WOMEN AND A CULTURE OF PEACE: A CASE STUDY ON WOMEN'S PEACE BUILDING AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION SKILLS: WOMEN OF MOROGORO

REGION, TANZANIA.

A RESEARCH REPORT

BY

A. LIHAMBA

PWPARED FOR

UNITED NATIONS SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL ORGANIZATION (UNESCO)

PREPARED FOR: THE OFFICE OF UNESCO DAR ES SALAAM

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Lasting Peace is a prerequisitz for the exercise of all human rights and duties. It .is not the peace of silence, of m e n and women w h o by choice or constraint remain silent. It is the peace of freedom - and therefore ofjust laws - of happiness, equality, and solidarity, in which all citizens count, live together and share.

Fednico Mayor, 1997

Diretor General

mzsco

1 . 0.

2.0.

3.0.

4.0.

5.0.

6.0.

7.0. 8.0.

9.0.

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T-4BLE OF CONTENTS ... Table of contents ................................................................................................................ 111

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ iv

Background and Problematic .......................................................................................... 1

The Problematic of peace ....................................................................................... 3

Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................... v

1.1. Background ............................................................................................................. 1

1 2 . Rationale of the Study ....................................................................................................... 5 Objectives and Justification for the Study in Tanzania ................................................ 7

3.1. Objectives of the Study ........................................................................................... 7

3.2.

3.3.

Overview of the Tanzania Peace Culture ............................................................... 8

Morogoro W o m e n as a Case Study ...................................................................... 1 1 3.3.1. Morogoro Region and its population .................................................................... 11

The Kapuru li'omen of Morogoro Region .......................................... 12

Methodology of the Study ............................................................................................... 13

4.1. Selection of Interviewee SI ..................................................................................... 14 4.2. The Interview ...................................................................................................... 15

Study Findings and .Analysis .......................................................................................... 15 General Responses to the Questions ..................................................................... 15

Responses to the Specific Questions .............................................. - .. 16

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 29

Recommendations ........................................................................................................... 30 8.1. Poverty alleviation ................................................................................................. 30

Education and Tmmng ......................................................................................... 31 Education for @s ................................................................................................ 31

8.5. Institutional socialisation ...................................................................................... 32

Community Conflict Resolution Mechanisms ..................................................... 32

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 34

3.3.2.

5.1.

5.2.

Women's Role and the Challenges from the Study ..................................................... 26

.. 8.2. 8.3.

8.4. W o m e n pressure groups ....................................................................................... 32

8.6. Publications ........................................................................................................... 32

8.7. Suggestions for further Research ................................................................................. 32

?- APPENDIX ...................................................................................................................... 3

iv

XCKIVOWLEDGENIENTS

This report could not be possible without the Cupertino and assistance of the women and men of Kilosa who were willing to be interviewed and be informants (Names in Appendixl); Dr. A. Hatar who worked with m e as a major researcher with the assistance of V. klakuka, Penina 0. Mlama and Mrs Monica Kimwaga were valuable informants on the traditions and performances of the people of Kilosa. To all of them thank you.

V

ABBRE\-?rlTIONS/ACRONYMS

UNESCO - United Nations Edusdonal, Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNFPA - United Nations Population Fund

TGNP - Tanzania Gender Nesvork Project. TAMWA - Tanzania Media Women Association.

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WOMEN AYD -4 CULTURE OF PEACE: A CASE STUDY ON WOMEN'S PEACE BUILDliVG .ki CONFLICT RESOLUTION SKILLS: WOMEN OF MOROCORO REGION, T-kiZInrra.

1.0. 'Background and Problematic.

1.1. Background

The contribuion that women have made to the engendering of a,cultu-e of peace has hardly

been the subject of study. Women, to a large extent, have been taken for granted when looking

at the complexities of war and peace, of conflicts and their resolutions. The surface view has generally been that it is the men who fight and it is the men who sit together and talk peace.

The situation descriied above, however, does not actually reflect the realities of war and peace,

of conflict and conflict resolutions. Whi!e the men may claim that they are the majority at the

kont lines in most war situations, they could hardly stay there if they didn't have their women folk behind them_

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In the liberation struggles in Afiica, for example, women were quite often at the front lines as active figha forces, or were actively engaged in other war efforts. (Urdang, 1989, Holness 1984).

Women have also been active in other issues that are related to war and peace as research done by Randall (1987) has shown. Citing several studies relating to the movement against nuclear proliferation and the manufacture and use of the atomic bombs, Randall-points out that many of the participants were women. Of particular note, she says, is the Greenham protest camp where 30,000 womm gathered to protest the installation of cruise missiles in Britain. In South Africa, women were clearly among the leading protesters against the apartheid system, with many of them facing sriffpenalties including even death (Bemstein, 1986). This was also true of several Latin Ameriun countries where the women were quite active in the peasant revolts for a more

equitable sysbm. Tanzania is also no exception, women actively participated in the struggles that led to incTendence (Davies 1985, Randall 1987, Nchimbi 1995).

2

Thus while women have always participated in issues of n-ar and peace, their specific

contributions have not received the same prominence in litemure as that of the men. In particular, their contribution towards the sustenance of a peaceful world has largely been

neglected, and the accolades of peace have been attributed to he men who it is said "bring"

peace when they stop fighting.

One of the reasons that undermines women's role in the peace process is that their contribution is virtually take for granted, and hardly stands out as an active/acrivist force towards achieving a lofty goal such as peace. It is like some young children say now in answer to the question: where does food come fiom? Many of them simply say the markets and do not see the

backbreaking details of the (woman) farmer in the rural area. Yet it is .these details that provide the background for the large and high profile markets. Likewise the details with which the women are engaged in provide the most fhdamental foundations for peace yet it is those who stand out in questions of war and turbulence that steal the show.

I

The maintenance of peace, however, cannot be because the men have stopped fighting. Rather, it would appear, such possibilities for peace would come fiom a system of societal equilibrium

where both the men and the women are convinced that peace is the preferred state of being. It thus inevitably becomes a system of choice between belligerent attitudes and those that seek to

minimise conflicts. Such conflicts need not only be the big ones where guns face each other,

but even individuals., family, clan, village etc could be source of permanent instability, negating

the concept of peaceid co-existence, as humans indeed have to live with one another. It is here that women undoubtedly play a significant role. As they are made the most responsible for bringing up all humankind (men and women), they virtually detenhine the kinds of humans we are going to be- The 1992 UNFPA report puts it more succinctly

women chiefly determine the quality of children both male and female .... Women's education and awareness and heir degree of control over family resources determine children's nutritional, mental and physical development. Through these it affects their success... and productivity in later life.

Thus for peace to exist as a way of life, as a culture, women \\ill have to play a determinanr

role. Many societies the world over have clearly demarcated roies they accept as belonging tc

men and worncn. Even with the newer and powerful liberaticn movements for women, the

3

undercurrents continue as to what is a man's or woman's responsibility. Similarities io b u n d

in many societies the world over about expectations of women and men. One of thezn, to

translate an AfXcan saying, is that the women will be the "heart of the home". Thus tvern with education and liberation, women generally the world over have continued to play t h ? rok. A women in North America or in Cuba, India, France, China, Tanzania and so on will je s m as

first in line in nurturing children, though to a varying degree.

In areas where here are no violent upheavals, most .of the women's responsibilities u3l be seen as routine, and in the cases of turbulence, their roles may still be in the factories lo_&cs, looking after families while the men fight and so on. This study attempts to look at 3 segment

of the Tanzanian society, that has faced both "turbulence" and "routine", in order to a m i n e if

their women paid any specific attention to the peace processes. The women under study are &om Morogoro, in Central Tanzania. They are from the Kaguru ethnic group, which has had hot and cold moments with the Maasai, their neighbours. It is an attempt to ex& whether

there were any special dynamics employed by the Kaguru women to engender a culture of

peace. -

1.2 The Problematique of Peace

Scholars in the field of peace research are still embroiled in what actually constitur2s peace. Studies in peace took particular prominence in the latter half of the twentieth centuq after the physical devastation of the first and second world wars, and the long war in Vietnam (Li- et al. 1991). One of the major out growths of those first two wars was the birth of U3iESCO in 1946 with the then "world" charging it With a special mission of promoting peace, such that such wars should never re-occur. Parallel to this organised reaction to conflict, individuals both as individuals and acting through other institutions such as Universities and research agencies realised that the assumptions that they had held about civilised 'society, e n l i g h m m or development could no longer match the savagery unleashed during the wars.

Such concerns led to renewed interest in studying society, particularly the causes cfconflicts

and their possible resolutions. These earlier studies were essentially about conflicz, s m in

terms of wars and peace, or in terms of the resolution of those states which could c~use war. Influences from such notables as Machiavelli, Von Clausewitz and Morgenthau who had

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written and theorised about conflicts, particularly warfare became the leading background to the

study of peace (Lindgren et. a1 1991). From the ravages of the wars, therefore, studies abour

peace became studies of h o w not to have other 'wars, rather than about the essence of peace

itself.

The Vietnamese war, coming at the height of the American Civil rights movement as well as the

independence struggle for many third world countries ushered in new outlooks about the whole notion of peace (Wallersteen 1988). Not only was the Vietnam war about vague interests

among the belligerent, it changed the way war had been viewed traditionally by influential

notables like Machievelli. A great power was hammering a small nation, also determined not to give up its struggle against the giant. No direct American interests were at stake, yet the violence unleashed was intensive (Lindgren et a1 199 1).

Likewise, the independence struggles in the developing countries became violent in some

countries with tremendous suffering for tte inhabitants of the colonies for reasons that could not be easily explained. There was need, therefore, to look at pace and war wirh n e w glasses and

to see human motivation towards peace and war in new lights. Even after independence, with or without the bitter struggle many of the third world countries quickly showed signs of

dilapidation, and although there was no physical war, their state of being could not be called

peace either. There were huge gaps between centre and periphery, between the haves

and "have-nots" within the same societies and misery and deprivation became more or less the

mark of the day (Lindgren et. a1 1991).

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The whole notion of peace, therefore, had to be re-examined as .there were instances of non . peace and non-war situations that were difficult to categorise. Gdtung (1964) came up with a

n e w analysis of this kind of situation that he referred to as structural iriolence. By this he meant .

that peace could not be possible with people dying of hunger, in situations where there is no

justice, equity or democracy. That such situations in themselves are inherently violent, and

regardless of whether there are open hostilities, such situation of deniijration are not conducive

to peace.

As this anal>-sis coincided with bitter ideological rivalries of h e cold war t h e was reluctanc:

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to accept Galtung's notion of structural violence per se (Boulding 1977). Lumping tosether

poverty, deprivation and social injustice as being similar to war situations was seen as not quite

accurate, as the critics saw violence and poverty as distinct phenomena. Despite the

controversy, however, and the lack of common agreement on what it is that constitutes peace,

there is agreement that peace and/or conflicts can only be understood in the general notion of

the social system. Peace, therefore would be a construct of that system in terms of the

integratidn and order prevailing in that system. The implication for this is that for that order and integration to prevail in a society the society has to do certain things to ensure that those desired

ends are achieved. Thus in the absence of external aggression, societies will attempt to create

conditions conducive to their own peaceful co-existence.

2.0. Rationale of the study

As can be easily seen, the brief historical overview of the peace studies process has been male dominated, and concentrated essentially on major activities likely to be carried out by men, The

two major European wars, the Vietnamese war, the bush wars for independence and the like, all

tended to have male colours. Even Galtung's structural violence virtually implied the men in

political offices, or even economic leadership not doing enough to end the misery at the

grassroots.

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Even at this level, however, women have not been dormant and inattentive to peace issues, except that again they have been rather taken for granted, and glossed over in favour of men's activities. There are some outstanding areas, however, that scholars have raised Randall

(1987) for example discusses to some extent the role that women do play in the maintenance of peace, but she does so somewhat "backwards" in that she sees it in part as their participation in

the political system, their ability to lobby their husbaxids and occasional participation m protests

and other movements for equal rights. She notes, however, that women are a very powerful

force, though often behind the scenes, in the formulation and execution of policy, including

peace policies. Collier (1974) on the other hand does not agree that women are a backmund

force. She castigates the traditional role ascribed fo w o m e n as child bearers and penkrrners of

domestic tasks. She argues that fiom time immemorial women have always b e n deeply

involved in processes of conflict resolution. The struggle for equal rights was championed

essentially by women, and is indicative of the peace-seeking struggle by women, as there could

b

be no peace with one side so disadvantaged. Stacey and Price (1981) also agree with this

contention, taking particular note of the struggle for equality by Western women during the 19th

and 20th centuries.

Jones (1 983) discusses the way women have particularly been up in "arms" against wars and re- armament. The struggle against wars is poignant for the women because the level of suffering

precipitateh by wars often falls squarely on their shoulders. The loss of their loved ones in

senseless conflicts, the suffering of children who they have to bring up as orphans, the traumas

of displacement, of becoming refugees, the rapes and other abuses they suffer fiom those in

conflict, the dehumanising degradation in which they are sometimes forced to live, necessitate

that peace and the peace struggle be strengthened with women participating to protect

themselves. -

Noteworthy as well is the call that both the 1985 Nairobi Women's Conference and the Beijing

Women's Conference in 1995 reiterated 9n the importance of an end to all wars and civil strife

(for Nairobi Conference overview, see Synder and Tadesse 1995). The call for an end to wars

and civil strife was also made by African women meeting in Abuja in 1989. Women, therefore, have only suffered from what one could call "under-reporting", rather than absence of action with regard to peace studies and activism as the above references show.

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What appears to be the case is that women are increasingly seeing the need to organise themselves and struggle for their rights, as a prelude for their development. They are

increasingly realising that the unending conflicts the world over and the Afiican continent in particular are a tremendous drain on the resources for development. They are equally protesting

against the ravages brought about by conflicts on their families and their communities.

This important re-alignment of women's forces for peace augurs well for the continent as was mentioned earlier on in reference to the UNFPA report that it is the women who virtually determine the character of the off springs. As the women re-organise, they are realising as well that as Galtung argued, there cannot be peace with hunger, deprivation or injustice. Gelpi et al.

(1986) make a strong case of the importance of alleviation of poverty as an important step towards the emancipation of woman. The peace that the women are now consciously

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organising for, therefore, should not only be that peace which was the eariier subject of initial

peace research - - preventing wars. It should be comprehensive peace, to include total emancipation of the oppressed, justice and im end to deprivation. It should be about the importance of order and integration in the society they live in (Lindgren et al. 1991). It should be peace based on the solid foundations of their society. It should be peace that would become

a culture.

As one looks at the realisations of women's peace movements as reported in the literature, one tends to see mainly the educated or emancipated women at the fore front The women who

protested against nuclear disarmament that Randal1 (1987) describes and the representations at

Nairobi, Beijing, Abuja and so on may include some women at the grassroots, but they tend to be a selection rather than the general grassroots. Thus while at conferences and other for women have been vocal about peace, it should be equally important to see how women in their

"natural" setting create a situation conducive to their o m peacehl existence. Would such

women away from the "peace" debates apd rhetoric have any particular approach and/or views

about a culture of peace, especially in areas where there are no big wars or any other gross

threats that have been characteristic of m o d e m day tensions? (Here one can contrast areas that

have endemic civil strife, be they ethnic or otherwise). It is for this reason., as cited previously,

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that the study looks at a segment of the Tanzanian society.

3.0.

3.1. Objectives of the Study. The general objective of the study is to look at Women's Peace building and conflict resolution

skills through the use of a specific case study. The analysis from &e case stady is to underscore

women's practices for peace in Tanzania which-could contribute -to the understanding of the whole issue of women and the culture of peace. As such, the study aimed af identifjlng women in a particular part of the country who could provide insight into their roles traditionally and in contemporary times, their views and ideas as well as their practice in the maintenance and

cultivation of a culture of peace. The lessons learned then would provide directions for

recommendations on how to minimise threats to peace and maintain peace.

Objectives and Justiiication for the study in Tanzania.

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3.2.

Pre-colonial Tanzanian societies were organised through 2 major systems. The majority practised a communal or non-cenualised type of social organisatior, Some few societies had

relatively centralised systems of kingdoms and chiefdoms. Social a d political power was also stratified along clan gender, age and professional types. In the case Jf the centralised political

systems, for example, one's exercise of power depended upon not ody on the political system

but also the clan, the ranking of one's age group, whether one is a mac or woman and the type of profasion one practices. Whatevsr sqstem a society practised, howem, it was informed by the cosmological and belief systems of that society which defined Ihe place of groups and individuals of that society in reladon to material and non-material fictors. Sources of tension

and conflict could not only be attriiuted to the political systems but also to the conflicts

between the living on one hand and the Gods, the spirits, the dead and the unborn on the other. Pre-colonial societies equated p m e with social equilibrium. Peace meant the society and its

fabric was healthy. The absence of peace or presence of conflicts ani tensions are indicators of

social sickness and lack of equilibrium,at the material andor non-material levels. Rituals, organisation and other social sysrsms were, therefore, set up to ensme peace could be sought

and threats to it minimised. Some of these systems continue Within certain societies up today

and inform, in part, women's role m peace processes.

Overview of the Tanzanian Peace Culture.

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Colonialism brought in new dimensions to conflicts and threats to peace. The newly introduced mode of production and its relations as well as the political systan of governance created inevitable tensions, conflicts and threats to peace. The 1905-1907 Waji Maji wars of Eastern

and Southern Tanzania and the wars of the Wahehe led by Chief Mlnvawa against the Germans were symptomatic of the conflicts which colonialism engendered. ,While traditional ways of

conflict resolution continued to be employed, colonialism brought in laws .which encouraged .

negotiations judicial processes, and discouraged ethnic strife which- could endanger economic .

production. Because the goals for peace between the rulers and thc ruled were different, the different methods of conflict resoiuhon were for the most part at loszerheads. The attainment

of indepGndence in 1961 did not xecessady bring resolution at all. While inheriting conflicts znsendered by colonialism conflict resolution processes set up by colonialism, independent

Tanzania became surrounded by countries which have had continuo= political strife, wars and the absence of peace. Rwanda, B-mdi, Uganda, the Democratic RGublic of Congo are some

9

of Tanzania's neighbours who have defined Tanzania's peace. The threats to peace in Tanzania

have been not only because of the low economic base which relegates most of the population to poverty but also to the regional situation where national conflicts have resulted in refugees, an

unstable region and uncertain peace futures. It goes without saying that women are greatly affected by this situation.

Tanzania'is one of the fortunate countries on the African Continent that has enjoyed relative stability and peace since independence. A part from one incident when there was an army mutiny in 1964 and unsuccessfbl attempts to overthrow the government, Tanzania has suffered no internal conflicts that have characterised many other Afiican countries. This can be attributed to Tanzania's first President, Julius Kambarage Nyerere who earlier on recognised

that without peace there could be no development (Mwapachu 1997).

Nyerere realised that for peace to prevail, Tanzania had to become an entity, a nation. H e also realised that there could be no peace for Tanzania unless the neighbouring countries too had

peace. Hence his support for the liberation struggles was linked to peace in his own country. In his initiation of Ujamaa, Nyerere also acknowledged that as long as there were gaps between rich and poor, the haves and have-nots, peace within the country would not be possible. Uiarnaa was Tanzania's brand of socialism whose blue print was enshrined in the Arusha Declaration of 1967. The objective of Uiamaa was to create a society where all Tanzanians

) -.

would be brothers and sisters in the areas of econornk opportunities, political and social equity (see also Nyerere, 1969). While the specific successes or failures of his economic policies are not subject of this paper, it is apparent that the effort to minimise the differences between the people of Tanzania did create an atmosphere of peace in that Tanz&ans were able to see each other as relatively the same (Mwapachu 1997). . Unity became one of the mobilising slogans of the post independence era.

Another important element in the creation and sustenance of this culture of peace in Tanzania was the promulgation of Kiswahili as a national language, and the promotion of its use in

education and in official circles. Tanzanians could more or less move freely all over their country or even live wherever they chose without fear of failing to communicate. A Tanzanian who was faced with problems in his own community could move to a new area and there live in

10

quiet, away &om the problems he had faced. He could many in the new place, start a famiiv there and hence for fear of further displacement would have to minimise whatever conflics arose between him and the others. Tanzania therefore enjoyed peace, that was not only rhe absence of wars, but was also the result of an effort to prevent conflict and create a nation whose

people had the same aspirations (Mwapachu 1997, Mbilinyi 1977).

Another major success factor that favoured the peace culture in Tanzania is the amalgamation of

the over 120 ethnic groups into one people - - the Tanzanian people. As long as the peopie minimised seeing their differences in terms of.ethnicity but rather of some other factors, one of

the essential ingredients that has been a source of conflicts in the world was minimised. The Arusha Declaration, an effort to socialise the major economic activities, was in itself an effort to

minimise fiuther the differences between people. Though it may have had limited dirxt economic successes, it raised the rhetoric about equality and forced the rich to be ahid of

demonstrating their riches. Thus Tanzanians came to see themselves more or less as m e m b a

of one nation with similar aspirations. , -.

Efforts to create a nation out of the more than 120 ethic groups has been no simple matter. One of the galvanising methods has been through the promotion of cultural activities. Nyerere had

used these during the struggle for independence, when songs, dances, storytelling and other folk

media were used to bring people together to struggle for a common cause (Nchimbi 1995). Thus the cultural communication strategies of passing on information had worked quite well to sensitise and mobilise the people towards ending colonialism. Nyerere sought again to use them to mobilise and sensitise the population into being one. The introduction of a Ministry of National Culture in 1962, a year after independence, was part ofhis objective of harnessins cultural activities to national unity.

Women played a particularly significant role in this mobilisation. During the pre-independerne

struggle, they did most of the singing and dancing, and they also actively engaged in several

physical aspects of the struggle such as ferrying messages, spying, acting as bodyguards and so

on. Lately women have even taken stronger roles throu5 organising themselves in strc~g

activist and lobbying groups that have made great in-roads in the abolishment of certain fons

and systems of oppression. A recent example is the enactmsnt of a law in Parliament curbkiz

sexual harassment, which was strongly promoted by the Tanzania hledia Women .%sociation

(TAMWA). Other organisations like the Tanzania Gender Networlrin_e ? r o b m e (TGNP) have also undertaken campaigns against various aspects that are demmatal to pexe efforts,

such as poverty, inequality in education and so on. These campair,. have be= effected

through caucusing, workshops seminars and theatrical activities.

The roles now being played by women for the establishment of a scciety that rninimises

conflicts did not, however, begin with the independence stru,ogle nor with the post

independence sophistication of women "organising". Rather it is an outgnwth of the role that

women have always played in the maintenance of equilibrium in their communities as cited

earlier on. Women were always charged with the proper upbringing of the chiid both male and female and with making them responsible members of the communityv. They taught them proper behaviour, the ethos of the society and impressed on the children tte importance of such

things as honesty, uprightness, Cupertino and the need to compromise. such the women did

engender a culture that promoted harmony in the community, one that M be referred to as a

culture of peace (Katunzi 1997). According to Katunzi, women did not have to march in protests or go to workshops and seminars to learn these things, rather it was part of their

"natural" roles to promote what was best for their societies in bringing up their children- This washot unique to any particular ethnic group in Tanzania, but was rather a 5eneralised approach throughout the whole country. The women throughout Tanzania, according to Katrmzi made sure that their children (who were later to be the adults) were made to mderstand the positive

1

roles they had to play in society, one of which unfortunately for women., for example, was submissiveness. Even such a'seemingly negative trait, however, did engender a peacehl setting

for the societies.

This study as mentioned before focuses on one group of such women in Morogoro to see what, if any, those Katunzi's attributes for promoting a culture of peace were usd by them.

33. Morogoro Women as a case study

33.1. Morogoro Region and its Population

hlorogoro Region covers 73,039 square kilometres which is 8.2% of the ilnzarria lard mass.

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The 1988 censs gave the Region 1,222,737 inhabitants with 616,965 being women. The main economic activities are agriculture and timber from the mountains. \lorogoro has five districts,

and a total of 457 registered villages. For logistical reasons, the study concentrated on one

district: Kilosa.

Kilosa distric: covers an area of 14,918 square kilometres and has a population of 400,000

according to current estimates of whom half are women (347,233 according to 1988 census

there were 34-233 people 173,652 of whom were women). It is inhabited by three main ethnic groups: the kguru who comprise more than half of the population of the district the Sagara,

and Vidunda There are small populations of Maasai, Beni and also of other ethnic groups who

have migrated to the area for a variety of reasons.

The major activity of the district is agriculture whch accounts for 75% of the household income. Thee is also livestock especially for Maasai. The district has as well two major industries - - The sugar industry and yarpet manufacturing both at Kilombero. There are several cotton gimeries and the Mikumi National Park is also found in the district.

-.

3.3.2. T h e Kqpru W o m e n of Morogoro Region.

Even though &e study has concentrated on the Kaguru who live in the northern part of Kilosa

district of Mmgoro region, a large number of them have also lived m Mpwapwa district of

Dodoma region. The area they occupy in Kilosa district is part of Tanzania is central plateau featuring wooded hills, mountains, the Savanna and river valleys. At present, however, many Kaguru are scattered all over the country like so many other groups.

Like many Tanzanian societies, the Kaguru were organised around clans which were matrilineal in organisation. Even though they had an overall paramount chief called a Mndewa, political power and its exercise was in the hands of the clans. The land uas communally owned and one's claim IO it depended upon utilisation. Being matrilineal meant that maternal relatives exercised gat powers over social activities that were related to inheritance, children, property,

rituals etc. Even though women were not necessarily the ultimate political power, they could

not be ignorei and in many cases were the power brokers.

13

The Kaguru women of Kilosa District in Morogoro Region typify many women of the 120

ethnic groups in Tanzania. Even though Tanzania has a few large ethnic groups, no one group

has had sufficient numbers and organisation systems lvhich could dominate the others. Most of

Tanzania's ethnic groups, therefore, are of medium size with a political structure similar to the

Kaguru's even if they are patrilineal. Even though social and pohncal changes have occurred in

the country generally and amongst the Kaguru specifically (e.g there is no Mndewa exercising

power a8 a paramount chief at present), the group has managed to continue their cultural and

social practices making whatever adjustments necessary.

relevance to peace issues, and women are major actors in this. It is possible, therefore, to learn from such a group from not only its contemporary but traditional institutions that inform peace

and its maintenance.

S o m e of these pnctices have

4.0. Methodology of the Study.

The study sought to ascertain the views of the w o m e n in Kilosa district, the strategies they have used in order to maintain peace in their gommunities and the w a y they view their participation in present times in the maintenance of that peace, especially in the changing world, Kilosa

district was privileged not only for the logistical reasons cited above, but it is a district that

borders pastoralists, especially the Maasai and there had been clashes between the Kaguru and

the Maasai in the past. Throughout Africa, the issuebf land has been a major area for conflict and wars. The area under study is no exception. Coexistence between the &guru who depend

upon agriculture and the traditionally nomadic Maasai for example has resulted in occassional contlicts and tensions. Even though these did not result in 111 scale wars and their after effects, they nevertheless caused material and social damage. Peacefbl coexistence was always

threatened by the conflict of needs and aspirations which needed to be checked otherwise

skirmishes and provocations made peace difficult. Because each group in the conflict tried to protect what it saw as its rights, common grounds for the exercisixig of those rights would be

one of the solutions for peaceful co-existence or the maintenance of peace. Historically, the

Kaguru and the Maasai have experienced occasional periods of tensions but long periods of

peacefbl co-existence. W o m e n have not only been affected by this but they haye also had to

deal with the situations and their consequences. It was felt. therefore, that as a ,mup of people who had been involved in inter-ethnic hostilities, they may have amething to offer with regard

to

-

14

Age Female Male

60+ 8 4

5w 3 1

-U)+ 4 - 10 I 3 30+

20+ 3 - Total 28 7

how hey dealt with those conflicts, their efforts at resolving them and the way they would try to estabiish a climate of peace. To arrive at the objecrives of the study, therefore, qualitative methods were designed to not only provide informanon but also create the environment for

gettiq the information and collaborate it.

Total

12

4

4

12

3

35

I

4.1. Selection of Interviewees

It was felt that a purposive sampling strategy be utilised. This strategy was preferred because it was klt that women who may have lived through conflictual experiences may have a lot to offer ihan a mere sampling of women. Furthermore. it was also felt that older women would have more to offer in terms of reviewing possible changes that they have lived through, that is, what happened to them and what they saw as young women, compared to the present. These

women would be having children and even grandchildren and would be able to say something

about the changes they would have seen among their or'fspring.

Not only old women were included in the sampling. With regard to the present day situation and participation of women in today's affairs, younger women were also asked for their views. It was also felt that a few men should be asked in order to get another perspective different fiom those obtained fiom the women. All in all 35 people were interviewed of whom 7 were male. The table below gives a breakdown in terms of age and sex-

-

15

4.3 The Interviews

The interviews were carried out with both individuals and in groups. Individual interviews

were done so as to get in depth responses from interviewees about their specific roles on the

issue at hand: conflicts and conflict resolution and the whole scope of peace building practices.

There were also group discussion, in order to get collective views as all participants contributed

in the discussion. The individual and group interviews acted as checks for each other as well as

collaboratiGe factors. The method of the interviews was informal, with minimal note-taking

during the interviews in order to encourage freer exchanges. Scripting of the interviews,

however, was done after each session while the memory was still fkesh. As will be seen in the following section, the questions ranged from those that aimed at individual roles and strategies

to goup practices, peace education both in the traditional and contemporary setting.

5.0. Study Findings and Analysis

5.1.

AU in all the respondents, both m e n and yomen, lament the general deterioration of harmony in their community. The older respondents are more alarmed at what they see as a near

breakdown of societal mores and the apparent powerlessness of community members to do

anything about it. They see the central government as "distant" and impersonal and not quickly

responding to the visible changes affecting their society. One old man argues that the problem

may be because the local administrator come from other areas of Tanzania; as such he is not conscious of the culture and sensibilities of the local population. H e cites the case of their Ward

Executive Officer w h o m he accuses of not understanding or even caring about their customs.

General Responses to the Questions.

t

The respondents accuse the school as one of the reasons for the breakdown of community ethos, in that children leave their homes early and spend more time there than with their parents, who would discipline then. They say that those children no longer respedt elders, they do not listen

to them and generally do not care. They feel the schools are not rigorous enough and permit all

sorts of wrong behaviour, or do not take time to correct wrong behaviour. Naturally, they say,

products of such a system show irresponsible behaviour, lack forbearance, are quarrelsome,

rude and are always "seeking fights". The youth degenerate to drugs, and the girls succumb

easily to prostitution. The community, therefore, cannot be stable under those conditions.

16

With regard to the changes resulting fiom modernisation and the challenges %ere of, the women feel that they are not being given sufficient chance, and in response to who xould cjve them the chance, they cite'the government. They feel that .their conditions are quite hard with many of them or their husbands unable to cater for the family needs. The weak ones (women) succumb to temptations and hence instability in the families. Finding activities that produce income is so

difficult, for the women, the children and the husbands, that hction in sotal relationships has

becomd more common, and they confess a sense of helplessness and hopsiessness on how to

deal with such issues.

They are generally nostalgic of the olds ways where the roles of everyone wre well defined and understood in the community, and as such minimised conflicts. It did wt matter, they say, whether a husband had five or even ten wives. Everyone knew what to do m d everybody knew what to expect, and when someone did not fulfil his or her obligations, there was a whole community as reference, and quite often they succeeded in "bringing the sheep back to the

fold". b I

With regard to the crisis with the Maasai, they feel that crisis of mutual suspicion is not over yet because the Maasai still see the Kaguru as inferior, and particularly not good enough to own cattle. They say, however, that the presence of a central government including the police has

brought down the temperatures between the two groups. Moreover, where mutual respect has been cultivated, conflict has been minimized between the two.

The younger women do not generally have the same fervour defending issues as the older women and even for the men, the younger ones are much more blander. The young ones talk of leaving the area as it has become harder to live thep, although they are

unable to articulate clearly where they would want to go.

5.2.

Question 1: What did w o m e n do in direct response to conflicts. This question raised two major types of responses. The first was the response to the conflicts

with the Maasai in which the men did actually go to war and there wex skirmishes. The women did not go to war, but stayed at home inside their houses, where bey kept the doors

Responses to the Specific Questions.

17

open as a sign of welcoming back their husbands. They were not expected to move around or

engage in any disreputable behaviour. The women saLv the cause of their husband's wars as

justified as in many cases they felt the provocateurs were the hIaasai. At the end of the war, the w o m e n would go singing and dancing to welcome the ma, and there would be a great singing

and dancing party in the village.

Elders of the w o m e n from each clan were often consulted before the break out of hostilities but

their role was more or less advisory as the decisions whe&er to go to war or not were taken by

the men. The women, however, were very powerhl in the background and influenced policy

through their husbands. They were generally never opposed to the wars as they felt it was

justified because they were convinced it safeguarded their b-terests. They, nevertheless, did not

like the times of hostilities and kept alive stones which were supposed to discourage their

breaking out.

The other response to the question wy with regard to other areas of conflict, particularly domestic conflict. If a man misbehaved towards his wife, for example, the w o m e n "elders"

went to visit the man and tried to talk some sense into both of them. The cause of such

conflicts, they realised, could be fiom either the w o m a n or the man, so the elders did not go there to judge but rather to bring back harmony to the family, as, according to them, the whole community would be perturbed by such an event.

-

There were also instances when children misbehaved, insulted others or even stole or damaged

property of fellow community members. In those instances, the culprit was brought in front of a council of elders, both m e n and women, and if the culprit pleaded guilty to the offence, the mother would spit on her hand which the culprit would lick, as a promise never to commit such

an offence again. Such circumstances ended in an immediate fine of either a goat or chickens

and the problem was resolved and forgotten there and &en. Because the world view which

informed social practice in all its aspects was an hte-ptive one, sources of conflicts were

perceived to be fi-om both material and non materid sources. - Lack of individual and community equilibrium, seen as sources of conflicts. could result in either disease or

unacceptable behaviour. The causes for the behaviour and the disease go beyond tangible

factors. To tackle these so that they may not engender disequilibrium, healing processes were

18

irstituted which included the expurgation of bad sprits and evil, the isolation of factors which

brought ill health, and the appeasement and recognition of factors which sustain good health. Che of the reasons that witchcraft has been feared so much has been due to its i11 effect on csmmunity health and its power to engender conflicts both real and imaginary.

Question 2: W h a t specific strategies did they use to minimise conflicts?

.U the fespondents spoke of education and community pressure for conformity as pre-emptive mtegies especially for community conflicts. Education was carried out both formally and irhrmally. Life was seen as a process of education and learning. From childhood, people

lamed the ways of the community, assimilating and going through a process of socialisation

mnere the community's morality, ethics, aesthetics and codes of conduct as well as production and consumption patterns were absorbed and practised. At -various stages in life, formal &cation and training were effected. The community conducted initiation ceremonies known as 'Diguubif' for girls and "Dikurnbi" for boys. All girls were trained specifically in their duties and responsibilities as women for as Ion5 as 3 months. Elderly women, wise in the ways of the a-orld and the community were responsible for the education of girls, and it was very thorough. The pung men were also taken to the bush where they were also given education on how to

M a v e as responsible men. All young girls and boys went through the education process, with tk same vigour. There were stiff penalties for incompetence during the training sessions, and "Qinc success from the training sessions was a great mark of pride both for the individual and the parents. Education as to the dos and don'ts of the community did not end there, as aunts,

c mandmothers, uncles and the whole community kept on the pressure for conformity to axnmunity norms. It was an obligation, responsibility and right of every adult to participate in &e training of the youth. A successful community member had ail the positive attributes such as honesty, patience, Cupertino, etc such that even when conflicts broke out, at least what was

expected was known and community judgement became easy. At the end of such judgement, . there would be a fine of a goat, chickens or even a cow depending on the gravity of the crime.

Everyone shared in the fine there and then and people drank alcohol together, danced and forgot te wble thing. Women participated hlly in such activities.

-

Question 3: What roles did women play to minimise conflicts?

-23 mentioned above, the major role was in training the young to be worthwhile community

19

members. Women also reported that the other aspect was their demonstration of maturity,

patience and responsibility. "One could have an unruly husband.who was unmanageable. A woman who tried to show that she was "fire" as well ended up in disaster" "A woman had a lot of responsibilities, including feeding the children, looking after the husband, working on the

farm and so on. Hence, if she accomplished her responsibilities properly, then there were no

conflicts. If she went around drinking alcohol and neglected her duties then there was trouble".

Another way that women played a major role in minimising conflict was to ensure that

institutions of conflict resolution were well practised and they themselves became participants

and trainers in these institutions. One such institution was "Diwiku", an event held at the end of a mourning period for a dead person. "Diwiku" was and is still held at the time specified by the close relatives of the deceased and takes place usually at night. Members of the families and

clans related to the deceased as well as friends and other members of the community are expected to attend. The presiding elder carries a staff and once the proceedings have started,

only those holding the staff are allowe$ to speak. It was and is still expected that existing conflicts were brought to the "Diwiku! Any grievances, unpaid dowries, dissatisfactions,

disagreements, unresolved issues and conflicts which exist or potential not only concerning

the deceased but of herhis family and clan were brought open at the "Diwiku". There was a poetic recitation form which all who spoke must adhere to and the others attending act as a

chorus. While emotions might rise, they are tempered by the etiquette, expected behaviour and

-

language of the speakers. Conflicts were thus resolved and purged from both a social and psychological or emotional point of view.

Question 4: What do you do to educate your children n o w -about conflict and conflict

- resolution?.

This is where the women expressed some frustration because they felt they were no longer in .

control of the upbringing of their children. They feel that the children are away from them most

of the time, and even when they talk to them, the children never appear to be listening. The traditional training of the young girls and the young boys is no longer as rigorous as before and one old woman even remarked that she has given up on her children for each time she has tried

to say something to them they merely laughed at her. One old lady who tried to intervene when her son was beating his wife was threatened with a similar beating herself. The old men express

20

the same frustration as their sons now ger circumcised in hospitals and there is no h e to spend

with them hammering sense into their heads. A :nons accusing finger goes ro the schools where their children spend most of the the, but concentrating on other thing,, nther than

proper and responsible behaviour.

In spite of these frustrations, women and m e n said tkat they still try to ensure that zhe young and

the conimunity know and practice some ways of minimising conflicts and resoh-kg them. As stated earIier, women play a great part in educating h e young in such events as h e "Diwiku". Some forms of "Digubi" and "Dikumbi" are practixd in limited ways. Since thcse events are

for the most part effected through theatre performances, women play a major role m the training

of the youth in the language arts and dances, musicals, narrative and other peforming arts. Where possible, for example, women still tell their children stones with morals.

Question5 Are there any songs dances stones etc that were aimed at minimising

conflict. # - -

Yes certainly. From early childhood, one is exposed to a variety of songs, dances, stories,

proverbs and sayings that are aimed at minimising conflict. The training for the boys in the

bush contained a lot of storytelling particularly about responsibilities and hard work. The girls were also told stories that exalted the qualities that they should have. There were a lot of proverbs and sayings to reinforce the learnkg points, and the songs and dances did cany

learning points as well.

The dance songs, stones, proverbs and sayings carried with them simple but clear messages and moral teachings. There were many stories for example that talked of greed a d individual interests as major sources of conflict and the young were warned against them:

The following is a story told by one of the elderly women on the kinds of stones told to children

and youth to raise their consciousness about fairness, responsibility and punishment for those

who break communitf norms due to _greed or se5-interests. The punishmenr is a form of

isolating the sources of conflict.

"Once upon a time there was a mdn who had two wives. Both wives had a chid each , und

21

both children \%.ere girls. The children loved each other so much, and o.eqnc;Jiere they went

they went together. They looked for firewood together, went to fetch water together, cooked

together, everydiing rliey did, they did together. Because of this, the frther also loved them and always treated them die same way. Then unfortunately the mother of one efthe children died.

The children cried and cried, but the mother who who was still alive saw this as a chance now

to have the husband IO herseg She started mistreating the other girl and did not help her as

was e.xPected.

“One day, thejather announced that he was going on a long journey and on his return, he

would bring g~fi for his beloved children, and of course for his wife. The children were very

happy. When the farher had gone, the stepmother started thinking of wqrs of preventing the other daughter porn receiving the gifts. She wanted all the ggs for herself and her own

daughter. So she dug a big pit in one of the rooms of the house under the raBers where they kept all sorts of things. When she had finished, she called her stepdaughter to come and get

something for lierfiorn the rajers. She put a chair underneath and the girl climbed on to the

rafters. She found the thing for her stepmother but when she tried to climb down. she could not find the chair on which she had stood to get up. “Mother, I can’t find the chair” she said hanging on to the rajier. Jump, its ok, I will hold you’: said the stepmother.

I

“The girl jumped, but the stepmother was not there to hold her and instead she fell into the pit

that the stepmother had dug. The stepmother quickly covered the pit with a large stone and went away.

“When her sister CO& notfind her for more than one day, and th&.used to be together all the

time, she became very sad. She looked everywhere, but she could not find her. After a long

time, very sad, she went to the house, singing one of the songs they ked to sing together. She . sat on the stone under which her sister was buried and kept singing the sad song.

“Th2n she heard the song, also being sung but faintly. She kept quiet. Tlen she sang another

song that they used ro sing together. She heard the song faintly as well, conringfi-om under the

stone. llen she .bar* her sister was under the stone. The stone was big birr she tried ve y hard

and removed thz stone. She found her sister uhout to die, insects had begiiti euting her. She

22

pulled her out of the pit and asked her what happened. Her sister told her that it was the stepmother who had done it to her. So the sister said they then had to hide her until the father

came back. They collected all the maggots and insects which were on her body and put them in

a bag, then they took her to her grandmother. They arranged for the daughter to cook all those

maggots and insects for her mother, which she did, but the mother did not notice what she was

eating.

“When the father returned, he was told what the stepmother had done. H e was very angry. H e then made a plan. H e invited everybody in the village to come to his house on the day he was

going to give the gift. On that day, they brought the daughter from the grandmother’s house and put her on a mat, then they covered her with the gifts that he had brought. Then he started calling eveyone to take his or her g$. When there was only one cloth le@, he called his wife

also to go and take hers. When she removed the cloth, she saw the stepdaughter she had buried and put the cloth back. The husband asked why she was not taking her gijl, and all the time she

was afraid. b

Then the husband told everyone what had happened. The villagers were so angry they took the

stepmother and punished her. ’’

There were also songs such as the following which tried to instil people’s care for one another:

Wendochikiyende x 2 Love, let’s love one another x 2

Wakulu Wahela ninga

Wendo chikiyende

Our elders are all dead but Love, let’s love one another

Muhando 1995;390.

To avoid war, contemporary references were made to underline the fact that war is very serious: .

Chibuhengewe eee People ooh people

Ahagosi mtijamwage Keep a secret

Njila ya kenga imala wanthu There was a war but don’t join because it killed many people in Kenya.

23

Numerous sayings were used to underscore peace and minimise conflict. The following are

some examples:

1. Amagembe gehabeli nogiki kwala

Translation: Hoes, which face each other, will definitely collide.

2. Mulile wa mbuli kihulilca Thnslation: Arguments are better heard with others.

3. Unghowo ukwenda kukola- sing'hinda kola ding 'ina munhu.

Translation: If you want to catch a calf, hold its mother.

While the first two sayings underline the necessity of avoiding conflict, the third reminds the community that any problem is faced by more than the individual directly involved.

Certain myths are also perpetuated to un@rscore the fact that to avoid war can sometimes be an

act of good leadership. There are stones told, for example, of a powefil local magician who

was able to veil the eyes of the enemy so that his people could not be seen. War was thus avoided by avoiding military engagement. Stones which carry this myth underline the power and wisdom of the magician. Some of the stones aim at underscoring the negative aspects of

conflicts, hostilities and the absence of peace. Fear is, therefore, used at times as a deteherent as

one of the songs above shows.

t

Question 6: In today's world, how do the women see their roles on the issues of peace

and conflict resolution.

The women are somewhat nostalgic about the past experiences. They feel that the traditional

education systems need to be revamped and strengthened in order td cater for today's society. They feel that the problems they are facing on a daily basis, of lack of food, money, and gainfbl

employment, create situations where conflicts are only natural. They view peace as having food to eat and security. Since the woman was always responsible for pGtting food on the table, she is

expected to work. Together with this, however, they feel the men should be more responsible. "Some men only think their responsibility is to produce children, and whether the children eat

or not, they don't care". Thus while the women should reinforce their attributes of looking after

24

the household better, the men must "come back home from the bars" and take the challenge

of improving their household. They see the proliferation of bars as "escape poir,s" for the men who often will have failed to take care of the family needs and instead go to hurl around bars. Often when they return home and their wives raise questions about problems at ome, quarrels

break out and sometimes even violence. All this is particularly sen as stemming &om poverty, as well as the result ofthe breakdown of family responsibility.

Question 7: Have you ever participated in a peace outreach programme?

The conflicts with the Maasai has died down, and as such external conflicts are no longer

threats. The old women (2 over 80 years old) said that during the wars with %e hfaasai, the

Kaguru women used to hide some Maasai women as a gesture of good will, so &at the Kaguru men could not kill them. They did this in realisation that the women were all victims of the "men's" wars, who ofim had been the main instigators of the hostilities. Thus women who had always used the same s o m e of water saw no reason of not helping one mothe=. While there

are no peace outreach programmes, therepre old women who are clan leaders and are still called uppn to settle conflicts, and often when they see someone in a kind of cascadin,~ problem, they

somethies go to help morally. Most of them participate also in such conflict resolution events

like the "diwiku"

t

Question 8: How do you define the major causes of conflict? Who and what do you think are major causes.

Poverty came number one on this issue. The Kaguru women see the poverty of both their

husbands and themselves as well as the families as the common cause of civil strife. Issues like democracy.etc are notmentioned at all.- The decline in community mores is seea as the second major cause of conflict, and what they see as the failure of the school to teach p r e f d skills needed by the individual and community. The result, they point out, are p r o d m neither well .

educated nor disciplined or traditional. In communities following a traditional lifestyle,

members are equipped with social tools, which enable them to deal with cordicts Being versed in the performance and language arts of the cornunity especially with &osc that deal with conflict prevention, resolution or the maintenance of peace, were importart tools to have

for every cornmunit\. member. Unfortunately, there have been no successful replacements. Thus when there are cmflicts, these "prodiicts" do not understand and have ever. no respect for

25

those who do. The local administrators representing the central government also come under

attack because they cannot and do not respond appropriately to even minor crises. In the old

days you would bring a culprit, talk to him, fine him that day, and everything would be over, But now things take weeks, months and even years for a small thing to be settled. If a cow eats your maize, there is a long wait to get satisfaction. The result is enmity, anger, frustration and bad feelings. Another cited reason is a kind of disintegration of the Kaguru people as a people.

They ire scattered all over the country and if someone misbehaves, he or she can move to any other place and escape the consequences. Thus individuals can take a chance to misbehave as

they know hey can run away to other areas of the country.

Lack of trust, individualism and self interest are also cited as causes of conflict. Those who

want power in. its socio-political or material form will knowingly or unknowingly ferment conflicts whose existence benefits them.

Question 9: This provoked some heated discussions in the groups. Everyone recognised that the old ways could not be brought back in the same way, yet there was need to insist on revitalising some of

the institutions. The Kaguru had a place where they used to go and pray to their God, especially before and after the wars. Custom and tradition which used to unite them as a people has fallen

What do you recommend - as strategies to promote peace.

into disrepute with even their chief and clan leaders. This, the chief argues, could be revitalised as it used to hold the Kaguru people together. Some aspects of such institutions as "Digubi", "Dikumbi" and "Diwiku" could be revitalised and geared towards empowering those concerned with tools to promote peace. Furthermore, they see the schools as a possible source for peace training, if the schools can really be equipped and used t6 instil not only modem education, but also responsibility as community citizens. There should be great efforts made to fight poverty,

to educate women to better look after their lives and For men also to i e m their responsibilities. As it were, they feel nobody really cares, and each one lives as they like or wish, so they are somewhat pessimistic of the crisis of confrontations decreasing.

Question 10: W h o should play the leading role in peace promotion.

Everyone, they say, as no one can look into the heart of another. Everyone should try and

"purify", "perfect" herself or himself, as everyone needs to live as well as the neighbour. The

26

government, however, can correct some errors that are causing some of the crises, like the crises

in schools or in local administration. It c m also promote economic activities so that grinding

poverty is reduced. But more particularly, all individuals will have to dedicate themselves even

more to improving themselves. The creation of mechanisms where people with different

experiences, backgrounds and ethnic affiliations can live and respect each other was cited as

another strategy. Knowledge and appreciation of other cultures can help to avoid tensions and

conflicts. It was argued that the diminishing conflicts between Maasai and Kaguru were due, among other things, to a growing respect to each other arising born understanding and

appreciating one another's differences.

6.0.

The study underscores the role of women in nurturing and maintaining peace as well as in the processes of conflict prevention. The women get their mandate, first of all, from the society

they owe their allegiance to and secondly fiom themselves as women. H o w well w o m e n play

the role of peacekeepers is dependent upop - &eir competence to do so. The study has pointed out some inhibiting factors which contribute to women's incompetence. The organisation of

contemporary Tanzanian society is not one that endows the women with the social and political competence to deal with conflicts andor maintenance of peace. For the most part, the social

organisations undermine women's capacity to play important roles in peace processes. First of

all, w o m e n continue to be marginalized in decision making processes. In some cases where traditional systems have disappeared, there have been no replacements to cater for women's participation. Instead of expanding the possibilities where women can play important roles,

women's space has narrowed due to the rigidifying of patriarchal and/or religious n o m L . This _.

Women's Role and the Challenges from the Study

narrowed space does not avail women with the capacity or potential to play a major role in

conflict resolution at the focal or national levels. -For example, whether Kaguru or not most, Tanzanian w o m e n are dominated by men who set the family agendi. M e n rather than women are expected to sanction right and wrong, conflict or peace. W o m e n may have skills to

negotiate and mediate for peace but the social cultural parameters under which they operate do

not give them sufficient leeway to operationalize whatever skills they hve.

Violence is another inhibiting factor for women and their role in peace making and the

minimisation of conflict. In this, poverty is the most violent of all because it incapacitates and

27

undermines crearivity, possibilities and potentials. As the Kaguru n-omen have indicated, where there is povem in a community, the women are usually poorer rhan the men. In a poverty situation, ir-ornen are oppressed to such an extent that physical and psychological violence

makes them less able to play a fiuitiul role in peace issues. Women's position in society is being highlighted at the moment due to the barbaric events perperuated against old women in

some parts of Tanzania. Usins witchcraft as an excuse, women continue to be murdered in

parts of Mara and Shinyanga regions. Economic issues are involved here and the result of these murders is the silencing of women R - ~ O could play a role in pears issues and the instilling of fear for other women who may want to carve a more visible position for themselves. This sanctioned violence against women can also be seen in the everyday lives of women where they are threatened by domestic violence. Peace in such a case is not only difficult to attain but also one's participation in its acquisition and sustainability is questionable. Women cannot thus rise above the conflicts at the household and family level. Issues of physical survival may take

precedence over issues of social and political security.

At the individual and group levels, women do not have for the most part, the competence to deal with peace and conflict issues. They are hindered from full participation on peace issues on many fronts. Many of them lack s p d c skills, knowledge and resources to handle challenges

at the physical, social or philosophical levels. The education which women get does not always prepare them to handle issues of conflict and peace. The situation is worse where

traditional forms of training in conflict resolution and minimisation have not been replaced by

new forms to equip women. There are thus few enabling institutions, which empower women

to fiilly play their part in peace keeping and nurturing. Thus space and opportunities are

limited for women to exercise their roles for peace.

Even though women's role and participation in conflict resolution ad maintenance of peace are . inhibited by a variety of factors, these same factors pose a challenge which women need to meet. The challenge for women at the level of the individual and society is to first of all understand their particular society and themselves. They can equip themselves with the skills,

knowledge and resources that can meet the challenges they as a group and individually are

faced with. Inspite of shortcomings, for example, there are schools, curricula and other

institutions which women attend, The challenge is to make these responsive to women's needs

28

and roles in relation to peace. Although limited, women's organisations at whatever levels are provins to be spaces and opportunities for the expansion of their skills, knowledge and

resources. Women's organisations have been mobilising, lobbying and caucusing against

structural violence, unfair and oppressive laws, poverty, discrimination and domestic violence.

These moves have far reaching potential for peace. Through these moves women are taking a

vsry suong stand against wars and violence of all kinds and are being vocal about it. They are

also able to propose means to end wars. This has been possible because some women have organised themselves and thus women organising at whatever level fiom village to the nation should be priority. The successes of such groups as TAMWA and TGNP are cases in point.

U-omen as a group are a force and they need to understand how to use it not only for their

personal development but also to fully play their part in conflict resolutions and peace

processes. Women can best play their role then, if the social, political and economic

environment is enabling to them as individuals and as a group. From the case study it is clear that women utilise fully and take advantage of the positions they have to play their roles. They

train their children and influence those around them. They also use the institutions they own or

have access to. Women moving into contemporary positions of political and economic power

has ramifications for peace and conflict resolution processes. Some of these women are charting out directions and examples for others to follow. The number of Tanzanian women

members of parliament is not satisfactory but it is sufficient to arouse the desire to have more and expect the existing few to be more responsive to women issues. Ambassador Gertrude

Mongella who was a member of parliament, a Minister and the Under-Secretary General for the 1995 Beijing Women's Conference has been busy with mobilising for peace and conflict resolution. More crucial are the inroads that women are making into the grassroots and local political structures. Their concerns for peace and its maintenance will inform those structures and their activities.

7

Bxause of their role as mothers and as having responsibility for children's upbringing, women

cultivare and internalise patience. Children are entities that those who take care of them must listen 10 understand, and must give space for self expression and interaction. Because \vomen

have had to deal with these others, they have cultivated the skills of patience and co-existence more &an men. They have also learned appropriate communication and language for difierent

29

situations. These are skills which women have used as building block for their participation in

peace processes.

Women tend to understand more the consequences of conflicts m d m-z. They empathise more

with the victims. This is shomm clearly when as stated earlier, Kagm u-omen point out that

during the Kaguru/Maasai skirmishes, Kaguru women hid Masaai wamen so that they would not be h k e d by the Kagm men. This empathy is crucial as an iLput to peace and conflict dialogues. One of the major fixtors which emerge from the study is he role of the arts in the promotion of peace and prevention as well as resolution of-conflics. The Kaguru's are not

alone in utilising cultural mistic forms. Traditional performances hzve given issues of peace and conflict a context in u-hich their maintenance or resolution are desired. The performances do not only play a mediation role but also a pedagogical one as well. In contemporary society, cultural performances and production can continue to play such roles. The challenge, however, is to ensure that women c!aim an important role and use the artistic skills they have in the

promotion of peace. Where the skills q e lacking, efforts should be made by the women to acquire them. Such groups as the Bagamoyo women players are good examples which have

enabled women to develop performance skills both traditional and contemporary and to use

them to communicate a variety of issues and conflict resolution.

The study points out, however, that effective participation of womm in issues of peace and

conflicts cannot be expected to happen arbitrary. Women must be prepared from childhood and their skills sharpened during adulthood. H o w to make contempomy Tanzanian women both

rural and urban competent in playing effective roles in conflict minimisation and resolution an in, the cultivation of peace and its maintenance, are challenges that ned to be met.

7.0. CONCLUSION The Kaguru women, see pace, not in terms of war only, but also from the point of view of social harmony and h u m 3 n-elfare. They look at peace as the ability to minimise all

unnecessary conflicts and to resolve them amicably and quickly. They believe that the

traditional set up had the n$!t mechanisms for dealing with contlicts zhich have been virtually eroded with modernisation. They view the woman still as the kingir of peace and harmony in

the community, for peacc indeed must start at the family level. 3ey decry the apparent

30

incompetence of the educational system to recommence the traditional education that was so pivotal to the well being of the communities. Like Dzirasah (1995) who describes the

'traditional conflict resolution in Somalia where previous clan leaders resolved conflicts there

and then, the Kaguru women see the imposition of long processes of conflict resolution even for

simple conflicts as leading to more community friction.

However, they realise they are caught in a dilemma. While they appreciate the traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution and of training the youths, they realise they cannot rewind the

clocks, hence the need for reinforcing existing systems like the schools and revamping others

like the local administration. Above all, they realise that peace cannot be imposed from outside and only they themselves, beginning from "inside" can renew the vigour of the peace challenge. This is also in agreement with Katunzi (1997) who points out that the Tanzanian traditional approaches to peace via social harmony hold greater promise for a peaceful nation. Some

adaptations, therefore, might be in order.

8.0. Recommendations The discussions and interviews cited above point to several recommendations which &ght be

taken up as action plans.

8.1. Poverty alleviation. Women see poverty as a major cause of conflict within households, communities and even nations. The maintenance of peace means the removal of obstacles to survival and peace.

Identification and support of women's efforts and poverty eradication can be areas of focus, and women should be encouraged to participate fblly. Such programmes could include training

women in income generating activities, and providing small loans. The Ministry of Agriculture could also advise the women on better agricultural strategies etc, especially for crops that could

raise incomes for women who can then enhance their skills and resources for better production.

8.2. Education and Training

The national education system can be enabled to empower children and youth with skills for the

minimisation of conflicts and maintenance of peace. Civic education should include such skills.

Just as issues of gender and democracy have become priority in school syllabi, issues of peace

31

and conflict resolution can also be incorporated and monitored Revitalising and appreciating

older community institutions that dealt with conflict prevention and resolution can also help. In the case of the'people of Kilosa, for example, skills in the performance and language of

"Diwiku" could be revitalised and/or re-focused to deal with larger communal issues from which other communities can learn. Women can play a large part in the empowering of education through specific initiatives that intervene in the sducational system. Women and

other socbl groups can organise cultural performances such a theatre as media for education. Women can play important education and intervention roles at: . -

(a) The community level where communication for pace promotion dialogues can be

instituted. Women of all levels and ages could meet to discuss issues and design content

and forms for peace and conflict preventionhesolution.

Women have always been very effective as teachers in formal and informal situations. Most of the teachers in the primary schools are women and many more are in the secondary schools. Women can - nlay a major role through their teaching methodologies and interaction with the children. Equally important are women leaders at local levels whose skills and experiences can be harnessed to promote peace.

Women who can play a major role in peace promotion and conflict prevention as well as

resolution need to have skills in communication enhanced which would include

knowledge in the forms and content of the issues at hand. Knowledge of other

experiences where certain communication forms have worked would make a good input.

Education for girls

Action for the empowerment of girls through formal and informal education is netded. Actions which will enable more girls to attend and successhlly complete secondary schools should be put in place. This should be augmented with programmes which empower girls to be self-

confident and to be propagators of a culture of peace. A p r o w m e such as Education for Democracy Programme (Tuseme -- meaning let us speak) for secondary school girls; being implemented by the Department of Fine and Performing .bts of the University of Dar es

Salaam, is an example which could be emulated. The programme aims at empowering girls to

22

articulate their concerns and problems and :o sek solutions that stand in the way of achieving

their social and academic aspirations.

8.4. W o m e n pressure groups

It has been noted that wars and conflicts affect w o m e n adversely. W o m e n know that it is thus to their advantage that a culture of peace is mzintained. History has shown that w o m m have

been able t6 accomplish a lot when they I--ve organised themselves through focused groups. These groups, which could,caucus for peacz widin their communities and beyond, could be p&

of the action plans.

8.5. Institutional socialisation During the mid 1960s, Tanzania established a National Service. The objectives for the service

was given as the provision of a place where the Tanzanian youth could socialise as belon-ging to

one nation as opposed to many ethnic groups. It also provided the nation an institution which prepared its youth for defence and secqiry - purposes through military training. The national

service has become inactive in recent years but the government insists that it is not dead yet. Such an institution it revitalised could promote peace that would include training in peace and conflict resolution skills. It could serve as a d e r n day example of "Dikumbi" and "Digubi"

whose initiates would design the tools to deal with socio-political issues, crises, conflicts and their pre-emptive measures or resolutions.

8.6. Publications

Issues of peace and conflict resolution could be. propagated through films, live performances and publications of stones, old and new. In all these, the role of w o m e n and the challenges of

peace, which they face, could be highlighted-

8.7. Community Conflict Resolution JIechanisms.

One of the ways that conflicts are sustain& is through taking a long time to resolve them This usually engenders other conflicts and teneons- Institutionalising mechanisms through which

conflicts can be tackled as soon as they &.se would undercut their development. This neans enabling communities to reclaim some of heir lost powers in conflict resolutions of a certain

nature. If communities feel they have sonxthiq at stake in the maintenance of peace ard they

33

have the systems to sustain it they will do so. The behaviour and attitudes of l=aders especially

those who come from outside communities need to be appraised so that the:; do not become

sources of conflict themselves.

9.0. Suggestions for further research.

More time can be spent with the Krlguru to dig deeper into their cosmos sufficiently. Needless

to say,' their world was ordered in 3 self-preserving way, capable of taking c z of itself. The Kaguru are one of the more than 120 ethnic communities in Tanzania. Wha did other ethnic groups do to deal with conflict? H o w active were their women in engendcing a culture of peace? These would be interestins areas to explore, especially in Tanzania now that it is moving into an open market system after the dreams of a socialist state. How are the other groups hoping to remain in a system that foresters peace, equality and social jussce? One of the major areas of conflict has been cited as arising from issues of survival. The research area has had major conflicts between 2 groups - the Kaguru and the Maasai. The kw of Gairo in Kilosa district, for example, live in an aFa which borders a Masaai area. Because the Maasai are pastroralists, they wander far and near looking for pasture. Sometimes mey wander into Kaguru land. They have been skirmishes where one group was defending its crops while the

other was fighting for grazing land What is perceived as the right to survil-e, therefore, can

engender feeling of insecurity w h m those rights felt endangered and survival threatened. The

July/August 1998 case of the Dongo massacres during conflicts between Ka,w farmers and Maasai pastrolist in Gairo is a case in point. This indeed would be a good agenda for research, to see how other groups strategize for the attainment and sustenance of peace. In the Arusha Region, for example, the women have had to cope with the conflict caused by those wishing to embark on large scale farming and the pastoralists who have been pushed aside to make room

for the farms. The experiences and roles of women from the central and southern highlands regions of the country as well as women refugees contribute also to the research agenda,

4

34

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No 1

2

3

4

APPENDIX

Name Village Area

Dorica M k m d e Gairo

Hilda Mvlwisolya Gairo

Naomi Mwendi Gairo

Hellen Mgomba Gairo

5 Berita John

6 Rebeca Mmpigo .

Gairo

Gairo

7 Olivia Chibosa

8 Mdala Rebeka

9 ,Mrs. A. Mmasa

10 Mrs.Makamba

Gairo

Gairo

Gairo Female 53 Married

Gairo Female 60 Married

11

12

Agenlina Msulwa

iMrsChitemo

Gender I Age Marital Status

Female I78 Widow

Female I 60 Widow

Female I60 Widow

E$ Female

Widow

Widow

Widow

Widow

Mamed

Unguuroad I Female 35 I Married Mdgoweko I Female 38 I Married Kisiwani I Female 38 Married

36 Married

40 Married

40 Married

~~

Kisiwani Female

Yeriko Female

Ibuti Female

Kisiwani Female

Magoweko Female

48 I Married Mamboya Female

Mamboya Female

Gairo Female

Gairo Female

:y 1 Joycehlligite .

Mdala Ada + Widow :2 I Josephineklokaruba Monica Chilimo

41 1 Unmarried ~~~

Kisiwani I Female 28 I Unmarried 11 24 1 Xgnethahlapnda --

32 Unmamed

Kisiwani Female

Unguu road

Mambo ya Female

11 25 I Victoria Ipas 11 26 I ChristinaMwisolya /I 27 1 PeninaMganga I Magoweko I Female I 30 I Unmarried

30

N a m e I Village Area Gender Age

1 Eliza Chibigazi I Mamboya Female 34

Enock Chamkaya I Gairo Male 60

Yohana Mzee 1 b a m o n i Male 65

Mzee Chitemo I Magoweko Male 65

- No

Mzee Sembuche 1 w a m o n i

Chiza Chilongola I Mamboya

~

28

Male 56

Male 34

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

~

Mzee Chihangera I Magoweko I Male I60

Mohamedi Saidi ~~ 1 Kisiwani I Male I 30

Marital Status

Unmarried

Unmarried