. 1 "a choice-t M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di021419/02p0016o/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021419%2b02p0016o%2b20%2c0000A001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Thomas D. JAER Vol. 91Start of ab M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020243/02p0038a/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020243%2b02p0038a%2b0%2cFF7F03&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Kyle BagwelQJE Vol. 11 Referenced N 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di021419/02p0019r/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021419%2b02p0019r%2b42%2c000000000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Edward P. QJE Vol. 11 The only ocN 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di021420/02p0028t/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021420%2b02p0028t%2b24%2c00000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Roberto ChQJE Vol. 11 "In our modM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00335533/di021419/02p0018q/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021419%2b02p0018q%2b15%2c000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1C. M. van PEconomica V"the coordi C 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130427/ap060001/06a00040/0?currentResult=00130427%2bap060001%2b06a00040%2b15%2c000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Kenneth BurJPE Vol. 10 "All these M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/sp030008/03x0006f/0?currentResult=00223808%2bsp030008%2b03x0006f%2b6%2c8001C002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Jacob K. GoAER Vol. 91"In a simu M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020247/02p0211p/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020247%2b02p0211p%2b1%2cDC813D&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Ernst Fehr; AER Vol. 91"COORDINATIM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020247/02p0204l/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020247%2b02p0204l%2b5%2cC0E2A0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Gregory D. JPE Vol. 10 "Rather, th M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/sp030007/03x0144n/0?currentResult=00223808%2bsp030007%2b03x0144n%2b4%2c20000044&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Debraj Ray;JPE Vol. 10 "the usual M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00223808/sp030009/03x0115k/0?currentResult=00223808%2bsp030009%2b03x0115k%2b18%2c000018&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Kenneth RoAER Vol. 91"COORDINATIM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020244/02p0097r/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020244%2b02p0097r%2b0%2c1A&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Michael A. FEJ Vol. 111 "Yet profe M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di015581/01p00894/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi015581%2b01p00894%2b0%2c060008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Ronald FindAER Vol. 91"The cost oA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020244/02p0058g/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020244%2b02p0058g%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Naomi R. L AER Vol. 91"it now seeA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020244/02p0060l/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020244%2b02p0060l%2b0%2c42&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Matthew B.EJ Vol. 111 "well know M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/ap030001/03a00020/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030001%2b03a00020%2b10%2c000804&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Henrik Hor EJ Vol. 111 "potential M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di015582/01p0146d/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi015582%2b01p0146d%2b1%2c0400000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Alex CukierEJ Vol. 111 "help someM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di015585/01p0174k/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi015585%2b01p0174k%2b16%2c00000202&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Stanley Fis EJ Vol. 111 "…in particA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di015584/01p00034/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi015584%2b01p00034%2b20%2c000020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Kevin Lang EJ Vol. 111 "The main aC 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di015585/01p0173j/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi015585%2b01p0173j%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Josh EderinAER Vol. 91Title: "Int M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020247/02p0222t/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020247%2b02p0222t%2b0%2c0340&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Roberto PerAER Vol. 91"The...indi A 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020245/02p0154z/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020245%2b02p0154z%2b12%2c0060&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Hodaka MorEJ Vol. 111 Referenced N 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00130133/di015580/01p0077y/0?currentResult=00130133%2bdi015580%2b01p0077y%2b20%2c000020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Martin Neil AER Vol. 9 Referenced N 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020244/02p0109l/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020244%2b02p0109l%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Rachel E. KAER Vol. 91"CoordinatiM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020245/02p01482/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020245%2b02p01482%2b13%2c00C0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Yeon-Koo CAER Vol. 91"These papeA 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020245/02p01506/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020245%2b02p01506%2b1%2c0440&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Gilles Dura AER Vol. 91"Similarly, M 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020247/02p0213r/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020247%2b02p0213r%2b17%2c000004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Benny MoldAER Vol. 91Referenced N 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020245/02p0151w/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020245%2b02p0151w%2b15%2c000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Nico A. HanAER Vol. 91Referenced N 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020246/02p0188e/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020246%2b02p0188e%2b11%2c0010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Daron AcemAER Vol. 91"There coulM 1 http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/00028282/di020246/02p0178b/0?currentResult=00028282%2bdi020246%2b02p0178b%2b3%2c30&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2001%26ed%3D2001%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Kai-Uwe KüEJ, Vol. 11 "it can res mostly M but does 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030006/03a00040/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030006%2b03a00040%2b0%2c1A0038&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Maurice ObsQJE, Vol. 1 In abstract M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/di021423/02p0006h/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021423%2b02p0006h%2b0%2cE704C20502&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Shaun HargEJ, Vol. 11 "which is M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030008/03a00100/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030008%2b03a00100%2b14%2c00800002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1John McLar QJE, Vol. 1 In abstract A (maybe M) 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/di021423/02p0008j/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021423%2b02p0008j%2b0%2c074010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Bernard CaiQJE, Vol. 1 in footnote M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/sp070002/07x0010j/0?currentResult=00335533%2bsp070002%2b07x0010j%2b21%2c0000400001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Timothy F. QJE, Vol. 1 research s N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/di021422/02p0024p/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021422%2b02p0024p%2b0%2c02&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Douglas GalQJE, Vol. 1 "This COORDM 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/di021423/02p0005g/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021423%2b02p0005g%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Daron AcemQJE, Vol. 1 In footnote M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/di021423/02p0010s/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021423%2b02p0010s%2b8%2c0002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Jonathan LeQJE, Vol. 1 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/sp070001/07x0023w/0?currentResult=00335533%2bsp070001%2b07x0023w%2b27%2c00000010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1N. Gregory QJE, Vol. 1 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/sp070002/07x0006f/0?currentResult=00335533%2bsp070002%2b07x0006f%2b32%2c0000000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1George BakeQJE, Vol. 1 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/di021422/02p0016o/0?currentResult=00335533%2bdi021422%2b02p0016o%2b43%2c000000000010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Roland BénaQJE, Vol. 1 "The potentM 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00335533/sp070001/07x0018r/0?currentResult=00335533%2bsp070001%2b07x0018r%2b32%2c0000000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Kiminori M AER, Vol. 9 "The litera M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030003/03x0134d/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030003%2b03x0134d%2b0%2c3E&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Torben M. Economica, In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130427/ap060007/06a00050/0?currentResult=00130427%2bap060007%2b06a00050%2b16%2c000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Constantin EJ, Vol. 11 "through thM 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030008/03a00080/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030008%2b03a00080%2b16%2c000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1David AndolJPE, Vol. 1 "by some CA (maybe M) 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00223808/sp030011/03x0123s/0?currentResult=00223808%2bsp030011%2b03x0123s%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

Page 104: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

Daniel F. S JPE, Vol. 1 "These eff M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00223808/sp030011/03x0122r/0?currentResult=00223808%2bsp030011%2b03x0122r%2b24%2c00000002&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Allen N. Be EJ, Vol. 11 "able to av A 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030004/03a00030/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030004%2b03a00030%2b17%2c000004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Jeff Dayton EJ, Vol. 11 "the task o M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030008/03a00060/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030008%2b03a00060%2b18%2c000008&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1David C. Ri JPE, Vol. 1 title in ta N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00223808/sp030011/03x0125u/0?currentResult=00223808%2bsp030011%2b03x0125u%2b28%2c00000020&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Reza Baqir JPE, Vol. 1 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00223808/sp030015/03x0068p/0?currentResult=00223808%2bsp030015%2b03x0068p%2b35%2c0000000010&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Stephen MoAER, Vol. 9 In abstract M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030006/03x0193k/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030006%2b03x0193k%2b0%2c1721&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Ernst Fehr; EJ, Vol. 11 "The fact t M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030005/03a00010/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030005%2b03a00010%2b13%2c0040&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Claus ThustEJ, Vol. 11 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030006/03a00070/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030006%2b03a00070%2b17%2c000004&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Samuel BowlEJ, Vol. 11 "But the baC 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030010/03a00030/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030010%2b03a00030%2b14%2c0080&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Ernst Maug;AER, Vol. 9 "We refer t M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030006/03x0190h/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030006%2b03x0190h%2b2%2c0838&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Ken BinmorEJ, Vol. 11 "forbidding M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030005/03a00060/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030005%2b03a00060%2b15%2c000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Dalia MarinEJ, Vol. 11 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030006/03a00030/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030006%2b03a00030%2b23%2c00000001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Joseph F. F EJ, Vol. 11 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00130133/ap030008/03a00090/0?currentResult=00130133%2bap030008%2b03a00090%2b29%2c00000040&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Michael J. AER, Vol. 9 "The questiM (maybe A) 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030002/03x0023w/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030002%2b03x0023w%2b0%2c12&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Nobuhiro KiAER, Vol. 9 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030003/03x0102x/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030003%2b03x0102x%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Maurice ObsAER, Vol. 9 "Exchange-rM 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030003/03x0109e/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030003%2b03x0109e%2b4%2c20&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Alan J. Aue AER, Vol. 9 "In additi A 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030003/03x0166j/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030003%2b03x0166j%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Oliver E. W AER, Vol. 9 "Firms therC1 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030003/03x0171o/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030003%2b03x0171o%2b3%2c10&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Vivian Lei; AER, Vol. 9 Section heaC (though t 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030004/03x0036j/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030004%2b03x0036j%2b11%2c001060&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Michael Sp AER, Vol. 9 "Even in th M and C 1 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030004/03x0032f/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030004%2b03x0032f%2b0%2c0200A0&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1John DuggaAER, Vol. 9 "Because coM 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030005/03x0066n/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030005%2b03x0066n%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Henrik JensAER, Vol. 9 In referenc N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030005/03x0058f/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030005%2b03x0058f%2b26%2c00000018&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1George A. AAER, Vol. 9 In footnote M 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030004/03x0031e/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030004%2b03x0031e%2b7%2c0001&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Mark GradsAER, Vol. 9 "The optimaA 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030005/03x0077y/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030005%2b03x0077y%2b6%2c80&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Paul Gertle AER, Vol. 9 "This requi N 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030002/03x0005e/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030002%2b03x0005e%2b5%2c40&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1Yan Chen; AER, Vol. 9 "show that A 1 http://www.jstor.org/view/00028282/sp030006/03x0204v/0?currentResult=00028282%2bsp030006%2b03x0204v%2b1%2c04&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D26%26q0%3D%2522COORDINATION%2522%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3D%2522co-ordination%2522%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D2002%26ed%3D2002%26la%3D%26ic%3D00028282%7C15325059%7C10497498%26ic%3D00130133%26ic%3D00130427%26ic%3D00223808%26ic%3D00335533%26node.Economics%3D1

Total 6 40 11 19Total/40 0.150 1.000 0.275

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* A match in the title, author, or abstract scores higher than a match in the body of an article."

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* A match in the title, author, or abstract scores higher than a match in the body of an article."

Page 108: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET (by Dan Klein): This worksheet is an analysis of "coord" usages by Mises, Hayek, Kirzner and other Austrians. It takes up matters beyond those of the previous worksheets, in that it contains analysis of matters bearing on the criticisms we make of Kirzner re the meaning of coordination.Author Title of W Year Publ Search Meco-ord occcoord occuQuotationCommentary: C meanMises, Ludwig vonMises, Lud 1981 [1912http://www. 0 1

Mises, Lud Socialism: 1981 [1922http://www. 4 0 "The party title, "Social Democracy," most clearly expresses this co-ordination of Socialism and democracy."Mises, Lud Socialism: 1981 [1922http://www.econlib.org/library/Mi "Those socialists who do not think of the socialist community as the strongly centralized organization conceived by their more clearheaded brethren and which alone is logically conceivable, believe that the difficulties confronting the management of industry can be solved by democratic institutions inside undertakings. They believe that individual industries could be allowed to conduct their operations with a certain degree of independence without endangering the uniformity and the correct co-ordination of industry."Mises, Lud Socialism: 1981 [1922http://www.econlib.org/library/Mi "Guild Socialism expressly describes itself as economic Federalism. But in the political constitution of a liberal state it is not difficult to concede a certain independence to local government. The necessary co-ordination of the parts within the whole is sufficiently ensured by the compulsion enforced on every territorial unit to manage its affairs in accordance with the laws."Mises, Lud Socialism: 1981 [1922http://www.econlib.org/library/Mi

Mises, Lud Human Action: A Treatihttp://www 0 6Mises, Lud Human Action: A Treatihttp://www.econlib.org/library/M This occurrence rather sounds like M.Mises, Lud Human Action: A Treatihttp://www.econlib.org/library/MMises, Lud Human Action: A Treatihttp://www.econlib.org/library/MMises, Lud Human Action: A Treatihttp://www.econlib.org/library/MMises, Lud Human Action: A Treatihttp://www.econlib.org/library/M C2 (great skein)

Hayek, Friedrich A. Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".Hayek, FrieEconomica, No. 40. (Mahttp://mu 2 0 "The mere eC2 (great skein)

"From the tC2 (great skein)Hayek, FrieEconomica 1937 0 0 P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.Hayek, FrieEconomica > 1940 http://mu 1 0 When we addCHayek, FrieLiberal Rev 1941 Reading th 0 3 at least P. 143-44: C

P. 144: "Th CP. 146: "Th C

Hayek, FrieEconomica > 1941 http://mu 1 0 Hayek quotes Saint Simon saying: "We must examine and co-ordinate it all from the point of view of Physicism."Hayek, FrieEconomica > 1941 http://mu 1 0 In summarizC1Hayek, FrieThe Economi 1943 http://mu 1 0 Hayek is spAHayek, FrieEconomica > 1944 http://mu 1 0 "This phrasCHayek, Frie 1945 0 3, actually, "FundamentaC2 (great skein)

"The price C2 (great skein)Hayek, FrieThe Road t 1944 http://boo about 8 1 ConcatenateCHayek, FrieThe Constit 1960 http://www about 11 0 ConcatenateCHayek, FrieLaw, Legisl 1973 http://boo on about 2 on about 4 OccurrencesCHayek, FrieLaw, Legisl 1976 http://www about 7 0 ConcatenateCHayek, FrieLaw, Legisl 1979 http://www about 5 0 ConcatenateCHayek, FrieThe Fatal C 1988 Reading the book, index No entry inC

P. 13: "It may be asked how restraints on instinctual demands serve to coordinate the activities of larger numbers. As an example, continued obedience to the command to treat all men as neighbours would have prevented the growth of an extended order." This quotation shows that Hayek could certain developments as serving coordination even though they upset "instinctual demands". See p. 20 for similar.Kirzner, Israel M.Kirzner, Isr The Economi1960/1976 Reading the book, index No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We noticed one occurrence p. 130

Kirzner, Isr Market The 1963 Reading the book, ind Many, esp. ConcatenateC

Kirzner, Isr Competitio 1973 Reading the book, ind Many, esp. Concatenate--it seems to us, though never seems to be defined. Individual quotations are treated in the cells below.Kirzner, Isr Competitio 1973 P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade. Kirzner, Isr Competitio 1973 P. 218: "The entrepreneurial-competitive process becomes visible…asKirzner, Isr Competitio 1973 P. 222: "to identify absences of co

Kirzner, Isr Perception, 1979 Reading the book, index No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice a single occurrence. Incidentally, the last three chapters are grouped under a section heading: "Entrepreneurship, Justice, and Freedom". The case for freedom made there seems to avoid entirely any usage of "coordination." In cell below we reproduce a Robinson Crusoe example that is useful in making a criticism of some of Kirzner's other statements about coordination.Kirzner, Isr Perception, 1979 Crusoe example pp. 161-162: "To se

The Theory of Money and Credit "After Menger's review of the question, further discussion of the connection between the secondary functions of money and its basic function should be unnecessary.

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)."

"The historian can enumerate all the factors which cooperated in bringing about a known effect and all the factors which worked against them and may have resulted in delaying and mitigating the final outcome. But he cannot "There are two different kinds of social cooperation: cooperation by virtue of contract and "Western civilization as well as the civilization of the more advanced Eastern peoples are achievements of men who have cooperated according to the pattern of contractual "The market price can never coincide with the final price "The market price can never coincide with the final price "In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The

"The Use of Knowledge in Society"http://www.econlib.org/library/Essays/hykKnw1.html

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Kirzner, Isr Discovery a 1985 Reading the book, index No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We noticed occurrences pp. 30, 38, 43, 59-60, 65, 143, 156-162. Also, in the cells below, we select some important quotations that don't have occurrences and make comments.Kirzner, Isr Discovery a 1985 P. 38-39: "Imposed price ceilings mKirzner, Isr Discovery a 1985 P. 59: "Some market participants aKirzner, Isr Discovery a 1985 P. 134: "Price ceilings…[and numerous other restrictions listed here] Kirzner, Isr Discovery a 1985 P. 143: "Quite apart from the discoKirzner, Isr Discovery a 1985 P. 145: "The imposition of regulatory constraints necessarily resultsKirzner, Isr Discovery a 1985 PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

Kirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 Reading the book, index Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 4-34, 114, 135, 141-6, 161, 184-92,Kirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 P. 9: "The existence of economic rKirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 P. 9: "Price controls, far from improving conditions for the consumeKirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 Loasby challenge: P. 13-37: On pp.Kirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 Pp. 141-6: Kirzner develops a veryKirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 P. 151: "These discoveries, surely, constitute the crucial steps through which markets tend to achieve co-ordination, gradually replacing earlier states of widespread mutual ignorance by successively better co-ordinated states of society." Hear, hear!Kirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 P. 161: "Within the firm, activitiKirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 Pp. 166-79, Kirzner is discussing Kirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).Kirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 P. 185: "Co-ordination does not refer to the well-being achieved through its successful attainment; it refers only to the dovetailing character of the activities that make it up." What does Kirzner mean by the "dovetailing character"? We see the dovetail as a beautiful concatenation of many, many feathers, like a crystal or snowflake.Kirzner, Isr The Meaning 1992 Pp. 190-92: distinguishes between state of coordination and process of coordination. Uses "dovetailing" p. 191.

Kirzner, Isr JEL Vol. 35 1997 http://mutex.gmu.e 3 P. 74: "Coordination tends to be induced among the decisions made in the market place under the pressure of rivalrous entrepreneurs alert to the profit-opportunities created by initial discoordination." Another occurrence p. 80, and then once in the references.

Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 Reading the book, index Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 81: "But, as noted, such coordination [Kirz's notion] can be defined only in the context of a given pattern of individual rights." P. 82 Kirzner gives example of a manufacturer polluting a river without having to pay for doing so, calls it an externality. Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 86: Kirzners says "we have deniKirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 86: Kirzners speaks of "a possibly erroeneous initial distribution oKirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 133: "This chapter…sets forth a clear-cut, objective criterion, coordination [ital], which may satisfy the intuitive conviction of economists that their science does objectively demonstrate the economic 'goodness' of some economic policies…" Kirzner never defends this adjective "clear-cut", never addresses its delineation of boundaries.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction. Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 135: the notion of coordination "refers to an objective state, which economic science is able to identify and describe…" This is a useful passage highlighting the striving for scientific depicting of the subject matter. Following Mises, Kirzner seeks a scientific foundation for laissez-faire economics. Hayek, by contrast, followed Smith, and criticized the scientific pretensions of interventionist economics.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 136: He goes into example of airKirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 137: Like Mises, Kirzner resorts to stark extreme cases, "central planning" or " free market" as the question that the coordination criterion is deciding. But even then, what about the people who, as Schumpeter put it, find that socialist bread is sweeter because it is socialist bread?Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 138: "it will not be possible tKirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 139: "The criterion is itself admittedly unable to discriminate between the economic goodness of different moral/legal frameworks, unless one of them is taken as the relevant starting point." How does it work even if we take one as a relevant starting point? Suppose one framework is the minimum wage and the other is no minimum wage. Take min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why? Now take no min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why?Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 142-44: Kirzner takes up the obKirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 142: Where Kirzner writes: "it is again and again objected" that entrepreneurial activity "cannot be described as coordinative", he places a footnote with merely page references to Klein 1997. He neglects to say that Klein says that the claim that entrepreneurial activity is (by and large) coordinative is salvaged by thinking of concatenate coordination. That is, Kirzner never tells the reader that the point of Klein is to salvage the crucial claim that voluntary entrepreneurial activity is typically coordinative, not to reject that claim.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 144: "The coordination criterion does not purport to say anything whatever about aggregate well-being." Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 145: "Use of the coordination criterion involves no such moral commitment at all, on anybody's part. Use of the coordination-criterion presumes that those advised by the economist are morally concerned that members of society" . . achieve better coordination. But doesn't cooperating with such advisees, even just making the necessary effort in time and attention, entail a kind of commitment to their moral concerns? Don't actions inherently entail commitments, especially actions of giving economic advice?Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 145: "disappointment and/or regKirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 183: "dovetail"--used in a way where Kirzner means 1//2, not concatenate.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 189ff, i Here Kirzner provides some useful additional Hayek quotations, bolstering the idea that Hayek meant concatenate coordination. We have incorporated all of them into the set of Hayek quotations above.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 190-91: Kirzner goes on to give several Hayek quotations that supposedly show that he meant 1. But many of those quotations can be read as concatenate coordination. Also, one of them is about equilibrium, and it isn't clear that Hayek equated the two terms. Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 194: repeats that "plan-coordination" is "coordination II", which is also 1.Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 196: "dovetailing" to mean something more like Schelling coordinationKirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 199: "this writer [that is, Kirzner] believes that, at least part of the time, Hayek was using the term 'coordination' not in the sense of Klein's metacoordination [i.e., concatenate coordination], but in the sense of the achievement of mutual compatibility among independently-made individual plans (without regard to any overall desirability of this outcome)." NB: "at least part of the time".Kirzner, Isr The Driving 2000 P. 249-252, a subsection called "E

Kirzner, Isr Ludwig von 2001 Reading the book, index No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET (by Dan Klein): This worksheet is an analysis of "coord" usages by Mises, Hayek, Kirzner and other Austrians. It takes up matters beyond those of the previous worksheets, in that it contains analysis of matters bearing on the criticisms we make of Kirzner re the meaning of coordination.Commentary: C meanAustrian statements about coorInvocations of loose, vague, indeterminate sensibility of the desirable

"The party title, "Social Democracy," most clearly expresses this co-ordination of Socialism and democracy.""Those socialists who do not think of the socialist community as the strongly centralized organization conceived by their more clearheaded brethren and which alone is logically conceivable, believe that the difficulties confronting the management of industry can be solved by democratic institutions inside undertakings. They believe that individual industries could be allowed to conduct their operations with a certain degree of independence without endangering the uniformity and the correct co-ordination of industry.""Guild Socialism expressly describes itself as economic Federalism. But in the political constitution of a liberal state it is not difficult to concede a certain independence to local government. The necessary co-ordination of the parts within the whole is sufficiently ensured by the compulsion enforced on every territorial unit to manage its affairs in accordance with the laws."

This occurrence rather sounds like M.

C2 (great skein)

Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".C2 (great skein)C2 (great skein)

P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.

Hayek quotes Saint Simon saying: "We must examine and co-ordinate it all from the point of view of Physicism."

C2 (great skein)C2 (great skein)

A couple occurrences are in quotations. BTW, "order" is defined on p. 36 (forming "correct expections" about the whole on the basis of experience with part of the order). Notice Hayek's employment of "improve" on pp. 51, 100. On p. 55 he says liberty makes for "the best conditions for achieving their aims". PP. 102-111 on "maximal coincidence of expectations", though co-ord not used there. Preserving abstract features of the order "can constitute a true common interest of the members of a Great Society" (121).P. 1 says the general good in a free society "consists principally in the facilitation of the pursuit of unknown individual purposes". P. 22: "It is the interpretation of rules of conduct as part of a plan of action of 'society' towards the achievement of some single set of ends which gives all utilitarian theories their anthropomorphic character." P. 70: chances to have wants satisfied.

P. 13: "It may be asked how restraints on instinctual demands serve to coordinate the activities of larger numbers. As an example, continued obedience to the command to treat all men as neighbours would have prevented the growth of an extended order." This quotation shows that Hayek could certain developments as serving coordination even though they upset "instinctual demands". See p. 20 for similar.

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We noticed one occurrence p. 130

"

Concatenate--it seems to us, though never seems to be defined. Individual quotations are treated in the cells below.P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade. P. 218: "The entrepreneurial-competitive process becomes visible…as*P. 222: "to identify absences of co 3

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice a single occurrence. Incidentally, the last three chapters are grouped under a section heading: "Entrepreneurship, Justice, and Freedom". The case for freedom made there seems to avoid entirely any usage of "coordination." In cell below we reproduce a Robinson Crusoe example that is useful in making a criticism of some of Kirzner's other statements about coordination.Crusoe example pp. 161-162: "To se 1

"After Menger's review of the question, further discussion of the connection between the secondary functions of money and its basic function should be unnecessary.

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)."

"The historian can enumerate all the factors which cooperated in bringing about a known effect and all the factors which worked against them and may have resulted in delaying and mitigating the final outcome. But he cannot

"Western civilization as well as the civilization of the more advanced Eastern peoples are achievements of men who have cooperated according to the pattern of contractual "The market price can never coincide with the final price coordinated to the instant in which this market structure is actual.""The market price can never coincide with the final price coordinated to the instant in which this market structure is actual."

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No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We noticed occurrences pp. 30, 38, 43, 59-60, 65, 143, 156-162. Also, in the cells below, we select some important quotations that don't have occurrences and make comments.P. 38-39: "Imposed price ceilings m 4 *P. 59: "Some market participants a 1P. 134: "Price ceilings…[and numerous other restrictions listed here] *P. 143: "Quite apart from the disco 4 *P. 145: "The imposition of regulatory constraints necessarily results *PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 4-34, 114, 135, 141-6, 161, 184-92,P. 9: "The existence of economic r2 contradictedP. 9: "Price controls, far from improving conditions for the consume *Loasby challenge: P. 13-37: On pp.3 challenged by Loasby, and Kirzner elaborately evades the challengePp. 141-6: Kirzner develops a very 4 *P. 151: "These discoveries, surely, constitute the crucial steps through which markets tend to achieve co-ordination, gradually replacing earlier states of widespread mutual ignorance by successively better co-ordinated states of society." Hear, hear!P. 161: "Within the firm, activiti 4 * [?]Pp. 166-79, Kirzner is discussing 3 seemingly relinquished * see "benign" in the quotationP. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).P. 185: "Co-ordination does not refer to the well-being achieved through its successful attainment; it refers only to the dovetailing character of the activities that make it up." What does Kirzner mean by the "dovetailing character"? We see the dovetail as a beautiful concatenation of many, many feathers, like a crystal or snowflake.Pp. 190-92: distinguishes between state of coordination and process of coordination. Uses "dovetailing" p. 191.

P. 74: "Coordination tends to be induced among the decisions made in the market place under the pressure of rivalrous entrepreneurs alert to the profit-opportunities created by initial discoordination." Another occurrence p. 80, and then once in the references.

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?P. 81: "But, as noted, such coordination [Kirz's notion] can be defined only in the context of a given pattern of individual rights." P. 82 Kirzner gives example of a manufacturer polluting a river without having to pay for doing so, calls it an externality. P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?P. 86: Kirzners says "we have deni 3P. 86: Kirzners speaks of "a possibly erroeneous initial distribution o *P. 133: "This chapter…sets forth a clear-cut, objective criterion, coordination [ital], which may satisfy the intuitive conviction of economists that their science does objectively demonstrate the economic 'goodness' of some economic policies…" Kirzner never defends this adjective "clear-cut", never addresses its delineation of boundaries.P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction. P. 135: the notion of coordination "refers to an objective state, which economic science is able to identify and describe…" This is a useful passage highlighting the striving for scientific depicting of the subject matter. Following Mises, Kirzner seeks a scientific foundation for laissez-faire economics. Hayek, by contrast, followed Smith, and criticized the scientific pretensions of interventionist economics.P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.P. 136: He goes into example of air 1P. 137: Like Mises, Kirzner resorts to stark extreme cases, "central planning" or " free market" as the question that the coordination criterion is deciding. But even then, what about the people who, as Schumpeter put it, find that socialist bread is sweeter because it is socialist bread?P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.P. 138: "it will not be possible t 5P. 139: "The criterion is itself admittedly unable to discriminate between the economic goodness of different moral/legal frameworks, unless one of them is taken as the relevant starting point." How does it work even if we take one as a relevant starting point? Suppose one framework is the minimum wage and the other is no minimum wage. Take min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why? Now take no min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why?P. 142-44: Kirzner takes up the ob1, rejects 2P. 142: Where Kirzner writes: "it is again and again objected" that entrepreneurial activity "cannot be described as coordinative", he places a footnote with merely page references to Klein 1997. He neglects to say that Klein says that the claim that entrepreneurial activity is (by and large) coordinative is salvaged by thinking of concatenate coordination. That is, Kirzner never tells the reader that the point of Klein is to salvage the crucial claim that voluntary entrepreneurial activity is typically coordinative, not to reject that claim.P. 144: "The coordination criterion does not purport to say anything whatever about aggregate well-being." P. 145: "Use of the coordination criterion involves no such moral commitment at all, on anybody's part. Use of the coordination-criterion presumes that those advised by the economist are morally concerned that members of society" . . achieve better coordination. But doesn't cooperating with such advisees, even just making the necessary effort in time and attention, entail a kind of commitment to their moral concerns? Don't actions inherently entail commitments, especially actions of giving economic advice?P. 145: "disappointment and/or regClaims 1 implies 2 (that is, missed opportunity implies disappointment/regret).P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?P. 183: "dovetail"--used in a way where Kirzner means 1//2, not concatenate.

Here Kirzner provides some useful additional Hayek quotations, bolstering the idea that Hayek meant concatenate coordination. We have incorporated all of them into the set of Hayek quotations above.P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.P. 190-91: Kirzner goes on to give several Hayek quotations that supposedly show that he meant 1. But many of those quotations can be read as concatenate coordination. Also, one of them is about equilibrium, and it isn't clear that Hayek equated the two terms. P. 194: repeats that "plan-coordination" is "coordination II", which is also 1.P. 196: "dovetailing" to mean something more like Schelling coordinationP. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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P. 199: "this writer [that is, Kirzner] believes that, at least part of the time, Hayek was using the term 'coordination' not in the sense of Klein's metacoordination [i.e., concatenate coordination], but in the sense of the achievement of mutual compatibility among independently-made individual plans (without regard to any overall desirability of this outcome)." NB: "at least part of the time".P. 249-252, a subsection called "EEvades the matter of 3.

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET (by Dan Klein): This worksheet is an analysis of "coord" usages by Mises, Hayek, Kirzner and other Austrians. It takes up matters beyond those of the previous worksheets, in that it contains analysis of matters bearing on the criticisms we make of Kirzner re the meaning of coordination.Invocations of loose, vague, indeterminate sensibility of the desirable

"Those socialists who do not think of the socialist community as the strongly centralized organization conceived by their more clearheaded brethren and which alone is logically conceivable, believe that the difficulties confronting the management of industry can be solved by democratic institutions inside undertakings. They believe that individual industries could be allowed to conduct their operations with a certain degree of independence without endangering the uniformity and the correct co-ordination of industry.""Guild Socialism expressly describes itself as economic Federalism. But in the political constitution of a liberal state it is not difficult to concede a certain independence to local government. The necessary co-ordination of the parts within the whole is sufficiently ensured by the compulsion enforced on every territorial unit to manage its affairs in accordance with the laws."

Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".

P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.

A couple occurrences are in quotations. BTW, "order" is defined on p. 36 (forming "correct expections" about the whole on the basis of experience with part of the order). Notice Hayek's employment of "improve" on pp. 51, 100. On p. 55 he says liberty makes for "the best conditions for achieving their aims". PP. 102-111 on "maximal coincidence of expectations", though co-ord not used there. Preserving abstract features of the order "can constitute a true common interest of the members of a Great Society" (121).P. 1 says the general good in a free society "consists principally in the facilitation of the pursuit of unknown individual purposes". P. 22: "It is the interpretation of rules of conduct as part of a plan of action of 'society' towards the achievement of some single set of ends which gives all utilitarian theories their anthropomorphic character." P. 70: chances to have wants satisfied.

P. 13: "It may be asked how restraints on instinctual demands serve to coordinate the activities of larger numbers. As an example, continued obedience to the command to treat all men as neighbours would have prevented the growth of an extended order." This quotation shows that Hayek could certain developments as serving coordination even though they upset "instinctual demands". See p. 20 for similar.

Concatenate--it seems to us, though never seems to be defined. Individual quotations are treated in the cells below.P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice a single occurrence. Incidentally, the last three chapters are grouped under a section heading: "Entrepreneurship, Justice, and Freedom". The case for freedom made there seems to avoid entirely any usage of "coordination." In cell below we reproduce a Robinson Crusoe example that is useful in making a criticism of some of Kirzner's other statements about coordination.

"After Menger's review of the question, further discussion of the connection between the secondary functions of money and its basic function should be unnecessary.*4 Nevertheless, certain tendencies in recent literature on money make it appear advisable to examine briefly these secondary functions—some of them are coordinated with the basic function by many writers—and to show once more that all of them can be deduced from the function of money as a common medium of exchange."

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)."

"The historian can enumerate all the factors which cooperated in bringing about a known effect and all the factors which worked against them and may have resulted in delaying and mitigating the final outcome. But he cannot

"Western civilization as well as the civilization of the more advanced Eastern peoples are achievements of men who have cooperated according to the pattern of contractual coordination. These civilizations, it is true, have adopted in some respects bonds of hegemonic structure. The state as an apparatus of compulsion and coercion is by necessity a hegemonic organization. So is the family and its household community."inated to the instant in which this market structure is actual."inated to the instant in which this market structure is actual."

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No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We noticed occurrences pp. 30, 38, 43, 59-60, 65, 143, 156-162. Also, in the cells below, we select some important quotations that don't have occurrences and make comments.

PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 4-34, 114, 135, 141-6, 161, 184-92,

P. 151: "These discoveries, surely, constitute the crucial steps through which markets tend to achieve co-ordination, gradually replacing earlier states of widespread mutual ignorance by successively better co-ordinated states of society." Hear, hear!

P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).P. 185: "Co-ordination does not refer to the well-being achieved through its successful attainment; it refers only to the dovetailing character of the activities that make it up." What does Kirzner mean by the "dovetailing character"? We see the dovetail as a beautiful concatenation of many, many feathers, like a crystal or snowflake.

P. 74: "Coordination tends to be induced among the decisions made in the market place under the pressure of rivalrous entrepreneurs alert to the profit-opportunities created by initial discoordination." Another occurrence p. 80, and then once in the references.

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?P. 81: "But, as noted, such coordination [Kirz's notion] can be defined only in the context of a given pattern of individual rights." P. 82 Kirzner gives example of a manufacturer polluting a river without having to pay for doing so, calls it an externality. P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 133: "This chapter…sets forth a clear-cut, objective criterion, coordination [ital], which may satisfy the intuitive conviction of economists that their science does objectively demonstrate the economic 'goodness' of some economic policies…" Kirzner never defends this adjective "clear-cut", never addresses its delineation of boundaries.P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction. P. 135: the notion of coordination "refers to an objective state, which economic science is able to identify and describe…" This is a useful passage highlighting the striving for scientific depicting of the subject matter. Following Mises, Kirzner seeks a scientific foundation for laissez-faire economics. Hayek, by contrast, followed Smith, and criticized the scientific pretensions of interventionist economics.P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 137: Like Mises, Kirzner resorts to stark extreme cases, "central planning" or " free market" as the question that the coordination criterion is deciding. But even then, what about the people who, as Schumpeter put it, find that socialist bread is sweeter because it is socialist bread?P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 139: "The criterion is itself admittedly unable to discriminate between the economic goodness of different moral/legal frameworks, unless one of them is taken as the relevant starting point." How does it work even if we take one as a relevant starting point? Suppose one framework is the minimum wage and the other is no minimum wage. Take min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why? Now take no min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why?

P. 142: Where Kirzner writes: "it is again and again objected" that entrepreneurial activity "cannot be described as coordinative", he places a footnote with merely page references to Klein 1997. He neglects to say that Klein says that the claim that entrepreneurial activity is (by and large) coordinative is salvaged by thinking of concatenate coordination. That is, Kirzner never tells the reader that the point of Klein is to salvage the crucial claim that voluntary entrepreneurial activity is typically coordinative, not to reject that claim.

P. 145: "Use of the coordination criterion involves no such moral commitment at all, on anybody's part. Use of the coordination-criterion presumes that those advised by the economist are morally concerned that members of society" . . achieve better coordination. But doesn't cooperating with such advisees, even just making the necessary effort in time and attention, entail a kind of commitment to their moral concerns? Don't actions inherently entail commitments, especially actions of giving economic advice?

P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?

Here Kirzner provides some useful additional Hayek quotations, bolstering the idea that Hayek meant concatenate coordination. We have incorporated all of them into the set of Hayek quotations above.P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.P. 190-91: Kirzner goes on to give several Hayek quotations that supposedly show that he meant 1. But many of those quotations can be read as concatenate coordination. Also, one of them is about equilibrium, and it isn't clear that Hayek equated the two terms.

P. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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P. 199: "this writer [that is, Kirzner] believes that, at least part of the time, Hayek was using the term 'coordination' not in the sense of Klein's metacoordination [i.e., concatenate coordination], but in the sense of the achievement of mutual compatibility among independently-made individual plans (without regard to any overall desirability of this outcome)." NB: "at least part of the time".

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET (by Dan Klein): This worksheet is an analysis of "coord" usages by Mises, Hayek, Kirzner and other Austrians. It takes up matters beyond those of the previous worksheets, in that it contains analysis of matters bearing on the criticisms we make of Kirzner re the meaning of coordination.

"Those socialists who do not think of the socialist community as the strongly centralized organization conceived by their more clearheaded brethren and which alone is logically conceivable, believe that the difficulties confronting the management of industry can be solved by democratic institutions inside undertakings. They believe that individual industries could be allowed to conduct their operations with a certain degree of independence without endangering the uniformity and the correct co-ordination of industry.""Guild Socialism expressly describes itself as economic Federalism. But in the political constitution of a liberal state it is not difficult to concede a certain independence to local government. The necessary co-ordination of the parts within the whole is sufficiently ensured by the compulsion enforced on every territorial unit to manage its affairs in accordance with the laws."

Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".

P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.

A couple occurrences are in quotations. BTW, "order" is defined on p. 36 (forming "correct expections" about the whole on the basis of experience with part of the order). Notice Hayek's employment of "improve" on pp. 51, 100. On p. 55 he says liberty makes for "the best conditions for achieving their aims". PP. 102-111 on "maximal coincidence of expectations", though co-ord not used there. Preserving abstract features of the order "can constitute a true common interest of the members of a Great Society" (121).P. 1 says the general good in a free society "consists principally in the facilitation of the pursuit of unknown individual purposes". P. 22: "It is the interpretation of rules of conduct as part of a plan of action of 'society' towards the achievement of some single set of ends which gives all utilitarian theories their anthropomorphic character." P. 70: chances to have wants satisfied.

P. 13: "It may be asked how restraints on instinctual demands serve to coordinate the activities of larger numbers. As an example, continued obedience to the command to treat all men as neighbours would have prevented the growth of an extended order." This quotation shows that Hayek could certain developments as serving coordination even though they upset "instinctual demands". See p. 20 for similar.

P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice a single occurrence. Incidentally, the last three chapters are grouped under a section heading: "Entrepreneurship, Justice, and Freedom". The case for freedom made there seems to avoid entirely any usage of "coordination." In cell below we reproduce a Robinson Crusoe example that is useful in making a criticism of some of Kirzner's other statements about coordination.

Nevertheless, certain tendencies in recent literature on money make it appear advisable to examine briefly these secondary functions—some of them are coordinated with the basic function by many writers—and to show once more that all of them can be deduced from the function of money as a common medium of exchange."

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)."

"The historian can enumerate all the factors which cooperated in bringing about a known effect and all the factors which worked against them and may have resulted in delaying and mitigating the final outcome. But he cannot coordinate, except by understanding, the various causative factors in a quantitative way to the effects produced. He cannot, except by understanding, assign to each of

ination. These civilizations, it is true, have adopted in some respects bonds of hegemonic structure. The state as an apparatus of compulsion and coercion is by necessity a hegemonic organization. So is the family and its household community."

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No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We noticed occurrences pp. 30, 38, 43, 59-60, 65, 143, 156-162. Also, in the cells below, we select some important quotations that don't have occurrences and make comments.

PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

P. 151: "These discoveries, surely, constitute the crucial steps through which markets tend to achieve co-ordination, gradually replacing earlier states of widespread mutual ignorance by successively better co-ordinated states of society." Hear, hear!

P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).P. 185: "Co-ordination does not refer to the well-being achieved through its successful attainment; it refers only to the dovetailing character of the activities that make it up." What does Kirzner mean by the "dovetailing character"? We see the dovetail as a beautiful concatenation of many, many feathers, like a crystal or snowflake.

P. 74: "Coordination tends to be induced among the decisions made in the market place under the pressure of rivalrous entrepreneurs alert to the profit-opportunities created by initial discoordination." Another occurrence p. 80, and then once in the references.

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?P. 81: "But, as noted, such coordination [Kirz's notion] can be defined only in the context of a given pattern of individual rights." P. 82 Kirzner gives example of a manufacturer polluting a river without having to pay for doing so, calls it an externality. P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 133: "This chapter…sets forth a clear-cut, objective criterion, coordination [ital], which may satisfy the intuitive conviction of economists that their science does objectively demonstrate the economic 'goodness' of some economic policies…" Kirzner never defends this adjective "clear-cut", never addresses its delineation of boundaries.P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction. P. 135: the notion of coordination "refers to an objective state, which economic science is able to identify and describe…" This is a useful passage highlighting the striving for scientific depicting of the subject matter. Following Mises, Kirzner seeks a scientific foundation for laissez-faire economics. Hayek, by contrast, followed Smith, and criticized the scientific pretensions of interventionist economics.P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 137: Like Mises, Kirzner resorts to stark extreme cases, "central planning" or " free market" as the question that the coordination criterion is deciding. But even then, what about the people who, as Schumpeter put it, find that socialist bread is sweeter because it is socialist bread?P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 139: "The criterion is itself admittedly unable to discriminate between the economic goodness of different moral/legal frameworks, unless one of them is taken as the relevant starting point." How does it work even if we take one as a relevant starting point? Suppose one framework is the minimum wage and the other is no minimum wage. Take min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why? Now take no min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why?

P. 142: Where Kirzner writes: "it is again and again objected" that entrepreneurial activity "cannot be described as coordinative", he places a footnote with merely page references to Klein 1997. He neglects to say that Klein says that the claim that entrepreneurial activity is (by and large) coordinative is salvaged by thinking of concatenate coordination. That is, Kirzner never tells the reader that the point of Klein is to salvage the crucial claim that voluntary entrepreneurial activity is typically coordinative, not to reject that claim.

P. 145: "Use of the coordination criterion involves no such moral commitment at all, on anybody's part. Use of the coordination-criterion presumes that those advised by the economist are morally concerned that members of society" . . achieve better coordination. But doesn't cooperating with such advisees, even just making the necessary effort in time and attention, entail a kind of commitment to their moral concerns? Don't actions inherently entail commitments, especially actions of giving economic advice?

P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?

Here Kirzner provides some useful additional Hayek quotations, bolstering the idea that Hayek meant concatenate coordination. We have incorporated all of them into the set of Hayek quotations above.P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.P. 190-91: Kirzner goes on to give several Hayek quotations that supposedly show that he meant 1. But many of those quotations can be read as concatenate coordination. Also, one of them is about equilibrium, and it isn't clear that Hayek equated the two terms.

P. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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P. 199: "this writer [that is, Kirzner] believes that, at least part of the time, Hayek was using the term 'coordination' not in the sense of Klein's metacoordination [i.e., concatenate coordination], but in the sense of the achievement of mutual compatibility among independently-made individual plans (without regard to any overall desirability of this outcome)." NB: "at least part of the time".

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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"Those socialists who do not think of the socialist community as the strongly centralized organization conceived by their more clearheaded brethren and which alone is logically conceivable, believe that the difficulties confronting the management of industry can be solved by democratic institutions inside undertakings. They believe that individual industries could be allowed to conduct their operations with a certain degree of independence without endangering the uniformity and the correct co-ordination of industry.""Guild Socialism expressly describes itself as economic Federalism. But in the political constitution of a liberal state it is not difficult to concede a certain independence to local government. The necessary co-ordination of the parts within the whole is sufficiently ensured by the compulsion enforced on every territorial unit to manage its affairs in accordance with the laws."

Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".

P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.

A couple occurrences are in quotations. BTW, "order" is defined on p. 36 (forming "correct expections" about the whole on the basis of experience with part of the order). Notice Hayek's employment of "improve" on pp. 51, 100. On p. 55 he says liberty makes for "the best conditions for achieving their aims". PP. 102-111 on "maximal coincidence of expectations", though co-ord not used there. Preserving abstract features of the order "can constitute a true common interest of the members of a Great Society" (121).P. 1 says the general good in a free society "consists principally in the facilitation of the pursuit of unknown individual purposes". P. 22: "It is the interpretation of rules of conduct as part of a plan of action of 'society' towards the achievement of some single set of ends which gives all utilitarian theories their anthropomorphic character." P. 70: chances to have wants satisfied.

P. 13: "It may be asked how restraints on instinctual demands serve to coordinate the activities of larger numbers. As an example, continued obedience to the command to treat all men as neighbours would have prevented the growth of an extended order." This quotation shows that Hayek could certain developments as serving coordination even though they upset "instinctual demands". See p. 20 for similar.

P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice a single occurrence. Incidentally, the last three chapters are grouped under a section heading: "Entrepreneurship, Justice, and Freedom". The case for freedom made there seems to avoid entirely any usage of "coordination." In cell below we reproduce a Robinson Crusoe example that is useful in making a criticism of some of Kirzner's other statements about coordination.

Nevertheless, certain tendencies in recent literature on money make it appear advisable to examine briefly these secondary functions—some of them are coordinated with the basic function by many writers—and to show once more that all of them can be deduced from the function of money as a common medium of exchange."

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)."

inate, except by understanding, the various causative factors in a quantitative way to the effects produced. He cannot, except by understanding, assign to each of

ination. These civilizations, it is true, have adopted in some respects bonds of hegemonic structure. The state as an apparatus of compulsion and coercion is by necessity a hegemonic organization. So is the family and its household community."

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PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).P. 185: "Co-ordination does not refer to the well-being achieved through its successful attainment; it refers only to the dovetailing character of the activities that make it up." What does Kirzner mean by the "dovetailing character"? We see the dovetail as a beautiful concatenation of many, many feathers, like a crystal or snowflake.

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 133: "This chapter…sets forth a clear-cut, objective criterion, coordination [ital], which may satisfy the intuitive conviction of economists that their science does objectively demonstrate the economic 'goodness' of some economic policies…" Kirzner never defends this adjective "clear-cut", never addresses its delineation of boundaries.P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction. P. 135: the notion of coordination "refers to an objective state, which economic science is able to identify and describe…" This is a useful passage highlighting the striving for scientific depicting of the subject matter. Following Mises, Kirzner seeks a scientific foundation for laissez-faire economics. Hayek, by contrast, followed Smith, and criticized the scientific pretensions of interventionist economics.P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 139: "The criterion is itself admittedly unable to discriminate between the economic goodness of different moral/legal frameworks, unless one of them is taken as the relevant starting point." How does it work even if we take one as a relevant starting point? Suppose one framework is the minimum wage and the other is no minimum wage. Take min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why? Now take no min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why?

P. 142: Where Kirzner writes: "it is again and again objected" that entrepreneurial activity "cannot be described as coordinative", he places a footnote with merely page references to Klein 1997. He neglects to say that Klein says that the claim that entrepreneurial activity is (by and large) coordinative is salvaged by thinking of concatenate coordination. That is, Kirzner never tells the reader that the point of Klein is to salvage the crucial claim that voluntary entrepreneurial activity is typically coordinative, not to reject that claim.

P. 145: "Use of the coordination criterion involves no such moral commitment at all, on anybody's part. Use of the coordination-criterion presumes that those advised by the economist are morally concerned that members of society" . . achieve better coordination. But doesn't cooperating with such advisees, even just making the necessary effort in time and attention, entail a kind of commitment to their moral concerns? Don't actions inherently entail commitments, especially actions of giving economic advice?

P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

P. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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P. 199: "this writer [that is, Kirzner] believes that, at least part of the time, Hayek was using the term 'coordination' not in the sense of Klein's metacoordination [i.e., concatenate coordination], but in the sense of the achievement of mutual compatibility among independently-made individual plans (without regard to any overall desirability of this outcome)." NB: "at least part of the time".

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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"Those socialists who do not think of the socialist community as the strongly centralized organization conceived by their more clearheaded brethren and which alone is logically conceivable, believe that the difficulties confronting the management of industry can be solved by democratic institutions inside undertakings. They believe that individual industries could be allowed to conduct their operations with a certain degree of independence without endangering the uniformity and the correct co-ordination of industry."

Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".

P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.

A couple occurrences are in quotations. BTW, "order" is defined on p. 36 (forming "correct expections" about the whole on the basis of experience with part of the order). Notice Hayek's employment of "improve" on pp. 51, 100. On p. 55 he says liberty makes for "the best conditions for achieving their aims". PP. 102-111 on "maximal coincidence of expectations", though co-ord not used there. Preserving abstract features of the order "can constitute a true common interest of the members of a Great Society" (121).P. 1 says the general good in a free society "consists principally in the facilitation of the pursuit of unknown individual purposes". P. 22: "It is the interpretation of rules of conduct as part of a plan of action of 'society' towards the achievement of some single set of ends which gives all utilitarian theories their anthropomorphic character." P. 70: chances to have wants satisfied.

P. 13: "It may be asked how restraints on instinctual demands serve to coordinate the activities of larger numbers. As an example, continued obedience to the command to treat all men as neighbours would have prevented the growth of an extended order." This quotation shows that Hayek could certain developments as serving coordination even though they upset "instinctual demands". See p. 20 for similar.

P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice a single occurrence. Incidentally, the last three chapters are grouped under a section heading: "Entrepreneurship, Justice, and Freedom". The case for freedom made there seems to avoid entirely any usage of "coordination." In cell below we reproduce a Robinson Crusoe example that is useful in making a criticism of some of Kirzner's other statements about coordination.

Nevertheless, certain tendencies in recent literature on money make it appear advisable to examine briefly these secondary functions—some of them are coordinated with the basic function by many writers—and to show once more that all of them can be deduced from the function of money as a common medium of exchange."

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)."

inate, except by understanding, the various causative factors in a quantitative way to the effects produced. He cannot, except by understanding, assign to each of n factors its role in producing the effect P. Understanding is in the realm of history the equivalent, as it were, of quantitative analysis and measurement."

ination. These civilizations, it is true, have adopted in some respects bonds of hegemonic structure. The state as an apparatus of compulsion and coercion is by necessity a hegemonic organization. So is the family and its household community."

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PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction. P. 135: the notion of coordination "refers to an objective state, which economic science is able to identify and describe…" This is a useful passage highlighting the striving for scientific depicting of the subject matter. Following Mises, Kirzner seeks a scientific foundation for laissez-faire economics. Hayek, by contrast, followed Smith, and criticized the scientific pretensions of interventionist economics.P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 139: "The criterion is itself admittedly unable to discriminate between the economic goodness of different moral/legal frameworks, unless one of them is taken as the relevant starting point." How does it work even if we take one as a relevant starting point? Suppose one framework is the minimum wage and the other is no minimum wage. Take min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why? Now take no min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why?

P. 142: Where Kirzner writes: "it is again and again objected" that entrepreneurial activity "cannot be described as coordinative", he places a footnote with merely page references to Klein 1997. He neglects to say that Klein says that the claim that entrepreneurial activity is (by and large) coordinative is salvaged by thinking of concatenate coordination. That is, Kirzner never tells the reader that the point of Klein is to salvage the crucial claim that voluntary entrepreneurial activity is typically coordinative, not to reject that claim.

P. 145: "Use of the coordination criterion involves no such moral commitment at all, on anybody's part. Use of the coordination-criterion presumes that those advised by the economist are morally concerned that members of society" . . achieve better coordination. But doesn't cooperating with such advisees, even just making the necessary effort in time and attention, entail a kind of commitment to their moral concerns? Don't actions inherently entail commitments, especially actions of giving economic advice?

P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

P. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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P. 199: "this writer [that is, Kirzner] believes that, at least part of the time, Hayek was using the term 'coordination' not in the sense of Klein's metacoordination [i.e., concatenate coordination], but in the sense of the achievement of mutual compatibility among independently-made individual plans (without regard to any overall desirability of this outcome)." NB: "at least part of the time".

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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"Those socialists who do not think of the socialist community as the strongly centralized organization conceived by their more clearheaded brethren and which alone is logically conceivable, believe that the difficulties confronting the management of industry can be solved by democratic institutions inside undertakings. They believe that individual industries could be allowed to conduct their operations with a certain degree of independence without endangering the uniformity and the correct co-ordination of industry."

Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".

P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.

A couple occurrences are in quotations. BTW, "order" is defined on p. 36 (forming "correct expections" about the whole on the basis of experience with part of the order). Notice Hayek's employment of "improve" on pp. 51, 100. On p. 55 he says liberty makes for "the best conditions for achieving their aims". PP. 102-111 on "maximal coincidence of expectations", though co-ord not used there. Preserving abstract features of the order "can constitute a true common interest of the members of a Great Society" (121).

P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

Nevertheless, certain tendencies in recent literature on money make it appear advisable to examine briefly these secondary functions—some of them are coordinated with the basic function by many writers—and to show once more that all of them can be deduced from the function of money as a common medium of exchange."

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)."

. Understanding is in the realm of history the equivalent, as it were, of quantitative analysis and measurement."

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PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction.

P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 139: "The criterion is itself admittedly unable to discriminate between the economic goodness of different moral/legal frameworks, unless one of them is taken as the relevant starting point." How does it work even if we take one as a relevant starting point? Suppose one framework is the minimum wage and the other is no minimum wage. Take min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why? Now take no min wage as the starting point: What does the coordination criterion say? Why?

P. 142: Where Kirzner writes: "it is again and again objected" that entrepreneurial activity "cannot be described as coordinative", he places a footnote with merely page references to Klein 1997. He neglects to say that Klein says that the claim that entrepreneurial activity is (by and large) coordinative is salvaged by thinking of concatenate coordination. That is, Kirzner never tells the reader that the point of Klein is to salvage the crucial claim that voluntary entrepreneurial activity is typically coordinative, not to reject that claim.

P. 145: "Use of the coordination criterion involves no such moral commitment at all, on anybody's part. Use of the coordination-criterion presumes that those advised by the economist are morally concerned that members of society" . . achieve better coordination. But doesn't cooperating with such advisees, even just making the necessary effort in time and attention, entail a kind of commitment to their moral concerns? Don't actions inherently entail commitments, especially actions of giving economic advice?

P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

P. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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Note on JStor searches: We searched all articles (not just Econ) and all years on "Hayek" in Author AND "coordinate" in full-text, and then repeated with "co-ordinate", with "coordination", and with "co-ordination" and came up with the following six articles. Note that Hayek AER 1945 does not come up in JStor because in that article Hayek spells it "coördinate", and, in fact, the AER 1945 article will not come up even if you search on "coördinate". Note also: JStor only searches on whole words, so we could not search for "coord" etc., and we did not search on "coordinated", "coordinates", or "coordinative".

P. 54 from the 1948 volume: "To show that in this sense the spontaneous action of individuals will, under conditions which we can define, bring about a distribution of resources which can be understood as if it were made accordint to a single plan, although noboby has planned it, seems to me indeed an answer to the problem which has sometimes been metaphorically described as that of the 'social mind.'" Although Hayek does not use "coord" here (or anywhere in the paper), it is a clear illustration of how he had C in mind. In fact, Kirzner (2000, 190) quotes it as an example of "coordination I" in Hayek.

P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

"One or the other it must be; between Syndicalism and Socialism there can be no compromise or reconciliation. Polányi does not see this. He says: "Functional representatives (associations) of one and of the same person can never irreconcilably conflict with each other; this is the fundamental idea of every functional constitution. For the settlement of each conflict, as it arises, either joint committees of the Commune and the Producers' Association are provided or a kind of Supreme Constitutional Court (co-ordinating organs), which has, however, no legislative power and only limited executive power (guarding law and order, etc.)." *45"

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PP. 160-163, an interesting passage, beginning with "So it is…" and concluding with "limited resources." Kirzner discusses the market process through time (no change of regime). He concludes that the progress achieved by a capitalist system "renders totally inoperative the metaphor of the market as an efficient allocator of resources within the constraints of existing, limited resources." Yes, but does it render totally inoperative the metaphor of a mind imagined to know all that each participant knows and smiling on the progressed achieved as they make discoveries? No, it does not.

P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction.

P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

P. 198: "Now Mises himself never did focus explicitly on plan-coordination in all of his work; he never did focus on the dispersed character of knowledge, and on the consequent coordination problem. (This does not mean that Mises's seminal insights in each of the above two areas cannot be faithfully articulated in plan-coordination terms; it merely means that Mises himself never explicitly recognized this possible articulation.)" This passage conveniently makes the case that "plan-coordination" is not developed at all by Mises. In fact, when Mises spoke of coordination, he meant concatenate.

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No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).

Coordination discussion runns throughout much of the book. Pages we are certain it can be found on or very nearby: 21, 24, 79-81, 85-86, 93, 132-48, 180-202, 249-252. Chapter 7 is particularly important, titled "Coordination as a Criterion of Econonmic 'Goodness'", which originally appeared in Constitutional Political Economy 1998. That piece started as a comment on Klein 1997; the CPE editors said they do not run comments and instead asked Kirzner to write it as a regular article; the final version actually makes only slight (and slighting) reference to Klein 1997, detailed below. Also especially important is chapter 10 "Hedgehog or Fox? Hayek and the Idea of Plan-Coordination."Pp. 79-80: "What it is important to emphasize is that this coordination function . . . can be defined only against the background of given inidividual rights to endowments. If [ital] individual A possesses money and is hungry, while individual B possesses a surplus of food but lacks money, then [ital] we can appraise social mechanisms in regard to their effectivenes in promoting the coordinating mutual discovery by A and by B of the gains to be achieved by exchange." Unfortunately, Kirzner does not give a concrete example. By "appraise social mechanisms" does he means compare policy regimes, such as min wage and no min wage, patents and no patents, etc? How exactly would such comparative appraisal proceed?

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 134: "What is needed for an objectively-based normative economics, is a criterion which, like the criteria which identify a particular disease, can be unambiguously identified by economic science and which, again as in the case of disease, seems likely to be able to serve as a norm for goodness in the light of independently established, widely shared or otherwise assumed moral principles." A remark on this: A disease is quite distinct from the organism it afflicts. Moreover, it is simple to assume that "we" are rooting for the organism, not the disease. In social policy, however, the "disease" is people and their interests and their beliefs. Indeed, it is often a matter of the individual being unenlightened, of his beliefs being his affliction.

P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 146: "I have outlined the case for taking 'coordination' (particularly in the process sense of this word) as the criterion for which economists have been searching." P. 147 (n.18): "The serviceability of the coordination criterion, as a device with which to rank a series of alternative policies, has to be concretely demonstrated." These passage indicate that Kirzner is looking for something that judges policy alternatives, even though he otherwise seemed to be saying that coordination did not deliver on that. Also, it is noteworthy that he confesses that, in this matter, he has not demonstrated the serviceability of the idea. Why hasn't he? What is he waiting for?

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

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No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 136: "we do not need any help from moral philosophy in order to identify the coordination concept and associate specific economic policies with either greater or lesser likelihood of generating coordination. In this way economics may, in principle, be able to provide objective measures of (what independently established moral principles declare to be) economic goodness." Kirzner says we need "independently established moral principles" to delineate the idea of coordination. This actually agrees with our idea of a mind assumed to know and observe. Moreover, to make certain moral sensibilities "independently established" about the discourse community, we will generally need help from moral philosophy. In that sense the whole enterprise does need help from moral philosophy.

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

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No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

Page 151: [XLS] · Web viewAn Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy , 1767 Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, L.L.D., 1795. difficult time searching An Inquiry into

No entry in the subject index for "Coordination". We did not notice one occurrence, p. 170: "We can now understand how Mises came to believe that economic science leads us ineluctably to the conclusion that a policy favoring unfettered free markets, a policy of laissez-faire, of capitalism without any government intervention, is scientifically demonstrated to be the best policy. A free market works in a systematic way to encourage coordination among the decisions of market participants, with the motivating force being the needs and preferences of consumers." Kirzner elaborates on how Mises presupposes a value of "consumer sovereignty" among his readers (p. 169). Kirzner does not deal with whether it was reasonable to suppose that "consumer sovereignty" is an unrivaled value. Specifically, he never explores what would happen to Mises' claims under the alternative assumption that people value collectivism.

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 185: "It seems plausible and intuitively appealing to perceive co-ordination--permitting each agent to achieve his goals through the simultaneous satisfaction of the goals of the other agents--as constituting a desideratum transcending the individual goals of the respective agents. Failure to achieve co-ordination might thus be seen as a failure of the social apparatus to achieve a supra-individual result--but such a judgement relies not at all on any notions inconsistent with subjectivism or with methodological individualism." Is there a typo here? Should "inconsistent" be "consistent"? We presume so. In that event, how does Kirzner deal with "aggregation" issues? Namely, when certain processes advance the interest of many, but not some (say, the horse-and-buggy guys), how does "methodological individual" and "subjectivism" nonetheless conclude that the development is coordinative? (BTW, see also “supra-individual” at 2000, 79).

P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

P. 190f, Kirzner now distinguishes Coordination II in Hayek: "namely, coordination as the state (or the process leading towards the state) in which the individual plans of independently-acting persons display mutual compatibility. Such compatibility may be couched, as in the preceding sentence, in terms of plans, or it may be couched in terms of decisions, or of expectations. The earmark of 'coordination II' is that it refers to the dovetailing of individual purposeful efforts..." A number of remarks about this passage: A) Again we see him tending to equate 1 and 2, never showing any awareness that not-2 does not imply not-1. B) Notice how clearly he "dovetailing" is giving the connotation of 2 and/or Schelling coordination. I think that this is often how Austrians take that word. But the metaphor of a dove's tail also works well as a metaphor of concatenate coordination, like a crystal or a snowflake. The ambiguity of "dovetailing" has done a lot to perpetuate the Austrian confusions about coordination.

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

P. 138: "When we wish to take coordination as our criterion for economic 'goodness,' we imply, not that a coordinated state is one which reflects the beauty (in the eyes of the morally relevant public) of the particular patterns of decisions which happens [sic] to make up that state, but that we understand that morally relevant public to consider the coordinated state (because, and only because, it conforms to our definition of coordination) to be morally desirable. It is that we believe that moral beauty is widely perceived to inhere in the state of coordination as we have defined it..." Klein 1997 posited a superior being Joy, who represents the sensibilities by which coordination is assessed. Now, what if Joy's sensibilities coincide precisely to those that Kirzner is trying to express in his definition of coordination? In that case, would it not be the case that Klein's and Kirzner's coordination are one and the same? If there is a tension between Kirzner's coordination and Klein's "Joy", then, it would lie only in substantive differences between the two sets of sensibilities.

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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P. 216f, speaking of A and B who would mutual benefit in exchange but are unaware of each other: "[italics omitted] By A's not buying B's apples, and by B's not selling them to A, each party is, because of ignorance of the other's 'existence,' acting as if the other did not in fact exist. A knows his own taste and assets; B knows his. But because these bits of knowledge are not coordinated, the actions taken by A and B are uncoordinated. It is possible to evaluate a system of social organization's success in promoting the coordination of the decisions of its individual members without invoking any notion of social welfare at all." Kirzner's problem here is that what ignorance is the analyst to treat; Kirzner has given an example, but does not explain how far the analyst is to go in calling action uncoordinated because of ignorances. Even if A and B were to have discovered each other and traded, there would surely have been ignorances. He writes (p. 216): "where an unexploited mutually beneficial exchange opportunity for A and B exists, the resulting 'inefficiency' can be described as an absence of coordination." But since there are always unexploited opportunities always exist, we would have to say there there is always an absence of coordination. Instead, we say that it is a matter of better or worse coordination. To a mind imagined to know the vast concatenation, the concatenation is better coordinated when A and B discover each other and trade.

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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P. 82: "To say that the market process works successfully in the context of externalities is certainly not to pronounce the market outcome socially optimal . . . Nor is it, in and of itself, to declare governmental attempts compulsorily to internalize externalities, to be a definite error (since, after all, governmental policy may seek to reflect citizens' preferences as these are understood in moral or political terms, rather than in the narrow, austerely 'scientific' terms within which economic science confined)." Notice that Kirzner is attempting to separate types of preferences, some recognized by his coordination talk and some--those "in moral or political terms" that are not. If Kirzner uses the vol/coercive distinction to make that separation, then he has simply gerrymandered the two categories so as to bolster his relative "coordinative" claims in favor of freer markets. Some people who don't want the casino, stripclub, etc., to exist, and don't want a polity that would allow it. We know that many people see symbolic value to the minimum wage. How are those preferences excluded? Moreover, preferences that Kirzner would like to include as strictly within his coordination rubric often in fact have major issues of identity, including collective identity of the family, the neighborhood, the town, the nation, such as preferences about schooling, reading materials, lifestyle, etc. In a significant sense, people "shop" for identity, and identity is always a social matter--it always involves externalities. Elsewhere in the book (p. 133) Kirzner speaks of coordination as "a clear-cut, objective criterion". Yet he never defends this claim. Short of gerrymandering by vol/coercive, how does he separate the preferences (or dimensions of preferences) that count in his coordination criterion from those that do not?

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: This sheet contains some examples of concatenate usage. There is some repetition of material from previous sheets. It highlights some figures who are attuned to the larger issue of the coordination of the extensive social concatenation.Authors Year Book or Journal Article

Newcomb 1880 The Organization of Labor

Newcomb 1886 Principles of Political EconomySumner, Will Essay from 189War and Other Essays The Absurd Effort to Make the World Over

Clark 1899 The Distribution of Wealth

Hawley 1893 QJE

1900 QJE1901 QJE

Knight 1921 Risk, Uncertainty, and Profit

Hayek 1933 Economica "The Trend of Economic Thinking"

various years many others

Kaldor 1934 Economica

Hutt 1934 The South African Journal of Economics Co-ordination and the Size of the Firm1954 "The Significance of Price Flexibility"1979 The Keynesian Episode: A Reassessment

Plant 1937 Some Modern Business Problems Centralize or Decentralize?

Coase 1937 "The Nature of the Firm"

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Thirlby 1946 Economica The Subjective Theory of Value and Accounting "Cost"

1946 The Ruler

Mises 1949 Human Action

Polanyi 1951 The Logic of Liberty

Stigler 1951 JPE

Hicks 1960 EJ

Friedman, Mil 1962 Capitalism and Freedom

1979 Free to Choose: A Personal Statement

Simon, Herber 1962 AER1991 JEP Organizations and Markets

Williamson 1965 QJE1967 JPE1994 AER

Tinbergen, Ja 1967 Development Planning

Richardson 1972 EJ The Organisation of Industry

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Arrow 1974 AER

1983 Entrepreneurship: The Social Science View Innovation in Large and Small firms

Leijonhufvud 1968 On Keynesian Economics and the Economics of Keyne

1981 Information and Coordination

Buchanan 1979 What Should Economists Do?

Demsetz, Har 1983 JLE The Structure of Ownership and the Theory of the Fir1988 Journal of Law, Economics and OrganizationThe Theory of the Firm Revisited

1997 AER

Becker, Gary 1992 JPE The Division of Labor, Coordination Costs, and Knowle

Epstein, Richa 1992 Forbidden Grounds: The Case Against Employment Dis

Friedman, Dav 1996 Hidden Order: The Economics of Everyday Life

Rubin, Paul H. 2002 Darwinian Politics: The Evolutionary Origin of Freedom

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: This sheet contains some examples of concatenate usage. There is some repetition of material from previous sheets. It highlights some figures who are attuned to the larger issue of the coordination of the extensive social concatenation.Quotes

"As society advances we find great changes both in the fundamental ideas on which they are intended. We must expect that, as a rule, each society will tend to the form best adapted to its preservation and efficiency under all existing conditions both internal and external. Now, in an advanced state of society these ends can be attained only by the formation of organisms having perfect co-ordination among the functions of their members, and there are certain conditions under which this co-ordination cannot be secured except by a system of subordination not in unison with the ideas of equal rights now prevalent.""With every increase in the number of persons co-operating, and in the delicacy of the material and instruments employed, comes an increased necessity for a precise co-ordination among the efforts of all. Thus there grows up an organization which in its outward form is more like a well-disciplined army than like a collection of individual producers of past centuries. A subdivision into commands must be established, and several commands must be combined under a single directing head. Success depends as much upon the ability of these heads as the success of an army does upon the ability of its commander…. Thus the skill of the manager—the “captain of industry”, as Professor Walker has called him—has taken the place of labor as the prime factor in the result."[occurs twice p. 138, in the concatenate sense]"The advance of a new country from the very simplest social coordination up to the highest organization is a most interesting and instructive chance to study the development of the organization."

"The function of this natural law is to separate the gross earnings of society into three generic shares that are unlike in kind. It causes the whole annual gains of society to distribute themselves into three great sums—general wages, general interest and aggregate profits. These are, respectively, the earnings of labor, the earnings of capital and the gains from a certain coordinating process that is performed by the employers of labor and users of capital. This purely coordinating work we shall call the entrepreneur's function, and the rewards for it we shall call profits. The function in itself includes no working and no owning of capital: it consists entirely in the establishing and maintaining of efficient relations between the agents of production."

"According to Professor Clark, if I rightly comprehend him, we have in economics a problem of four forces, producing five distinct classes of results,--land yielding rent, labor yielding wages, capital yielding interest and the reward for risk, and co-ordination (if he will allow me to so name the force) yielding profit. Or, if Professor Clark adopts the more common, and what appears to me the more logical opinion, that co-ordinaion, though the highest form of it, is yet only a variety of the industrial force we generalize as labor, he must conceive of economics as a problem of three forces, but productive of four instead of three distinct classes of results.""But the president of a corporation paid by a salary is in the receipt of ages, not profits. The residue of the product goes to the stockholders, who risk their capital, but who have hired the president to co-ordinate for them."see JSTOR sheetsee JSTOR sheet

"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"The mere existence of an extremely complicated mechanism which led to some kind of co-ordination of the independent action of individuals was not sufficient to arouse the scientific curiosity of men.""From the time of Hume and Adam Smith, the effect of every attempt to understand economic phenomena--that is to say, of every theoretical analysis--has been to show that, in large part, the co-ordination of individual efforts in society is not the product of deliberate planning, but has been brough about, and many cases could only have been brought about, by means which nobody wanted or understood, and which in isolation might be regarded as some of the most objectionable features of the system."

"Co-ordination," on the other hand, is that part of the managerial function which determines what sort of contracts should be entered into: which carries out the adjustments to the given constellation of "data."

"The nature of the co-ordination arranged between co-operant processes under the control of a single firm i"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended.""Yet I have maintained above that the apparent success of Keynesian policy is attributable to its serving as a crude (although cruel and unjust) method of bringing the economic system into coordination; that it can, on the whole, merely offset coordination failures; and that it cannot remedy the ultimate causes of discoordination. What is usually needed is not a blanket change in relative price-cost relationships such as is achieved through unanticipated inflation, but a mass of individual adjustments.""An economic system is well coordinated when (a) the rates of flow of all productive services, materials (and other semifinished goods), and final products through the different stage of production and into consumption are such that, while there are reserves (inventories) at different points, there are no gluts or bottlenecks, and (b) the needed synchronization is achieved in such a way that each good flowing into consumption is produced at least cost. Because we are here interested in the condition which secure the continuous utilization of productive capacity (‘full employment’), our concern will be centered principally on this question of synchronization"

"Where standardization of output is feasible, firms with large but highly specialized output avoid many of the internal problems of the more diversified business because they submit to the co-ordination imposed upon their activities by the price mechanism of the market."

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?""In view of the fact that, while economists treat the price mechanism as a co-ordinating instrument, they also admit the co-ordinating function of the “entrepreneur,” it is surely important to enquire why co-ordination is the work of the price mechanism in one case and of the entrepreneur in another. The purpose of this paper is to bridge what appears to be a gap in economic theory between the assumption (made for some purposes) that resources are allocated by means of the price mechanism and the assumption (made for other purposes) that this allocation is dependent on the entrepreneur-co-ordinator. We have to explain the basis on which, in practice, this choice between alternatives is effected."

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some uses that don't really fit well; interpersonal co-ordinaton"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods.""Whatever the lines of fracture are, the complementary activities of the people (administrators) amonst whom the act of business administration is divided must be presumed to be co-ordinated, for the purpose of making the ex ante decision, by one, or by a committee of all or several, of the adminstrators. At the same time the very division of function gives rise to the danger of loose co-ordination, with the firm's left hand not knowing what its right hand is doing.""If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

"There are two different kinds of social cooperation: cooperation by virtue of contract and coordination, and cooperation by virtue of command and subordination or hegemony.""In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The coordination of the autonomous actions of all individuals is accomplished by the operation of the market. Society does not tell a man what to do and what not to do. There is no need to enforce cooperation by special orders or prohibitions. Noncooperation penalizes itself. Adjustment to the requirements of society's productive effort and the pursuit of the individual's own concerns are not in conflict. Consequently no agency is required to settle such conflicts. The system can work and accomplish its tasks without the interference of an authority issuing special orders and prohibitions and punishing those who do not comply."

“We shall not deal here with such occasional and inessential forms of mutual adjustment, but turn our attention to spontaneously ordered systems in which persons mutually adjust their full-time activities over a prolonged period, resulting in a complex and yet highly adaptable co-ordination of these activities.” (1951, 141)“When order is achieved among human beings by allowing them to interact with each other on their own initiative—subject only to laws which uniformly apply to all of them—we have a system of spontaneous order in society. We may then say that the efforts of these individuals are co-ordinated by exercising their individual initiative and that this self-co-ordination justifies their liberty on public grounds.” (1951, 195)

"Sometimes the rivalry will be technological (as in many multiple-product firms), but almost always it will also be managerial: the wider the range of functions the firm undertakes, the greater the tasks of co-ordination."

"In practice, of course, the fragmentation is rarely carried so far as this; at the most, the market takes over a part of the task of co-ordination; a significant part is left to be done within the firm."

"The basic problem of social organization is how to co-ordinate the economic activities of large numbers of people. Even in relatively backward societies, extensive division of labor and specialization of function is required to make effective use of available resources. In advanced societies, the scale on which co-ordination is needed, to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by modern science and technology, is enormously greater. Literally millions of people are involved in providing one another with their daily bread, let alone with their yearly automobiles. The challenge to the believer in liberty is to reconcile this widespread interdependence with individual freedom." (12-13)"Fundmentally, there are only two ways of co-ordinating the economic activities of millions. One is central direction involving the use of coercion--the technique of the army and of the modern totalitarian state. The other is voluntary co-operation of individuals--the technique of the market place." (13)"The possibility of co-ordination through voluntary oo-operation rests on the elementary--yet frequently denied--proposition that both parties to an economic transaction benefit from it, provided the transaction is bi-laterally voluntary and informed [ital]." (13)"Exchange can therefore bring about co-ordination without coercion." (13)"That is one method of coordinating the activities of a large number of people--the method of the army. . . .Commands must be supplemented by voluntary cooperation--a less obvious and more subtle, but far more fundamental, technique of coordinating the activities of large numbers of people." (1)

"Administration discovered the institution of the formal organization, the mechanisms of authority and interpersonal influence to secure co-ordination, and planning as a means of decision making.""Prices provide only one of the mechanisms for coordination of behavior, either between orgahttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/08953309/di960534/96p0313h/0?currentResult=08953309%2bdi960534%2b96p0313h%2b5%2c40C007&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DSimon%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics"But if particular coordination mechanisms do not determine exactly where the boundaries between organizations and markets will lie, the existence and effectiveness of large organizations does depend on some adequate set of powerful coordinating mechanisms being available. These means of coordination in organizations, taken in combination with the motivational mechanisms discussed earlier, create possibilities for enhancing productivity and efficiency through the division of labor and specialization."

"Explicit treatment of the role of communication is frequently omitted from economists' descriptions of the many usages about coordination within the firm"If real time responsiveness between interdependent stages was the pressing need, then coordination thro"The exercise of fiat through hierarchy is, of course, a very conscious, deliberate, and purposeful way of a

"These, then, are the three chief elements of modern planned economic policy--looking ahead, co-ordination and the attainment of deliberate aims." (44)

"Our simple picture of the capitalist economy was in terms of a division of labour between the firm and the market, between co-ordination that is planned and co-ordination that is spontaneous. But what then is the principle of this division? What kinds of co-ordination have to be secured through direction within firms and what can be left to the working of the invisible hand?"

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"The habit of working with models which assume a fixed list of goods may have the unfortunate result of causing us to think of co-ordination merely in terms of the balancing of quantities of inputs and outputs and thus leave the need for qualitative co-ordination out of account."

"The problematic nature of economic coordination is most obvious in a free enterprise economy but might seem of lesser moment in a socialist or planned society.""Hence, the need for coordination, for some means of seeing that plans of diverse agents have balanced totals, remains.""How this coordination takes place has been a central preoccupation of economic theory since Adam Smith…""Coordinating activities themselves are costly . . . They are undertaken because the costs of coordination are exceeded by the benefits. As Coase has argued, these benefits are relevant only if they are not obtainable by coordinating separate activities in the marketplace, through prices."

“In a depression, obviously, the system is inside the production possibilities frontier so that any event that improves the coordination of current activities and moves it towards the frontier will have a positive “income effect.” (1968, 272)“involuntary unemployment was seen as the result of a communication failure: information sufficient to ensure the efficient coordination of activities was not generated and disseminated in time.” (1968, 272)“Coordination because macoreconomics, in this book at least, is the study of the coordination of activities in large, complex, economic systems. Information because that is the perspective from which macroeconomics is approached in these essays.” (1981, v)“Thus conceived, the problem is to explain how, in an economic system, the activities that its numerous agents engage in, come to, are made to, or fail to “mesh.” The coordination problem is particularly interesting when the system under study is one in which decision-making with regard to what activities to engage in or refrain from is decentralized to a high degree, i.e., “market system.” With regard to such economies, then, the central substantive problem of general macroeconomic theory is to determine the nature and limitations of the self-regulatory and self-organizing capabilities of market systems.” (1981, 320)The economist who finds it wondrous will ask: “How is it possible—how is it even conceivable that decentralized economic activities can ever be reasonably coordinated when nobody, really, is trying to ensure that outcome?” That, I believe, is the “right question.” If the economist does not find it curious, he is much more likely to ask a different question—one that sounds so much more promising from the standpoint of “policy relevance,” namely: “How come the system sometimes fails to coordinate activities?” or “How can there be persistent unemployment on a large scale?” (1981, 321-322)

"As a discipline or area of inquiry, economics has social value in offering an understanding of the principle of order emergent from decentralized processes, of spontaneous coordination." (282)

"The chief mission of neoclassical economics is to understand how the price system coordinates the use of resources, not to understand the inner workings of real firms." (377)"Indeed, an increase in the cost of transacting leads not to a substitution of managed coordinhttp://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/87566222/ap030009/03a00090/0?currentResult=87566222%2bap030009%2b03a00090%2b3%2cD0A005&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DDemsetz%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics"We may as well recognize that we have no clear notion of firm-like contractual arrangements, especially since we now recognize the difficulty of distinguishing between coordination achieved "across markets" and coordination achieved "within firms.""Neoclassical theory is focused on specialization, not on managed coordination. Coase's theory is focused on managed coordination, not on specialization.""Coase seeks the bright line that separates managed coordination from price-guided coordination."Many occurrences. This piece is notable for focusing pretty exclusively on concatenate, yet being an article in a top journal during the age of "mutual".

"But it is a rule that permits all labor to be assigned to some unique owner, without incurring the enormous costs of coordinating from the center--or from the top. In some natural resources markets it may be worth incurring these coordination costs, if only to prevent the premature exploitation of common pool assets such as air, water, and wild animals. But since these coordination problems simply do not arise in labor markets, it thereby strengthens the case for using the Lockean baselines of individual ownership." (24)

"The obvious way to coordinate the work of lots of people is to have someone at the top giving orders. We have been discussing a less obvious, but often better, way--voluntary exchange on a market. Much of the economy is coordinated that way--but not all. Seen from the outside, a firm is sim;y one more market participant, buying and selling like a private individual. But internally, it is a miniature command economy: employers giving orders to supervisors who give orders to workers. The capitalist system of coordination by trade seems to be largely populated by indigestible lumps of socialism called corporations." (111)

"This requires some economic coordination. There are two such methods of coordination: through the market and through command and control, or hierarchies." (p. 100)"The point is that production can be coordinated by markets or within firms. Some activities are better coordinated through the market and others through hierarchies." (101)

"Now this co-ordination can be effected in three ways; by direction, by co-operation or through market transactions. Direction is employed when the activities are subject to a single control and fitted into one coherent plan. Thus where activities are to be co-ordinated by direction it is appropriate that they be

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ABOUT THIS WORKSHEET: This sheet contains some examples of concatenate usage. There is some repetition of material from previous sheets. It highlights some figures who are attuned to the larger issue of the coordination of the extensive social concatenation.

"As society advances we find great changes both in the fundamental ideas on which they are intended. We must expect that, as a rule, each society will tend to the form best adapted to its preservation and efficiency under all existing conditions both internal and external. Now, in an advanced state of society these ends can be attained only by the formation of organisms having perfect co-ordination among the functions of their members, and there are certain conditions under which this co-ordination cannot be secured except by a system of subordination not in unison with the ideas of equal rights now prevalent.""With every increase in the number of persons co-operating, and in the delicacy of the material and instruments employed, comes an increased necessity for a precise co-ordination among the efforts of all. Thus there grows up an organization which in its outward form is more like a well-disciplined army than like a collection of individual producers of past centuries. A subdivision into commands must be established, and several commands must be combined under a single directing head. Success depends as much upon the ability of these heads as the success of an army does upon the ability of its commander…. Thus the skill of the manager—the “captain of industry”, as Professor Walker has called him—has taken the place of labor as the prime factor in the result."

"The advance of a new country from the very simplest social coordination up to the highest organization is a most interesting and instructive chance to study the development of the organization."

"The function of this natural law is to separate the gross earnings of society into three generic shares that are unlike in kind. It causes the whole annual gains of society to distribute themselves into three great sums—general wages, general interest and aggregate profits. These are, respectively, the earnings of labor, the earnings of capital and the gains from a certain coordinating process that is performed by the employers of labor and users of capital. This purely coordinating work we shall call the entrepreneur's function, and the rewards for it we shall call profits. The function in itself includes no working and no owning of capital: it consists entirely in the establishing and maintaining of efficient relations between the agents of production."

"According to Professor Clark, if I rightly comprehend him, we have in economics a problem of four forces, producing five distinct classes of results,--land yielding rent, labor yielding wages, capital yielding interest and the reward for risk, and co-ordination (if he will allow me to so name the force) yielding profit. Or, if Professor Clark adopts the more common, and what appears to me the more logical opinion, that co-ordinaion, though the highest form of it, is yet only a variety of the industrial force we generalize as labor, he must conceive of economics as a problem of three forces, but productive of four instead of three distinct classes of results.""But the president of a corporation paid by a salary is in the receipt of ages, not profits. The residue of the product goes to the stockholders, who risk their capital, but who have hired the president to co-ordinate for them."

"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"The mere existence of an extremely complicated mechanism which led to some kind of co-ordination of the independent action of individuals was not sufficient to arouse the scientific curiosity of men.""From the time of Hume and Adam Smith, the effect of every attempt to understand economic phenomena--that is to say, of every theoretical analysis--has been to show that, in large part, the co-ordination of individual efforts in society is not the product of deliberate planning, but has been brough about, and many cases could only have been brought about, by means which nobody wanted or understood, and which in isolation might be regarded as some of the most objectionable features of the system."

"Co-ordination," on the other hand, is that part of the managerial function which determines what sort of contracts should be entered into: which carries out the adjustments to the given constellation of "data."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended.""Yet I have maintained above that the apparent success of Keynesian policy is attributable to its serving as a crude (although cruel and unjust) method of bringing the economic system into coordination; that it can, on the whole, merely offset coordination failures; and that it cannot remedy the ultimate causes of discoordination. What is usually needed is not a blanket change in relative price-cost relationships such as is achieved through unanticipated inflation, but a mass of individual adjustments.""An economic system is well coordinated when (a) the rates of flow of all productive services, materials (and other semifinished goods), and final products through the different stage of production and into consumption are such that, while there are reserves (inventories) at different points, there are no gluts or bottlenecks, and (b) the needed synchronization is achieved in such a way that each good flowing into consumption is produced at least cost. Because we are here interested in the condition which secure the continuous utilization of productive capacity (‘full employment’), our concern will be centered principally on this question of synchronization"

"Where standardization of output is feasible, firms with large but highly specialized output avoid many of the internal problems of the more diversified business because they submit to the co-ordination imposed upon their activities by the price mechanism of the market."

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?""In view of the fact that, while economists treat the price mechanism as a co-ordinating instrument, they also admit the co-ordinating function of the “entrepreneur,” it is surely important to enquire why co-ordination is the work of the price mechanism in one case and of the entrepreneur in another. The purpose of this paper is to bridge what appears to be a gap in economic theory between the assumption (made for some purposes) that resources are allocated by means of the price mechanism and the assumption (made for other purposes) that this allocation is dependent on the entrepreneur-co-ordinator. We have to explain the basis on which, in practice, this choice between alternatives is effected."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods.""Whatever the lines of fracture are, the complementary activities of the people (administrators) amonst whom the act of business administration is divided must be presumed to be co-ordinated, for the purpose of making the ex ante decision, by one, or by a committee of all or several, of the adminstrators. At the same time the very division of function gives rise to the danger of loose co-ordination, with the firm's left hand not knowing what its right hand is doing.""If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

"There are two different kinds of social cooperation: cooperation by virtue of contract and coordination, and cooperation by virtue of command and subordination or hegemony.""In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The coordination of the autonomous actions of all individuals is accomplished by the operation of the market. Society does not tell a man what to do and what not to do. There is no need to enforce cooperation by special orders or prohibitions. Noncooperation penalizes itself. Adjustment to the requirements of society's productive effort and the pursuit of the individual's own concerns are not in conflict. Consequently no agency is required to settle such conflicts. The system can work and accomplish its tasks without the interference of an authority issuing special orders and prohibitions and punishing those who do not comply."

“We shall not deal here with such occasional and inessential forms of mutual adjustment, but turn our attention to spontaneously ordered systems in which persons mutually adjust their full-time activities over a prolonged period, resulting in a complex and yet highly adaptable co-ordination of these activities.” (1951, 141)“When order is achieved among human beings by allowing them to interact with each other on their own initiative—subject only to laws which uniformly apply to all of them—we have a system of spontaneous order in society. We may then say that the efforts of these individuals are co-ordinated by exercising their individual initiative and that this self-co-ordination justifies their liberty on public grounds.” (1951, 195)

"Sometimes the rivalry will be technological (as in many multiple-product firms), but almost always it will also be managerial: the wider the range of functions the firm undertakes, the greater the tasks of co-ordination."

"In practice, of course, the fragmentation is rarely carried so far as this; at the most, the market takes over a part of the task of co-ordination; a significant part is left to be done within the firm."

"The basic problem of social organization is how to co-ordinate the economic activities of large numbers of people. Even in relatively backward societies, extensive division of labor and specialization of function is required to make effective use of available resources. In advanced societies, the scale on which co-ordination is needed, to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by modern science and technology, is enormously greater. Literally millions of people are involved in providing one another with their daily bread, let alone with their yearly automobiles. The challenge to the believer in liberty is to reconcile this widespread interdependence with individual freedom." (12-13)"Fundmentally, there are only two ways of co-ordinating the economic activities of millions. One is central direction involving the use of coercion--the technique of the army and of the modern totalitarian state. The other is voluntary co-operation of individuals--the technique of the market place." (13)"The possibility of co-ordination through voluntary oo-operation rests on the elementary--yet frequently denied--proposition that both parties to an economic transaction benefit from it, provided the transaction is bi-laterally voluntary and informed [ital]." (13)

"That is one method of coordinating the activities of a large number of people--the method of the army. . . .Commands must be supplemented by voluntary cooperation--a less obvious and more subtle, but far more fundamental, technique of coordinating the activities of large numbers of people." (1)

"Administration discovered the institution of the formal organization, the mechanisms of authority and interpersonal influence to secure co-ordination, and planning as a means of decision making."http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/08953309/di960534/96p0313h/0?currentResult=08953309%2bdi960534%2b96p0313h%2b5%2c40C007&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DSimon%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics

"But if particular coordination mechanisms do not determine exactly where the boundaries between organizations and markets will lie, the existence and effectiveness of large organizations does depend on some adequate set of powerful coordinating mechanisms being available. These means of coordination in organizations, taken in combination with the motivational mechanisms discussed earlier, create possibilities for enhancing productivity and efficiency through the division of labor and specialization."

"These, then, are the three chief elements of modern planned economic policy--looking ahead, co-ordination and the attainment of deliberate aims." (44)

"Our simple picture of the capitalist economy was in terms of a division of labour between the firm and the market, between co-ordination that is planned and co-ordination that is spontaneous. But what then is the principle of this division? What kinds of co-ordination have to be secured through direction within firms and what can be left to the working of the invisible hand?"

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"The habit of working with models which assume a fixed list of goods may have the unfortunate result of causing us to think of co-ordination merely in terms of the balancing of quantities of inputs and outputs and thus leave the need for qualitative co-ordination out of account."

"The problematic nature of economic coordination is most obvious in a free enterprise economy but might seem of lesser moment in a socialist or planned society."

"Coordinating activities themselves are costly . . . They are undertaken because the costs of coordination are exceeded by the benefits. As Coase has argued, these benefits are relevant only if they are not obtainable by coordinating separate activities in the marketplace, through prices."

“In a depression, obviously, the system is inside the production possibilities frontier so that any event that improves the coordination of current activities and moves it towards the frontier will have a positive “income effect.” (1968, 272)“involuntary unemployment was seen as the result of a communication failure: information sufficient to ensure the efficient coordination of activities was not generated and disseminated in time.” (1968, 272)“Coordination because macoreconomics, in this book at least, is the study of the coordination of activities in large, complex, economic systems. Information because that is the perspective from which macroeconomics is approached in these essays.” (1981, v)“Thus conceived, the problem is to explain how, in an economic system, the activities that its numerous agents engage in, come to, are made to, or fail to “mesh.” The coordination problem is particularly interesting when the system under study is one in which decision-making with regard to what activities to engage in or refrain from is decentralized to a high degree, i.e., “market system.” With regard to such economies, then, the central substantive problem of general macroeconomic theory is to determine the nature and limitations of the self-regulatory and self-organizing capabilities of market systems.” (1981, 320)The economist who finds it wondrous will ask: “How is it possible—how is it even conceivable that decentralized economic activities can ever be reasonably coordinated when nobody, really, is trying to ensure that outcome?” That, I believe, is the “right question.” If the economist does not find it curious, he is much more likely to ask a different question—one that sounds so much more promising from the standpoint of “policy relevance,” namely: “How come the system sometimes fails to coordinate activities?” or “How can there be persistent unemployment on a large scale?” (1981, 321-322)

"As a discipline or area of inquiry, economics has social value in offering an understanding of the principle of order emergent from decentralized processes, of spontaneous coordination." (282)

"The chief mission of neoclassical economics is to understand how the price system coordinates the use of resources, not to understand the inner workings of real firms." (377)http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/87566222/ap030009/03a00090/0?currentResult=87566222%2bap030009%2b03a00090%2b3%2cD0A005&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DDemsetz%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics

"We may as well recognize that we have no clear notion of firm-like contractual arrangements, especially since we now recognize the difficulty of distinguishing between coordination achieved "across markets" and coordination achieved "within firms.""Neoclassical theory is focused on specialization, not on managed coordination. Coase's theory is focused on managed coordination, not on specialization."

Many occurrences. This piece is notable for focusing pretty exclusively on concatenate, yet being an article in a top journal during the age of "mutual".

"But it is a rule that permits all labor to be assigned to some unique owner, without incurring the enormous costs of coordinating from the center--or from the top. In some natural resources markets it may be worth incurring these coordination costs, if only to prevent the premature exploitation of common pool assets such as air, water, and wild animals. But since these coordination problems simply do not arise in labor markets, it thereby strengthens the case for using the Lockean baselines of individual ownership." (24)

"The obvious way to coordinate the work of lots of people is to have someone at the top giving orders. We have been discussing a less obvious, but often better, way--voluntary exchange on a market. Much of the economy is coordinated that way--but not all. Seen from the outside, a firm is sim;y one more market participant, buying and selling like a private individual. But internally, it is a miniature command economy: employers giving orders to supervisors who give orders to workers. The capitalist system of coordination by trade seems to be largely populated by indigestible lumps of socialism called corporations." (111)

"This requires some economic coordination. There are two such methods of coordination: through the market and through command and control, or hierarchies." (p. 100)"The point is that production can be coordinated by markets or within firms. Some activities are better coordinated through the market and others through hierarchies." (101)

. Direction is employed when the activities are subject to a single control and fitted into one coherent plan. Thus where activities are to be co-ordinated by direction it is appropriate that they be

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"As society advances we find great changes both in the fundamental ideas on which they are intended. We must expect that, as a rule, each society will tend to the form best adapted to its preservation and efficiency under all existing conditions both internal and external. Now, in an advanced state of society these ends can be attained only by the formation of organisms having perfect co-ordination among the functions of their members, and there are certain conditions under which this co-ordination cannot be secured except by a system of subordination not in unison with the ideas of equal rights now prevalent.""With every increase in the number of persons co-operating, and in the delicacy of the material and instruments employed, comes an increased necessity for a precise co-ordination among the efforts of all. Thus there grows up an organization which in its outward form is more like a well-disciplined army than like a collection of individual producers of past centuries. A subdivision into commands must be established, and several commands must be combined under a single directing head. Success depends as much upon the ability of these heads as the success of an army does upon the ability of its commander…. Thus the skill of the manager—the “captain of industry”, as Professor Walker has called him—has taken the place of labor as the prime factor in the result."

"The function of this natural law is to separate the gross earnings of society into three generic shares that are unlike in kind. It causes the whole annual gains of society to distribute themselves into three great sums—general wages, general interest and aggregate profits. These are, respectively, the earnings of labor, the earnings of capital and the gains from a certain coordinating process that is performed by the employers of labor and users of capital. This purely coordinating work we shall call the entrepreneur's function, and the rewards for it we shall call profits. The function in itself includes no working and no owning of capital: it consists entirely in the establishing and maintaining of efficient relations between the agents of production."

"According to Professor Clark, if I rightly comprehend him, we have in economics a problem of four forces, producing five distinct classes of results,--land yielding rent, labor yielding wages, capital yielding interest and the reward for risk, and co-ordination (if he will allow me to so name the force) yielding profit. Or, if Professor Clark adopts the more common, and what appears to me the more logical opinion, that co-ordinaion, though the highest form of it, is yet only a variety of the industrial force we generalize as labor, he must conceive of economics as a problem of three forces, but productive of four instead of three distinct classes of results."

"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"From the time of Hume and Adam Smith, the effect of every attempt to understand economic phenomena--that is to say, of every theoretical analysis--has been to show that, in large part, the co-ordination of individual efforts in society is not the product of deliberate planning, but has been brough about, and many cases could only have been brought about, by means which nobody wanted or understood, and which in isolation might be regarded as some of the most objectionable features of the system."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended.""Yet I have maintained above that the apparent success of Keynesian policy is attributable to its serving as a crude (although cruel and unjust) method of bringing the economic system into coordination; that it can, on the whole, merely offset coordination failures; and that it cannot remedy the ultimate causes of discoordination. What is usually needed is not a blanket change in relative price-cost relationships such as is achieved through unanticipated inflation, but a mass of individual adjustments.""An economic system is well coordinated when (a) the rates of flow of all productive services, materials (and other semifinished goods), and final products through the different stage of production and into consumption are such that, while there are reserves (inventories) at different points, there are no gluts or bottlenecks, and (b) the needed synchronization is achieved in such a way that each good flowing into consumption is produced at least cost. Because we are here interested in the condition which secure the continuous utilization of productive capacity (‘full employment’), our concern will be centered principally on this question of synchronization"

"Where standardization of output is feasible, firms with large but highly specialized output avoid many of the internal problems of the more diversified business because they submit to the co-ordination imposed upon their activities by the price mechanism of the market."

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?""In view of the fact that, while economists treat the price mechanism as a co-ordinating instrument, they also admit the co-ordinating function of the “entrepreneur,” it is surely important to enquire why co-ordination is the work of the price mechanism in one case and of the entrepreneur in another. The purpose of this paper is to bridge what appears to be a gap in economic theory between the assumption (made for some purposes) that resources are allocated by means of the price mechanism and the assumption (made for other purposes) that this allocation is dependent on the entrepreneur-co-ordinator. We have to explain the basis on which, in practice, this choice between alternatives is effected."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods.""Whatever the lines of fracture are, the complementary activities of the people (administrators) amonst whom the act of business administration is divided must be presumed to be co-ordinated, for the purpose of making the ex ante decision, by one, or by a committee of all or several, of the adminstrators. At the same time the very division of function gives rise to the danger of loose co-ordination, with the firm's left hand not knowing what its right hand is doing.""If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

"In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The coordination of the autonomous actions of all individuals is accomplished by the operation of the market. Society does not tell a man what to do and what not to do. There is no need to enforce cooperation by special orders or prohibitions. Noncooperation penalizes itself. Adjustment to the requirements of society's productive effort and the pursuit of the individual's own concerns are not in conflict. Consequently no agency is required to settle such conflicts. The system can work and accomplish its tasks without the interference of an authority issuing special orders and prohibitions and punishing those who do not comply."

“We shall not deal here with such occasional and inessential forms of mutual adjustment, but turn our attention to spontaneously ordered systems in which persons mutually adjust their full-time activities over a prolonged period, resulting in a complex and yet highly adaptable co-ordination of these activities.” (1951, 141)“When order is achieved among human beings by allowing them to interact with each other on their own initiative—subject only to laws which uniformly apply to all of them—we have a system of spontaneous order in society. We may then say that the efforts of these individuals are co-ordinated by exercising their individual initiative and that this self-co-ordination justifies their liberty on public grounds.” (1951, 195)

"The basic problem of social organization is how to co-ordinate the economic activities of large numbers of people. Even in relatively backward societies, extensive division of labor and specialization of function is required to make effective use of available resources. In advanced societies, the scale on which co-ordination is needed, to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by modern science and technology, is enormously greater. Literally millions of people are involved in providing one another with their daily bread, let alone with their yearly automobiles. The challenge to the believer in liberty is to reconcile this widespread interdependence with individual freedom." (12-13)"Fundmentally, there are only two ways of co-ordinating the economic activities of millions. One is central direction involving the use of coercion--the technique of the army and of the modern totalitarian state. The other is voluntary co-operation of individuals--the technique of the market place." (13)

"That is one method of coordinating the activities of a large number of people--the method of the army. . . .Commands must be supplemented by voluntary cooperation--a less obvious and more subtle, but far more fundamental, technique of coordinating the activities of large numbers of people." (1)

http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/08953309/di960534/96p0313h/0?currentResult=08953309%2bdi960534%2b96p0313h%2b5%2c40C007&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DSimon%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics"But if particular coordination mechanisms do not determine exactly where the boundaries between organizations and markets will lie, the existence and effectiveness of large organizations does depend on some adequate set of powerful coordinating mechanisms being available. These means of coordination in organizations, taken in combination with the motivational mechanisms discussed earlier, create possibilities for enhancing productivity and efficiency through the division of labor and specialization."

"Our simple picture of the capitalist economy was in terms of a division of labour between the firm and the market, between co-ordination that is planned and co-ordination that is spontaneous. But what then is the principle of this division? What kinds of co-ordination have to be secured through direction within firms and what can be left to the working of the invisible hand?"

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"The habit of working with models which assume a fixed list of goods may have the unfortunate result of causing us to think of co-ordination merely in terms of the balancing of quantities of inputs and outputs and thus leave the need for qualitative co-ordination out of account."

"Coordinating activities themselves are costly . . . They are undertaken because the costs of coordination are exceeded by the benefits. As Coase has argued, these benefits are relevant only if they are not obtainable by coordinating separate activities in the marketplace, through prices."

“Coordination because macoreconomics, in this book at least, is the study of the coordination of activities in large, complex, economic systems. Information because that is the perspective from which macroeconomics is approached in these essays.” (1981, v)“Thus conceived, the problem is to explain how, in an economic system, the activities that its numerous agents engage in, come to, are made to, or fail to “mesh.” The coordination problem is particularly interesting when the system under study is one in which decision-making with regard to what activities to engage in or refrain from is decentralized to a high degree, i.e., “market system.” With regard to such economies, then, the central substantive problem of general macroeconomic theory is to determine the nature and limitations of the self-regulatory and self-organizing capabilities of market systems.” (1981, 320)The economist who finds it wondrous will ask: “How is it possible—how is it even conceivable that decentralized economic activities can ever be reasonably coordinated when nobody, really, is trying to ensure that outcome?” That, I believe, is the “right question.” If the economist does not find it curious, he is much more likely to ask a different question—one that sounds so much more promising from the standpoint of “policy relevance,” namely: “How come the system sometimes fails to coordinate activities?” or “How can there be persistent unemployment on a large scale?” (1981, 321-322)

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"But it is a rule that permits all labor to be assigned to some unique owner, without incurring the enormous costs of coordinating from the center--or from the top. In some natural resources markets it may be worth incurring these coordination costs, if only to prevent the premature exploitation of common pool assets such as air, water, and wild animals. But since these coordination problems simply do not arise in labor markets, it thereby strengthens the case for using the Lockean baselines of individual ownership." (24)

"The obvious way to coordinate the work of lots of people is to have someone at the top giving orders. We have been discussing a less obvious, but often better, way--voluntary exchange on a market. Much of the economy is coordinated that way--but not all. Seen from the outside, a firm is sim;y one more market participant, buying and selling like a private individual. But internally, it is a miniature command economy: employers giving orders to supervisors who give orders to workers. The capitalist system of coordination by trade seems to be largely populated by indigestible lumps of socialism called corporations." (111)

. Direction is employed when the activities are subject to a single control and fitted into one coherent plan. Thus where activities are to be co-ordinated by direction it is appropriate that they be consolidated in the sense of being undertaken jointly by one organisation. Co-ordination is achieved through co-operation when two or more independent organisations agree to match their related plans in advance. The institutional counterparts to this form of co-ordination are the complex patterns of co-operation and affiliation which theoretical formulations too often tend to ignore. And, finally, co-ordination may come about spontaneously through market transactions, without benefit of either direction or co-operation or indeed any purposeful intent, as an indirect consequence of successive interacting decisions taken in response to changing profit opportunities."

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"As society advances we find great changes both in the fundamental ideas on which they are intended. We must expect that, as a rule, each society will tend to the form best adapted to its preservation and efficiency under all existing conditions both internal and external. Now, in an advanced state of society these ends can be attained only by the formation of organisms having perfect co-ordination among the functions of their members, and there are certain conditions under which this co-ordination cannot be secured except by a system of subordination not in unison with the ideas of equal rights now prevalent.""With every increase in the number of persons co-operating, and in the delicacy of the material and instruments employed, comes an increased necessity for a precise co-ordination among the efforts of all. Thus there grows up an organization which in its outward form is more like a well-disciplined army than like a collection of individual producers of past centuries. A subdivision into commands must be established, and several commands must be combined under a single directing head. Success depends as much upon the ability of these heads as the success of an army does upon the ability of its commander…. Thus the skill of the manager—the “captain of industry”, as Professor Walker has called him—has taken the place of labor as the prime factor in the result."

"The function of this natural law is to separate the gross earnings of society into three generic shares that are unlike in kind. It causes the whole annual gains of society to distribute themselves into three great sums—general wages, general interest and aggregate profits. These are, respectively, the earnings of labor, the earnings of capital and the gains from a certain coordinating process that is performed by the employers of labor and users of capital. This purely coordinating work we shall call the entrepreneur's function, and the rewards for it we shall call profits. The function in itself includes no working and no owning of capital: it consists entirely in the establishing and maintaining of efficient relations between the agents of production."

"According to Professor Clark, if I rightly comprehend him, we have in economics a problem of four forces, producing five distinct classes of results,--land yielding rent, labor yielding wages, capital yielding interest and the reward for risk, and co-ordination (if he will allow me to so name the force) yielding profit. Or, if Professor Clark adopts the more common, and what appears to me the more logical opinion, that co-ordinaion, though the highest form of it, is yet only a variety of the industrial force we generalize as labor, he must conceive of economics as a problem of three forces, but productive of four instead of three distinct classes of results."

"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"From the time of Hume and Adam Smith, the effect of every attempt to understand economic phenomena--that is to say, of every theoretical analysis--has been to show that, in large part, the co-ordination of individual efforts in society is not the product of deliberate planning, but has been brough about, and many cases could only have been brought about, by means which nobody wanted or understood, and which in isolation might be regarded as some of the most objectionable features of the system."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended.""Yet I have maintained above that the apparent success of Keynesian policy is attributable to its serving as a crude (although cruel and unjust) method of bringing the economic system into coordination; that it can, on the whole, merely offset coordination failures; and that it cannot remedy the ultimate causes of discoordination. What is usually needed is not a blanket change in relative price-cost relationships such as is achieved through unanticipated inflation, but a mass of individual adjustments.""An economic system is well coordinated when (a) the rates of flow of all productive services, materials (and other semifinished goods), and final products through the different stage of production and into consumption are such that, while there are reserves (inventories) at different points, there are no gluts or bottlenecks, and (b) the needed synchronization is achieved in such a way that each good flowing into consumption is produced at least cost. Because we are here interested in the condition which secure the continuous utilization of productive capacity (‘full employment’), our concern will be centered principally on this question of synchronization"

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?""In view of the fact that, while economists treat the price mechanism as a co-ordinating instrument, they also admit the co-ordinating function of the “entrepreneur,” it is surely important to enquire why co-ordination is the work of the price mechanism in one case and of the entrepreneur in another. The purpose of this paper is to bridge what appears to be a gap in economic theory between the assumption (made for some purposes) that resources are allocated by means of the price mechanism and the assumption (made for other purposes) that this allocation is dependent on the entrepreneur-co-ordinator. We have to explain the basis on which, in practice, this choice between alternatives is effected."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods.""Whatever the lines of fracture are, the complementary activities of the people (administrators) amonst whom the act of business administration is divided must be presumed to be co-ordinated, for the purpose of making the ex ante decision, by one, or by a committee of all or several, of the adminstrators. At the same time the very division of function gives rise to the danger of loose co-ordination, with the firm's left hand not knowing what its right hand is doing.""If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

"In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The coordination of the autonomous actions of all individuals is accomplished by the operation of the market. Society does not tell a man what to do and what not to do. There is no need to enforce cooperation by special orders or prohibitions. Noncooperation penalizes itself. Adjustment to the requirements of society's productive effort and the pursuit of the individual's own concerns are not in conflict. Consequently no agency is required to settle such conflicts. The system can work and accomplish its tasks without the interference of an authority issuing special orders and prohibitions and punishing those who do not comply."

“When order is achieved among human beings by allowing them to interact with each other on their own initiative—subject only to laws which uniformly apply to all of them—we have a system of spontaneous order in society. We may then say that the efforts of these individuals are co-ordinated by exercising their individual initiative and that this self-co-ordination justifies their liberty on public grounds.” (1951, 195)

"The basic problem of social organization is how to co-ordinate the economic activities of large numbers of people. Even in relatively backward societies, extensive division of labor and specialization of function is required to make effective use of available resources. In advanced societies, the scale on which co-ordination is needed, to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by modern science and technology, is enormously greater. Literally millions of people are involved in providing one another with their daily bread, let alone with their yearly automobiles. The challenge to the believer in liberty is to reconcile this widespread interdependence with individual freedom." (12-13)

http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/08953309/di960534/96p0313h/0?currentResult=08953309%2bdi960534%2b96p0313h%2b5%2c40C007&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DSimon%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics"But if particular coordination mechanisms do not determine exactly where the boundaries between organizations and markets will lie, the existence and effectiveness of large organizations does depend on some adequate set of powerful coordinating mechanisms being available. These means of coordination in organizations, taken in combination with the motivational mechanisms discussed earlier, create possibilities for enhancing productivity and efficiency through the division of labor and specialization."

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“Thus conceived, the problem is to explain how, in an economic system, the activities that its numerous agents engage in, come to, are made to, or fail to “mesh.” The coordination problem is particularly interesting when the system under study is one in which decision-making with regard to what activities to engage in or refrain from is decentralized to a high degree, i.e., “market system.” With regard to such economies, then, the central substantive problem of general macroeconomic theory is to determine the nature and limitations of the self-regulatory and self-organizing capabilities of market systems.” (1981, 320)The economist who finds it wondrous will ask: “How is it possible—how is it even conceivable that decentralized economic activities can ever be reasonably coordinated when nobody, really, is trying to ensure that outcome?” That, I believe, is the “right question.” If the economist does not find it curious, he is much more likely to ask a different question—one that sounds so much more promising from the standpoint of “policy relevance,” namely: “How come the system sometimes fails to coordinate activities?” or “How can there be persistent unemployment on a large scale?” (1981, 321-322)

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"But it is a rule that permits all labor to be assigned to some unique owner, without incurring the enormous costs of coordinating from the center--or from the top. In some natural resources markets it may be worth incurring these coordination costs, if only to prevent the premature exploitation of common pool assets such as air, water, and wild animals. But since these coordination problems simply do not arise in labor markets, it thereby strengthens the case for using the Lockean baselines of individual ownership." (24)

"The obvious way to coordinate the work of lots of people is to have someone at the top giving orders. We have been discussing a less obvious, but often better, way--voluntary exchange on a market. Much of the economy is coordinated that way--but not all. Seen from the outside, a firm is sim;y one more market participant, buying and selling like a private individual. But internally, it is a miniature command economy: employers giving orders to supervisors who give orders to workers. The capitalist system of coordination by trade seems to be largely populated by indigestible lumps of socialism called corporations." (111)

in the sense of being undertaken jointly by one organisation. Co-ordination is achieved through co-operation when two or more independent organisations agree to match their related plans in advance. The institutional counterparts to this form of co-ordination are the complex patterns of co-operation and affiliation which theoretical formulations too often tend to ignore. And, finally, co-ordination may come about spontaneously through market transactions, without benefit of either direction or co-operation or indeed any purposeful intent, as an indirect consequence of successive interacting decisions taken in response to changing profit opportunities."

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"As society advances we find great changes both in the fundamental ideas on which they are intended. We must expect that, as a rule, each society will tend to the form best adapted to its preservation and efficiency under all existing conditions both internal and external. Now, in an advanced state of society these ends can be attained only by the formation of organisms having perfect co-ordination among the functions of their members, and there are certain conditions under which this co-ordination cannot be secured except by a system of subordination not in unison with the ideas of equal rights now prevalent.""With every increase in the number of persons co-operating, and in the delicacy of the material and instruments employed, comes an increased necessity for a precise co-ordination among the efforts of all. Thus there grows up an organization which in its outward form is more like a well-disciplined army than like a collection of individual producers of past centuries. A subdivision into commands must be established, and several commands must be combined under a single directing head. Success depends as much upon the ability of these heads as the success of an army does upon the ability of its commander…. Thus the skill of the manager—the “captain of industry”, as Professor Walker has called him—has taken the place of labor as the prime factor in the result."

"The function of this natural law is to separate the gross earnings of society into three generic shares that are unlike in kind. It causes the whole annual gains of society to distribute themselves into three great sums—general wages, general interest and aggregate profits. These are, respectively, the earnings of labor, the earnings of capital and the gains from a certain coordinating process that is performed by the employers of labor and users of capital. This purely coordinating work we shall call the entrepreneur's function, and the rewards for it we shall call profits. The function in itself includes no working and no owning of capital: it consists entirely in the establishing and maintaining of efficient relations between the agents of production."

"According to Professor Clark, if I rightly comprehend him, we have in economics a problem of four forces, producing five distinct classes of results,--land yielding rent, labor yielding wages, capital yielding interest and the reward for risk, and co-ordination (if he will allow me to so name the force) yielding profit. Or, if Professor Clark adopts the more common, and what appears to me the more logical opinion, that co-ordinaion, though the highest form of it, is yet only a variety of the industrial force we generalize as labor, he must conceive of economics as a problem of three forces, but productive of four instead of three distinct classes of results."

"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"From the time of Hume and Adam Smith, the effect of every attempt to understand economic phenomena--that is to say, of every theoretical analysis--has been to show that, in large part, the co-ordination of individual efforts in society is not the product of deliberate planning, but has been brough about, and many cases could only have been brought about, by means which nobody wanted or understood, and which in isolation might be regarded as some of the most objectionable features of the system."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended."

"An economic system is well coordinated when (a) the rates of flow of all productive services, materials (and other semifinished goods), and final products through the different stage of production and into consumption are such that, while there are reserves (inventories) at different points, there are no gluts or bottlenecks, and (b) the needed synchronization is achieved in such a way that each good flowing into consumption is produced at least cost. Because we are here interested in the condition which secure the continuous utilization of productive capacity (‘full employment’), our concern will be centered principally on this question of synchronization"

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?""In view of the fact that, while economists treat the price mechanism as a co-ordinating instrument, they also admit the co-ordinating function of the “entrepreneur,” it is surely important to enquire why co-ordination is the work of the price mechanism in one case and of the entrepreneur in another. The purpose of this paper is to bridge what appears to be a gap in economic theory between the assumption (made for some purposes) that resources are allocated by means of the price mechanism and the assumption (made for other purposes) that this allocation is dependent on the entrepreneur-co-ordinator. We have to explain the basis on which, in practice, this choice between alternatives is effected."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

"In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The coordination of the autonomous actions of all individuals is accomplished by the operation of the market. Society does not tell a man what to do and what not to do. There is no need to enforce cooperation by special orders or prohibitions. Noncooperation penalizes itself. Adjustment to the requirements of society's productive effort and the pursuit of the individual's own concerns are not in conflict. Consequently no agency is required to settle such conflicts. The system can work and accomplish its tasks without the interference of an authority issuing special orders and prohibitions and punishing those who do not comply."

"The basic problem of social organization is how to co-ordinate the economic activities of large numbers of people. Even in relatively backward societies, extensive division of labor and specialization of function is required to make effective use of available resources. In advanced societies, the scale on which co-ordination is needed, to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by modern science and technology, is enormously greater. Literally millions of people are involved in providing one another with their daily bread, let alone with their yearly automobiles. The challenge to the believer in liberty is to reconcile this widespread interdependence with individual freedom." (12-13)

http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/08953309/di960534/96p0313h/0?currentResult=08953309%2bdi960534%2b96p0313h%2b5%2c40C007&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DSimon%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics"But if particular coordination mechanisms do not determine exactly where the boundaries between organizations and markets will lie, the existence and effectiveness of large organizations does depend on some adequate set of powerful coordinating mechanisms being available. These means of coordination in organizations, taken in combination with the motivational mechanisms discussed earlier, create possibilities for enhancing productivity and efficiency through the division of labor and specialization."

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“Thus conceived, the problem is to explain how, in an economic system, the activities that its numerous agents engage in, come to, are made to, or fail to “mesh.” The coordination problem is particularly interesting when the system under study is one in which decision-making with regard to what activities to engage in or refrain from is decentralized to a high degree, i.e., “market system.” With regard to such economies, then, the central substantive problem of general macroeconomic theory is to determine the nature and limitations of the self-regulatory and self-organizing capabilities of market systems.” (1981, 320)The economist who finds it wondrous will ask: “How is it possible—how is it even conceivable that decentralized economic activities can ever be reasonably coordinated when nobody, really, is trying to ensure that outcome?” That, I believe, is the “right question.” If the economist does not find it curious, he is much more likely to ask a different question—one that sounds so much more promising from the standpoint of “policy relevance,” namely: “How come the system sometimes fails to coordinate activities?” or “How can there be persistent unemployment on a large scale?” (1981, 321-322)

http://mutex.gmu.edu:2112/view/87566222/ap030009/03a00090/0?currentResult=87566222%2bap030009%2b03a00090%2b3%2cD0A005&searchUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fsearch%2FAdvancedResults%3Fhp%3D25%26si%3D1%26q0%3Dco-ordination%26f0%3D%26c0%3DOR%26q1%3Dcoordination%26f1%3D%26c1%3DAND%26q2%3DDemsetz%26f2%3Dau%26c2%3DAND%26ar%3Don%26wc%3Don%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26dc%3DEconomics

"But it is a rule that permits all labor to be assigned to some unique owner, without incurring the enormous costs of coordinating from the center--or from the top. In some natural resources markets it may be worth incurring these coordination costs, if only to prevent the premature exploitation of common pool assets such as air, water, and wild animals. But since these coordination problems simply do not arise in labor markets, it thereby strengthens the case for using the Lockean baselines of individual ownership." (24)

"The obvious way to coordinate the work of lots of people is to have someone at the top giving orders. We have been discussing a less obvious, but often better, way--voluntary exchange on a market. Much of the economy is coordinated that way--but not all. Seen from the outside, a firm is sim;y one more market participant, buying and selling like a private individual. But internally, it is a miniature command economy: employers giving orders to supervisors who give orders to workers. The capitalist system of coordination by trade seems to be largely populated by indigestible lumps of socialism called corporations." (111)

in the sense of being undertaken jointly by one organisation. Co-ordination is achieved through co-operation when two or more independent organisations agree to match their related plans in advance. The institutional counterparts to this form of co-ordination are the complex patterns of co-operation and affiliation which theoretical formulations too often tend to ignore. And, finally, co-ordination may come about spontaneously through market transactions, without benefit of either direction or co-operation or indeed any purposeful intent, as an indirect consequence of successive interacting decisions taken in response to changing profit opportunities."

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"With every increase in the number of persons co-operating, and in the delicacy of the material and instruments employed, comes an increased necessity for a precise co-ordination among the efforts of all. Thus there grows up an organization which in its outward form is more like a well-disciplined army than like a collection of individual producers of past centuries. A subdivision into commands must be established, and several commands must be combined under a single directing head. Success depends as much upon the ability of these heads as the success of an army does upon the ability of its commander…. Thus the skill of the manager—the “captain of industry”, as Professor Walker has called him—has taken the place of labor as the prime factor in the result."

"The function of this natural law is to separate the gross earnings of society into three generic shares that are unlike in kind. It causes the whole annual gains of society to distribute themselves into three great sums—general wages, general interest and aggregate profits. These are, respectively, the earnings of labor, the earnings of capital and the gains from a certain coordinating process that is performed by the employers of labor and users of capital. This purely coordinating work we shall call the entrepreneur's function, and the rewards for it we shall call profits. The function in itself includes no working and no owning of capital: it consists entirely in the establishing and maintaining of efficient relations between the agents of production."

"According to Professor Clark, if I rightly comprehend him, we have in economics a problem of four forces, producing five distinct classes of results,--land yielding rent, labor yielding wages, capital yielding interest and the reward for risk, and co-ordination (if he will allow me to so name the force) yielding profit. Or, if Professor Clark adopts the more common, and what appears to me the more logical opinion, that co-ordinaion, though the highest form of it, is yet only a variety of the industrial force we generalize as labor, he must conceive of economics as a problem of three forces, but productive of four instead of three distinct classes of results."

"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended."

"An economic system is well coordinated when (a) the rates of flow of all productive services, materials (and other semifinished goods), and final products through the different stage of production and into consumption are such that, while there are reserves (inventories) at different points, there are no gluts or bottlenecks, and (b) the needed synchronization is achieved in such a way that each good flowing into consumption is produced at least cost. Because we are here interested in the condition which secure the continuous utilization of productive capacity (‘full employment’), our concern will be centered principally on this question of synchronization"

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?""In view of the fact that, while economists treat the price mechanism as a co-ordinating instrument, they also admit the co-ordinating function of the “entrepreneur,” it is surely important to enquire why co-ordination is the work of the price mechanism in one case and of the entrepreneur in another. The purpose of this paper is to bridge what appears to be a gap in economic theory between the assumption (made for some purposes) that resources are allocated by means of the price mechanism and the assumption (made for other purposes) that this allocation is dependent on the entrepreneur-co-ordinator. We have to explain the basis on which, in practice, this choice between alternatives is effected."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

"In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The coordination of the autonomous actions of all individuals is accomplished by the operation of the market. Society does not tell a man what to do and what not to do. There is no need to enforce cooperation by special orders or prohibitions. Noncooperation penalizes itself. Adjustment to the requirements of society's productive effort and the pursuit of the individual's own concerns are not in conflict. Consequently no agency is required to settle such conflicts. The system can work and accomplish its tasks without the interference of an authority issuing special orders and prohibitions and punishing those who do not comply."

"The basic problem of social organization is how to co-ordinate the economic activities of large numbers of people. Even in relatively backward societies, extensive division of labor and specialization of function is required to make effective use of available resources. In advanced societies, the scale on which co-ordination is needed, to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by modern science and technology, is enormously greater. Literally millions of people are involved in providing one another with their daily bread, let alone with their yearly automobiles. The challenge to the believer in liberty is to reconcile this widespread interdependence with individual freedom." (12-13)

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in the sense of being undertaken jointly by one organisation. Co-ordination is achieved through co-operation when two or more independent organisations agree to match their related plans in advance. The institutional counterparts to this form of co-ordination are the complex patterns of co-operation and affiliation which theoretical formulations too often tend to ignore. And, finally, co-ordination may come about spontaneously through market transactions, without benefit of either direction or co-operation or indeed any purposeful intent, as an indirect consequence of successive interacting decisions taken in response to changing profit opportunities."

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"With every increase in the number of persons co-operating, and in the delicacy of the material and instruments employed, comes an increased necessity for a precise co-ordination among the efforts of all. Thus there grows up an organization which in its outward form is more like a well-disciplined army than like a collection of individual producers of past centuries. A subdivision into commands must be established, and several commands must be combined under a single directing head. Success depends as much upon the ability of these heads as the success of an army does upon the ability of its commander…. Thus the skill of the manager—the “captain of industry”, as Professor Walker has called him—has taken the place of labor as the prime factor in the result."

"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended."

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?"

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

"In the market economy the individual is free to act within the orbit of private property and the market. His choices are final. For his fellow men his actions are data which they must take into account in their own acting. The coordination of the autonomous actions of all individuals is accomplished by the operation of the market. Society does not tell a man what to do and what not to do. There is no need to enforce cooperation by special orders or prohibitions. Noncooperation penalizes itself. Adjustment to the requirements of society's productive effort and the pursuit of the individual's own concerns are not in conflict. Consequently no agency is required to settle such conflicts. The system can work and accomplish its tasks without the interference of an authority issuing special orders and prohibitions and punishing those who do not comply."

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in the sense of being undertaken jointly by one organisation. Co-ordination is achieved through co-operation when two or more independent organisations agree to match their related plans in advance. The institutional counterparts to this form of co-ordination are the complex patterns of co-operation and affiliation which theoretical formulations too often tend to ignore. And, finally, co-ordination may come about spontaneously through market transactions, without benefit of either direction or co-operation or indeed any purposeful intent, as an indirect consequence of successive interacting decisions taken in response to changing profit opportunities."

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"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended."

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?"

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

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in the sense of being undertaken jointly by one organisation. Co-ordination is achieved through co-operation when two or more independent organisations agree to match their related plans in advance. The institutional counterparts to this form of co-ordination are the complex patterns of co-operation and affiliation which theoretical formulations too often tend to ignore. And, finally, co-ordination may come about spontaneously through market transactions, without benefit of either direction or co-operation or indeed any purposeful intent, as an indirect consequence of successive interacting decisions taken in response to changing profit opportunities."

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"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"The relations between wage-rates and the aggregate pay-roll cannot, I suggest, be effectively considered, except in relation to the price system as a whole. But the Keynesians appear to take the co-ordinative effects of the value mechanism for granted and concentrate upon what they regard as the motive power behind it, namely, money income. They do not continuously envisage and consider the synchronizing function of prices, the fact that the prices attaching to individual commodities or services determine the rate of flow at which these commodities or services move into consumption or into the next stage of production. The co-ordinating of the rates of flow of materials, services, etc., is brought about through the raising or lowering of prices. Ceteris paribus a rise in price causes a falling off in the rate of flow, and a fall in price causes a rise in the rate of flow of any thing through the stage of production at which it is priced. If certain prices cannot change, other prices (i.e., other rates of flow) must adjust themselves accordingly if the economy is to be synchronized in any sense.""It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended."

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?"

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

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"Mr. Hawley is in agreement with Professor Clark and his followers in defining profit as "residual income," and as to the nature and basis of the special income connected with the assumption of risk as an excess of payment above the actuarial value of the risk, demanded because exposure to risk is "irksome"; but Hawley insists that residual income and uncertain income are interchangeable concepts, while Clark is equally sure that the reward of risk-taking necessarily goes to the capitalist as such and that the pure profit of the entrepreneur is a species of monopoly gain arising in connection with dynamic disturbances, and that his only income under static conditions would be wages of management or coordination. Hawley contends that such income is wages merely, and not profit, and does not distinguish between "static" and "dynamic" conditions. Coordination, however, is in his view distinguished from labor by the fact of proprietorship, "which is the very essence of the matter in dispute.” Profit cannot be the reward of management, for this can be performed by hired labor if the manager takes no risk, but this individual is no longer an entrepreneur. ""Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

"It has been said that pre-Keynesian economists were prepared to leave the fate of the economy to the price mechanism – that they placed full reliance on mythical “automatic” stabilizers. Those who make such assertions do not understand that the price mechanism was regarded as a vast system of disciplined decision making which, because it relates every individual decision to every other economic decision, acts as the supreme coordinator of the economic system. As I have shown, the pre-Keynesian economists believed that, properly administered, with the government performing its appropriate role in that administration, the price system could maintain values and prices in harmonious relationship with one another. And they believed also that, if resources became unemployed, so that the flow of uninflated income contracted, it was due to a remediable defect in the administration of the system. Scarcities (that is, values) were expressed in prices as market signals – essential data for self-consistent, rational action, whether of the normal coordinative action guided by the entrepreneur or of any remedial coordinative action taken collectively when the whole economy has got seriously out of gear and depression has descended."

"Marshall introduces organization as a fourth factor of production; J.B. Clark gives the co-ordinating function to the entrepreneur: Knight introduces managers who co-ordinate. As D.H. Robertson points out, we find “islands of conscious power in this ocean of unconscious co-operation like lumps of butter coagulating in a pail of buttermilk.” But in view of the fact that it is usually argued that co-ordination will be done by the price mechanism, why is such organization necessary? Why are there these “islands of conscious power”? Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm these market transactions are eliminated, and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production. It is clear that these are alternative methods of co-ordinating production. Yet, having regard to the fact that, if production is regulated by price movements, production could be carried on without any organization at all, well might we ask, Why is there any organization?"

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

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"Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"If economics is to be useful to assist discussion of the problems of internal organization of the firm and the explanation of the industrial structure and its weaknesses, the aspect of economics that should be developed is that which deals with people's behaviour when they are deciding what to do next with their resources. It is not sufficient, however, to assume that the decision-making is performed by individual people whose decisions are coordinated with those of other people only through the medium of the market. Within the 'large-scale undertaking' decision-making is shared. Coordination occurs through other means than the market. The relationship between the buyer of factors and the seller of the product, for example, is not a market relationship. What is required from economics is the presentation of models showing how the decision-making might be split up (shared or delegated) and coordinated, together with models of 'standing orders' determining the channels and timing of coordination. Energy might then be diverted from the impotent condemnation of monopolistic institutions to a critical examination of internal organization with a view to discovering its weaknesses, which incidentally lead to the formation of such monopolistic institutions.""The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

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"Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that.""I suggested earlier that the advocates of the enforcement of the rule might deny that they were concerned with planning stages. Alternatively and oppositely they might conceivably say that the Ruler would be responsible for all planning, not only at each point of time at which planning occurred, but at each administrative point in the organization at which planning was occurring at any point of time. This could mean either of two things. It might mean that the Ruler would make all the subordinate, as well as all the coordinating, planning or budgeting (cost, revenue and output) calculations, leaving no administrative responsibility to any other person in the undertaking, all of whom would in the execution of the plan become executives or operatives functioning under standing orders (the plan) laid down by the Ruler (the sole administrator). In this case, even if the Ruler (as a sworn member of the Rule Party) could be relied upon always to apply the rule to his subordinate and coordinative calculations, it is obvious that (unless membership of the party also implied a particularly high degree of omniscience) the sphere of activity (size of undertaking) of any particular Ruler would have to be fairly restricted, to avoid the undertaking's becoming top-heavy. In this case all the personal (administrative) judgement would reside in the Ruler, but that personal judgement with all its limitations and weaknesses would not be escaped."

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"Even in the hypothetical situation dealt with in chapter IV there would be likely to be a concentration of certain control and coordinating functions in a separate person or group of persons in each productive group. But the duties of such persons would be of a routine character merely, in no significant respect different from those of any other operatives; they would be laborers among laborers and their incomes would be wages like other wages. When, however, the managerial function comes to require the exercise of judgment involving liability to error, and when in consequence the assumption of responsibility for the correctness of his opinions becomes a condition prerequisite to getting the other members of the group to submit to the manager's direction, the nature of the function is revolutionized; the manager becomes an entrepreneur. He may, and typically will, to be sure, continue to perform the old mechanical routine functions and to receive the old wages; but in addition he makes responsible decisions, and his income will normally contain in addition to wages a pure differential element designated as "profit" by the economic theorist. This profit is simply the difference between the market price of the productive agencies he employs; the amount which the competition of other entrepreneurs forces him to guarantee to them as a condition of securing their services, and the amount which he finally realizes from the disposition of the product which under his direction they turn out."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that."

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"We can imagine a man in a small retail business deliberating upon the question of how much money to retain (or acquire) for the purpose of investment in stock which is to be bought and sold over a (relatively short) forthcoming period. We will suppose that he is already in the middle of his deliberations. He has already considered a certain sum to be worth while investing in this manner. He has decided that he could do better with it there than elsewhere: the cost would be worth while incurring. If now the man is thinking of the advantage of using £50 more than that sum, he will be comparing 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) that increment of money, with 2) the significance of the result of investing it in stock and realizing the stock. And obviously he cannot consider 2) without considering 3) what extra stock he would buy at what extra price, and how much extra its sale would be likely to realize. Further, if he allows himself to consider different kinds of stock, he cannot consider 3) unless he considers 4) to which kind of stock to allot the £50, or in what proportion to allot it to different kinds. In other words, there must be ex ante coordination of 1) the significance of the alternative opportunity of using (or not acquiring) the increment of money with 2) the significance of the eventual returns from the investment of the increment in stock; and this coordination incidentally involves other acts of coordination, namely 3) the coordination of the prospects of buying goods with the prospects of selling them, and 4) the coordination of the relative significance of the prospective returns from investment in alternative kinds of goods."

"The cost-revenue relationship will vary over a period of time as often as acts of administration occur. It is as indefinite and fallible as the opinion of the administration about the forthcoming market conditions and their significance, and as the laxity of the administrative coordination allows it to be. This is still more apparent when it is seen that at any point of time at which one of the acts of administration occurs, that particular act which determines the input and output of the firm as a whole, and incidentally the marginal unit of output,*69 is a coordinated decision dependent upon a number of simultaneous subordinate acts of administration (decisions) which are equally indefinite and fallible in the sense of being personal opinions about future conditions. In an abstract model which I have used elsewhere*70 the subordinate decisions in the particular undertaking and in reference to the particular coordinated decision ex ante appear in as many different places as spikes on a porcupine. Each of these subordinate decisions, and its fallibility, has its effect upon total output, and upon the total and marginal*71 cost of that output, settled by the final coordinated decision ex ante. It seems to be seriously open to question whether the result of this highly subjective and constantly modified conjuncture could be externally controlled by enforcement of the rule; and, from the point of view of getting output appropriate to the market environment, it might seem to be more important to secure that administrative positions were occupied by competent administrators than to try to doctor the cost-revenue relationship by issuing a rule to the effect that it must be this and not that."

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Time perio ConcatenatMutual ambiguous1886-1935 1 0.058824 0.3529411936-1960 1 0.027778 0.3888892001-02 0.150 1 0.275

1886-1935 1936-1960 2001-020

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1

1.2

ConcatenateMutualambiguous

Time period

Ratio

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hich

ever

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