Winstedt. Cosmas: The Christian topography. 1909.

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THE

CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY

OF COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES



CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

ILonilon: FETTER LANE, E.G.

C. F. CLAY, Manager

(Siimfiurgi): , PRINCES STREET

ISfdin: A. ASHER AND CO.

ILeipjig: F. A. BROCKHAUS

i^£b3 lork: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

Uombag anti (ffalcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.

Ad Rigkis reserved



THE

CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY

OF COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES

EDITED

WITH GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

BY

E. O. WINSTEDT,LATE SENIOR DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD

Cambridge

at the University Press

1909



Camiriuge:

PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.

AT THF UNIVERSITY PRESS.

/^7^^



PREFACE

THIS book is the partial result of a journey to Italy in

the spring of 1904, and another to Mt. Sinai and again

to Italy in 1905. Of both journeys the costs were defrayed by

grants liberally made me by the Craven Committee, to whom

I owe my sincerest thanks. My gratitude is no less due to the

President and Fellows of Magdalen College, who by electing me

to a Senior Demyship gave me the opportunity of spending on

this and other research work time which must otherwise have

been devoted to the weariness and vexation of earning a liveli-

hood.

For the suggestion of this particular author I hardly knowwhether I am most indebted to Prof Heiberg of Copenhagen,

from whom the suggestion originally came, or to Monsieur

Seymour de Ricci, who passed it on to me, and whose friendship

enlivened days spent in collating a text, which even the most

ardent admirers of Cosmas—if there are any such—must admit

is not exhilarating as a whole.

Since the main interest of the work is geographical, the

Syndics of the Cambridge Press desired me to add notes on the

geographical portions ; and I undertook and carried out that

task to the best of my ability, though I could not help feeling

some natural diffidence, since geography is a subject with which

I am little familiar, and since in Cosmas' case there are special

difficulties. The famous Adulitic Inscription, for instance,

demands an intimate knowledge of the geography of Abyssinia

and Ethiopia in the third or fourth century of our era : and

those who have claimed such knowledge and treated of the

subject, differ so greatly in their conclusions, and in some cases

spend so much time and energy in throwing stones at one

another, that, after wading through a sea of their pamphlets,

I ended much where I began—with no personal views on the



vi PREFACE

geography of those countries at such an obscure epoch. I have

therefore generally contented myself with endeavouring to

summarize such viewsas appear worthy of mention without

attempting to decide between them.

For these and any other notes that I have given I am under

great indebtedness to McCrindle's annotated translation in the

Hakluyt Society's publications and to Mr Beazley's section on

Cosmas in his Dawn of Modern Geography^ the fullest and most

illuminating sketch of Cosmas' work which has yet appeared.

Those who have seen or heard of the MSS. may perhaps

wonder why the magnificent illuminations with which all of

them are furnished, are not reproduced. The chief reason is

that of the illuminations of the oldest MS., which are far the

best, Monsignor Stornaiolo was already preparing a facsimile

edition, which has now appeared : and, though it might have

been interesting to some few readers if the illuminations of the

Laurentian or Sinaitic MSS. had been given in full for comparison

with the Vatican volume, it would have increased the cost ofpublication materially, and besides, to be properly treated, would

have required a greater knowledge of Byzantine art than I can

claim. With the concurrence of the Press, I therefore thought

it better to limit the illustrations to such few plans and pictures

as seemed necessary for the comprehension of the text ; and

even those had to be further reduced to such as were likely

to look more than a smudge when reproduced. Hence a few

of the interesting pictures of animals described in the eleventh

book had to be omitted. For the selected plates which appear

in the volume I am indebted partly to the kindness of Prof.

Biagi of the Laurentian library, and partly to the courtesy of

Mr Beazley and the Clarendon Press, who have allowed me to

reproduce the plates given in the Dawn of Modern Geography.

My thanks are also due to Dr M. R. James for sending me

what looks like a reference to Cosmas in two Cambridge MSS.,

and to Mgr. Stornaiolo for examining one or two doubtful points

in the Vatican MS. for me.

E. O. W.

November 1909.



CONTENTS

PAGE

Preface

Addenda and Corrigenda ix

Introduction . i

List of MSS. and Textual Criticism . . -15

List of Signs 34

List of Contents of the Books as given in theMSS 35

Text 37

Notes2>2>3

Index of Biblical Quotations 359

Index of Personal Names 363

Index of Geographical Names 367

General Index 370

Plates I—XIV at end of book

.C7



ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

References to and quotations from Cosmas are so rare even in Greek

MSS. that one is disposed to regard him as a voice crying in the wilderness

and certainly one would not look to find any traces of him in the western

world. But Dr M. R. James has very kindly pointed out to me a passage

occurring in two MSS. of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, both of English

origin, which may almost certainly be reckoned as a reference to the Christian

Topography. The two MSS. are nos. 183 and 320, and are probably of the

tenth and eleventh centuries respectively, though Stubbs dated the latter of

them as early as the eighth century. And the passage in question, which is

on fols. 68^ to 69^" of MS. 183, reads as follows:—Christianus historicus dicit

longitudinem mundi esse Xli milium, latitudo VI miliorum. Longitude templi

IX cubitos in longitudine et XXX cubitos in latitudine et XXX cubitos in

altitudine. Tabernaculum habens longitudinis cubitorum XXX, latitudinis X,

altitudinis aeque X. . . . De area noe CCC cubit in longit, in lat L cubitorum,

in altit XXX cubitorum. As Dr James remarks, the dimensions of the world

here given correspond exactly with those of Cosmas, and the name Christi-

anus Historicus is not inappropriate. He has also pointed out to me a

passage in a letter of Koaena, archbishop of York (767 to 781 A.D.), to

Lullus of Mainz which he thinks may perhaps throw light on the composition

of the MSS. The passage may be found in Jaffa's Mofiumenta Moguntina^

p. 291, and runs :— Illud vero, quod de libris inquisisti, marinis aestibus terram

advectantibus, omnino incognitum—nisi quia falsum—est. Ceterum libros

cosmografiorum, necdum nobis ad manum venerunt ; nee alia apud nos

exemplaria nisi picturis et litteris permolesta. lam sepius mihimet perscribere

destinavi, sed non illorum potui scriptores adquirere ; forte, tuis adiutus

subplicationibus.

The difficulty of finding copyists may perhaps point to Greek as the

language of the cosmographers referred to : but in any case the presence of

a copy of Cosmas, or of extracts from his work, in the west seems sufficiently

attested by the passage just quoted.

I append a regrettably long list of corrigenda, including some corrections

of misprints and some alterations of the text, the latter mainly derived from

a recoUation of the portions of which photographs appear in Mgr. C.

Stornaiolo's recently published work Le Miniature delta Topografia Cj'istiafia

di Cosma hidicopleuste (Milano, 1908).



ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

8, 1. 26 read ' been, still'

II, 11. 5 and 31 read 'Erythraei.'

40, 1. 34 after 'om. S' add ov V.

62, 1. 3 read Noror with V.

62, 1. 6 read altering the footnote to V^

62, 1. 31 read \ with V.

74, 1. 15 read with V.

82, 1. 2 delete the comma.

89

91

91

95

208

209

210

224,

227

271

1. 20 read d€VT€pos (, with V.

1, 32 V has rightly.

1. 24 V omits.1. 28 read with VS.

1. 13 read Aeanorov

)with V.

1. 24 V reads -^^.1. 32 the heading should end at and the paragraph

begin with.1. 3o delete 6.

1. 36 for V^ read V (man. rec).

1. 18 V omits .1. 14 read for.. 3 read with V.

1. 20 read oItos with V.

1. 17 read iv with V.

1. 17 V omits.1. 20 omit with V.

1. 12 read with V.

1. 25 V omits ^for.

I. 19 read eTfpov deleting the footnote.

II. 19, 20 read eVl ^ deleting the footnote.

1. 26 read

.. 18 omit with V.

1. 37 read Gen. i. 26 and add the same reference to 223, 1. 25.

1. 30 for read.1. 22 € is omitted by V.



INTRODUCTION

"What scholar has not laughed at the idea of Kosmas, the Alexandrian,that the sun retired behind a mountain to spend the night? And that the

earth, the ocean and the fabulous mountain were all included and enclosed

in a luminous oblong box of the exact shape of the tabernacle of Moses?"

(M. Crawford, With the luunortals^ p. 208.)

If some curious investigator had succeeded in obtaining• from

that " King of Arragon, a great mathematician, but not much

troubled with Religion," who " said That had God consulted

him when he made the World, he would have told him how

to have framed it betterV' a complete scheme of the universe

as he wished to fashion it, it would certainly have afforded

considerable amusement to the reader ; hardly more, however,

than the ideas of Cosmas Indicopleustes, a man much "troubled

with religion," who set about to mould " this sorry scheme of

things"

not by any means according to his heart's desire—for

in spite of the grotesqueness of his conception of the world, he

seems to have been fully convinced that all had already been

made for the best in this best of all possible worlds—but accord-

ing to the statements made and the hints conveyed by the ''great

cosmographer Moses."^

His scheme still exists in all its details in the work he called

the Christian Topography ; but of the author himself little is

known. Indeed his very name is by no means certain. Photius^,

^ Glanvill's trans, of Le Bovier de Fontenelle's Plurality of Worlds (1702), p. 16.

'^ As the earliest reference to Cosmas, the passage from Photius {Cod. 36) is worth

quoting in extenso. It runs:^-, - \os,ets . - rats^\$^. ' -,$, ?,-^. " Taweivos

W.



2 INTRODUCTION

the earliest authority who quotes him, mentions and summarizes

his work under the very indefinite title ; and

two of the three MSS. give no name\ It is only the Laurentian

MS. which contains the name Cosmas : and many scholars from

Voss to Beazley have held that this is a mere nickname or

invention of the scribe due to the fact that the work dealt with

the, quoting in support of their theory the nickname

Climacus given to one John who wrote a work called Climax.

But the argument does not seem very conclusive, as one would

have expected him in that case to be called Cosmicus rather

than Cosmas. Besides the Laurentian MS. is supported by the

MSS. of the Gospels which quote paragraphs from the fifth book

of the Topography as catenae : and the name Cosmas was a very

common name in Egypt, the writer's native land. Consequently

there seems little reason for refusing to accept it provisionally

at any rate, for the sake of calling him something, if not with

absolute certainty^

€$rrjs kowtjs '

, - ,.' ,'' " ^$, yrj,

' € , €€''$, irpos ,ttjs 7^^. o'rt wavTes oi , avTois ttj -, ' . $ ttJs5

$ ^', • , $ $,tovs, tovs ^ooovs. Ay ' ^$ ' %

,' oi '^'/ ,

''

. ^^ttjs ^, $

, . .^

, tovs ^ ? ,' { yapvs ) ^}, -

oi. byoov , os ets ^ s -, , , '. 5 p6s vyav. The /;?

referred to by the Scholiast on Apol. Rhod. iv. 262 as the author of a book called

^^/ can hardly be our Cosmas, since he speaks of the Egyptians as the oldest

of peoples, which Cosmas would hardly have allowed.

^ The Vat. MS. has at the end of bk. vii. but that

is merely a mistake for. The MS. at Smyrna entitles the fragments it

contains ya ypav; but the name is written over an

erasure of a shorter name.

2 Some have referred the work to Pappus, who is mentioned by Suidas ,oos, yyovs ... ,

Xpoyaa, ets $ /^;? €$



INTRODUCTION3

For such details of his life as are known we are entirely

dependent on hints gleaned from his book : and from that we

learn that he was a native of Egypt, probably of Alexandria,and in early life a merchant. In that capacity he travelled far

and wide, visiting Ceylon\ the Sinaitic Peninsula and Ethiopia.

He was at Adulis^ in Justin's reign at the time when the

Axumite king Ellatzbaas, was preparing to invade the country

of the Homeritae (circ. 525 A.D.). Later in life he settled in

Alexandria, developed indigestion, ophthalmia and various other

ills, and probably became a monk^.

The last statement againrests solely on the authority of the Laurentian MS., which calls

him;but it seems intrinsically probable, and a

parallel instance of a merchant turning monk can be adduced

from the second book, where Cosmas mentions a friend, Menas

by name, who may perhaps have set him the precedent by

turning monk at Rhaithou. One thing at least is only too evident,

that whethermonk

or notCosmas

was a Christian and amost

uncompromising Christian. It is the fact of all others on which

he prided himself, and the one point which his readers are most

likely to regret. Indeed the most pious of readers could hardly

fail to reflect how much more interesting and useful his book

would have been, had his zeal been less. Yet for all his piety

there is grave doubt whether his Christianity was orthodox.

, tovs ev, —and used by Moses of Khorene as

one of his geographical authorities. But the list does not agree with that which

Cosmas gives and there seems no reason for the identification.

^ Vincent {Navigation of the Ancients, i. p. iii and n. 480) expresses a doubt

whether Cosmas had ever sailed l)eyond Bab-el- Mandeb, though he admits that he

mentions Socotra as though he had seen it. Others too (e.g. Tennent and Lassen)

have doubted whether he ever reached India or Ceylon, and thought he got all his

information about the latter from Sopatrus who is mentioned in the Xlth book : but

their arguments are not very conclusive and good authorities (e.g. Yule) disagree.

^ Probably he like Scholasticus took ship at Adulis.

'^ According to D. T. Schermann (" Propheten und Apostellegenden," Harnack's

Texte tend Untersuchtmgen, Bd. 31, Heft 3, 1907, p. 144) Codex Athous Iviron 60

ascribes the tract on the Apostles generally attributed to Dorotheus to Cosmas Indi-

copleustes and in the introductory life gives Cosmas' name in place of that of Dorotheus.

That makes him bishop of Tyre in the days of Diocletian and martyr under Julian

at^, which is absurd, as it is quite inconsistent with the details given

by Cosmas himself.

I 2



4 INTRODUCTION

De La Croze ^ denounced him as a Nestorian on the internal

evidence furnished by the Topography. In it Cosmas confesses

himself a pupil of Patricius. Theodore of Mopsuestia and

Diodorus of Tarsus, and a friend of Thomas of Edessa, who

were all Nestorians, and many of his ideas were borrowed from

them-. Again in his denunciation of pestilent heretics he omits

the Nestorians; and, when speaking of Christ^ and the Incar-

nation of the Word, he uses Nestorian modes of expression.

McCrindle adds another argument, that he speaks in glowing

terms of the growth of the church in the east, which was due to

Nestorian missionary zeal. But he raises a doubt as to Cosmas'

Nestorianism on the strength of one and only one passage

" that in which Cosmas addresses Mary as the Mother of God

(313 C), an expression abhorrent to the Nestorians." If that

is the only plea of defence, Cosmas, I fear, must stand convicted,

as the best MS. omits those words^

Monk, heretic, or both, at any rate he took to writing books,

of which the Topography alone survives. The rest are knownonly by name and such description as Cosmas himself gives

when mentioning them. Two of them, the Delineation or Image

of the Universe and of the Stellar Motion^ made in imitation of the

artificial sphere of the Pagans, and a treatise thereon addressed to

the most pious Deacon Homologus, and the Commentary on the Song

of Songs^^ may be passed over without further mention and with-

out regret: but the third, a work on geography addressed to one

Constantinus, is a real and irreparable loss to students of ancient

geography and indeed to the world in general. In it he described

"all the earth, beyond the Ocean and this side of it, and all lands;

and the southern parts from Alexandria to the south sea, namely

the Nile and its neighbourhood, and the nations of all Egypt,

and of Ethiopia; besides, the Arabian Gulf and its neighbour-

^ Hist, du Christ, des Iiides, i. pp. 40

—56.

2 e.g. in book v. pp. 252—6 he insists that only four Psahns apply to Christ.

^ e.g. he invariably attaches;? to? and KUpios to/.*

J. Kennedy ("The Child Krishna, Christianity," etc, Journal of the Royal

Asiatic Soc.^ Oct. 1907, p. 959) refers to Cosmas as "the great Nestorian traveller

and monk."

•'' Some have attributed to him also an "Explanation of the Psalms," but as I shall

presently show, there seems no reason for attributing such a work to him.



INTRODUCTION 5

hood, and the nations again as far as the Ocean there ; and also

the land between the river and the gulf, and the cities and the

places and the nations in it." The book is much to be regretted,

as Cosmas had travelled over a great part of the ground : and

here, where he was not bound to a theological theory, his

enquiring mind and his faculties as a raconteur could hardly

fail to have produced a book of travels that would bear com-

parison even with Herodotus. It is possible that the so-called

eleventh book of the Topography, the book on Ceylon, is really

an extract fromthis

work. Thereis little

doubtthat it is

notpart of the Topography, as the best MS. omits it, and the Sinaitic

MS. states clearly that it is ? ?}?.hether it belongs to his geographical work or is a separate

pamphlet, it at any rate gives some idea of what that work must

have been\

Of what his existing work^ is, it would require a universal

^ The Topography as we now have it is not in the state in which it was originally

edited. It at first consisted only of five books addressed to a certain Pamphilus. Then

books VI. to X. v^^ere produced separately to explain difficulties felt by readers and

answer attacks. There are signs, as I shall endeavour to show later, that it was not

Cosmas himself who collected ihem and published them as a whole: and possibly part

of book X. which is not found in V was added by the editor. Books xi. and Xll. have

little or no connection with the rest of the work, and would seem to have been added

from among Cosmas' loose papers, or possibly taken from his other works.

^ The date of the book is tolerably certain, though the exact year of its publication

cannot be fixed. In the second book Cosmas says it is 25 years more or less since he

was at Axum, and he was there when Elesbaas was preparing for his expedition against

the Ilomeritae. That expedition probably took place in 525 a.d. (cp. Noldeke, Tabari,

p. 188), though some (e.g. McCrindle and Beazley) date it 522 and others (e.g. Muir,

Life ofMahomet) 523. Again at the beginning of the sixth book Cosmas refers to two

eclipses in the present indiction, giving the dates as Mechir 12 and Mesori 24: these

Krall identifies with the eclipses of 6 Feb. 547 and 17 Aug. 547 {Sitzungsb. der k.

Akad. zu Wien, cxxi.). The book would therefore be written about the middle of the

sixth century.

Montfaucon argues that as he refers in book x., which is one of the additional

books, to Timothy the younger as rereXeuTT^/cws, which he takes to mean "lately

dead," and to Theodosius of Alexandria as an exile at Constantinople, when the first

died in 535 a.d., and the latter was exiled in 536, Cosmas must have completed the

original Topography before that date and already have begun to make additions. He

therefore assumes that the date in the second book was altered when a collected

edition was published (cp. also Beazley i. p. 279). But it is unlikely that the reference

to the eclipses should also have been added. Besides Theodosius lived an exile till

567 or 568, and an indefinite phrase like cannot be too closely



6 INTRODUCTION

specialist to give a clear idea or definition. The book is an

indescribable medley, how indescribable may be inferred from

the fact that while Cosmas himself called it a Christian Topo-

graphy—an excellent title as it cannot possibly convey any

particular meaning to anybody— Photius, for lack of a sufficiently

comprehensive term, drew a bow at a venture and defined it as a

Commentary on the Octateuch. One can hardly deny that the

work might as well be called that as anything else, since Cosmas

quotes and comments on a considerable portion of the Octateuch.

That however was not the main object of his work. His inten-

tion was to refute the theory that the earth was round, and to

prove that Moses' tabernacle in the wilderness was a model of

the universe^ The earth he reiterates is a flat surface, its length

twice its breadth^ like the table of Shewbread, and above it,

over the visible firmament, is a second story consisting of the

two heavens =\ supported by walls at the end of the earth and

"glued" to it. That was what the division of the Tabernacle

into two parts by the veil signified'*. This quaint idea had noteven the merit of being original : several grave fathers of the

church had interpreted Paul's mystical words that the Tabernacle

and its contents were vrrohei'y^aTa and

(Hebrews ix. 23, 24) to mean that it was a model of the earth,

and consequently had imagined that they were living in just

such an excentrically shaped world as Cosmas described. It

was probably Theodore of Mopsuestia^ that he mainly followed

pressed. Nor need the title "bishop of Alexandria" mean that he was still legally

bishop—a successor was appointed in 538—as it would be the readiest way of dis-

tinguishing him from other Theodosii even after that date.

^ It is noticeable that both the shape of the world and the comparison to a place

of worship were old Egyptian traditions. "The (Egyptian) temple was built in likeness

of the world as known to the Egyptians. The earth as they believed was a flat and

hollow plane, longer than its width. The sky according to some extended overhead

like an immense iron ceiling, and according to others, like a huge shallow vault

(Maspero, Manual of Egypt. Arch., tr. Edwards, 2 ed. p. 90). It is improbable how-

ever that Cosmas, though a resident in Egypt, was influenced by profane art.

^ Cp. Theodore of Mopsuestia.

^ For two heavens cp. the Coptic treatise on the Mysteries 0/ the Creek Letters (ed.

ilebbelynck, p. 51).

^ lie compares it too to Noah's ark.

^ Cp. John Philoponus, On Creation-, ill. 9.



INTRODUCTION 7

in his description as in his interpretations of Scripture : but

others, Diodorus of Tarsus \ for instance, Severianus-^ of Gabala

and Eusebius, regarded earth and heaven as a kind of two-

storied house ^. Cosmas however was apparently the first, and

one hopes the only person to collect and develop into a system

the strange cosmographical ideas which are hinted at in early

theologians. He in all seriousness tries to produce an entire

cosmic system based on the words of the " great cosmographer

Moses," and not content with defining the shape, size and position

of the earth, the heavens above the earth and the waters below

the earth—and above if* too, for that matter—all come in for a

share of his attention. The size of the sun, its nightly disappear-

ance and revolution round a huge mountain' which rises some-

where up in the north*^—out of the middle of nowhere presumably,

as Cosmas does not define its precise position—the eclipses of

sun and moon, the stars and their courses are all duly registered

and explained in accordance with a flat world and Holy Writ.

Even the location of the terrestial paradise presented no difficulty

^ Cp. the summary of his book in Photius Codex 223.

- Orations on Creation^ especially no. 3.

•^ On the cosmographical opinions of the Fathers cp. Beazley, Dawn of Modern

Geography, i. part V. Beazley refers to Letronne, " Opinions Cosmographiques des

Peres" ^Rev. des deux Mondes, March 15, 1834, p. 601); Marinelli (tr. Neumann),

Erdkiinde bei den Kirchen-Vdtern, Santaren, Essai sur Cosmographie, vol. i. pp. 314,

315; Penkl, Geschichte der Erdkunde, pp. 85—90; Charton, Voyageurs Anciens et Mod.',

and F. Denis, Le Monde Enchante. He also gives the following references to the

Fathers: Lactantius, Inst. Div. iii. 24; Augustine, De civ. Dei,xwi. 9; Chrysostom,

Homily XIV. on Hebrews; for the comparison of the world to a tent or tabernacle and

other points, Diodorus (ed. Migne), 1562— 1580; Severianus, Orations on Creation

(e.g. I. 4j 5> II• 3> 4 on the firmament; in. 2, 4, 5 against a round world); Procopius

of Gaza, On Genesis; Athanasius, Contra Gentes; Caesarius, Dial. i. ; for almost all

Cosmas' theories (e.g. the length of the earth, the mountain behind which the sun sets,

the duties of the angels), Theodore of Mopsuestia in John Philoponus, i. 16, 17, ni.

9, 10; Basil, Hexaem. ni. 9; Cyril, Hieros. Catech. ix. 76; Eusebius, Comjnentatyon Isaiah {Col. Nov. Pair. u. 511 B) ; Avitus, On the Creation, which is almost the

same as Cosmas on Paradise.

* Cp. Ambrose on Gen. ii. 5.

•^ This also is parallel to the ancient Egyptian belief, and is found in Theodore of

Mopsuestia.

For this mountain (89 c d) cp. the Ravenna Geographer, and Aethimus ch. 21,

where it is placed in the M^est. According to Beazley it is an Indian conception con-

tinued by the Arabic geographers.



8 INTRODUCTION

to him. It lay to the east beyond the ocean which encircles

this world ^

Sir H. Yule not inaptly compared Cosmas' two-storied world

with its rounded top to " one of those huge receptacles in which

female travellers of our day carry their dresses." And one can

hardly help thinking how curiously similar it is to Rossetti's

picture of the Blessed Damozel. Only Rossetti made a grave

mistake about his angels, and placed them, if we may believe

our author, in the wrong story. Cosmas indeed seems to have

had a wonderfully poor opinion of the angels, and gives as the

reason for the six days of creation that the deity, who could just

as easily have accomplished it in one, took six days about it for

the angels' sake, as their weak intelligence would not otherwise

have grasped the mechanism of the thing. Moreover, he argues

at great length, they are confined to this lower terrestial story,

and are for ever running up and down a Jacob's ladder with a

door at the top, through which they are not allowed to pass till

we lords and ladies of creation have wiped out mother Eve'slittle peccadilloes and supplied them with the key. Their one

recreation or employment is the management of a star apiece^:

and yet they are quite contented with their position in " the

keen air that blows between the worlds "—perhaps, one cannot

help thinking, by reason of their aforesaid weakness of intellect.

Though we who have inherited the wisdom of the ages have

but little right to laugh at scientific pioneers, however wrong

their conclusions may have been ; still theories such as these

can hardly, as Mr Beazley has justly observed, appeal to us

except as a monument of unconscious humour. Unconscious

the humour certainly was : to Cosmas these ideas were the

serious scientific side of his book, and the very touchstone of

faith. He is never tired of inveighing against those obstinate

wrong-headed pagans who believe in a round world and the

^ This was the prevalent opinion among theologians, though Photius in his epitome

of Philostorgius (iii. p. lo), who made the same assertion, admits that it is pure con-

jecture. Philostorgius also and Severian {Or. v. 6) agree with Cosmas in making the

four rivers of Paradise run under the earth and reappear in the Nile, Euphrates, Tigris

and Pison.

'•^ This duty is also assigned to them by Theodore of Mopsuestia.



INTRODUCTION 9

existence of Antipodes \ whose inhabitants must "incessantly

stand on their head " and submit to the curiously uncanny

sensationof rain raining upwards. Line upon line and verse

upon verse of Holy Writ is hurled at his opponents with weari-

some iteration-: and, as if that were not sufficient, he adduces

a whole book of quotations from the Fathers in support of his

system, a fortunate accident which has preserved almost all that

survives of the Greek text of Athanasius' Festal Letters.

Yet when he can momentarily get free from the obsession of

his King Charles' head—the " great cosmographer Moses "—his

work is full of the most miscellaneous interest ; and fortunately

he was of a discursive mind and frequently gave way to digres-

sions, reminiscences, and anecdotes.

Theologians have unearthed other fragments of lost texts of

the Fathers besides those oi h.x.\\d.x\diuw^' Festal Letters, information

about the date of the Nativity, the rites of baptism, the canon-

icity of the Catholic Epistles according to the various Churches

and authorities, and the spot where the passage of the Red Sea

took place. Interesting details too are given as to the spread of

Christianity in Cosmas' day. The ordinary layman at any rate

is somewhat surprised to find that in the sixth century churches

and missionaries were at work from France and Spain in the west

to India and Ceylon in the east, as well as across the whole of

North Africa and Arabia, and still more surprised to find Persia

as the missionizing centre for the east. Nor has a fresh examina-

tion of the MSS. been utterly unrewarded, as it has added two

other passages of some little interest to theologians,—another

small quotation from the Athanasian Letters and a scholion

referring to the spuriousness of the Gospel of Infancy (p. 144)1

^ Most of the Fathers objected to the Antipodes on one score or another, cp.

Lactantius, Inst. Div. in. 24; Chrysostom, Homily XIV. on Hebreivs\ Augustine,

De civ. Dei, xvi. 9. Many Pagans agreed with them, e.g. Pliny, N.H. il. d^,.

^ The value and applicability of such quotations is well illustrated by the fact that

Maundeville ch. xvil.uses precisely the same text (suspendi terram ex nichilo) to prove

the existence of the Antipodes as Cosmas several times (e.g. pp. 79, 183) uses to

disprove it.

^ It is perhaps worth noting that Cosmas, though he seems to use the Sept. version

of the O.T., once refers to Theodotion's version (93 b). It is therefore possible that he

may preserve some variants taken from the unusual versions.



INTRODUCTION

Among travellers and geographers the man who knew the

source of the Blue Nile centuries before it was " discovered " in

quite modern times, who first noticed the Aramaic inscriptions

on the rocks in the Wady Mokatteb, and who recorded incidents

of voyages in eastern seas and travels across eastern lands as

early as the sixth century is no unimportant figure. One cannot

indeed claim for him the honour of being the first or the sole

early authority on the lands he visited, as we have scattered

references to others who, as merchants or ambassadors, traversed

much the same ground : but, if not the first, he is one of the

fullest and most reliable.

A very close parallel to Cosmas' travels is found in the

Pseudo-Palladius or Ambrosius, De8 BracJimanorum.

There the author recounts that his informant, one Scholasticus,

'* Shipping himself with certaine Merchants in the Red Sea,

first came to the Towne of the Adulites, or the bay Adulicus,

after that to the promontory Aromata, and a mart of the

Troglodytes, and hence to places of the Assumites, and many

days after to Muziris the mart of all India on this side Ganges,

and having stayed a while there he passed over to the ile

Taprobane^" lambulus too, a merchant, according to the account

in Diodorus Siculus (bk. . 55), visited the coast of Ethiopia^,

was taken prisoner and set adrift in a boat as a purificatory

offering. He reached Ceylon, and after seven years was turned

out of the country as a knave and went to India ; but for all the

reliable information he gives one about the countries he visited,

he might as well have gone to the mountains of the moon.

Strabo (XV. 4) mentions merchants of his day, unlettered men,

like Cosmas according to his own confession, who sailed from

Egypt to India by the Nile and Arabian Gulf. Pliny too speaks

of merchants visiting Ceylon in Claudius' reign {N.H. VI. 24);

and Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 7) of a mercantile treaty

between the Romans and the people of Ceylon while Julian

was Emperor.

^ Purchas, His Pilgriines (ed. Hakluyt Soc. i. 240).

^ It is probable that Cosmas too took ship at AduHs, as, after Caracalla's massacre

at Alexandria in 215 a.d. put an end to direct trade with India, trade was transferred

partly to Adulis, partly to the Persian Gulf (cp. J. Kennedy, yoiirn. of Royal As. Soc.

1907. p• 953)•



INTRODUCTION 1

For Ethiopia again we have a few fragments of the account

of Nonnosus, a contemporary of Cosmas, who was sent by

Justinian (circ. 535) on an embassyto Caicus, ruler of the

Saracens, and thence on to Elesbaas at Axum (cp. Photius

Cod. 3) ; and also the anonymous Periplns maris Erythaei.

But then the narratives of Scholasticus and lambulus are

little better than fairy talcs, and second-hand fairy tales to boot,

while Nonnosus' work is lost save for a few insignificant frag-

ments, and Strabo's merchants probably left no accounts behind

themV In Cosmas' case, on the other hand, though his separate

geographical treatise is lost, there remain at any rate a whole

book on Ceylon, the celebrated inscriptions of Adulis, which

with the notes added by Cosmas give much information on

Abyssinia, and other scattered passages most regretably buried

in a dreary waste of theological sand^

Perhaps however we must not give way too much to regret,

for Cosmas' monasticism may have been as fortunate an accident

as Marco Polo's capture and imprisonment by the Genoese, but

for which he would probably have gone down into the grave

without recording his experiences. It is not the only possible

point of comparison between the two ; they possess at least one

virtue and a certain number of descriptions in common. Their

common virtue is a rare one in travellers—veracity^: the words

of Marco Polo's preface: "Some things indeed there be therein

which he beheld not : but these he heard from men of credit

and veracity. And we shall set down things seen as seen, and

things heard as heard only, so that no jot of falsehood may mar

the truth of our Book, and that all who read it or hear it read

may put full faith in the truth of all its contents," apply as well

to the geographical and anecdotal part of Cosmas' book as to

^ The author of the Periplns maris Erythaei however has left an account of his

journeys in much the same lands as Cosmas. He too visited Axum in Zoscales' reign

(circ. 77—89 A.D.) and voyaged as far south along the coast of Africa as Rhapta; and

had crossed to Western India by the monsoon. Like Cosmas he was a Greek-speaking

inhabitant of, or settler in, Egypt.

^ There are too, as Beazley points out, the earliest Christian maps which have come

down to us.

^ Photius says unjustly " . ^',.

'^



12 INTRODUCTION

his own. Some, I believe, have had doubts of Cosmas' veracity,

pointing to such an unimportant detail as the mention of a seal,

an animal by no means common in tropical seas. But, apart

from the fact that the first cousin of a seal may be found floating

about the Red Sea answering to the name of a "dugong," a sixth

century traveller who states quite openly that he has never seen

a single unicorn requires no further testimony to his truthful-

ness. To be sure he gives a picture and description of one after

the pattern of four brazen statues which he had seen on the

turrets of the king's palace in Ethiopia, but that was natural

enough in an age when belief in unicorns was universal. Messer

Marco was wiser in his generation, and knew that the unicorn

was none other than the rhinoceros, " a passing ugly beast to

look upon, and not in the least like that which stories tell of

as being caught in the lap of a virgin." Cosmas had seen a

rhinoceros in Ethiopia "standing at a safe distance," but had

failed to trace the connection, probably because the statues

represented the beast under the form of which stories tell. Heand Polo share too descriptions of the giraffe, of the musk-deer,

of the hippopotamus—all at least that either of them had ever

seen of a hippopotamus, which was nothing more than one of

its teeth,—of coconut milk, which both seem to have over-

estimated, and of the king of Ceylon's giant ruby, the Kohinoor

of early days. Only in Cosmas, and according to Yule in a

Chinese historian of the next century, the gem is placed on the

top of a pagoda, where " it shines from afar especially when the

sun lights upon it, a spectacle glorious and beyond compare."

Cosmas however is speaking from hearsay ; so, if there is any

exaggeration as regards the size and splendour of that ruby, one

cannot hold him guilty of it. It would surely be unfair to charge

him with his informants' lack of veracity provided that he sets

down fairly "things seen as seen, and things heard as heard";

and that is his invariable practice. If that distinction be borne

in mind, it will, I think, be found that what he records as his

own experiences are facts demonstrably true or at any rate

intrinsically probable. For the stories reported from the

mouths of friends or natives unfortunately the same cannot

be said : generally indeed



INTRODUCTION 13

"they are just the rude tales that one hears

in sadness or mirth,

the records of wandering years;

and scant is their worth."

That however is little to be regretted as it contributes some few

amusing passages in a work which is sadly in need of them.

Besides Cosmas is at his best in such passages and proves

that he had considerable narrative ability : so that even the

ordinary Gallio, who cares not a jot for a sentence or a half

page more or less of the Church Fathers and very little for

exactness in regard to the geography of Abyssinia in the fourth

century, will find much to interest and more to amuse him in

Cosmas' travel-sketches.

Here for instance is a description of a voyage somewhere

towards Zanzibar which bears a strange resemblance to a passage

in Coleridge's Ancient Mariner. "There was," says Cosmas,

" much tempestuous wind in the place,"

"And now the Storm-blast came and he

was tyrannous and strong,

he struck with his o'ertaking wings

and chased us south along."

"And on our right as we entered we saw a flock of birds flying,

which they call,—the albatross,"

"At length did cross an Albatross,

thorough the fog it came.

As if it had been a Christian soul

we hailed it in God's name."

It was not however the bird that Cosmas' fellow-passengers

hailed in God's name, but the helmsman to " put her about, and

sail to the left up the bay, for fear we get swept away by the

stream and carried into the Ocean and perish." With the usual

timidity of old-world sailors they had no desire whatsoever to be

"the first that ever burst

into that silent sea."

They were apparently successful in avoiding that disaster,

and as they retired "the albatross did follow for a great distance,

which showed that we were near the Ocean."

Then there are curious tales of bartering under difficulties



14 INTRODUCTION

when neither party knew the other's tongue " and there was a

sad lack of interpreters"; of how Sopatrus, his friend of 35 years

ago, was set on an elephant and drummed in honour through

the town by the king of Ceylon for his ready wit in proving the

superiority of the Roman Emperor over the Persian King of

Kings by a comparison of their respective coins^; and of how

he himself and his friend Menas set out at the request of the

king of Axum with notebook in hand, like a pair of modern

archaeological tourists, to copy the Ptolemaic inscription which

he records. Quaintest of all is the yarn about the dyp6ov(;, the

yak apparently, about which " they say that if it catches its tail

in the fork of a' tree, it never lies down, but stands there unwilling

to lose a hair of its tail. After a while come the natives and cut

off its tail, and then it runs and leaves its tail behind it." Again

there are amusing sidelights on the methods of old-world science.

We have a delightful picture of a grave father abbot, Stephen of

Antioch, "a true Christian and one who may be numbered among

the perfect,thoroughly versed

in lunar calculations, according,

mark you, to the system we have laid down following the Holy

Scriptures, and able to foretell with ease both solar and lunar

eclipses," measuring his shadow at Antioch and Constantinople

to calculate the size of the sun; and of Cosmas himself triumph-

ally brandishing a round ball on the end of a pin in the face

of the profane and godless persons who declared that a small

circular body illumined by a larger body casts a conical shadow:

"and to tell you the plain and honest truth they went away with

their mouths open and their eyes dejectedly cast down."

One cannot help admiring the enthusiastic inquisitiveness of

the man and yet with it all there is the narrow bigoted monastic

spirit of the dark ages. "Carved on the back of the throne we

(he is speaking of himself and Menas examining the throne near

the Ptolemaic inscription) found Herakles and Hermes. And

my good friend and companion Menas said that Herakles wasthe symbol of might and Hermes of wealth. But I remembered

the Acts and to the latter said him nay, remarking that Hermes

should rather be taken for the symbol of speech. For so it is

^ This may have been an old traveller's yarn ; cp. Pliny, JVM Y{. 24 and

Solinus 56.



INTRODUCTION 15

written in the Acts ' They called Barnabas Zeus, but Paul

Hermes, because he was the chief speaker.'" If only Menas

had been able to convince himthat " they didn't know every-

thin' down in Judee"! But it would have been difficult to

convince him : he was obviously " a man addicted to opinions

which I know not whether hee did holde more strangely or

strongly."

MSS. AND Textual Criticism.

The MSS. of an author so little likely to attract a wide circle

of readers as Cosmas are, as one would expect, but few ; indeed

only three at all complete MSS. are known to exist. Of these

the oldest, and, in my opinion, the best, is V(— Vat. Gr. 699), an

uncial MS. of the eighth or ninth^ century. It contains only the

first ten books, and, as the index of books, which is written at

the beginning by the same hand as the text, only extends as far

as the tenth book, it obviously never contained any more. After

the index it begins with a, which partially corresponds

to the second prologue of L ; but it omits the introductory

prayer, first prologue and beginning of the second prologue

which are found in L and Montfaucon's edition.

The following passages are now missing owing to loss of

leaves

192 C

{ovv)—201 A

( )after f. 44,

208 c{- )—212 A

() after f 47, 221 D

(eV) } yfj)—224 C() after f. 54, and 381 D{^)—384 C{) after f. 108.

Several leaves were misplaced when I first collated the MS.,

but have, I believe, now been restored to their original position.

Accents except in a very few cases are not by the original

hand, but by the corrector, who is referred to in the apparatus

criticus as VI Occasionally a later hand or later hands have

altered words or inked over illegible passages, not always cor-

rectly.

^ Kondakoff, Hist, de Part Byz. I. pp. 136— 151 argues for the seventh to eighth

century; Unger, Byz. Kimstgesch. for the tenth. New Palaeographical Soc. pt. n.

plate 24 dates it as ninth century.



i6 INTRODUCTION

The whole work is magnificently illustrated with illuminations

which are generally held, except by Kondakoff, to be close copies

of an antique original. There is much to be said for the view

that Cosmas was his own artist, as some of them portray subjects

with which any chance monastic artist would not have been

familiar. The first picture in V (f 12) for instance is one which

has no connection with the text, and depicts an antelope between

two banana trees. At any rate the artist must have worked

under Cosmas' direction in drawing such pictures as the chair

and pillar with inscriptions seen by Cosmas at Adulis : and

Cosmas apparently added the descriptive headings round andwithin the rim of the pictures. That is proved by the use of

native words (e.g. .6 — Ar. }^ a banana) and the mention

of the little known port of Adulis, Gabaza, in the picture on

f. I2\ I have however in most cases omitted these picture-

headings as they are generally of no value, and belong rather

to a work on the illustrations such as that which Prof. Stornaiolo

is producing than to an edition of the text.

Reproductions of pictures from V may be found in Vincent's

Navigation and Commerce of the Ancients (the Adulis monument);

Garrucci, Storia delta arte Crist. III. plates 142— 153 (a long

theological series chiefly from the fifth book) ; Kondakoff, Hist,

de Part Byz. I. pp. 136 151; N. Alemanni, De Lateran. pariet.

tab. VI.; D'Agincourt, Storia deW arte, Picture, tav. 34, and the

Nezv alaeographical Society, pt. II. p. 24.

S = no. II 86 of the Greek MSS. in the Monastery of St

Katherine at Mt Sinai (Gardthausen, Cat. Cod. Sin. p. 241).

It is a folio of 211 leaves written in the eleventh century. Like

L it contained twelve books, but is now deficient at the end,

breaking off at the words { C).

The beginning differs both from V and L. On f. i is the

prologue—or first prologue as L and Montfaucon call it—then

onf.

2 is the index of the twelve books

( ^). Then follows the beginning

-as in V. At the end of the fifth book, the end that is

to say of the original work, it has a prayer which is omitted

in L, though in other respects L and S are very closely con-

nected.



INTRODUCTION 17

The following leaves are missing

One page after fol. 5, which ends at (57 A), while fol. 6

begins Aopoc a.

Two pages after fol. 41, causing the omission of

TrepiypaTTTOuv (132 C) to eV Tjjyfj ^ev- (136 C).

Two more after fol. 69(—end of book IV.).

And one after fol. 103(, 249 A 6 , 252 ).

Like L and V it is profusely illuminated, containing practi-

cally the same illustrations as L. A few of these are reproduced

in Kondakoff, Histoire de Part. Byz., vol. I.

136foil, vol. II. plate i.

(cf also his Putesestvie na Sinai, pp. 137— 143, plates 39— 59).

Laurentiait Pint. IX. 28. The Laurentian MS. (L) is numbered

Plut. IX. cod. 28 in the Laurentian Library at Florence : and is

written in a minuscule hand of the eleventh century. This was

the MS. from which Montfaucon edited his edition with only

occasional glances at V, and so it contains in the main outlines

at any rate

—for to strict exactness Montfaucon's edition can

make no claim—the text as there printed. It omits the summary

of contents and begins with the title Ps.— (Migne 52) in red. At the place where

V begins the two texts do not fit exactly, L having a much

shorter and to me untranslatable version of the first thirteen

lines of page 56. It runs : yap

//////

ypa

-. Where have indicated a space the top corner of the

page containing some four letters has been cut off: but it

seems impossible to find any word of that length which would

connect the sentence.

In L as in V several transpositions and losses of pages have

taken place. The order after fol. 4 which ends at $6

should be

fol. 13 ol iv Trj ^6 — 57 .fol. 20 eV 57 — fol. 23 6 C.

fol. 19 iv 6 C ^ (a mistake for) 04 D. The rest of 64 I could not find.

fol. 14 yap 6$ A—fol. 1 8 end of book I,

fol. 24 beginning of book II.—fol. 29 8o .

w. 2



i8 INTRODUCTION

fol. 5 r^pa<^riv 67 ovBevl 8o A—fol. 12 Bia- 92 A.

Then from fol. 30 on.

After fol. 104 there is a leaf or more missing, as Montfaucon

has indicated by a row of dots on page 200 D. Unfortunately V

too is deficient here and S only partially fills the gap, so that one

cannot tell exactly how much is missing : but the next six lines

iydo — are inserted by Montfaucon, as fol. 105

begins with ovB^ .Shortly after this there is another transposition ; fols. 108— 122

containing (2 1 6 A) ^ <; (236 c) and 123—130

containing (204 d)— (2i6 A) should

change places.

Between fols. 139 and 140 and 233— 234 there are gaps on

pages 249 A and 393 which are however filled by V.

L like V and S is elaborately illustrated, though the illumin-

ations are not so finely executed as those of V.

The MS. has been corrected throughout by another hand;

and in most cases where corrections occur, the first hand of Lagrees with V and S: e.g. 313 ?...€ rfj TriareL VSL•, where U corrects^ to e^eiv

and V^ proposes another solution, adding after.221 C ov SoKei elvai* VSL\ v/here L^ alters

the last two words to .200 D VL^S, Ll

These are rather favourable specimens of the work of the

second hand, as in the first and last cases and and

and might well be confused in an uncial hand,

and in the second case' may come from the same

words occurring just below. Generally its corrections are rather

suspicious changes of bad grammar to good, e.g.^,and

'197 D, where the Nom. of the other

MSS. may well be due to forgetfulness on Cosmas' part, as he is

not a careful writer (cp. a similar instance, 225 c). Much more

rarely L^ agrees with V (e.g. 297 D L, .VL^), or even with V^ (e.g. 269 A^ V,

^ Where V stands alone, both here and in the j4p/>. criL, I generally omit accents,

as none were used by the original scribe of V.



INTRODUCTION 19

Par. Snppl. Gr. 844 (s. XVIII.) consists of copies of some of

the pictures in L.

Phillips 2581. By the kindness of Monsieur de Ricci, whoinformed me of a copy of L in the Phillips library at Cheltenham,

and of Monsieur H. Omont, to whom he applied for information

about it, I am enabled to quote the latter's description of it,

though I have not myself seen the MS.

" Cosmae Indicopleustae Topographia Christiana.

Die 21 junii 1682. Plut. 9 . 28 Bibl. Laurent. Florent.

Au bas du fol. i :' Nesselii Bibl. Caes. in theolog. I. p. 326 ss.'

XVI I^ s. Pap. petit in-4 (sans valeur).

Ce MS. a la reliure en velin des MSS. de Meerman."

— Paris Gr. 2426 (Hainault Reg. 2733) (s. XVI.) contains

on fol. 1 12 foil. "Cosmae Indicopleustae excerpta de Taprobane,"

copied by Nicholas de la Torre. The excerpts are from book XL,

and consist of the whole of that book as far as (449 A),

except the section on the seal, dolphin and tortoise, and the list

of Indian towns (445 D—446 B). The text is handled freely, and

seems, so far as one can judge from Strzygowski's specimens of

the Smyrna MS., to resemble closely that manuscript. As a

specimen I have given the readings of the early part of book XL,

the sections on the beasts etc., in full, but have not continued to

do so afterwards, as the variants are perfectly worthless. It was

copied by Nicholas de la Torre possibly from the archetype of Z,

though it contains more of the eleventh book than Z.

= Smyrna —8. This MS. is described by Papadopoulos-

Kerameus in his catalogue of the Smyrna library (1877) p. 32,

no. 48 e/9 8° /, €« ^ g6

<. " ^ ',09 eXaXrjae irepl €<; yevov^

... iv TiaXaia . /.

/,.He does not mention the Cosmas, but Strzygowski has

published a lengthy description of the MS. in the Byzantinisches

Archiv 2 (1899). The part which contains the selections from

Cosmas is pp. 156— 192, and it bears the title^, but the name Maximus is added later

over a shorter erasure. Strzygowski describes it as merely a

collection of pictures, with short passages of text attached to



20 INTRODUCTION

them ; and even what text there is, is not as a rule faithfully

copied but shortened. The passages it contains are:

fols. 158— 159, Migne 93 C

^6

—g6 yap

.ols. 168— 169, . 224 ^—^9 /i^ irpoeLiretv—, .ols. 184— 19^) book XL except the sections on the,, which appear in the first

part of the MS., containing the

?(pp. 125, 126, 135, 136).

Strzygowski dates it as near iiooA.D. and suggests that it

may be derived from the Sinaitic MS. If we may judge from

the passages quoted by him, the text has been cut down and

shortened with the greatest freedom. I have not myself seen

the MS.

W= Vienna Theol. 9. At Vienna there is another frag-

ment which is described by Lambecius and more carefully by

Kollar. It is numbered cod. Theol. 9 (olim 272), and is a

quarto volume " mediocriter antiquus," brought by A. Busbeck

from Constantinople, f. 28 : The Cosmas text begins with the

heading XejovTc^, , Be

.Then follows . 6 C —72 adding

.On fol. 32 it resumes with the title

-

^ ') followed by . yG A ^ 6

^—yy , and on fol. 33^

80 A—84 A ^. 6 ^—^ ) ...The Cosmas selections end on fol. 34 with 337

to the end of the page. It seems to be copied from S or

more probably from a MS. closely similar to S.

A number of MSS. of the Psalter and of the Gospels prefix

sections from the fifth book of Cosmas as catenae. Of these I

have examined several.

R'^= Vat. Gr. 363 (s. X.) fol. i, catena on Matthew. The

beginning has been lost : what remains is['\



INTRODUCTION 21

288 D to the end of the page, and a^ which is found

in V, but omitted in L and Migne

fol. 48, catena on Mark (288 A—B) entitled //, ^IvhiKo-

.ol. 78^, catena on Luke (289—292) .ol. 125, catena on John (292—293)/? -.= Vat. Gr. 756 (s. XI.—XII.) fol. 98 187\6

M.apKou evayyeXtov (289 A ):

fol.

154^ catena on Luke (289—292).

S. Cromwell 1 5 in the Bodleian Library (s. XI.), " olim

Joachim hieromonachi, postea e monasterio

apud montem Atho in Angliam advectus A.D. 1727." fol. 75^ , evayyeXtov

(289):

fol. 112, catena on Luke (289—292) ending at the end of the

first 7Tapaypa^)r).

Bodleiatt Arch. Seld. 29 (A.D. 1338), fol. 116, catena on Luke.hese I have collated, and have given some readings from the

first two as specimens of their worthlessness rather than for any

value attaching to them. Others are mentioned by Scrivener and

Gregory, and Papadopoulos-Kerameus in his catalogue of the

Evangelical school at Smyrna p. 50 copies the catena on Mark

from codex 2 apparently without identifying it, though he

elsewhere^ mentions another MS. with these sections from Cosmas

as catenae to the Gospels.

The MSS. which use a section from the fifth book of the

Topography as a catena to the Psalms are equally numerous and

in themselves equally unimportant. Their only interest indeed

lies in the confusion which has prevailed about them and caused

editors and others to ascribe to Cosmas a separate tractate on

the Psalms, for which there is absolutely no evidence. That

confusion is partly due to the fact that the section chosen as a

catena is chosen from a passage (248 —249 ) where a leaf is

missing in L, and Montfaucon with incredible carelessness has

only copied a small part of the missing text from V. The con-

sequence is that, as the MSS. which use the passage as a catena

^ Catalogue of the . e^» no. 2.



22 INTRODUCTION

naturally preserve the whole text—and somewhat strangely add

the headings which occur in various parts of a picture which

wasattached to the section on David,

—people have been led

to suppose that the text was not a simple copy of the Topo-

graphy. The confusion has been increased by the ascription

of the passage to other authors in some MSS.—for example it

is printed among Chrysostom's spurious works in Migne, Pair,

Gr, p. 532, where the title is taken from a codex Ottobonianus

R. 25—and by the wilful alteration of the text in other MSS.

MSS. of the simple class, containing the complete passage from

Cosmas and the headings from the picture are :

Vat. Gr. 342 (s. XII.), fol. 7^,/^^^'^eh )9 <;.Vat. Gr. 525 (s. Xll.), fol. i, id.

Venice Marc. Gr. 498 (s. XIV.), fol. 270,/^^^^,^^ eh .

odleian Baroc. 15 (s. XII.), fol. 22, 'IvBLKoirXevarou

eh '^^.Other similar MSS. are mentioned by Karo and Lietzmann

(e.g. Turin B. i. 10, Ambros. B. (s. X.), Moscow 358 (s. XI.),

Vat. Gr. 1747).

Two Parisian MSS. which I have also examined call for special

remark.

Paris. Gr. 2743 (olim Colbertinus 1476, s. xvi. copied by

J. Diassorinos), Ko^\vhio^kevo

^eh

^,is the cod. Colbertinus mentioned by Montfaucon (Migne, p. 27),

and both from the reference there and from the entry in Omont's

catalogue one would be led to infer that Cosmas was the author

of a commentary preserved in the MS. Really there is only the

usual paragraph followed by a short section on the various

ancient editions of the Psalter, taken from some author un-

named or concocted by the scribe. This is followed by

quotations from Athanasius, Basil, Gregory, etc. : and there is

no reason for attributing anything but the ordinary section to

Cosmas.

Par. Gr. 169 (Mazarin-Reg. 3450, s. XIV.) is a MS. of pre-

cisely the same kind, though in this case Omont attributes the

long commentary contained in the MS. to Cosmas. But Cosmas'

TrpoXoyoq is succeeded by quotations from Gregory, Josephus



INTRODUCTION 23

and others, and any one of them has as good claims as Cosmas

to the authorship of the Commentary.

Some later MSS., mostly belonging to the fifteenth century or

later, have this same section in an expanded form, with additional

matter on the editions of the Psalter, differing from that men-

tioned above, but equally worthless. How utterly unreliable

they are is sufficiently proved by the confusion of names in

the titles of the three which I have examined.

Vallicellianus C. 4, fols. 434— 5,

^IvStKOTrXevarov

^,} .This has

been published by Sim. de Magistris ad Daniel. Apol. sent.

Patrum de LXX. vir. vers., Dissert. IV. § II. p. 452 sqq.

Par. Gr. 3179, copied by Bigot, ^\^\^."^.Vat. Gr. 711, fol. 196,}.^

i.e. Cosmas Vestitor]^ et9 <; '\<^.Certainly none of these is worthy of the high-sounding

title "A Commentary on the Psalms," or of Cosmas' pen : and

apart from them there is not a tittle of evidence for such a work.

As I have already treated the textual history and some of

the more important questions concerned with it in an article in

the Joiir7tal of Theological Studies^, I shall here content myself

with a brief summary of my views.

The three more or less complete MSS. fall clearly into two

families distinguished among other things by the fact that while

V contains only 10 books—and, as the index of books at the

beginning shows, never had more—L and S contain 12. The

ending too of the tenth book is different in the two recensions,

that in L and S being fuller. Again, the paragraphs on the

Prophets are arranged in the Septuagint order in V, in the order

of the Vulgate, except that the Major Prophets are inserted in

more or less chronological order among the Minor, in L and S.

The end of the eighth and beginning of the ninth book varies

also in the two recensions;while the beginning of the first book

differs in all three MSS. In deciding on the merits of these two

recensions, the second point is the most important, and the

textual critic is unusually favoured, as that point is settled

^ Vol. vni. no. 32 (July, 1907), p. 607.



24 INTRODUCTION

without any possibility of dispute by an indubitably genuine

passage which occurs in the text of all three MSS. and in the

parallel text of the Chronicoii Paschale^. That passage is perfectly

natural if one keeps the order given by V, and utterly absurd if

one follows L and S. The difference is that V follows the Sep-

tuagint order, treating first the twelve Minor Prophets, then the

twelve Major, while LS arrange them in the order Hosea, Joel,

Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Isaiah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk,

^ Cosmas, the Chronicon PascJiale, the Psettdo-Dorothetis etc. have the following

paragraphs in common

Cosmas = Chron. Pasch. (ed. Dindorf)

224 A

228 A

229 D—232

232 C—233

236 D—237 A

237 D—240 c

241 —

244A

—245 A—248 —26o A

260 A—260 D—261 A

261 —264 A

264 C

264 D

265 A—265 D—268 A

16— 105, 21

I— 109, 2

33. 1—34. 2

34. 3—17

35. 16—36, 9

41, 1—42, 8

92, 5—15

lor, 13—103,

104

108.

142, 4—143, 17

158, 12—168, 3

274, 18—275, 13

275, 15—276, 12

278, 8—279, 3

276, 16—277, 5

279, 7— i2

279, 21—280, 5

289, 8—290, 14

277, II—278, 2

Cosmas =

268

268 c

268 D—269

269 C

269 D—272 A

272 —272 C—272 D—273 A

273 A—

273 D—276 D

276 D—277

277 C—280 C

280 c—285 C

296 —297 A

297 c—301

Chj'on. Pasch. (ed. Dindorf)

281, 5—9281, 18—282, 6

292, 5—293, 2

283, 6—18

295. 15—296, 4

298, 4—13

284, 2—284, 13—285, 3

285, 15—286, 11]

286, 20—287, I

287, I—289, 6

378, 15—379» II

om.

443. 11—449. 19

438, 1—439' 7

433. 5—^9

439' 9—443. 7

For the relationship of the various versions see Mercati's article in the yonrnal of

Theological Studies^ April 1906, p. 404 (cp. also Oct. p. loi). Mercati there suggests

that possil:)ly Theodore of Mopsuestia or even Cosmas was the author. But the matter

has been gone into more thoroughly by D. T. Schermann, " Propheten und Apostelle-

genden" {Texie 2ind Unters.^ 1907)• He shows that there are various texts and that

Cosmas is the earliest representative of the Doroiheus text, and argues that he is not

the author because he adds. Seeing that Cosmas had a perfect mania for

adding

,that is no very certain proof: but combined with the fact that

Cosmas omits the lives of the various personages, it is sufficient to lend great proba-

bility if not conclusive proof to Schermann's view. Schermann sees no reason for

placing the composition of the original work, from which Cosmas and the other

authorities borrowed those sections, later than the second or third century, and

thinks it may go back to a Hebrew or Syriac version. One may cite as a parallel

for the existence of such books of biblical characters the fragments of a Coptic book of

the same kind published V)y myself in the yoiini. Theol. S/iid., April 1908, p. 372.



INTRODUCTION 25

Jeremiah, Zephaniah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Haggai, Zechariah,

Malachi.

Now at the end of the paragraph on Malachi occur in all

the MSS. the words Xotirbv eirl //,?

^' , which clearly assume

the Septuagint order. It is obvious then that V is in this

case the better MS. : as in the order adopted in LS those

words occur at the end of the paragraphs on all the sixteen

prophets. There they are perfectly meaningless : and it is

inconceivable that, as Montfaucon suggested, Cosmas himselfshould in a second edition have altered the order without

noticing the absurdity. Indeed it is strange that any Greek-

speaking Christian should have altered the Septuagint order

for one so eccentric : but the object of the change is not

far to seek. Theodore of Mopsuestia, as we learn from

Junilius Africanus, advocated an almost identical arrange-

ment. This atfirst

sight would seem a strong argumentfor

attributing that order to Cosmas who, as has already been

shown, was probably a Nestorian and certainly a follower of

Theodore. But such an argument has no weight against the

clear evidence in the text for the other order. If Cosmas was

a Nestorian and a monk, then the community to which he

belonged were no doubt Nestorians too : and even if he were

not a monk, still

mostof his friends

wouldbe of the

samepersuasion. It is therefore highly probable that Cosmas' literary

executor, whether it was the abbot of his monastery or merely

a friend who superintended the recopying of the Topography^

noticed that Cosmas had employed the ordinary Septuagint

order and corrected the slip blindly in accordance with Nestorian

principles. It was probably he too who added from Cosmas'

loose papers the eleventh and twelfth books, which are not

included in V : for, discursive as Cosmas is in his writing, he

would hardly have added two books which have no conceivable

bearing on the question discussed in the Topography, the shape

of the world. This conclusion, if accepted, is of considerable

importance, as it shows that the editor of the LS recension was

a man of some knowledge of patristic literature, and one who

thoyght himself entitled to take great liberties with the text



26 INTRODUCTION

he was editing : and consequently one cannot help regarding

with the gravest suspicion any additions one may find in LS.

Mostlikely,

asI

have suggested elsewhere, he was responsiblefor two references to Athanasius (i6i C and 372 d), for the

addition of paragraphs on Zachariah, Elisabeth, Mary, Anna,

Simeon, and Christ (277 c—280 c). The latter are omitted both

by V and by the Chronicon Paschale^ which has the paragraphs

immediately preceding and following. To his account too one

may lay the additional paragraph at the end of book VIII. , and

probably the supplementary quotations from the fathers in

book X, (428—441).

The question of additional paragraphs is one of particular

difficulty in this work, as Cosmas admittedly wrote his own

notes, and would seem to have added some in the margin as

well as inserting others in the text. Those in the margin were

of course likely to be entirely omitted by a copyist, or else to be

inserted in the wrong place : so that even with the assistance of

V it is sometimes doubtful to decide whether a note is original

or not. But at any rate sufficient sins can be laid on the

shoulders of the editor of the recension represented by LS to

show that his work is entirely unreliable in comparison with V.

With regard to the mutual relation of L and S, Gardthausen's

suggestion that S might be a copy of L cannot be accepted,

since S occasionally contains words which are omitted by L

(e.g. the gloss, ol

^Sia

^has crept into the text of S and VV after

,6o C).

Besides the two MSS. begin differently, L containing a dedi-

cation to Pamphilus which is omitted both by S and V. Howthat dedication fits on to the of V and S, and who was

the author of it, it is exceedingly difficult to say. The only

suggestion that occurs to me is that it does not fit on at all, but

was added in the margin by the editor, who thought a special

dedication to Pamphilus necessary at the beginning of the first

as well as the second book : whereas the first book is really

addressed to all right-minded Christians, and Pamphilus is only

mentioned later. Being in the margin it was omitted by S, but

added by L, without being properly connected to the opening

words of the vTrodeaif;. The matter is however complicated by



INTRODUCTION 27

the erasure of some four or five letters just at the point of

juncture in L. However that may be S is obviously not a copy

of L but of its archetype, and, I think, a rather more reliable

copy than L. Certainly it is more reliable than L in its present

condition, for L has had the misfortune to be corrected through-

out by another educated man who thought himself a better judge

of what Cosmas ought to have written than Cosmas himself

The result is that where VS and the first hand of L agree in

an ungrammatical construction, L^ generally offers unimpeachable

Greek. That of course might be accounted for by assuming that

L drew his corrections from a better MS. : but there are instances

where L^ makes a correction where there would have been no

necessity for correction had not L made a simple slip of the

pen. For example at 228 A V and S read iartv 6 "AySeX

? iv^, ' :

here 6 became 09 in L, and U then " corrected "^ to

W would seem to be copied from S or from a MS. closely

similar to S, as they often omit or add the same words. Both

omit in 6l A i/c and in

61 C 7r\€K€Lv: both add after (6$ C)

and the words ol .. quoted above after

(6o C). There however W continues after with the words

which are not foundin S.

Those words might have been added by the scribe, but on the

other hand W occasionally contains words omitted by S (e.g.

KoX omitted by homoeoteleuton after 84 A)

so that it is most probably derived from a twin of S rather than

from S itself.

The excellence of the illustrations in the Vatican copy has

led Montfaucon to suppose that

Vmay have been copied directly

from Cosmas' manuscripts But though it is near enough in point

of time for such a thing to be possible, there is one objection,

which appears to me to be insuperable. Cosmas, as he admits

himself (57 b), annotated his text ; and the evidence of the MSS.

makes it practically certain that, while some of his notes were

^ Bayet, Z'^r/ ., p. 723, also suggests that it is copied from an original of the

time of Justinian.



28 INTRODUCTION

written in the body of the text and only separated from it by a

heading 7aaypa, others were added in the margin. These

naturally have occasionally crept into the text at the wrongplace: and in some instances (e.g. yy where 6^

—precedes the quotation on which it is a comment) these wrong

insertions are found in all three MSS. alike. We have therefore

obviously to assume at least one common archetype later than

Cosmas' copy as the parent of both recensions.

This objection is fatal too to Montfaucon's view that V repre-

sented an earlier edition and L a later edition made by Cosmas

himself: as in that case it is inconceivable that copyists of two

different MSS. would have inserted the same marginal note in the

same wrong position in the text. Montfaucon speaks too as if

the additional paragraphs and notes were always in L and not

in V : but that is not by any means true. For example, both Vand S preserve at the end of the fifth book, the end that is to

say of the original Topography^ a prayer which is omitted in L.

Besides on Montfaucon's hypothesis one would expect that, when

in one recension a note appears in the margin and in the other

in the text, it would be V, the representative of the earlier recen-

sion, which has it added in the margin, and LS in the text

whereas the reverse is almost always the case (e.g.

irpcuTov—<^ Wveatv l6o C and pay, ^ —'Efe/c/ou 165 A, which in V are written in the text, in LS in

the margin as scholia)^

These marginal additions would therefore seem to be an

integral part of the text on which both recensions are based,

and quite distinct from the alterations made in all probability,

as I have suggested, by an editor after Cosmas' death. Of

course, as he took considerable liberties with the text, he may

have made additions to the notes too; but it is almost impossible

to detect them when the original notes were added in such a

confusing manner, and in most cases it is safer to credit Cosmas

^ The confusion resulting from these^ is rendered worse confounded by

the addition of explanatory notes to the pictures, which have occasionally been trans-

posed with the illustration, or even attached to another (e.g. e/s . —is

transposed in V, so as to come after? under a picture to which it is

inapplicable). For other examples see y. T. S., July 1907, p. 610 foil.



INTRODUCTION 29

himself with the notes, unless there is a very clear difference

between the two recensions V and LS.

At any rate as the additional

'are not more

frequent in LS than in V, they afford no support to Montfaucon's

view that L is a representative of a later edition than V : while

the addition of the eleventh and twelfth books in LS, and the

nature of the transposition of the paragraphs on the prophets

make it extremely improbable that Cosmas himself was the

person who made those alterations and edited the archetype

from which L and S are derived. According to my view thenthe stemma codicum of the only important MSS. would be

Cosmaa copy

In that stemma X represents the common archetype whose

existence it is necessary to assume between Cosmas' copy and

our MSS. because of the^ which are found placed in

the same obviously wrong position in both recensions ; and

" Revised copy " the revision by some editor after Cosmas'

death in which the additions of the last two books and the

transpositions in the fifth book took place. Of course I do

not wish to imply that there were no copies between Cosmas'

copy and X, or between X and V, and X and the " Revised

copy " ; there may have been any number, but they would not

materially affect the scheme.

On the whole the manuscript evidence for the text is fairly

good, as it is based on MSS. of two different recensions and all



30 INTRODUCTION

of a respectable age. But in point of orthography V, which is

certainly the best MS., is far the most corrupt : and one cannot

help reflecting whether in the case of a MS. so near the author's

age, the corruptions are all due to the scribe or whether some of

them at any rate should not be laid to the author's charge. All

travellers are not good scholars or grammarians. Silvia^ for

instance wrote her peregrinations in a most barbarous Latin,

though she was in all probability quite as well educated as

Cosmas, who confesses that he had not received any elaborate

training. It is therefore not unnatural that he should occasion-

ally lose himself in a long sentence or use strange forms of

words. Accordingly I have not hesitated to allow him to do

so, when there is good evidence, though in matters of simple

orthography, which may just as well be referred to the copyists,

I have generally adhered to ordinary rules, unless there seemed

good reason for departing from them. Thus when L and S, the

only MSS. extant for the passages, both on two several occasions

write instead of (441 C, 445 A), I have

allowed it to remain. Other strange forms too well attested to

abandon are for (209 ), for Seppei^;

(381 A, 365 B), for or (165 D, 1 88 B),

^tairepovvre^, aporptovv (44 1 B). On the analogy of the two last

I have written^ for the senseless of V^LSW{ed> A).

(368 a) and apKeros (223 A) again seem to be used asadjs. of two declensions, and as one of three (204 A).

Whether for, (313 c) and

for (ioqb) are admissible

is perhaps more doubtful. But considering the uncertainty of

the spelling in general I have not aimed at uniformity in the

case of geographical and proper names. For example I admit

^(go b) though SieXeSifia is the form used in the

eleventh book, and follow V in writing 'ASovXla (97 D) in spite

of^; (loi a),"^ (Acc. 105 c) and? (loi C).

I have also endeavoured to follow V in the spelling of the name

Moses, and V's usual practice is to write as the Nom.,

^ I keep the usual form, though the name was apparently Etheria, cf. M. Ferotin,

Le viritable aiUeur de la Pcrcgr. Silviae la vierge espagnole Elhcria (Par. 1903).



INTRODUCTION 31

but to use the short form- for the oblique cases. LS prefer

the longer form throughout

Among grammatical forms the most curiousis

eva usedseveral times (284 C, 309 C, 445 C) in place of eV. With so

many instances to support the form it can hardly be con-

sidered a mere slip of the copyist, and so I have retained it.

Compare for (377 A).

Constructions according to sense—and occasionally according

to nonsense—rather than according to strict rules of grammar

areof frequent occurrence.

Amongthe former one

maycall

attention to

) , and to el?

eh (212 a); which may perhaps be support enough to warrant

the reading eh ^ elvai (140 C), but hardly ?.,. (196 d), where sense gets the better of grammar.

But carelessness gets the better of both sense and grammar

in the case of false concords like \...6/€\€ (213 A)

and oTTep

^(ii2 d). Nominative Absolutes too are com-

paratively common (e.g. 200

^, .,.^9, 4^5 ^ yap

. .^, 6 iroieL...);Accusative Absolutes not so

common, but (i8l ) seems certain.

Cases indeed are strangely handled. An Accusative for

instance figures as the subject of a verb in 248 A

...

,^^......'-hoaiv7€, an instance which supports the reading of the

MSS. at 209 C irepav yrjv, and makes McCrindle's emendation

for (6 ) unnecessary.

Even less respect is shown to grammatical rules for the use

of cases in the sentence ^ 6 .,.^-re ^\<;

.,. ?..

, -^'-... (328 D T,2g ), where a Gen. takes the place of a

Nom. and a Nom. agrees with an Ace. Both constructions—or

lack of construction—find parallels elsewhere in Cosmas (e.g.

197 A ^ and

^ Owing to the frequent occurrence of the name I do not mention this in the

ApJ>• crit.



32 INTRODUCTION

269 A < '^. ..^?).Such instances support the reading (68 A), though the

whole sentence there is very uncertain.

Again the construction frequently changes in an alarming

way from a Gen. Abs. to a main clause or a kind of Nom.

Abs., e.g. 197 D %eov ..^ . .6^^...\ and 129 D ',-

<yap . .. ..., which

support V's reading .,.'^. .,.

.. -^(124).

Somewhat similar is the use of

^(316 A) for the

Nom., unless that is a corruption due to the Datives preceding it.

There is good MS. evidence too for such readings as

... (336 a) and € <y€...€av (65 A); and,

as they can scarcely be called more ungrammatical than some

of the uses already mentioned, I have admitted them.

Finally I would call attention to the strange use of the word

in the phrase

8(69 A), a use for which

I can find no parallel. But 409 A must surely be a

corruption rather than a new word.

(352 c) and avhpeLw (104 c) both seem to be used

intransitively; unless one prefers to follow Dillmann and Ditten-

berger in reading for in the latter passage;

while is found governing an Ace. (45 1 A).

V often preserves strange constructions which are changed so

as to conform with normal rules in LS. Of course these may be

corruptions due to the scribe of V, but it is more probable that

the abnormal use should have been changed to the normal than

vice versa. For example at 285 c V read iv.,. in

place of the frequently recurring phrase , and the

reading is supported both by the MSS. of the Chron. Pasch. and

by the parallel use at 360 D iv

.V also

favours the plural of abstract nouns (e.g. 224 D,

297 A).



W.



LIST OF SIGNS

V= Vat. Gr. 699 (V2= corrector)

L= Laur. Plut. ix. ?8 (L2= corrector)

S = Sinai Gr. 1186 (S^= corrector)

P = Par. Gr. 2426

= Smyrna —W= Vienna Theol. 9

Ri= Vat. Gr. 756

R'^= Vat. Gr. 363

m= Montfaucon's text (ed. Migne)



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30. Gen. ii. i.



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21. Zech. xii. i. 23.

12. Gen. xiv. 22.

16. Ps. cxv. 15.

19. Hos. xiii. 4.

Is. xlii. 5.



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6. Is. xlviii. 13. 8. Is. li. 13. 9• Is. Ixvi. I.

2. Is. li. 16. 14. Is. xl. 22. 17• Jer. x. II— 14



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19. Ps. xviii. I. 25. Ps. cxlviii. 4.



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13—21. Gen. . 2— 7. 25. Gen. . 22.



62 Ltb. .

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+ oovL•m. 24• koXttovs] Towovi hSm. 28. ^ m.. 30. V^,^. 32. ^xovT€s} + hSm.



Lib. II. 63" eirl €<; ,, € ^

,"yap

,eh

, ^€70€, € Be elX/cov eirl ^,,, SeiXia '^. 5

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18. LSm. 21. €] + LSm. 27. — om.

LSm. 31. ] V. 33• €$ Lm. 34• '^"^ ^^7^^ LSm, addito in S iv €.

34• Ps.

.6.



64 Lib. II.

,^ , Sv'i/ca,, \ '<^

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6 '^ ^, '^hta

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irpos, irpos. , eirl? D€-€€ Trv€i5|Aa. ,

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^7ri LSm. 12. /cuicXeuwi' LSm. 14. 0] ^eioi' Lm. 16. Trpbs

om. m. 18. ewi LSm. 19. ] V^. om. m.

20. om. m. 27. €] + € V (man. rec.) hhti. 28. om.

LSm. 32. TTJll yrill L.

14. Eccl. i. 5, 6.



Lib. . 65

virep , eyaVLa^

oSov . et? 'v

^, -^^/3/9,

- , -ev , $

< yr}<i, ivf)

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6, € )^. € ^, ,

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VS. •27•/ V. 28. -— om. V. 30• Hanc-ost verbum ponit V; LS in margine. -] LS. ?]

^ojs L. 31. ] LS. yevea [/>], ,[ '»']5,€ :[''] et sic altera L.

22. Gen. V. 29.

w. 5



66 Lib. II.

heKa yevecov / /^'^ No3e, kXauov,€ ^, ,

,^,

-'yap

5^ , 'EiriKarapaTos ev tois 5 , €V Xviirais- ras .€8 $? . ? ? ," cv

. ^. 93 ^

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30 . 'oayovv ^Xya

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Lm. 2q. VS.

5, Gen. iii. 17— 19. 14. Gen. ix. 3,4. 22. Gen. iv. 2, 4. 27. Gen. iv. 5.



Lib. II. 6;

To.8 '6 ? <€, \

'—ol yap' }^)— ^ 5, ,^8 ,,,^ ,D, ,, iviyKrj

aXoyayfj ], -' , ,

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rj

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LS. 4• Xolttou LSm. 15.- LSm. 18. ]m. \€ L•^. 17 ™• Lm. 20. 7^/3] + fa' LSm. 21,-

S. L^m. 23. LSm. m. 25. -^om. Lm. 26. vxj/ovs] .Sm. ///ui/os L. 27. Lm.

—

v\{/os LSm. ] V. ] addunt LS in margine ^^ret[] ets reXos

.5—2



68 Lib. II.

^, yrj' ^. \ 6^ ev , ,',

«8|

', 68 <|

, tCs

€ti<s

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5 ' 5 . ,' kyyvs | € cv

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htaiTopOevaL Ô^Keavov,

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pove \€, ^^? ?,15 eyyea , T£s els €, €6 € €€ ; Tis€' $

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. -yap 7epa

,irepl Ô^Keavov.

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^'^ , el yap Bta

y Lve

BieX0eiv, irepl apaBeov

2 5 7opeea ;

€ev

ÎvSia, pepbv evv ÎvhiKov

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30 pepv 'D^Keavov, 'êp

€ Beîcjv . ^\vBol -€ pave, eav

,Be€v

6. €7^1 + LSm. 7• '<^^'- Karayayelv S, KairayayeTv U.

8. Lm. 9• , SL^. 11. post ponunt LSm. 17.

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/// Trepl L. 20.] oi LSm. om. Lm. 22.

V,€ m. 28. ^ V^. 29.^ U•, m.

^'^ Lm. 32. Tîj/trâs Lm.

2. Deut. XXX. 8, 12— 14. 15. Baruch iii. 29, 30.



Lib. II. og

97 A Sia '/^/?, ?€, ^

.yap ,

?

^'^

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13. V, t^s S, }? T^ivtr^as Lm. ovbk^ LSm.

15. 'yovv TTJs Lm. ovv rijs S. '' Lm. 16. ] - S,

^ Lm. 18.^ V,^ (ex-) S,^ Lm. V^,

V^, SL^, L^m. - S. 2 1. V. ei's] iwl LSm.

22. --. 23• V. '] + rj L•Sm. 24. hSm.

27• (om.) V. 30» 3• '^^^ LSm.



JO Lib. II.

<;, ^, , aWa' ^ '^ /'fyrjv, irXeov

,elvai ifkeov

,,ironiacis , -,^ ? ?8 ', irXaTOS '•€5 D$.^ Be^^ , Se^^ ,

^,,

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2 5

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^ "''•

rj Sm. vXeiov ) L, et sic infra. 5. om. Lm. 6. ] V.

]^^ Lm, V. .et's] eVi LSm. 12. V. L^S.

]V. 13. LSm. V, LSm. 14. UepalSi.]

+ toCto 5e LSm. 15. /3 m. 17.. .. ^ V. . 2 1. ^ $>\, ^. 22. ^^' om.

LSm. 24. T^s^ LSm. 26. V^. ] + "LSm.

27• f'777'O'' V. 28. \6 V, et sic semper. 29. LSm.

30. VL^.

5. Ex. XXV. 23. 22. Matt. xii. 42.



Lib. . 7

airoareWeL e/cec 8< '^'^ Se erepot ',eivac

.€6

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'yevovrai,

^ 5^, Stayovai, ,C., ^, , 8,

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12. V. 13. 7]€ { in ras. ) Lm. 15• LSm. ]-/ LSm. 18. ^] + •^ LSm. 19• •€€ om. V. 20. if

LSm. 21. L^m. 23• '- L^. 24• LSm.

30. om. m. 33• LSm.



72 Lib. .

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€PtavTovY. 7^'] + ';7 V'-^LSm. 28. V^S, V'^.

V^LSm. 29. L^m.



Lib. II. 73

^€6^, iv Ttj' -, KeXevet ye<ypa^êva.

Be

^^^^' €<iv) }), ?. 5

04 he iv ye'yXevo re

WpaKXea ', ) 6 € 6 ^^ eXeyev

€ HpaKXea elvau €(;, ^,-. ^ Be Ypev veXeyov

?ev, /

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aXe eya€, TloXeao

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,6 e

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/cat LSm. 17. ^^' LSm. 18. Bepj'iio;? LS. 19. 'Hpa/cX^ws VS.

22. LSm. 23.- LS. 24. Dittenberger.

26.] irpos L. 28.] + V. 32. V,

corr. in

.33.

'] *i V^ in ras.

'LSm.

II. Acts xiv. 12.



74 Lib. II.

.€ iepa i^^ ^^,\'€<<' <; eh Aljutttov,€^ Sea

.iv tj} elicovL eyeypaTTTO, '5 oXiya Se , ovSe yap, ? e^< eyeypawTO

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êitoy

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4• LSm. 5• V, S'^. 8. Muller

et Dittenberger. ] + LSm. 10. 7^^'^^ L^. ^^'? LSm. ^L^m, yaa Y^S, ya|| L^. aiyoL7}v V'^, aiyvrjv LS, Lyv>

m. ir. -'' avroh LSm. ] om. m, aw

V^. V^Lm. 12. ^yyar}ve Lm. LSm.adayaovs L•. 13. Y, hSm, com. O'lttenherger. 14. -m. 15. LS^m, LSm. 16. / V^. 17.

Lagarde, opeci VLSm. S, 1\\\. L-m. 18, 20. Haec

duo scholia om. Vm, quae quidem una sine distinctione scribit S. 18. S.

20. a[ova]KivriTas S. 21. Hoc»' om. Vm. L^,'A8ov\l L•^,

S. ypav[v] L. 22. Hanc apaypa-v in textu post verbum

ponunt VLSm. Pro ^ âpaypa' habent LSm, et pro, /^. m.

23. V. 24. Hoc. om. LS. ] V. 25. Hoc. om. Vm.



Lib. II. 75

, <; ' '^^ ^,ê^pc

<7,^Mertzê iv opeai.

^€7\€, ^ 5

'^<^ re'. ' <,-^' 8,

^^ , ^ -^^,'^ .' ,^^ ^, 15

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4. avvive LSm. m. 6. LSm. 8.' LSm. €6yaaLagarde, e6ya V, €byea LSm. 9, L. eyv LSm. 10.

LS,6 m. 15. ^\1. V. 1 8. L•S.

LSm. 19• Hoc. om. Vm. '?

\e/////// L, ' Lagarde. om. S.

20. Hoc. in LS ad verbum

'(1. 8) legitur.

^SL. 21. Hoc. om. m.

yap tovs iiri TiyprJTas tovs TrapaXiovs Xiyei LS. 22. V in

textu post verbum KivedoKoXiriTas habet ; LS in margine sine titulo âpaypa sic

legunt '$( tovs KaXei, 5 tovs TrapaXiovs' /faX[et] (' aXXois. aXovvovs Lagarde). tovs] tois V'•^. 24. V in

textu post verbum habet : LS in marg. sine tit. sic legunt AevKT)v

TO Xey6€vov A€v6yv . 25• V in

textu post verbum (p. 76, 1. 3) habet : LS in marg. sine tit. sic legunt" Xeyet.



7 Lib. II.

<^ ,. he, hi ^'^,

€ ',Si

Tjj €^ ^} ^^'5, he? j^^Xpt' '^^^

'^V^^, ,he, iv eiprjvr)

' , € All, D^'Apeei, -

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ha

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aahr)

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€,€ \ ^ \ ^.. ] + LSm. 2. Trpos V^, V^ LSm. 3• '^^ S^.

6.^ ] V^. 8. V", LSm. g. dpei LSm :

et sic infra,

^h^m. 10. u0' LSm. 12. ks Y, eiKoai SL^ {?).

16. V, VL^S. 17. post ponunt LSm.20. . LSm. 677*^^^''] ^77"^^ LSm. 6vtos{?) V, ovtcs

LSm. 22. vCi/om. LS. 23. Ze/A^j/at LSm. 24. r|vYL•^, Y'^.

25.€ L,' m. ^ L^, et sic semper. 26. /3/3' V,

LSm. 27. V in textu post verbum habet : LS in marg. sine tit.

sic legunt ras ,ls , eh '

yij. ...



Lib. . 77

»3,elvai. yap

, ^, 5

6<••€,D , , ^^ 8«-

,-

,yap Tjj -; ^ ,ap y'^v, ,

15

7/90 yyova ^,'

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avBpov ^^, 2,^^,

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TTJ, '^,

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roi)s om. LSm. 19. fat yap ovtos LSm. 21. ttjs ukovos om. LSm. 27.

V. 31•

/V[ add. al. m). V.



78 Lib. ., ,', ^,. ev ] ?

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5 ^, ^,<^/ et?'. yap ^ C' 6 ,, 6^, 6

,6

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15 , ^- ^, -,,

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25

, , €€ ,'yapo

,, 6•7|€ 6-,-, , , -, €€'€ -cl, « to'ttos (€V. , € £2

els• irupos,

€€•, '^

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\VL^Sm. 3• *^''' '' fJ^^vToi LSm. 6. Xiyei

LSm. 9• €\€€ S. 12. ] V^, V^. 13. evyaypanrai

L^S, iyy- L"m. 17. ...\ om. m. 18. ^] m.

25. KaKeieTriV^. 27. ] roj/ LS'^'m. 28. om. m. 30. V^,

^5 L-m. 32. toJI // S.

16. I Mac. i. 9. 20. Dan. ii. 34. 21. Dan. vii. 14.

27. Dan. ii. 35. 30. Dan. vii. 11, 12.



Lib. . 79, ^,, ,,

/^, ^^,6^< €

îyevovTO, eh '^'-

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yap , ^ y[hv,, ovSe ,, ., iv rais ,6'5^ •(€ 6 0€0s ^, $ els 5 15 -

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vop.os 's

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D ',

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5• iyevovTo VL^S. 6. ^] LSm. 7• ] LSm. 9• "^/ LSm. 15• toJI avrojl S. 18. 'AXeâvdpeia om. m. 25. o'rt /cat

LSm. 27. V. 29. ] LSm. 30. ris om. LSm.

31. /^ LSm. areXeiiri/ros] a/caraXuros LSm. 32. yap h^S,

yap V, L^.

8. Dan. ii. 44. 11. Dan. vii. 13, 14. 25. Matt. xi. 13.



8 Lib. II.

, Be 6;?79^. irepX yap ' iv

)yeypairTat, ovhe yap € ^}•?

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-(,8 els €. ^ ^^3•^,^, ],yap

., )

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yrjv 'oypav ,ayy\,15 €€€ €-, yvv,' yrjv ^oypava,.' ' -2 , ^• Els yap,, -€.

els ,,, -€(6

€ls Toiis, pacriXtias - tc'Xos,

2 5

' ,.yap

,yov',,°, . yap,

eVrtf

,6

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15• ^ m. 22. ets] els Um. 29. eTrt LS^m. 31. €$V^S^ 33. Oebs om. Sm. om. LSm.

6. Dan. ii. 44. 14. Luke ii. 2. 21. Dan. ii. 44. 23. Luke i. 33.



Lib. II. 8, ' ef \\ «/3%<? ,. eirl 'yap ,

AXe^avBpov

,'^ ?}?

,<* €-' ^^^ €6 5

D €. - iv,^Xiyou irapayeveadai ^,ap €^yep/^,

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ev

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y,yva, Be.

^'

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yap ^, ,. eVt yap V^LSm. 4• S'. 5• ^'-^ LSm. 12. eu yap

Tjj V^. 15. ae] I.Sm. ]^ LSm. 16. --Lm. 18. .] + 6^ etj tovs' LS. 19• 5e m.

-23. L^, U. ^. ] + LSm.

15• I Pet. V. 13.

W. 6



82 Lib. .,.%, ^ ^.5 ^ ,yap ' . C, -. ,

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5.6

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€S.

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ev tois irepl ovtus $ LSm. 20. \, yivo-

^'' L^Sm. 22. yiju etvai 'LSm. 25. 7pct0^ ^$ LSm. 27..0. ^^(?)Ll.



Lib. . 83^, erepa e'^et ?. oe

< 8€6€Aljotttov, iirl

^€7€7€. 6 Viypif;

^}? Tlepaap-

^€^€^ . 5

irepl. ^.^ 8€ -

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C Tjj yfjyrjv ..

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€€5cv Tots

? 5?, ,, 25^ , ,', 'yap ^ ,,

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'yap epyov $

. ]6 LSm. 4• T!iypv^ LSm. 7•^ om. LSm. 8. -pai} + yap hS. 9. 6'^\] + hSm. eu rrj auaToXrj hSm. 10.

hm. e;'] ^^ L'^m. ii. tovtovsJ + tovs L•Sm. -VL^S. 14. €€^ . .

wepl, €€. LS. 2. ^ +

LSm.

22. Eph. ii. 2.

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19. om. m. 21. om. V^. 22. ]{- ov m. -L^S, L^m. 3'• m. ^2. \6€

om. LSm.



128 Lib. IV

Be , '^,avvepyeia (,^

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? €\6<;^ . .5 '.

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6

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19. ^ LSm. 24. m. 27. ets — ] Haec

verba habent LS post Toihvbe (1. 16) : V autem sub pictiua quae sequitur verba?Totoi'Se (185 a). 30. i°] LSm.

8. Gen. i. i.



Lib. IV. 129

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yyov, ' \yv 5? <5 ' ^ \yC€ -€* 8\ Xyt€ tv €. ovpavov y|,

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13. ^Tt LSm. 14. om. LSm. LSm.

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3, 5• Is. xl. 22. 7. Ps. civ. 2. 7. Ps. civ. 3.

10. Is. xlii. 5. II. Hebr. viii. 2. 15. Job xxxviii. 38.

17. Job xxvi. 7. 19. Ps. civ. 5.

W. Q



130 Lib. IV.

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S^. 9• ^ ^• "- . om. m. 12. ' S^' S^Lm. avayeiov V^. - V, et sic infra. 16. ^ V^.

25• V. 30. ^-] om. V, qui haec verba [ —picturae subiungil. 32. LS'-m. :] + V-L'-m.



Lib. IV. 131

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27• € L^m.

6. Eccl. i. 5, 6.

9—2



132 Lib. IV.

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24. ( ex al. m.) L. - Lm. 25. m. 26. om. m.

28. — om. m ; L in margine ut 6\ habet, V sub pictura.6 V. 29. '/ L.



Lib. IV. 33

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25. ] V. /cXora/cas V,$ Lm. 26. dôiôs L, ^$ . om. Lm.

.] +. 29. L€L m. ^2. m.



134 Lib. IV.; ^?; -\ 8 SiaXejeaOe ; yap

el

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24. Lm. 26. 7] + Lm. 27• ^ ] €, (om. ) V.

31. .

17• Matt. vi. 24. 19• I Cor. . 2i. 20. 2 Cor. vi. 14— 16.



Lib. V. 35

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^ Post finem libri habet L picturam, cui est titulus oi-^ avTinodes. In margine picturae scripta sunt haec verba

bvTos

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2. L^. 3• ^] Hie deficit V fol. 41^• 7• ^^ margine habet

L scholium [ ]7/^€ [ ]\ [ ]: 13. '] Hie incipit S fol. 70.

19. '€,

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35 ^ ^ -13- + L'în.

21. Hebr. . .



Lib. V. 37

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+ eT€pos € . 22. 6} +» L%i. 23• ] +€ L (in

marg.) m. 26. de om. L'^m. 28. XotTrdu L^n.

4. I Cor. V. 7. 5. John i. 29.



138 Lib. V.

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27. Luke iii. 23•



Lib. V. 39^ ^, €€€

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24.€ m. —^yai] at Lm. 28. opovs m.

21. Ps. cv.39.



I40 Lib. V.}^ ev Meppa. ^^'^ eh

/-}?

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eva, ^,€4 els ayyos^^, [raCrJa irvveTaêv eis8 ( yeveais

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15• KaraâvTos m. 16. m. 20. llaOXos om. m. 21. Oawep S-, m.

22. m. 23. om. S. 27. W/cj/a] Hie deficit Lfol. 104^ In m addita sunt

haec verba - Kupios 6 0eo$ , oaris i^-qya-ybv ae e/c yrjs AiyuvTOV, 200 D17. P.s. Ixxviii. 15. 18. Ps, cv. 41. 19. Ps. Lxxviii. 16.

20. I Cor. X. 4.



Lib. V. Hi

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15. ] Incipit L fol. 105. 21. e' om. Lm. 22. i"' om. Lni.

"' om. m. 23. om. m. ' om. Lm. 24. t' om. Lm.

I . Ex. XX. 6— 17.



142 Lib. V.

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4. Ex. XXV. 40• 7. Ilebr. ix. i, 2. 14. Hebr. viii. i, 2.

17. Hebr. ix. 11, 12. 21. Hebr. ix. 24.



Lib. V. 43

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7 ^

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20. 77077 om. LSm. 23. KoXei as as L,Sm. 27. L•,

S, m. L^S (ta in ras.). 29. 71/ V bis (?=7').30. —

(32) om. LS.



144 Lib. V.

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Lib. V. 45, ,

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4. Hebr. ix. 1,2. 9• Hebi^ ix. , i2. 17. Hebr. ix. 24.

18. Hebr. x. i. 22. Hebr. x. 19—21. 26. Rom. iii. 15.

W. 10



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18. } m. 20. LS. 24• om. LSm. 26. Lm.

27• ^ 777;(;;' LSm. 29• V . ^. /A] +LSm. V.



Lib. V. 47

28 C apaypa.

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verbo- desinit V fol. 46^ 12. 5e—- om. Lm. 13. kwei5y]] + 5k m.

14. ) L^S. 15. m. 16. iwl om. m. iT€y4v€To m.

17. €] + ^ m. 20. ^€ om. L^S. 21. V^m. iir' m.

LS. 22, €] +6 m. ?6. m,

10 2



148 Lib. V., . , -€6€<, eVl

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19. Eccl. i. 5j 6.



Lib. V. 49

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incipit fol. 45. 2\. m. 22. viop Lm. —^ om. Lm,

23. airro LS'm. 24. \€ om. m. L•^m. 25. LSm.

27. —] Haec verba in margine cod. V inveniuntur titulo .praemisso ; in LS sine titulo. L. 28. S.

10. Rom. iii. 15. 12. Hebr. ix. 11, 12. 20. Luke i. 13,



150 Lib. V.

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28. LSm. 31. IJ.

2. John i. 29.



Lib. V. 151

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29. Is. liii. 3.

25• Is. liii. 3; Acts viii, 32.

13— 2



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9. Luke iv. 18. 18. Zech. xi. 12, 13; Malt, xxvii. 9, lo.

22. Jer. xxxi. ^i—34; Ilelu. viii. 8— 12.



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7. John i. 29. 17. Luke iii. 17. 27. Luke i. 76. 32. Luke i. 43.



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32. Matt. xi. 13.



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16. Matt. XXV. 34.



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II. Luke i. 4. 20. Luke iii. 38.



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12. Acts ii. 22— 24. 16. Acts ii. 32—36. 29. Acts ii. 24.

14—



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4. Ps. ex. I. 6. Acts ii. 36. 7. Acts x. 38—43.

19. Acts iii. 19— 21. 23. Deut. xviii. 15. 24. Acts iii. 24—26.



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14. Hebr. vi. 17—20. 21. Hebr. x. 34. 22. Hebr. xii. 28.

22. Hebr. xiii. 14. 24. i Cor. vii. 31. 24. i Tim. iv. 8.

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27. Deut, X. 14. 30. Phil, iii. 2q,



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5. 2 Cor. xii. 2. 12. 2 Cor. v. i. 16. Hebr. viii. i. 25. Hebr. ix. 11, 12.



246 Lib. VII.

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I. Hebr. ix. 6, 7. 14. Hebr. vii. 23—26. 23. Hebr. xii. 28.

26. Hebr. iv. 11. 28. Hebr. iv. 14.



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2. Hebr. x. 19, 20. 10. Hebr. x. 11— 14. 19. Hebr. vii. 14.

24. Hebr. vii. 17. 28. Hebr. viii. 2. 30. Hebr. vi. 16—20.



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22. Hebr. xi. 16. 23. Matt. xxv. 34. 29. John xiv. 2.



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3. John xiv. 3, 4. 7. Matt. xx. 23. 27. i Cor. xv. 12— 14.



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2. I Cor. XV. 15. 7. Cor. xv. 16, 17. 18. i Cor. xv. 21.

22. I Cor. XV. 22. 23. I Cor. xv. 29, 30.



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12. John xii. 24. 22. Matt. iii. 12. 26. Acts xvii. 22—31.



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15. Eph. i. 20. 20—26. Acts xvii. 18, 19, 32. 31. Acts xxv. 19.



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2. Acts xxvi. 7» 8. 4• Actsxxvi. 21—23• 10. Acts xiii. 16—41.



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8. 2 Cor. xiii. 3. 16. John iii. 13. 20. j Cor. iv. 9.

24. Rom. viii. 19. 27. Rom. viii. 20.



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17 2



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15, 17. Ps. cxlviii. 4. 21. Ps. cxlviii. 5, 6. 25. Ps. cxlviii. 13.

30. Ex. XX. II.



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29. 2 Pet. iii. 12.



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5. 2 John i. I. 3 John i. i.



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320 Lib. XI.

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7• Ps.. 21. 8. Ps. xxix. 6. 10. Num. xxiii. 22.



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12. Gen. ii. 10— 12. 17. Chron. i. 8, 9.



326 Lib. XII.

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328 Lib. XII.^ / \ ,et?^ . -, '^^? Sta

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Lib. XII. 33i

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I



NOTES

(p. 48, 1. 4.) Agathias {Hist. II. 15) speaking of a slight earthquake at

Alexandria in 554 a.d. mentions this belief that Egypt was free from suchshocks (oi hr\ ovv .

aeUaOai^, , €€ \ \, ivTevOiv re €4. el de y€ \^,'-4).(. 48, 1. .) Cosmas is probably referring to the overthrow of Antioch

by an earthquake in May 526 A.D. (cf. Evagrius IV. 5): a similar occurrence

took place in July 551, but the book seems to have been written before that

date. Evagrius mentions other earthquakes at Antioch in 459 A.D. (ll. 12),

580 A.D. (v. 17), and 589A.D. (VI. 8).

(p. 60, 1. 21.) On ancient views of the position of the Terrestrial Paradise

cf. Baring-Gould, Curious Myths pp. 250—65. Most of the ancient theologians

placed it like Cosmas in the East beyond the Ocean. In a 9th century map

at Strassburg and several other early maps it is placed in China. In Prester

John's letter it is stated to be three days' journey from his kingdom, while

several authorities of the 12th or 13th centuries regard it as an island rather

further south, opposite the mouth of the Ganges, or even identify it with

Ceylon.

(p. 61, 1. 4.) raSeipa= the modern Cadiz. It received the name Gadir

(Gr. raSetpa, Lat. Gades) from the Phoenicians, who in early times settled

a colony there. Many other names were given to it, for example Eumelus

(Plat. Critias 114), Cotinussa, and Aphrodisias, though some (e.g. Tzetzes

VIII. 715) distinguish between Cotinussa the town and the island Gades.

It was also sometimes identified with Tartessus. Compare Pliny A^. H.

IV. 36. 120 where a long list of names is given, Strabo III. 168, Dionysius

Per. 455, 6, Avienus Descr. Orb. Terr. 610— 16: and for suggested

etymologies, Stephanus Et. Mag.

(p. 61, 1. 5.) Barbaria is a vague term for the east coast of Africa.

McCrindle notes, "Barbaria extended from the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb to

the Aromatic Cape, now called Cape Guardafui." Ptolemy however in his

Geog7'aphy (i. c. 17 and iv. 7. 4) applies it as a general designation

to the coast regions of East Africa from the Aromatic Cape (i.e. Guardafui,

the southern point of the land of the Troglodytes) southward as far as

Zanzibar, beyond which his knowledge did not extend. The author of the



334 NOTES

Peripiiis Mar. Er. § 2 {Geogr. Gr. Min. 258) again says that Barbaria,, extended southward from Berenice, the great seaport in

the south of Egypt, not far from the Tropic, to the Aromatic Cape, and with

him Cosmas agrees. Its chief town was Rhapta according to Ptolemy.

(p. 61, 1. 13 foil.) With this passage compare Josephus Ani. Jud. I. 6

Tovs: pev "'? KaXovpevovs, Topapels de Xcyopevovs,

€€, de tovs €,' npoaayopevopivovs. \, \,€ eOvos, ' ,^.

OLTives iv Tols ". .pev .,., Qeipas pev'

," €....^eKokecrev

, AloXels . ?, yap

(^/ ea^ev. .on Gutschmid says Cosmas followed Epiphanius, who also speaks of

the division of the nations {Adv. Haer. 11. 703) and who is the authority

from whom Cosmas took several of his theories.

(p. 62, 1. 17.) The belief that the Caspian was a bay of the Ocean was

common in antiquity. Hecataeus made it a bay of the Eastern Ocean ; and

Patrocles in Alexander's time asserted that one could sail from India to it.

Herodotus however and Aristotle and Ptolemy knew that it was a land-

locked sea: but after Ptolemy geographical knowledge to a great extent

relapsed, and the old belief occurs in Strabo, Arrian, Pliny, Solinus,

Martianus Capella and others. Some of the Arabs too, Abu Zeyd for

instance, make the same mistake, but not Mas'udi.

(p. 62, 1. 26.) '= South Arabia; comp. Lipsius, Apokr.

Apost. Gesch. I. 283 foil.

(p. 62, 1. 27.) '/ in Cosmas denotes the East coast of Africa beyond

Bab el-Mandeb. Zaneddin 'Umar ibn al-Wardi, cjuoted in Salt's Travels

p. 56, says that the "land of the Zinji lies opposite to that of Sind" and that

"its inhabitants traffic in elephants' teeth, panthers' skins and silk." The

modern name Zanzibar contains the same word and means " sea of Zinzi."

Ptolemy I. 17. 9 and I v. 7. 11 mentions a similarly named promontory Zt'-yyiy,

generally identified with Ras el-Kire.

(p. 66, 1. 27.) /] It is noticeable that Cosmas here quotes

another of the Greek versions of the Old Testament, and not as usual the

Septuagint. It was apparently the edition of Theodotion which read

€€or

(in place of the Sept.

-^.(p. 68, 1. 22.) ]The form of this word varies between

and. It is only found in late Gr., and also in late Latin {inetaxa

or mataxa), in the sense of silk, though in the sense of "a rope" it is as

early as Lucilius (Fest. s. v. Rodus). It was more commonly called

{also€, cf. bk. XI.) and sericiim from the name for the inhabitants of

Northern China, the Seres, from whom it was imported. It was brought



NOTES 335

chiefly by an overland route to Persia or India (Gibbon, ch. XL.) and thence

dispersed to the west. Hence according to Procopius the clothes made of

it were formerly called, but in his time, which was also Cosmas' time,

.Cosmas refers also to its importation by sea through Ceylon from

,the land of the Sinae, which may mean Southern China, or more

probably Malaya, Cochin China and the coast of the Gulf of Siam.

(p. 68, 1. 28.) For 2eXeSi/3a or €€8 and see notes on

bk. XI.

(p. 68, 1. 32.) On the Brachmans and their learning cf. the book De

Moribus Brachnianorum attributed to Palladius (and to Ambrose), and also

Amm. Marc, xxiil. 6; XXVIII. i.

(p. 68, 1. 32.) Sina or Thina {Periplus M. E. 64) is the ordinary name

of the country of the Sinae ; and Tzinista is simply a Persian or Indian form

meaning "land of Tzina." Sina seems to have been the name of the silk-

bearing regions reached by sea. Cochin China and possibly Malaya: while

Seres was the title of the Chinese proper, reached by overland routes. Comp.

Yule, Cathay, i. p. 33 foil. Gronovius in his note on Pomponius Mela I. 2

suggests Siam as the land of the Sinae. The Seres were known as early as

the time of Ctesias and Onesicritus; the Sinae do not seem to have been

known so early, but are mentioned by Ptolemy vii. 5.

(p. 69, 1. 6.) McCrindle states, "The Persian Gulf has a length of 650

English miles, while the distance from Ceylon to the Malacca Peninsula

only is nearly twice that distance," and from the mouth of the Persian Gulf

to Ceylon is " not very far short of two thousand miles."

(p. 69, 1. II.) For the routes used in the silk trade compare Gibbon,

Decline and Fall ch. XL, where he specifies an overland route from China

to Syria via Persia, and another through Thibet to India and thence by sea.

Cf. also the Periplus 64 and Ptol. l. 11.

(p. 69,1. 18.) Ovvv'ia is probably the right reading as the Huns are

mentioned in bk. XL as inhabiting northern India.

(p. 69, 1. 24.) Cosmas' estimate of the world's size is rather larger than

usual. Aristotle says some mathematicians had measured it in his time and

found it 400,000 stadia (about 40,000 miles) and he accepts their estimate.

Eratosthenes made the circuit 250,000 stadia; and the length and breadth of

the habitable world 77,800 38,000 stadia. Posidonius reduced the circuit

to 180,000 stadia (Strabo 11. 2); and Ptolemy followed him. Cf. Tozer,

Class. Geogr. 169 foil.

(p. 69, 1. 30.) "^/$•, also called by LS in the picture of Ptolemy's

chair," by Stephanus, by Procopius, by Ptolemy and

by Malalas, is the modern Axum in the land of Tigre. The name

of the town itself is first found in Ptolemy (iv. 7, 8) though the Periplus

already mentions the inhabitants ^, generally spelled,hough the MSS. of Cosmas several times write afterwards correcting

it, while once in V it is altered by the second hand to^. ASO-

is found on an inscription, and+ on a coin (cf. Littmann



336 NOTES

Zs. f. Assyriologie XX. (1907), p. 172 foil. Nonnosus speaks of it as the

largest town and the capital of Aethiopia.

(p. 70, 1. 13.) Adulis is the modern Thulla or Zula ('7fA= plain) near

Annesley Bay. It is reckoned by Nonnosus as 15 days journey from Axum,

though it is really less. According to Pliny {N. H. vi. 172) it was founded

by runaway Egyptian slaves, but the story is probably based on a false

etymology. The fact that this and some other inscriptions from the neigh-

bourhood are in Greek need not incline us to accept Pliny's story, as there

were undoubtedly a number of Greeks resident in and visiting it as an

important trading centre with the East at this time. Strabo does not

mention it ; but by the time of the king who erected the inscription which

follows it was the main port of the Troglodytae and Aethiopians. Its

importance was probably partly due to the fact that the old trade-routeto Aethiopia through Meroe was destroyed about 22 B.C., partly to the

massacre at Alexandria by Caracalla which interrupted direct intercourse

with India. Both Cosmas and Scholasticus seem to have shipped at Aduhs

to sail east. On a recent excavation there cf. Sundstrom Adults^ ruiner

{Le Monde Orie?ital^ vol. 11. fasc. i (1907), p. 15), and a translation with

supplementary matter by Littmann {Zs. f.Assyriologie XX. (1907), p. 172).

The form of the name is uncertain. Procopius, Nonnosus and Palladius

have"? which Stephanus says was the better form. The Periplus

(ch. 4) gives (or 'ASouXei). The Cosmas MSS. vary here between

and/ in the Dat.—they all read; loi c—while in the

picture that follows V has a Nom.' and a Gen.?. A similar

Gen. is found in VL^S in loi c, where L^ has changed the form to ;?.At 105 D V^ has the Ace., which is probably correct, changed by V^ to

;, while LS have ;/. The MSS. of Ptolemy (iv. 7. 2) vary

between', and.p. 70, 1. 14,) The Homeritae or€ (Nonnosus and Malalas 456)

inhabited Arabia Felix and are first mentioned by Pliny (A". //. vi. 158, 161)

and the Periplus 23. Compare also Marc. Per. Maris Ext. 18 (Miiller

Geogr. Gr. Min. 527) and Ptolemy in. 7. 19. Up to the middle of the first

century they were subject to their neighbours the Sabaeans. Cosmas

is wrong in identifying them with the Arabitae, as they seem to have

inhabited territory to the north-west of the latter.

(p. 70,' 1. 27.) For Sasu compare p. 76 below. Cosmas apparently

thought it the same as Sesea, which would be in the south-east part of the

Somali peninsula near the Italian colony Hobia : and so would be the

eastern rather than the western boundary of the king's conquests. Glasertherefore proposes to read Kasu, which is mentioned in the Axumite inscrip-

tion and was near Meroe. But Miiller opposes this view, quoting the

Periplus (18), which says that the ocean took a turn to the west along

Aethiopia and Africa: and, considering the uncertainty which prevailed about

the south of Africa, it seems unnecessary to alter the text, especially as

Harris heard of a kingdom called Sousa towards the south and south-west



NOTES 337

of the Schoa. This Saint-Martin believed to be identical with Kafa. The

earlier writers Niebuhr and Mannert proposed to identify Sasu with Schoa,

but that is improbable. Zaneddin 'Umar ibn al-Wardi mentions a country

called Sofalat al-Dhab adjoining the eastern borders of the Zinji of which he

says " the most remarkable product is the quantity of native gold ": and

probably the unnamed mines mentioned by Agatharcides in Diod. Sic, ill.,

12— 14 are the same.

(p. 70, 1. 30.) "The Agau people is the native race spread over the

Abyssinian plateau both to east and west of Lake Tana." (McCrindle.)

(p. 71, 1. 5.) This dumb commerce is frequently mentioned by older

travellers in all parts of the world. In Africa, for instance, by Herodotus

(iv. 196), Catamosto (comp. Beazley, Dawn I., p. 192), and Shaw's Travels

through Barbary (ed. Mavor xii. 125), a passage which closely resembles

this: in China by the Periplus M. E. 65 ; in Ceylon by Pliny N, H. VI. 24

(comp. Tennent i. 568) : and in the Land of Darkness by Ibn Batuta (ed.

Lee, 79).

(p. 71, 1. 9.) -] For this word cf. AnthoL Pal. XV. 25. 7, 8 es -^ap

} (€ \\ ^ nayh'Ta, where

the Schol. says , be ^. Cf. Lagarde Ges.

Abh. p. 227 and Rel. hir. eccl. Gr. pp. ix., x., where he compares it with

Aethiop. nrV[\C} = Tona(Lov, Arab.jbcij (tankar) = chrysocolla, Afghan aSj3A

or aSiXj (tankah or tangah)= gold.

(p. 71, 1. 27.) The Nile here spoken of is the Blue or Abyssinian Nile,

rediscovered by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, and again later by

the Jesuits, and by Bruce in the eighteenth. Ptolemy (iv. 7) already knew

of the two lakes from which it flows. Seneca ('^ Q. vi. 8) gives the account

of two centurions sent by Nero to find the source of the Nile. They reached

great swamps and a rock from which the stream seemed to spring. Compare

also Pomponius Mela I. 9 and ill. 10 and Solinus 29. Julius Honorius (p. 29,

ed. Riese) speaks of it as flowing from the lake Foloe, which seems to be a

mistake for Koloe.

(p. 72, 1. 6.) Ela is the modern 'Akabah at the head of the Gulf of

Akabah or Elanitic Gulf. It is identical with the Elath of Deut. ii. 8, the

Elana of Ptolemy v. 17. i, the Ailane of Josephus viii. 6 and the Aeila of

Philostorgius ill. 6.

(p. 72, 1. 25.) After' V has on f. 12 a picture of an antelope

between two trees, with the heading aVt

€€'lvdr]KLvoi, though there is nothing in the text to call for such a picture nor

does the word ( = ArabicJa^, a banana or plantain; occur in the text of

Cosmas. Again on the verso of f. 12 is a picture of the $•els"^ and^. In the picture the column

and chair of Ptolemy are represented and some place-names are given,

TcXoovioi^, ',, /, '. It is noticeable that

neither Gabaza nor Samidi occur in the text. The former was the port of

w. 22



33 NOTES

Adulis, and according to Greek authorities was 20 stadia from Adulis.

Sandstrom thinks it is rather to be identified with a town at the foot of the

hills called Gamez, south-east of Zula, though now they are some distance

from the sea, than with the modern port Malcato, which is further north.

(p. 72, 1, 28.) This Abyssinian king's name has been recognised by

Ludolf as equivalent to the Ethiopian Ela Asbeha (or Asbah), to which the

reading of V approaches more closely than the various forms

found in other Greek writers{ Mart. Arethae., Nonnosus,

Photius and Theophanes,^ Malalas in. 196). He was also called

Caleb and afterwards regarded as a martyr. Salt(

-e to Abys. p. 468)

identifies him with Anda or Amda.

Salt says that the main occasion of the expedition here referred to

was the murder of St Arethas. MUller {Geogr. Gr. Min.) refers it more

generally to the slaying of Christian merchants at the instigation of the

Jews, while the Diet. Chris. Biog. 11. 70 foil, says Dhu Nuwas became a

Jew and persecuted Christians in retaliation. So too Beazley referring

to Ludolf, Hist. Aeth. 11. 4, T. Wright, Early Christianity in Arabia., and

John Malalas, pt. II. 193—6. Noldeke {Tabari., p. 188) gives the Arabic

version that Dhu Nuwas of Yemen was stirred up by a Jew whose children

were murdered to fight the Nefranians. They called in the king of Abyssinia,

Ellatzbaas, who did not need much persuasion as he had previously been

king of Yemen. He made elaborate preparations from 525—526 A.D., andcalled on Justinus to furnish him with ships of transport. In 526 he sailed

from Adulis, defeated the army of Yemen, took the city Taphar and slew the

king of the Homerites.

This passage is particularly important as it fixes the date of Cosmas'

travels and more roughly the date of the publication of his work. As

Cosmas was there during the preparations, this makes the date of his

travels in Abyssinia 525 a.d., and the date of the publication of the book

"some five and twenty years" later circ. 550 a.d.

(p. 73, 1. I.) 'VdiBov is the ancient name of Tor, which is identified with

the biblical EHm (comp. p. 139). It is now the quarantine port of the pilgrims

to Meccah and still contains a small monastery of Greek monks connected

with that of Sinai.

(p. 73, 1. 14.) The Ptolemy who set up this inscription was Ptolemy III.

Euergetes (247—221 B.C.); and it is the only surviving inscription recording

his achievements in the expedition to Asia against Seleucus II., which he

undertook soon after his accession. His father Ptolemy II. Philadelphus

married in succession two ladies of the name of Arsinoe, the first of them,

Arsinoe daughter of Lysimachus of Thrace, being the mother of Ptolemy III.

(p. ^^, 1. 19•) Theocr. xvii. 26 also ascribes descent from Hercules to

the Ptolemies: probably because some supposed Ptolemy I. to be the son of

Philip of Macedon, not of Lagus, and Caranus the oldest king of Macedonwas a son of Hercules.

(p. -), 1. 2o.) The subject-kingdoms here mentioned are no exaggeration.



NOTES 339

Cyrenaica had been regained by Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, and other in-

scriptions bear witness to the fact that the south coast of Asia was subject

to the Ptolemies (e.g. Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr.^ nos. 55, 57, 58) and to

the subjection of the Cyclades (e.g. Ditt. 25).

(p. 2>•> 1• 23•) seems to be the invariable form in Greek in-

scriptions and in Latin MSS. and conforms with the name as it appears in

hieroglyphic Egyptian inscriptions and Pliny. In Greek MSS. both Tp^yohvrai

and- are found, but the latter is probably a later alteration in

the case of the older authors. Here, as Dittenberger suggests, Cosmas is

probably responsible for the fault. On the Trogodytae compare Diod. Sic.

I. 30. 3, III. 32—33; and Strabo xvi. 4. 4, xvii. i. 53.

(p. 7^, 1. 24.) On Ptolemy's invasion of Ethiopia compare Diod. Sic. I.

37• 5•

(p. 7;^, 1. 27.) Theocritus xvii. 87 refers to Cilicia and Pamphylia as

possessions of Ptolemy Philadelphus II. so that apparently they must have

been lost in the interval. Possibly, as Niese {Gesc/i. dergr. Staaten li. p. 139)

suggests, they were given to Antiochus II. at the peace between him and

Philadelphus in the year 250 B.C.

Only Ephesus and Miletus are known to have been under the rule of the

Ptolemies, but possibly part of Ionia may have belonged to them too (comp.

Niese, p. 135).

(p. 7'})., 1. 28.) An Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription from Latonpolis

supports this statement with regard to Thrace : compare also for Thrace

and the Hellespont Polybius v. 34. 7—8.

(p. 73, 1. 29.) The Indian elephants were apparently taken from Seleucus :

Seleucus Nicator had received a present of 300 from Sandrocottus, king of

Palibothra.

(P• ?> 1- 31•) Niese (11. p. 148) doubts if he crossed the Euphrates:

but Jerome {Commentary o?i Daniel^ XI. 8) speaks of his conquest of the

" superiores partes trans Euphratem, et propemodum universam Asiam."

(P• 73) 1• 32•) The Latonpolis inscription also mentions Persia, Susa and

Armenia among the conquered countries: comp. also Justin xxvil. i, 9.

(p. 74, 1. I.) Ptolemy won his title Euergetes by recapturing the statues

of the gods carried off by Cambyses and his successors.

(p. 74, 1. 3.) These canals are a very doubtful point. Bigot translates as

though he thought they were canals dug by Ptolemy on purpose to transport

his troops, but does not commit himself to suggesting where they were dug.

Vincent believed the phrase referred to the canals near Susa, as Susiana

was intersected by canals. Chishull thought he meant the canals of the

Euphrates and Tigris (comp. wStrabo xvi. i. 9). Droysen prefers the expedition

through those canals mentioned by Pliny N. H. ix. 6. But this rather

disagrees with the account given in other authors (e.g. Justin XXVII. 19)

which says that Ptolemy was recalled from Asia by sedition at home.

Niese (11. p. 149) follows Boeckh in assigning this clause to a new ex-

pedition through the Nile canals after his return from Asia.

22—



340 NOTES

(p. 74, 1. 6.) Salt was the first to point out that the inscription on the

chair was not a continuation of the other as Cosmas wrongly states, but

a much later production, thereby dispelling the doubts which had previously

been held as to its genuineness. He at first referred the inscription to king

Aeizanas, the author of another Greek inscription which he discovered at

Axum,who is known also from the letter of Constantine to Aizanas and Sazanas,

preserved by Athanasius {Apol. ad Const., Migne, xxv. 636). This would

have made its date about 350 A.D. But the suggestion was soon refuted on

the ground that the changes both in the language and in the Axumite

kingdom proved this inscription to be much earlier than that found by Salt ;

and he himself afterwards withdrew his suggestion. Saint-Martin proposed

Ela Azguagua (144—221 A.D.), or Ela Auda (loi— 131 A.D.), because they

were the-only kings, except one of the fourth century, who according to the

Abyssinian list reigned 27 years. Others (e.g. Miiller in his Epigr.

De7iki)idler aiis Abess. 1894) have suggested Zoscales, the Axumite king

mentioned in the Periplus, as the author. Mommsen thought this inscription

more recent than Zoscales, because in it the Moscophagi, who in the Periplus

are subject to Zoscales, are under petty tyrants, and no Arabian possessions

are mentioned. But Dillman and the most recent editor Dittenberger

believe it to be earlier, probably dating from the first half of the first century,

as it refers to the founder of the Axumite kingdom. They suppose that the

deeolation of the old trade route through Meroe after the war of C. Petroniusin 22 B.C.,—a desolation which lasted to the time of Pliny (comp. N. H. VI.

181— 185)—gave the Axumite king the chance of extending his kingdom.

Glaser however, partly on the same ground as Mommsen and partly because

he maintains some of the names to refer to Arabian possessions not subject to

Axum till later, argues for a later date,—about the end of the third century.

He also has doubts whether it is by an Axumite king at all, and suggests it

is rather by a victorious enemy, possibly the Himyaritic king As'ad. At the

same time he does not think it is impossible that it should be by Ptolemy.

But, as Miiller points out, the formulae closely resemble the inscription

of Aeizanas; and it is extremely doubtful that As'ad or any Himyaritic king

would use Greek. Besides the man refers to Arabia as '/;

and expressly says he was the first Axumite king to conquer the surrounding

districts, some of which certainly belonged to Zoscales.

(p. 74, 1. 10.) ^; Salt identified with Ade-Gada, a town in the north

of Tigre :but Saint-Martin and more recent authorities recognise in it the

name of the Abyssinians, who spoke what is still called Geez. Ludolf (///si.

Aeth. I. I and Comm. 56) shows that till the seventh century the

nameAgazi survived. Pliny also mentions a town Gaza, south of Adulis {N. //. vi.

174), and this Glaser prefers.

(p. 74, 1. 10.) 'Aya'jLte] Agame is still an important province of Tigre

east of Axum.

/^] Saint-Martin connects Sigye (or Siguene) with Tzigam, a

large Agau tribe, now west of Lake Tzana : but Dillmann thinks this



NOTES 341

people is too distant, as the inscription is here speaking of places close

to AxLim.

(p. 74, 1. 12.) is probably identical with the Hawa (or Elwa) of the

Acts of Andrew and Bartholomew (Lipsius, Apokr. Apost.-Gesch. II. 2. 85).

It is also mentioned by the Periplus M. E. (Miiller, G.G.M. I. 257) and

Moses of Khorene's geography (cf. Saint-Martin, Meinoires hist, ei geogr. sur

rArmenie II. 344). Nonnosus, the contemporary of Cosmas, tells us that

is between Axum and Adulis. It is generally identified with Adoua (= city

of Oua) the modern capital of Tigre : though Bent {Sacred City of the Eth.y

p. 143 foil.) and Miiller prefer Yeha, on the grounds that there are ancient

remains there and none at Adoua, and an inscription found by Bent at Yeha

reads "He built his house AW." Miiller thinks that the name was connected

with the Sabaean worship of Baal-Ava, and that the Aualites on the Aualitic

Gulf (Ptol. IV. 7. 10), further south of Zula, were Arabian settlers and had

a fortress at Yeha to trade with the Sabaeans.] Dittenberger notices that this name is written with a simple /

in this inscription and in Salt's inscription of the fourth century, but with a tz

in Cosmas' note, and remarks that the sibilant is still preserved in the modern

name Ceyam. The name occurs several times in Abyssinian geographical

inscriptions as Sijamo or Tsijamo i^^^'PiS, but the exact position is

unknown, though Dittenberger thinks Cosmas is wrong in placing it across

the Nile. Glaser compares it with the Arabic ^1^5 (Tihamah) or ^Li> (Tiam).

Zingabene is unknown, unless it is, as Dillmann suggested, a mistake

for, or an alternative form of, Zingarene, which might be the modern Zia

Zangaren in Hamasen. •

(p. 74, 1. 22.) ra/i/3eXa=Gambela, a valley in the province of Enderta.

Montfaucon recognized these words as a marginal note by Cosmas which

has been wrongly inserted in the text. The river referred to is not the Nileproper, but its eastern tributary the Takazze which joins the Atbara in Nubia

before it reaches the Nile. Together they formed the Astaboras of the

ancients.

Angabe like Tiama defies the ingenuity of the critics, though Glaser

thinks it is possibly identical with tx'il'H (Angab or Angabe) of Schwein-

furth's inscription at Kohaito. This however does not determine its position.

He also refers to Ptolemy's "-- in Arabia Felix, but admits it is not

likely.

Athagaus and Kalaa Saint-Martin identified with Addago and Kalawe,

two districts to the left of the Takazze near the mountains of Semen. But

Dillmann rejects this identification, and agrees with Montfaucon in making

the former part of the Agau people, and the latter the people now called

Kelau. Glaser and Dittenberger recognise in the latter the Koloe of the

Periplus (§ 4) and Ptolemy (iv. 78), which was possibly Halai in the S.E.

corner of Tigre, or according to Bent Kohaito where there are ancient ruins.

The Periplus describes Koloe as three days' journey inland from Adulis, and



342 NOTES

five from Axum. Glaser also compares the Arabic name p*i)l^ (Kala')

found in Yemen : and with Koloe the plural c^:^ (Kulu') or a^^JL^

(Kulu'ah): and with the former people the Hadhramitic race-name ^\(Atakh).

(p. 74, 1. 13.) /iii/e or "^ without doubt indicates the modern

Semen Mountains, which rise to a height of 15,000 feet. Cosmas elsewhere

(108 c) tells us they were used as a place of banishment by the kings of

" *

Axum. Glaser gives the Arabic form as ^-^,^-*^ Sumain.

(p. 74, 1. 16.) Lasine was identified by Saint-Martin vith the land of the

Basena or Bazen on the northern frontier of Tigre, by Van Kloeden with

Lasta and Aina : and compared by Glaser with iUwuj (la'asanah), the plural

form of ^^1*») (li'san), the name of a race in the Tihama of Yemen. It seems,

however, better to leave it uncertain with Dillmann and Dittenberger.

the older commentators identified with Tsocha in the east of

Begemder, but again the identification is uncertain.

Glaser compares with AJLek. (Jebelah) in the Mountains of South

Yemen. But probably all three of these doubtful places are to be sought to

the north of Axum (Dittenberger).

(p. 74, 1. 17.)

/is compared by Glaser with^lJift in Hamdani's

Jezirat al-^arab 83, 3. Dittenberger rejects this and all other suggestions

without committing himself to any new view. With Beya compare the

of Salt's inscription, and the of Epiphanius, Haeres.

II. 703, and the OjJ of the Geez inscriptions. Dillmann says the name is

common in the Geez inscriptions and in Arabic geographers. Saint-Martin

identifies them with the modern nomadic Nubian tribes called Bicharieh.

In an expanded Coptic translation of Epiphanius' work De Gemniis^ the

name occurs in the form Bougaioi (cf The Classical Quarterly^ Vol. iii.,

p. 196), and in the Latin translation of that work as Bugaei.

(p. 75, 1. I.) The Tangaites, according to the same authorities, are part

of the same tribe, and have given their name to the country of Taka,

extending from the river Atbara in Tigre to Sauakin on the Red Sea.

(p. 75, 1. 4.) ^Avvlve Koi Merive'] These tribes have been assigned by

various commentators to all four points of the compass. Saint-Martin put

them northwards from Axum : but Dillmann objects that Egypt is mentioned

as the northern boundary, and these should rather lie south or west towards

the Sahara. McCrindle states that the fact that they lived in a mountainous

region shows that their position was eastwards towards the Red Sea. And

finally, Glaser compares the former with the Hebrew and Arabic words

iW or, ajJs-\ (A'nanah) or «jlu»-! (Ahnanah), without stating anything

further about those names, and the latter with AXic (Matinah) at the foot of

Jebel Hadir Nebbi Su'aib : but he hesitates to state that they are identical.



NOTES 343

"^," says Saint-Martin, "ought to designate a part at least of the

Somali people, of which one of the principal tribes bears still the name of

Issa." Glaser compares the name with the Arabic name ^<»-nr^ (Sa'si'ah).

But again it seems safer to leave it uncertain with Dillmann and Dittenberger.

(p. 75, 1. 8.) Montfaucon thought the Rhausi were the people of Rhapta,

which according to Ptolemy was the capital of Harbaria (iv. 7. 41): and

others, among them Franz and Saint-Iartin refer to the Rhapsii of Ptolemy

(iv. 8), who according to Saint-Martin still exist in the interior to the south of

Abyssinia and are called the Arousi. But Dittenberger thinks they are too

distant to be the persons here referred to.

(p. 75, 1. 10.) 2€, probably to the south of Adulis on the seashore

(Dittenberger).

(p. 75, 1. 15.) The Red Sea is here used in the extended sense of the

Arabian Gulf (cf. Ditt., Or. Gr. Insc7\ 69). Dillmann suggests that the

Axumite king must have obtained his fleet largely from the Romans, as he

cannot have had an extensive one himself.

(p. 75, 1. 15.) The 'AppaiSiTm are generally taken to mean Arabs in

general ; but Dittenberger observes that the Cinaedocolpitae were also

Arabs, so that probably it denotes a special branch of them, living to the

north of the Cinaedocolpitae. Lagarde placed them near Leuce Come.

Dillmann and Glaser take this and the succeeding names to indicate the

tribes of the Arabic coastland from Janbo to the north of Yemen.

For the and their towns compare Ptolemy VI. 7. 5, vil.

20. 17 and 23. 10. Saint-Martin thinks them to have been a branch of the

tribe of Kinda, who occupied the Hedjaz. Dillmann compares the Arabic

name Kinana.

(p. 75, 1. 18.) For .€ compare Strabo XVI. 4. 23^

/yrjs , and Per. . . 1 9, which says it was two

or three days' sail from Mvoy on the way to Petra and the Nabathaei.It was the extreme south point of the Nabathaei and the Roman Empire,

and is probably identical with the modern port Hauara. Dittenberger thinks

the of the note to be a corruption, as that name is not found

elsewhere. At any rate, as Lagarde pointed out, eVt must be used in the

sense of Opposite to,' as the Blemyes lived in Nubia, not in Arabia, and

it is therefore preferable to etf, the reading of V. On this tribe cf Revillont,

Mem. de Acad, des Inscr. 1874, Ser. i. 4€ with one is the form

used by the poets (cf. Pauly-Wissowa III. p. 566 sqq.) and is found in Salt's

inscription. They were generally located in Nubia on the Upper Nile, but

Cosmas seems to imply that they extended to the shore of the Red Sea.

By some they were credited with a mouth in their breasts and no head (cf.

PHny N. H.\. i. 46 ; Mela I. 6). On the Sabaeans compare Ptolemy vi. 7. 1•>

Strabo xvi. 4. 2 and 19, Pliny N. H. VI. 161, xii. 66 and Mela iii. 79. Their

capital was Mariaba (Marib), and they were masters of the Homeritae, not,

as Cosmas says, merely a part of them.

(P• 75) 1• 35•) The Adanitae were the inhabitants of the modern Aden,



344 NOTES

anciently known as; (Philostorgius, Hist. Ecc. III. 4) or' (Ptol. VI. 7. 9, 6, Periplus 26). Pliny calls it Athenae (vi. 159),

Mela (hi. 80) Arabia. The here mentioned is of course

not this town, but the whole country of Yemen.(p. 76, 1. 3.) For this address to Ares compare Aeizanas' words in

Salt's inscription de( € yeviaavros4 ^ apyopcuov eva y eV ayaOiu.

In the Axumite inscriptions the form is Mahrem, which Lagarde thinks

equivalent to the Bahram of the Persians.

(p. 76, 1. 17.) Ethiopia, as this passage among others shows, was not in

ancient times a name for the territory of the inhabitants of the Abyssinian

mountains and Tigre, but for that of the people of the plains to the west and

south of them.

(p. 82, 1. 16.) The KaTaypa^T) referred to is a coloured oblong, the length

being about three times the breadth, with a rim round the outside. Round

it are given the points of the compass ; at the centre of the top votos; at the

centre of the bottom ; on the left-hand side at the top €€, in the centre, and at the bottom , on the

right at the top€€, in the centre, and at the bottom. It is found on V fol. 96, L fol. 196 v. and S fol. 146 v.

(p. 119, 1. 3 foil.) For the early spread of Christianity, compare Gibbon

{Decline and Fall, ch. xx.) and Arnobius {Adversus Gejites, 11. 12). The

latter writing in the third century, says : "Enumerari enim possunt, atque in

usum computationis venire ea, quae in India gesta sunt, apud Seras, Persas,

et Medos ; in Arabia, Aegypto; in Asia, Syria; apud Galatas, Parthos,

Phrygas; in Achaia, Macedonia, Epizo ; in insulis et provinciis omnibus,

quae sol oriens atque occidens lustrat." Tertullian also {Adv. Jud. i. 7)

mentions Babylonia, Persia, India, Ethiopia, Asia, Germany, Britain,

Mauretania, the Getuli and the Romans, as people to whom Christianity

had extended: and Sozomen {Hist. Eccl. 11.

6)the Gauls, Goths, Celts and

Iberians. Legend attributed the conversion of most nations to the Apostles

(cp. Lipsius, Apokr. Apost.-Gesch. i. 25 foil.). Many of them according to

different legends visited different countries, so that, except in such cases as

that of Thomas, to whom legend consistently attributes the conversion of

India, one cannot assert the localities very definitely. But among countries

mentioned by Cosmas one may call attention to legendary visits of Andrew

to Scythia, Matthew to Parthia and Great Armenia, Bartholomew to India,

Abyssinia and Upper Egypt, Jude to Armenia and the Blemyes, and Simon

of Cana to the Iberians.

For notes on Taprobane, Male and CaUiana, see bk. XI.

When Christianity reached India is a subject of much dispute. According

to early tradition Parthia and India were visited by St Thomas, and he first

planted a church there. Bartholomew also was supposed to have visited

India, and we have it on the authority of Clement and Origen that their

friend Pantaenus went to South India towards the end of the second century



NOTES 345

and found there men acquainted with the Gospel of Matthew in Hebrew,

which had been brought thither by Bartholomew. Eusebius {Eccl. Hist. V.

lo) also refers to his mission. Sir W. Hunter inferred that those men were

a Jewish colony, and that Thomas really did visit Persia and Afghanistan,

and Bartholomew Malabar: but Milne Rae {Syrian Church in India) doubts

if there were any Jews there so early, and appears to doubt too whether the

tradition about the Apostles and the statements of Clement and Origen had

any foundation in fact. He prefers to assign the foundation of a mission in

India to the Nestorians of the early sixth century, supporting his view by

Cosmas' statement that the bishop came from Persia, which was the strong-

hold of the Nestorians. There are other proofs of Nestorian influence at

that time, for example an inscription from a Nestorian tomb as early as

547 A.D. quoted by Chwolson {Trans, of Russian Arch. Soc. Or. Sect.., Vol. ill.,

pt. I, 1886—7): but there seem to be earlier traces of Christianity in Ceylon

at any rate, since Labourte {Le Christianisme dans Vejnpire Perse., p. 606)

refers to a monastery of St Thomas there in the middle of the fourth century.

Besides the statement of Clement and Origen seems fairly definite. There

was also a curious tradition that Ceylon was visited by the Eunuch of

Candace (cf Hough, Hist, of Chi'istianity in India., Vol. II, pp. 30, 32, 42).

Christianity probably died out there soon after Cosmas' time, as Ibn Wahab

and Abu Zeyd (9th cent.) do not refer to it, though they mention Jews and

Manichaeans. Marco Polo too refers to the people as idolaters.

Dioscorides is the Greek name for Socotra, which according to McCrindle

is derived from the Skt. Dwipa Sukhadara (Island abode of bliss). The

island and the fact that there were Greeks there is mentioned in the Periplus

Maris Erythraei (ch. 30). Christianity there is mentioned also by the two

Arab travellers of the ninth century and by Abu'l-feda. If, as is probable,

it is the island from which Theophilus the apostle to the Homeritae came,

it may have been converted by him when he returned to it on his embassy

in 356 A.D. Marco Polo (lll. 32) states that "Their archbishop has nothing

to do with the Pope of Rome, but is subject to the great Archbishop who

lives at Baudas (Baghdad)," which agrees with Abu'l-feda's statement that

they were Nestorians. Yule, however, notes that certain practices of their

church (e.g. circumcision) support De Barros' statement that they were

Jacobite Christians of the Abyssinian stock, and says that Christianity has

now entirely disappeared.

The Huns here referred to are probably the White Huns (cf. bk. XI.),

who according to Drouin {Memoire sur les Huns Ephthalites) adopted the

Nestorian alphabet in the fifth century. Drouin quotes Elisaeus, an Armenian

of that century, for the statement that Christianity had spread over all the

nations between the Roman dominions and India in the time of lazdgerd II.

(438—457 A.D.).

The ordinary account, given by Sozomen (ll. 8), Moses of Khorene (ill. 8),

and Agathangelos (in— 132), places the conversion of the Armenians under

Tiridates by Gregory in the middle of the fourth century. Sozomen thinks



346 NOTES

the Persians were afterwards converted by intercourse with them. But

Euseb. {Eccl. Hist. iii. 23) states that the Persians were converted in the

Apostolic age, and elsewhere {Praep. Evang. vi. 10) he quotes Bardaisan,

a writer of thethird century, for references to Christianity among the

Parthians, Medes and Persians. Besides, at the Council of Nicaea appeared

John, bishop of the church of Persia and Great India (i.e. North India). On

the Armenians see F. Tournebize, Etude siir la conversion de VArmenie

{Rev. de Or. Chret., Ser. II., tome 2, 1907). The Ethiopian and Axumite

church owed its foundation according to Rufinus to Frumentius early in the

fourth century. Frumentius had been taken prisoner there as a child, and after

returning to Egypt was sent out by Athanasius as bishop. Rufinus, it must

be admitted, refers to the place as India, but the letter of Constantine to the

king of Axum in Athanasius' Apology to Constantine shows that Ethiopia is

meant. Sozomen (11. 24) and Theodoretus (i. 33) give the same story :but

Philostorgius (ill. 6) speaks as if Theophilus converted them in 356 A.D.

More probably Theophilus was Frumentius' successor.

The Homeritae of Arabia Felix were apparently visited by missionaries

about the same time as the Ethiopians. Philostorgius (in. 6) states that

Theophilus, a native of Divus, or Socotra,—though Gregory of Nyssa calls

him a Blemyan—was sent to them by Constantine in 356 A.D. (compare

also Socrates, H. E. iv. 36 ; Rufinus, H. E. II. 6). The Synaxarium Con-

stantinopolitanum (June 3) preserves a tradition that the Eunuch of Candace

preached there as well as in Ceylon. Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. vi. 19) states

that Origen was sent to Arabia by Demetrius of Alexandria to preach at the

request of the ruler of Arabia.

" The Garamantes were the inhabitants of the great oasis in the Libyan

desert called Phazania, and now Fezzan, but the name was often used in a

wider sense to denote the people of northern Africa who lived to the south of

the Syrtis" (McCrindle).

Pentapolis,so

calledfrom

its fivechief

cities,

Cyrene, Berenice, Arsinoe,Ptolemais and Apollonia, denotes the province Cyrenaica ; while Africa

means the land between it and Mauretania.

Southern Gades, Yule suggests, may be Tingis, or Cape Spartel, called by

Strabo Koteis. But it does not seem impossible that should

go with the whole of the last words, not with Gades alone.

Gibbon (ch. xlii.) says that the Lazi were a tribe on the north of Colchos

in the time of Pliny, Arrian and Ptolemy, but that they afterwards " imposed

their name and dominion" on the kingdom of Colchos, and that after a

relapse "in the beginning of the sixth century their influence was restored

by the introduction of Christianity, which the Mingrehans still profess with

becoming zeal."

The Heruli were a tribe originally German, who with the Goths under

Odoacer overthrew the western empire in 476 A.D. They dwelt north of the

Euxine, and were converted in Justinian's reign {c. 537 A.D.); compare

Evagrius IV, 20, Procop. Got/i. 11. 13 foil. The Goths according to



NOTES 347

Philostorgius (li. 5) were converted by captives taken from Cappadocia and

Galatia in Valerian's reign. Afterwards under their bishop Urphilas or

Ulphilas they embraced Arianism (comp. Socrates iv. 34, and Theodoretus

IV. 37)'

(p. 135, 1. 12.) Cosmas here at the end of book IV draws a picture of four

men standing at the four poles of a round world. The ridicule of the theory

of a round world and people at the Antipodes is intensified by the dispropor-

tion between the size of the men and the world on which they are standing.

Ananias of Shirag objected to a round world on the score that the people on

it would look "like flies round an apple," but even he did not figure them as

full-sized men standing round a child's ball. Cosmas' objections were shared

by a host, indeed by the majority, of the Fathers, as one may see fromBeazley's note on the passage, and many classical authorities agreed with

them, for example Herodotus. The Pythagoreans were the first to suggest

the sphere, not because they had any proofs to give in support of it, but

because they considered it the most perfect figure. Proofs were not forth-

coming probably till the time of Eudoxus. Aristotle sought to prove it from

the law of gravitation and from the spherical shape of the moon at eclipses.

Strabo first used the inference from the disappearance of ships at sea. At

the same time he, like Eratosthenes, regards the habitable part of it as an

irregular oblong, comparing it to the Greek chlamys, which was about twice

as long as it was broad with an irregular piece at each end. The result

would be almost the same shape as that given in Cosmas' map (cf Tozer,

Class. Geogr. 167— 8, etc.).

(p. 138, 1. 5.) The name Clysma is given to the whole of the western

branch of the Red Sea by Eusebius and Philostorgius (ill. 8), the latter

adding that it was so called from the town at the head of it. Epiphanius

too {Hae?-. 11. 668) mentions to as one of the three

ports of the Red Sea, apparently in the position of or near Suez. Comparealso the Pej-egriiiatio Silviae (ed. Gamurrini, p. iii).

(p. 242, 1. 23.) The represents the sun as a circular ball, with a

man's head and shoulders clearly visible in it. Below it is the earth,

a slightly smaller circular ball with ten small square excrescences starting

near the centre of the top and running round the right side. Six perpen-

dicular rays fall from the sun striking the five uppermost excrescences, which

are presumably supposed to represent the. It is found on V fol. 16 v.,

L fol. 1 96 V. and S fol. 33 v.

(p. 318, 1. 2.) This title is misleading and probably not genuine, as many

of the animals included are admittedly not natives of India, but of other

countries visited by Cosmas : e.g. the giraffe, hippopotamus, etc.

(p. 318, 1. 4.) Cosmas appears to have known only the African species,

the two-horned rhinoceros. As a rule ancient authors refer rather to the

one-horned species, e.g. Agatharcides (Miiller, Geogr. Gr. Min. i. 158), Pliny

(^. . viii. 71).



34 NOTES

Both Sperman {Voyaj^c an Cap de Bonne-Esp. ii. 307) and Salt {Travels^

p. 416) mention the mobility of the horns as facts confirmed by natives. The

hostility of the rhinoceros to the elephant is a commonplace of all ancient

authors who refer to thebeast.

Agatharcides{ib,

p. 158)says '"'' nepl

del^^ €\(.''

Pliny (A^. //. vill. 7) calls it "hostis elephanto" and Solinus {Fo/. 30. 21)

follows him. Compare also the account of the method of fighting in Sindbad's

Second Voyage, and the modern account in Marryat's Biishboys.

(p. 318, 1. 15.) If we read instead of , as Salt

{Travels, p. 417) suggests, we get the modern Tigre name for the rhinoceros

aC^ : "V^ft (arwe h^ris). In Amharic according to Salt it is }\(D*^ : 'liCil

(aweer haris): but Isenberg writes it auraris. Cosmas is correct too in his

translation of the component parts, as "arwe" is Amharic for a "beast" and

"haras" or "'aras" means "to plough" according to Isenberg (Amh. Diet.)

and Dillmann {Lex. ling. Aeth.). Ludolf took the latter part for the Arabic

u--^j•*• (harish) "unicorn."

(p. 318, 1. 23.) The is presumably the buffalo, though Cuvier

states that it was originally Indian and was brought to Egypt and Europe

during the Middle Ages.

(P• 3I9j 1• I•) Cosmas apparently thinks his picture sufficiently describes

the giraffe,as he gives no description. Pliny {N. H. Vlll. 18. 27) and Solinus

(30• 19) state that its neck is like that of a horse, its feet like those of an ox,

its head like a camel's head ; and give the Aethiopian name as iiabun.

Sindbad (Voyage 3) says that in shape and colour it is like a camel.

Compare also Marco Polo (ed. Yule), 111. 34.

As the pictures of the giraffe and several other animals are not

reproduced, it may perhaps be as well to describe them here. On fol. 267 v.

of L are drawings of the giraffe on the left and the -^^ on the right

facing each other. The giraffe is surprisingly like a giraffe, considering that

it is meant to be one. The only faults one can find with it are that its neck

is not so long as it should be and as it appears in Montfaucon's plate, nor do

its hindquarters drop properly. On the other hand it is correctly fitted with

two short horns, which Montfaucon has omitted, and its nozzle is raised, not

drooping as he represents it. The colouring is much rubbed, and I am not

sure whether it was originally dappled or not. The -^^ is an ox-like

animal with a bushy tail, which is unaccountably caught in the perfectly

smooth trunk of a short tree. Its neck is preternaturally long, about as long

as the giraffe's, and nearly as thick as the animal's body. Behind the tree

stands a figure in a short tunic with a girdle and a kind of skull-cap or

helmet, with his arm raised, brandishing a sword. By his left knee, attached

to the girdle, hangs a bag, which is omitted by Montfaucon, who also repre-

sents the animal's forelegs as far too much advanced and gives it a mane,

which I cannot see in the original. The picture of the pepper tree is more

faithfully reproduced by Montfaucon. On the right are two short trees with



NOTES 349

straight stems and tops as in Montfaucon, only broader. The shape is most

easily indicated by an outline. Below these tops hang on

each side two pods like coco-pods. On the left rises a

trailing vine-like plant which after running up straight for

some height bends in an arch to the right and hangs hori-

zontally over the tops of the two short trees. Between it and

the nearest of those shorter trees stands a negro with a bag,

who is gathering something from the foliage of the short tree.

This and the next three animals all occur together in the

bottom margin of fol. 269 r.

For the seal the best I can say is that it looks less of a

moon-calf than Montfaucon's draughtsman chose to make it:

but a sea-calf it certainly is with two pointed ears and a muzzle raised to

bellow. It is seated on a tail which is curled under the body and stands up

perpendicularly on the other side of it, culminating in a kind of fan with two

pointed ends. The body is something between a seal's and a bear's ; and in

front it rests on two fins prolonged until they look more like a bear's paws

than a seal's fins. They are not, however, calves' legs as in Montfaucon's

illustration.

The dolphin is very much more like a dolphin. Its head is not so clearly

defined as it is in Montfaucon's picture : there is, as there should be, a dorsal

fin on its back, and the animal is "taking a header," not swimming on the

surface of the water,—indeed there is no water.

The is, as Montfaucon represents it, a spotted circular body with

two protruding arms and a head.

On fol. 272 r. is a picture of a lion killing a horse, as in Montfaucon, save

that it is turned the other way, which is also the case with the seal, dolphin

and^. On 272 v. is an elephant facing to the left, not to the right as

in Montfaucon.It

does not appear to have been graced with a tail, unlessthat appendage has been rubbed off.

Similar pictures of all the animals existed in S, foil. 201— 5. But the

margins of foil. 201 and 205 have been cut off, and the picture of the

rhinoceros,, giraffe, and elephants are now missing.

(p. 319, 1. II.) The is the "yak" or "bos grunniens." "This

animal," says Cuvier, " mentioned by Aelian, was originally from the moun-

tains of Thibet. Its tail constitutes the standard still used by the Turks to

designate their superior officers." McCrindle, however, takes Cosmas to

refer to the chowri {^y^^) or fly-flapper used in India, particularly on

occasions of state and parade. t^L• (tugh), the Turkish name for the

horse-tail standard, is probably the word here represented as. The

yak's tail is similarly used by the Chinese.

(p. 319, 1. 19.) Cosmas is correct in his description of the musk-deer and

the musk bag, which is confined to the male. But it is not a native of any

country he visited, being found in the mountainous region between Siberia,

China and Thibet. Compare Marco Polo's description (ed.

YuleI.

57).



350 NOTES

KastLiri (^j^^**.^) is Hindustani for "musk," but Lassen says that in

the Himalayas the name is also applied to the animal.

(p. 319, 1. 25.) The belief in a unicorn among the Greeks was at least as

old as the days of Ctesias : and subsequent writers recognise more than one,

perhaps as many as five different species,—the one-horned horse, the one-

horned ox, the Indian ass, the oryx and the monoceros. Aelian {Ahit. An,

XVI. 20) mentioned a one-horned Indian beast which was of the size of a horse

with feet like an elephant, tail like a pig, and a twisted horn ;it was too wild

to be caught except when young. Pliny {N. H. viii. •^ and Solinus (52. 39)

describe it in almost the same terms, and both of them mention another

one-horned Indian beast of somewhat similar appearance, called by Pliny

" leucocrota," by Solinus "eale." Aristotle {Nat. A?t. in. p. 668) also

recognises two

^,the oryx and the Indian ass, but does not

describe them.

Most modern commentators identify the unicorn with the rhinoceros,

which agrees well enough with Marco Polo's account (ill. 9, "They have

hair like that of a buffalo, feet like those of an elephant, and a horn in the

middle of the forehead, which is black and very thick"), but not so well with

this horse-like beast, and still less with the two " unicorns in the temple of

Mecca, not very common in other places," described by Varthema {Travels^

ed. Hakluyt Soc. p. 47). Considering his extreme accuracy and veracity, his

account is worth quoting : "The elder is formed like a colt of 30 months old,

and he has a horn in the forehead, which horn is about three bracchia in length.

The other unicorn is like a colt of one year old, and he has a horn about four

palms long. The colour of the said animal resembles that of a dark bay

horse and his head resembles that of a stag ; his neck is not very long, and

he has some thin and short hair which hangs on one side ; his legs are

slender and lean like those of a goat; the foot is a little cloven in the fore-

part, and long and goat-like, and there are some hairs on the hind-part of

the said legs." This description fairly fits the picture given by Cosmas, and

according to Varthema they came from Ethiopia. That he saw them there

is practically no doubt; and they were not rhinoceroses, as he knew the

rhinoceros (cf. p. 87 at Zaila, " I also saw here other cows, which had a single

horn in the forehead, which horn is a palmo and a half in length, and turns

more towards the back of the cow than forwards"). It is possible, as the

editor suggests, that they were freaks of some species of antelope. This view

is supported by the detail mentioned by Cosmas, that in jumping down

a height it turns a somersault on to its horn, which according to Yule and

McCrindle holds good of the oryx.

The biblical unicorn is generally identified with the wild ox.

There is, or was in Hue's day, a Chinese tradition too that the unicorn

exists in Thibet, and Lon-Hoa-Tchon says it is called " serou," a name still

known to Indian sportsmen. According to G. Maxwell {In Malay Forests,

p. 168) it is identical with the Naemorhaedus or "goat-antelope," but is not

one-horned. Lon-Hoa-Tchon states that the Mongols confound this unicorn

with the rhinoceros.



'NOTES 351

(p. 320, 1. 14.) The name "hog-deer" has been in modern times applied

to three different animals, two small Indian deer, Axis porcinus and Axis

maculatus, and the Indian hog or Sus babyrussa. From the illustration the

latter would appear to be the animal intended by Cosmas, though Yulethinks this species is confined to the Archipelago. He compares Pliny's

description of an Indian swine (N. H. viii. 78).

(p. 320, 1. 17.) For hippopotamus' tusks comp. Marco Polo (ill. '}^'^. He

too had only seen the "boars'" tusks weighing 14 lbs., and speaks of the

beast from hearsay as a "boar as big as a great buffalo."

(p. 320, 1. 19.) Pliny (iV. //. xii. 26) and Solinus (55) compare the pepper-

tree or plant to the juniper, and notice two different kinds, piper album and

piper longum. Closer to Cosmas' description is that of Maundeville, ch. XV.,

"And you shall understand that the pepper grows like a wild vine, which is

planted close by the trees of that wood to sustain it ; the fruit hangs like

bunches of grapes." Cp. Ibn Khardadbah (Yule, Cathay i. clxxv.), "The

mariners say every bunch of pepper has over it a leaf that shelters it from the

rain. When the rain ceases the leaf turns aside ; if the rain recommences,

the leaf again covers the fruit."

(p.321,1. 2.) j/apy6XXta= Skt. •^^^, narikela, Pers. and Hind, jj-^flj-ju,

narjil. According to Tennent it is first mentioned in Ceylon in the Mahawanso

(161 B.C.).

(p. 321, 1. 6.) For the coco-nut milk compare Marco Polo (ill. 10),

"The inside of the meat of the nut is filled with a liquor like clear fresh

water, but better to the taste, and more delicate than wine or any other

drink that ever existed"; and Ibn Batuta (ed. Lee, p. 60), who says it is

made of the nut taken out and macerated, which then becomes milk in taste

and colour.

Yule {Cathay 11. 362), commenting on John de Marignoli, whose descrip-

tion is very like that ofCosmas

—"The Nargil

is

the Indiannut.

Its treehas a most delicate bark and very handsome leaves like those of the date-

palm.... Inside the shell is a pulp of some two fingers thick, which is

excellent eating and tastes almost like almonds.... Inside of this there is

a liquor which bubbles like new milk and turns to an excellent wine"

suggests that "possibly Cosmas has confounded the coco-nut milk with the

coco-palm toddy (i.e. sap drawn and fermented). For sura is the name

applied on the Malabar coast to the latter. Roncho may represent lanha,

the name applied there to the nut v.'hen ripe, but still soft."

(p. 321, 1. 14.) For the

/of Ceylon comp. Ael. N. An. xvi. 17.

The Periplus also refers to their exportation from Ceylon (§61) and from

Adulis and the Aualites (§§ 6, 7).

(p. 321, 1. 14.) The, if it means "seal," is a puzzle, as Cosmas

cannot have seen seals in his voyages in eastern and southern seas ; but the

dugong (Halicore), which to the uninitiated closely resembles it, is found in the

Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. Tennent {CeyloJi il. 557) says there are

plenty on the coast near Adam's Peak. Their flesh was represented to him



352 NOTES

as closely resembling veal. Though according to Cuvier " the head of a seal

resembles that of a dog," and Albinovanus Pedo (quoted by Seneca, Suas. i.

15) calls seals "aequorei canes," Cosmas' picture certainly rather exaggerates

the resemblance.

(p. 321, 1. 24.) The name 2ieXeSi/3a for Ceylon is obviously the same as

the modern Arabic s,^jJ^j^^ Serendib (cf. the Serinda of Procopius, the

embassy from the Serendivi and Divi in Amm. Marc. XXII. 7. 10, the simple

Dibou of Philostorgius), and the Sirindibenoi of the Coptic translation of

Epiphanius De Gemniis {Classical Quarterly III. p. 218). It is a compound

meaning apparently the island of the Salai—as Ptolemy (vii. 4. i) calls the

inhabitants; the latter part -diba being the Skt. ^t"^, dvvipa (Hind. w-J^,

dib), while the former part is preserved in the name Salike, mentioned by

Ptolemy (vii. 4. i) and Stephanus (sub voce Taprobane) as the name of

Ceylon in their days, and probably also in the more recent forms Zeilan,

Sailan, Ceylon, etc. According to McCrindle and Burton {Ar. Nights VI.

p. 64) the source of these forms is "Sihalam" (pronounced Silam), the Pali

form of the Skt. T''^^'^^, sinhala (from T'^B^"^ "a lion")—a name that was

applied to the hero Vijaya.

The Greek name Taprobane is at least as old as Megasthenes {c. 300 B.C.)

and is the commonest classical name for the island. Authorities differ

as to whether it is a corruption of Tamraparni, " copper-coloured leaf,"

a name given to Ceylon by its Indian conqueror Vijaya (cf. Turner's

Mahawanso, p. 55), or of Dwipa-Ravana (Island of Ravana), a name used

by the Brahmanical writers.

None of the classical writers seem to know the Skt. name Lanka ; but

some of them mention another name,^( Marc. Heracl.); or\8 ; the proper reading is in most cases doubtful. This is

generally mentioned as the old name of the island as opposed to ,,the modern name (e.g. by Ptolemy, Stephanus and Marc. Heracl. § 35), but

the Periplus (Miiller, Geogr. Or. Mi?t. 301) seems to speak of this as the

modern name and as the old name.

Possibly Pliny (A^. //. VI. 24) is right in stating that Palaesimundus was

the name of the most celebrated town there. That at any rate seems more

probable than the suggestion of Is. Voss in his note on Pomponius Mela ill. 7,

"Prius, ut opinor, fuit. Palou vel Polou Indis est insula. -itaque Siamensium insula, hoc est, Sinensium, ut iam diximus."

Van der Tunk, however, thinks it is a Javanese name, puloh selan= island

of gems ; comparing it with the Skt. Ratna-dwipa and Arabic Jezirat al-yakut

(O^yt OjjJ.»-) (cf. Yule, Marco Polo 11. p. 255).

Pliny also says that the inhabitants of Ceylon were at first called

Antichthones, as it was supposed to be the Antipodes (A^. H. vi. 22), and

also Palaeogoni by Megasthenes.

(p. 321, 1. 26.) The pepper country is Malabar: comp. the Arabic name

JaAaJI jJ^ (balad al-falfal).



354 NOTES

king possessed the celebrated great " ruby of Ceylon "—which ruby was

probably a carbuncle or amethyst—and the port to be "Point de Galle," as

Abu Zaid calls it Kalah (cf. also the Garshasp Namah in Ouseley's Travels I.

48), and not Trinquemale as Gibbon supposed. Is. Voss {Mela., p. 572) had

already identified it with Point de Galle.

(p. 322, 1. 9.) This seems to be the first mention of the famous great ruby

"As long as one's hand, and as big as a man's arm, without spot, shining like

fire, not to be bought for money" (Marco Polo iii. 14). Hwen Thsang,

a century later than Cosmas, tells us that it was at Anarajapoora on the

spire of the Buddha Tooth temple, and the Arabs knew of it. It is also

mentioned by Jordan de Severac about 1323. Corsali (in Ramusis, vol. I.

p. 180), however, thought it was a carbuncle, and in that case it may be the

"redpalace-illuminator" which, according to Chinese records, was sold to the

Emperor of China early in the 14th century. Tennent, however, on the

authority of Dana's Mineralogy (11. 196), thinks it was probably an amethyst,

a stone " which is found in large chrystals in Ceylon, and which modern

mineralogists believe to be the 'hyacinth' of the ancients." The eminence

on which the temple stood Tennent identifies with Mihintala, the sacred hill

near Anarajapoora [Ceyloti i. 543, 4).

(p. 322, 1. 13.) For the extensive trade with Ceylon in early times by

Chinese, Arabs, Persians, Indians and Tamils compare Tennent (l. 540), and

for the trade of Persia in particular il. 100 notes.

The Periplns also mentions , which Tennent (i. 541) thinks

must have been manned by Malabars, Arabs, Persians, etc., as the Cingalese

had no shipping worth mentioning themselves.

(p. 322, 1. 14.) €€= ea.st of Cape Comorin.

Tennent (i. 590) says that sandal-wood (Skt. chandana) is mentioned by

the Chinese travellers as an export from Ceylon, but is no longer found there.

(p. 322, 1. 17.) Male is probably the Malabar coast, though Voss (Mela

571) decides for one of the Maldive islands, saying that the natives declare

that the name of the group is derived from Male, the chief island and seat of

the king.

(p. 322, 1. 17.) Calliana= Kalyana (fortunate city), near Bombay. It is

mentioned also in the Peripliis 52, 53.

(p. 322, 1. 18.) ] mentioned also in the Peripius. Yule

identifies with "sissi" or " shisham," a valuable Indian timber.

(p. 322, 1. 19.) Iivhov is probably Diul-Sind at the mouth of the Indus

(McCrindle, cf. Yule).

(p. 322, 1. 27.) Orrhotha is probably some place on the westerncoast

of Gujarat, being like Pliny's Horatae an incorrect form of Sorath, or

Saurashtra, the Surastrene of Ptolemy (vil. i, 2) and the Peripius (ch. 41),

that is Gujarat. Others identify it with Surat : but that was not a place of

importance in ancient times.

Sibor is called Simylla by Ptolemy (vii. i. 6), and Saimur or Jaimur by

the Arab geographers. Yule identifies it wkh Chaul or Chenwal, 23 miles



NOTES 355

south of Bombay, and {Cathay i. clxxxviii. and 227) compares it with

Ptolemy's Suppara, Jordanus' Supera, Ibn Haukal and Ednsi's Subara (four

or five days from Kambaia), Abu'l-Feda's Sufalah. Reinaud thought it

represented the Sanskrit SubahHka. Mangarouth = Mangalor.

(p. 322, 1. 29.) On Salopatana, Nalopatana, Poudapatana, McCrindle

notes, "These three ports appear to have been situated on the coast of

Cottonarike, the pepper country somewhere between Mangalor and Cahcut.

The termination paiana means ' town.' Poudapatana means ' new town,'

and the place so called may be identified with Ptolemy's Podoperoura."

Yule {Cathay 11. 453) identifies it with the Pudripatam, Pudipatanam,

Puripatanam, etc. of various mediaeval travellers, and with Budfattan of

Ibn Batuta, " In Ibn Batuta's time it was under the same prince as Jurfattan

(which we have identified with Cananor), was a considerable city on a great

estuary, and one of the finest ports on the coast."

(p. 322, 1. 32.) Tennent (11. 129 and 556) suggests that the reference

is either to the chank fishery at Mantotte (comp. Abu Zaid), or possibly to

oyster fisheries at Bentotte. Compare Marco Polo iii. 16 on the pearl fisheries

between Ceylon and India. Yule {Cathay I. clxxviii.) suggests Marava or

Marawar opposite Ceylon ; Walkenaer a town apparently otherwise unknown,

" Morilloum opposite Ceylon."

With

€compare Ptolemy's Chaveris, which is identified by Burnell

with Kaveripattam, a little to the north of Tranquebar, at the mouth of

the Podu-Kaveri. Kaveran cffX^"^^ means saffron in Skt.

(p. 322, 1. 33.) The meaning oi is uncertain. Yule {Cathay i.

clxxviii.) notes that " Pliny speaks of alabandic carbuncles and of an alabandic

black marble, both called from a city in Caria. The French apply the name

almandine or albandine to a species of ruby (cf. Pliny, N. H. xxxvil. 25 ;

XXXVI. 13). If rubies be meant it is just possible that Pegu may be in

question."

(P• 323, 1• 2.) " Cosmas was the first who laid down China's correct

boundary on the east by the Ocean" (McCrindle).

(p. 323, 1. 7.) Tennent (l. p. 542, note 2) makes the following comment

on this passage: "Cosmas wrote between A.D. 545 and a.d. 550; and the

voyage of Sopatrus to Ceylon had been made thirty years before. Kumaara

Daas reigned from A.D. 515 to A.D. 524." Beazley (i. p. 191) thinks this date

too early, the voyage probably being made after A.D. 527. But Cosmas

actually states that the man had been dead35

years, which puts his death

in 515 A.D. at the latest; and there is no reason for supposing that he took

this voyage in his last year and toid it to Cosmas at once—he would rather

seem to be relating an old adventure. Consequently the voyage should

probably be dated considerably earlier, near the beginning of the sixth

century. So far as the story is concerned Sopatrus need never have been

to Ceylon at all, for it is probably an old traveller's tale, at least as old as

the time of Pliny, who relates a tale (A^. H. vi. 24) which looks like the original

from which this is derived by a natural process of exaggeration.

23—2



356 NOTES

(, 323, 1. 1 8.) Vincent (li. p. 511) has noted the fact that in his interview

with the Greek native of Egypt the king addressed him as '^ (= \^3j)y

the traditional name of any race ruHng at Constantinople.

(p. 323,1.

25.)

]The aureus of Constantine, of which there were

72 to the lb. of gold.

iaLov = the silver drachm, 20 to the daric or stater: cf. Periplus^

\ 42.

(p. 324, 1. 6.) The White Huns was according to Gibbon (ch. 26) a name

given to the first colony of Huns that left their native land in the fourth century

and migrated south west to the plains of Sogdiana, on the eastern side of the

Caspian. They were also called the Ephthalites or Nephthalites. The fact

that Cosmas here mentions them in northern India supports, as Sir W.

Hunter has pointed out {Indian Empire, p. 170), Dr J. Ferguson's idea that it

was the White Huns who overthrew the Guptas between 465 and 470 A.D.

Dr Ferguson "places the great battles of Korur and Maushari, which freed

India from the Sakas and Hunas," between 524 and 544 A.D. Yule {Cathay i.

clxxx.) calls them the Yueichi or Yetas and refers to Lassen 11. 771 and III.

584. V. Saint-Martin and Drouin have written special monographs on them.

They are first mentioned in Dionysius Perieg. 730.

(p. 324, 1. 12.) Compare Hdt. vii. 42, where Xerxes' army drank up the

Scamander.

(p. 324, 1. 14.) "Emeralds were found in the mines of Upper Egypt, and

were no doubt shipped from Adule for the Indian markets by the Ethiopian

traders who bought them from the Blemmyes. If taken to Barygaza (Bharoch)

they could be transported thence by a frequented trade-route to Ujjain, thence

to Kabul, and thence over the Hindu Kush to the regions of the Oxus"

(McCrindle).

(p. 324, 1. 27.) Marco Polo 111. 17 (and l. 15, etc.) mentions the importa-

tion of horses from Persia, Kis and Hormes, Dofar and Soer and Aden to

India, because the i^w native horses there were "wretched wry-legged weeds,

not fit to ride."

(p. 325, 1. 3.) On Ethiopian elephant taming comp. Yule's Marco Polo

II. 367—8.

(p. 325, 1. 32.) Berosus was by birth a Babylonian and a priest of Bel

he wrote a book in Greek on Babylonian or Chaldaean history, which he

dedicated to Antiochus I Soter (281—262 B.C.). The work is now lost, but

fragments of it are preserved in Josephus, Eusebius and some of the Christian

fathers, who seem to have derived their knowledge of it mainly from Apollo-

dorus and Alexander Polyhistor. McCrindle suggests that Cosmas borrowedhis knowledge from Josephus : but he must certainly have used other works

as well, as the names of the ten kings before the flood are not found in

Josephus.

(p. 326, 1. 16.) Cosmas seems to be quoting from Plato's Timaeus III.

24 —25 A, either from memory or perhaps merely from hearsay. It is not

Timaeus who makes the statement about Atlantis, but Critias quoting the



NOTES 357

words of an Ej^yptian priest to Solon. Nor again are the ten generations

mentioned in the dialogue. Later Cosmas makes an even worse mistake,

substituting Solomon for Solon.

(p. 327, 1. 4.) This list of names is derived froni the second book of

Berosus, and is also preserved in Eusebius {Chron. p. 5, ed. Mai) and Syncellus

(P• 39 i^)• They seem to have derived their information from Apollodorus

and Alexander Polyhistor. The names as given in Miiller's edition {Frag.

Hist. Gr. II. 499) are

Alorus ".Alaparus ?.Almelon ^.Ammenon ^^.Amegalarus Meyakapos.

Davonus ?.Edoranchus ^.Amemphsinus ^A€y\rLv.

Otiartes ^,.Xisuthrus .

ut their estimate of the time the kings reigned seems to be more moderate

than that of Cosmas. Eusebius, following Berosus, gives it as 120 sari,

"Nempe quadraginta tres annorum myriadas annosque bis mille."

(p. 327, 1. II.) Manetho was an Egyptian priest who wrote a history of

Egypt drawn from the priestly records, which is now unfortunately lost, as

the surviving fragments are among the chief authorities for the early history

of Egypt. Josephus attacks him in Contra Apioneni I. § 26 foil.

Chaeremon was an Alexandrian and probably head of the Museum. He

was afterwards one of Nero's preceptors. His history of Egypt, which

Josephus {Contra Ap. I. 33) accuses of wilful falsehood, is now lost except

for a few fragments.Apollonius, surnamed Molon, or better son of Molon, was a famous

rhetorician of Rhodes, who, while teaching oratory at Rome from 81 B.C.,

instructed both Cicero and Caesar (cf. Cic. Brut. 307, 312, 316 ; Suet. Caes. 4).

Josephus {Contra Ap. II. yj) and Alexander Polyhistor mention a work by

him against the Jews.

Lysimachus was an Alexandrian grammarian of the latter half of the

second century. Josephus (C. Ap. I. 34; II. 14. 35) mentions a work called

which was probably by him.

Apion, a native of Egypt, taught rhetoric in Rome under Tiberius and

Claudius (cf. Pliny, TV. H. praef. 25). He wrote a work on Egypt in which

he attacked the Jews, and a separate diatribe against the Jews, which provoked

an answer from Josephus in the Contra Apionem 11. i foil.

(p. 327, I. 17.) Comp. Manetho in Josephus {Contra Ap. I. 28) yap

avTov €4\(€ e^opiaai AiyvTrrov .p. 328, 1. 18.) Comp. Plato's Timaeus ill. 22 B. It is of course the



358 NOTES

Egyptian priest who makes the remark to Solon, not Solomon (!) to

Plato.

(p. 330, 1, 16.) Comp. Josephus, Ant. XI. 8. 5.

(p. 330, 1. 22.) Comp. Josephus, Ant. xii. 2. Tryphon is a mistake forDemetrius Phalereus the librarian of Alexandria.

(p. 330, 1. 32.) Comp. Josephus, Contra Ap. 11. 5. Ptolemy Physcon

reigned from B.C. 170— 117.



INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS^

Genesis.

I. I (76 , 156 D, 161 c, 176 c, 181 D,

380 c), 2, 3 (420 a), 2—4 (140D),3, 5 (149BX 6 (140 D, 420c, D),

8 (81 d), 20, 24, 27 (141 a), 26

(176 D, 309 B, 312 A, C), 27

(236 C).

. I (76 A, 380 C), 2 (380 C), 3

(161c), 4 (76 A, 161c), 10— 12

(452 a), 17 (229 a), 18 (260 B),

23 (160 B).

III. I (120D), 5 (149A), 15 (124A),

17— 19 (92 d), 19 (120 d), 20

(224 D), 22 (236 , 328 c, 413 B).

IV. 2—5 (93 B), 15 (229 ), 7, 16,

20—22 (173 A— D), 25 (225 B).

V. I (380 D), 1—3 (225 B, C), 29

(92 C).

VI. 16 (232 b).

IX. 1—4, 6 (233 c, D), 3, 4 (93 a),

24 (232 C), 26—27 (232 D, 233 A).

X. 2—7, 22 (85 —C).

XI. 4(136 D), 7 (312 B).

XIV. 19 (76 b), 22(760).XIX. 23 (424 b).

XXII. 16 (241 c).

XXIV. 2, 7 (76 B—C).

XXV. 23 (237 c, 329 a).

XXVII. 28 (421 b), 29(241 d).

XXVIII. 13 (244 D), 14 (237 D, 240 D).

XLix. 8—12 (244 B), 33 (245 a).

Exodus.VIII. 19 (140 c).

XX. 6—17 (200 D), II (76 A, 365 B,

380 c, 420 b).

XXV. 23 (97 c—d), 39 (205 c), 40

(161 D, 200 B).

Numbers.XV. 38—41 (135 D— 136 A).

XXIII. 22 (444 c).

XXIV. 17 (245 c).

Deuteronomy.II. 7 (216 b).

VIII. 4, 5 (216 b).

X. 14 (84 B, 341 d).

XVIII. 15 (245 c, 296 b), 18 (245 c).

XXIX. 4 (216 b).

XXX. 8, 12—14 (96 a), 12 (256 d).

XXXII. 8 (320 b), 43 (364 D).

I. Kings.

XVIII. 44 (129 c).

II. Kings.

XVII. 32 (60 b).

XX. 10 (393 c).

I. Chronicles.

I. 8, 9 (452 a).

XV. 30 (249 a).

XVI. 7 (249 a).

II. Chronicles.

XXXII. 26, 31 (389 b).

XXXVI. 22, 23 (397 B).

Job.

XXVI. 7 (80 A, 184 D, 381 A).

xxxviiL 5 (80 a), 6 (381 B), 7

(149 B, 425 c), 37, 38 (81 A,

184 c, 381 b).

Psalms.

II. 9 (252 a).

IV. 7 (404 B).

viii. 4 (252 d).

XVI. 8 (256 c).

XVIII. I (84 a).

XIX. I (341 c), 6 (424 B).

XXII. I (257 a), 19 (256 C, D), 21

(444 c).

XXIX. 6 (444 c).

XXXIII. 6 (425 a).

ll 10 (133 a).

lxv. 9 (404 a), 1 1 (404 A, 405 d).

LXVIII. 18 (256 c).

LXIX. 21 (256 C).

LXXV. 6 (89 b).

^ References are to marginal numbers, except when the page and line are given.



36 INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS

Psalms,

lxxviii. 15, 16 (200 b, c), 20

(216 c).

LXXXIV. 2 (133 a).

CII.

25 (76D), 25, 26

(369B).

cm. I (133 a), 2 (p. 226, 1. 21), 20,

21 (405 A), 24(341 c).

CIV. 2 (184 c), 2, 3 (81 D, 365 c,

380 D), 3 (184 c, 381 A, 417 D),

5 (80 A, 184D, 381 B), 9 (365 c),

27 (404 B), 32 (129 c).

cv. 39 (197 d), 41 (200 c).

ex. I (293 D), 2, 3 (256 A, B).

CXV. I 5 (76 C), 1 6 (84 B, 341 C, 41 7 D,

p. 297, 1. 17).

cxix. II (133 a).cxxxv. 6 (76 c).

cxxxvi. 5 (84 d).

cxxxix. 8—10 (132 d).

cxLViii. 1—4 (p. 226, 11. 7, 12), I

(84 C, 364 D), 2 (364 D), 3 (365 A),

4 (84 A, 341 B, 365 A, 421 A), 5

(365 B), 6 (365 B, 372 B), 7 (84 C),

13 (84 c, 365 B).

CL. I (420 D).

ECCLESIASTES.

I. 5, 6 (89 C, 185 D, 209 C, 408 B,

424 d).

SlRACH.

I. I (176 b).

Song.

I• 2 (433 c).

II. 4 (433 B).

VII. 5 (433 c).

Isaiah.

VI. 2, 3, 7 (265 A), 3(3I2B).

VII. 14 (388 c).

XI. 10 (265 c).

xxviii. 16 (265 c).

XXXVIII. I (389 B), 10—14 (392 A—D), 14, 16— 19 (393 A, B).

XXXIX. 3—8 (400 A—c).

XL. 22 (77 B, 81 A, D, 184 B, 380 D,

396 C, 397 C, 424 A, 457 D).

XLII.5 (76 D, 184 C, 396 C).

XLIV. 24 (76 D).

XLV. 1—4 (396 D), 12, 18 (77 A),

13 (397 A).

XLViii. 13{ a).

LI. 6(42oD), 13 (77 a), 16 (77 b).

Lin. 3, 9— II (265 B, c), 7 (393 A,

437 B).

LXI. I (265 c).

LXIV. I (129 D).

Lxvi. I a).

Jeremiah.X. II—14(77 B).

xxxi. 31—34 (269 b).

EZECHIEL.

xxxvii. 23,24

(269 d).

XLVii. 8, 9 (272 a).

Daniel.

II. 34, 35 (109 D, 272 ), 44

(112 A, D).

Ill• 57—59 (365 D), 59, 74 ^11 c),

60 (p. 226, 1. 16).

VII. II, 12 (iI2A), 13, 14 (112 B,

272 b), 14 (256 a).

IX. 25 (272 b).

X. 13, 14 (132 c).

HOSEA.VI. I, 2 (260 D), 2 (261 a).

IX. 12 (261 a).

XI. 12 (261 a).

XIII. 4 (76 d), 14 (261 a).

Joel.

II. 26—32 (261 b).

Amos.

IV. 13 (264 b).

IX. 5 (129 d), 6 (129 c), II, 12

(264 b).

Obadiah.I. 15, 17 (264 c).

Micaiah.

V. 2 (268 a).

vii. 19, 20 (268 a).

Nahum.I. 15, II. I (268 b).

Habakkuk.I. 5 (268 c).

Zephaniah.

II. 1 1 (269 c).

III. 9, 10, 14, 15 (269 c).

Haggai.

ir. 6 (129 D, 353 b), 7(3160), 23

(272 d).

Zechariah.

IX. 9 (272 d).

X. I (129 c).

XI. 12, 13 (268 d).. I (76 d).

XIII. 6, 7 (273 a).

Malachi.

I. II (273 B).

III. I (273 b).

IV. 2—5 (273 c).

L Maccabees.

1.9(1090).

Baruoh.III. 29, 30 (96 c).



INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS 361

Matthew.I. I (288 a).

II. 5 (268 A).

III. I, 2(288

D), 12(356

D).

IV. II (121c).

V. 45 (285 B).

VI. 24 (192 a).

VIII. 1 1, 12 (177 D), 29 (165 C).

IX. 33 (145 B)•

XI. 12 (281 B), 13 (112 C, 280 B,

281 B), 14 (273 c), 25 (77 c).

XII. 3, 4 (257 B), 38, 39 (144 D),

40 (264 d), 42 (100 a).

XIV. 30 (165 c).

XV. 17 (133 a).

XVI. 18 (168 d).

XVII. 4, 5 (257 B, C, D).

XVIII. 10 (132 c), 16 (433 b).

XIX. 4 (224 a).

XX. 23 (348 d), 24 (281 c).

XXI. 9, 16 (252 b).

XXII. 2 (284 D), 28 (336 C), 30 (177 C,

288 D, 336 D), 43, 44 (253 D), 44

(256 a).

XXIII.37, 38 (168

b).

XXIV. I, 2 (168 C), 14 (168 D), 29

(408 D), 29—31 (316 c), 30, 31

(424 B), 35 (369 B), 38 (281 B),

40 (177 c, 312 D).

XXV. 12 (128 c, 284 c), 21 (177 c,

416 c, p. 296, I. 33, p. 297, I. 8),

34 (57 B, 128 c, 177 c, 281 c,

284 C, 313 D, 320 B, 333 D, 348 B,

425 c, p. 298, 1. 15), 41 (128 c,

284 b).

XXVI. 17 (417 A), 39 (437 A, B, C).

XXVII. 9, 10 (269 a), 50 (133 b).

XXVIII. 18 (256 a), 19(3120).

Mark.XV. 2>, 39 (133 ).

Luke.

I. 13 (2I2A), 4 (289c), 33 (113 B),

43 (277 D), 48—55 (277 D), 76

(277 C).

II. 2 (113 A), 14(121 , 137 A, 292 B,

329c), 22

(280A), 26

(392B),

29—32 (280 b).

III. 17 (277 B), 23 (197 A), 38

(289 D).

IV. 18 (265 C).

VI. 36 (429 B).

IX. 33 (257 c).

X. 10 (124A), 18 (125 c, 148 d), 19

(124 A, 132 a).

XV. 7 (153 D, 225 D).

Luke.XVII. 21 (133 b).

XIX. 39 (252 b), 40 (252 c).

XX.36 (320 c).

XXII. 44 (437 B), 28—30 (p. 296,

I. 24).

XXIII. 43 (124 D, 133 B), 44 (437 a).

XXIV. 50 (180 c).

John.

I. 16 (308 a), 29 (196 a, 212 B, 277 a).

II. 15 (145 c, D), 16 (145 D),

(148 a), 18, 19 (145 a), 20 (272 d).

III. 13 (361 C, p. 226, 1.25), 17 (148 B).

IV. 6 (437 d).

V. 16, 17 (257 A).

VI. 27 (272 d), 66—69 (145 b).

VIII. 56 (240 A, 241 C).

X. 30 (440 a).

XII. 24 (356 c), 32(177 c), 34 (388 D).

XIV. 2—4 (348 c, d).

XVI. 7 (440 c), ^^ (1 24 A, 168 D).

XX. 17 (292 d).

Acts.

I. 10, II (180c).

II.

4(129

D), 4—6,II

(137b), 22—

24, 32—36 (293 B, C), 24 (293 D,

297 A), 36 (293 D).

III. 19—21, 24—26 (296 B, C).

IV. 27 (249 d).

VII. 22 (140 a), 60 (297 B).

VIII. 32 (265 B).

X. 4 (429 C), 38—43 (296 A), 42

(253 B).

XII. 13 (132 c).

XIII. 16—41 (360A—361 a), 32, 2>1>

(249 d), 41 (268 c).

XIV. 12 (104 a), 15 { c).

XVII. 18, 19 (357 c), 22—31 (356 D),

24 (77 c), 24—28 (176 d), 26

(129 D), 30, 31 (253 A), 32 (357 C).

XXV. 19(3570).XXVI. 7, 8 (301 B, 357 d), 21—23

(301 B, 357 D).

Romans.I. 20 (376 a), 22 (72 B), 23 (157 A).

III.

15 (208B,

209D).

IV. 15 (125 d), 17—25 (240 B).

V. 14 (224 c).

VII. 8 (125 d).

VIII. 17 (180 a), 18 (368 b), 19—21

(120 a), 19 (361 D), 20 (124 D,

408 D), 20, 21 (225 D, 364 A, B,

409 a), 21 (125 a), 22 (125 B,

368 D), 24 (300 A), 32 (241 C),

34 (436 A).



362 INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS

Romans.X. 6 (256 d).

XI. 25 (320 b).

I. Corinthians.

II. 9 (285 B, 368 B, p. 226, 1. 5).

IV. 9 (132 B, 337 A, 361 D), 18, 19

(361 B).

V. 7 (196 A, p. 297,1. 5).

VI. 2, 3 (301 d).

VII. 31 (300 c, 348 B, 372 c).

X. 4 (200 c), 21 (192 b).

XI. 7 (309 c).

XII. 8— II (264 a), 28 (416 a).

XIII. 9 (377 D).

XV. 3 (259 D), 12—17, 21—22, 29,

30 (349 B—D), 19 (300 a), 21

(221 ), 35—38, 42—50 (352 A—D), 49 (353 D), 50 (412 d), 51, 52

(317 A), 55 (261 a), 54, 55, 57

(353 D—356 a).

II. Corinthians.

III. 6 (361 B), 18 (305 D).

IV. 17, 18 (368 c).

V. I (73 B, 344 A), 17 (125 D, 128 A,

372 A).

VI. 14— 16 (192 b).

VII. I (p. 296, 1. 29).

XII. 2 (344 a), 2, 3 (409 b).

XIII. 3 (361 c).

Galatians.

III. 16 (240 a), 19 (217 d).

IV. 26 (180 a).

Ephesians.

I. 8, 9 (429 c, D, 432 c), 9 (433 A),

10 (125 D, 128 A, 372 a), 20

(357 B), 21 (384 A).

II.

2 (117c),

6 (180A,

300a),

19(1 80 a).

III. 10 (228 A, 364 B).

IV. 13 (380 a).

V. 32 (224 a).

Philippians.

II. 6 (252 c), 10 (132 a).

III. 13— 15 (300c), 14 (180 A, p. 298,

1. 6), 20 (84 B, 341 D, 369 a), 20,

21 (179 A, 300 c).

COLOSSIANS.

I. 15 (224 B).

II. 9 (233 B).

III. I, 2 (300 D, 348 B).

I. Thessalonians.

IV. 14— 17 (301 a), 16 (440 d), 16—i8(3i6d).

II. Thessalonians.

I. 7— 10 (313 a).

I. Timothy.

III. 15 (304 a), 16(1480).

IV. 8 (300 c).

II. Timothy.

III. 5 (72 B).

Titus.

II. 13 (128 c, 300 c).

Hebrews.I. I (376 b), 3 (80 A), 4 (413 a), 8, 9

(253 b,c), 14 (120 a, 301 c, 364B,

408 D, 412 C).

II. 5 (252 D), 6-8 (253 A), 9 (252 D),

16 (372 B), 17—19 (240 A).

III. I (180 a), 14 (303 d).

IV. II (177 D, 301 B, 345 A), 14

(345 B)•

V. 4, 5 (256 B).

VI. 16—20 (348 a), 17—20 (300 a),

18—20 (i8od), 20 (p. 298, 1. 20).

VII. 14, 17 (345 D), 23—26 (344 D),

26 (180 d).

VIII. I (201 c, 344 B, 432 a), 2 (301 A,

345 D), 4, 5 (408 c), 6 (432 A), 8—12 (269 a), 12 (p. 298, 1. 20).

IX. I (381 B), I, 2 (201 B, 205 D),

6, 7 (344 c), II, 12 (201 c, 208 A,

212 A, 334 B), 19—23 (180D), 24

(180 C, 201 C, 208 A, 381 b), 27

(228 c).

X. I (193c, 208 B), It— 14 (345 c),

19, 20 (345 B), 20 (p. 298, ]. 29),

19—21 (208 B), 19—23 (180 D),

34 (300 , 348 A).

XI.5 (232 a), 9, 10 (180 a), 10

(301 a), 14— 16 (300 a), 15, 16(180), 16 (348 B), 38 (368 a).

XII. II (22 1 c, 376 d), 18—23 (p. 298,

1. 9), 22—24 (180B, 228 a), 28

(300 B, 316 c, 345 A).

XIII. 14 (180B, 300 B, 348 A, p. 297,

1. 12).

I. Peter.

I. 12 (368 D).

V. 13 (113 d).

II. Peter.

III. 12 (369 c, 372 c).

II. John.

I• I (373 A).

III. John.I• I (373 A).



INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT

{^References are to the marginal numbers.)

'1/2 D, 217 c, 256 B.

/3 204 C.

2l6 D.

"A/3fX 93 B, 173 A, 220 D, 225 A, B,

228 A, B, 229 A, B, 329 B.

212 A.

237 c, D, 240 A, C, D etpassim."^ 201 D.

^yya\o^ 1 29 D, 272 C,*77 30 1 B, 357 C, D.

173 C.

*/ 224 A, C ^f passim./i (o ^-?) 121 , C, 293 C.

400 D.

l6l , 372 C, 40 1 B.

248 C.? 453 C.^'^ 68 , I09 A, , 11^ ,1 69 , 46 .

453 ^•

453 C.

208 C•

*€453 C.

^453 C.

453 ^•

yjl D? 129 ? ^) 264 , , 265 .* 4^0 D•/? 3^1 .„ (? another) 340 ." 26 1 D, 28 .

68 , 09 C, 1 13 C, 276 , .

453 D.

28 1 .( ^) 453 ^'*€ iy6 D.

"Apetos 281 A,

yy C.

";? I05 C, D.' 169 C, 1 76 , 453 A.

I04 A.

iy6 B.

248 C, 249 A.

D.

*85 C.

113 .

lyi C.

245 C.

1 04 A.

Bapov;^ 96 B.

^73 A.

BeXmX 192 B.

^I04 A.

^^ 172 C.

^ 452 C.

437 .€ 96 .

232 D.

1 3 .raioy 373 .

/xep 85 .

?449 .

Fpeyopto? 4^6 D.

264 C.

26 D.

^4) 77 <^; 112 C, 209 , 272 , C,

276 , 400 D.

/$• 453 C.

460 .' 249 ^—^ et passi7n.

Atds• 45^ C.

'E^e/ctas• bk, VIII. passim.

yj2 D, 373 A.

85 C.^ 460 ,/5 172 C.

85 .'^ \ D, 197 , 277 C, D.? 221 .C.



364 INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT

*Ev(us 453 C.^ 173 C, 220 D, 229 B, D, 232 A,

329 B, 453 C.

428 C.

I04 A.

" 397 .Eva 124 c, 225 B, 309 c [see also /)].

136 C.€8 453 C.

85 C.

iy6 .€ l6l , 372 D.

28 1 .6 , C, D.

76 , 129 C, 272 D, 277 C.

{ ') 196D, 197 ^5 212 .Zevy 105 D.

272 D.7 224 D [see also /],

129 C, 229 D, 257 B>C, 260 —C, 273 , C, 277 , 329 c)? 04 .^ 249 D.

'76 D, 184C, 265 —D, 276 D,

3 1 2 , et passtju.

24 1 D.

^^^ 1 1 3 D•

43^ C,

43^ ^•

() 289 C, D.

(2) 417 .(3) 388 .

77£ 85 .eo/SfX

173C, D.

85 .73 .

/3 113 , 8, 220 D, 244 — D,

329 , 364 c, 421 .197 C, 257 , 264 , 28 1 C,

348 , 373 .1 64 .

/^$• 164 .8 453 C.

85 , 232 D, 233 .^8 248 C.

'le^e/ctr/A 269 D.

'Ifpe/xuxy 96 , 208 D—269 , 397 .265 C, 360 .

^)? [] 217 C, 221 C, 248 ,329 .^ 200 C.

/3 173 ^•

292 C.^ C.

'///• (^-) 145 , 373 ,

,(?/ passim.

„ (

)2y6 D—277 C,

(?/ passion.

„ ( ;^),9) 429 ./3 8 , 8 1 , 149 , 184 C, 257 ,

38 1 , 425 C.

144 D, 264 D,^ 6 .244 C, 329 , 45^ .(father of

J.C.) 261 D.

/xos 217 , 457 .KmV 93 , 173 A, 177 A, 225 A, ,

229 .453 C.

360 .112 C.

/7/;/ 305 C.

Kope 216 D, 248 C.

201 D, 293 D.

437 D.

09 , 39^ , 397 .53 .

Aaadav 39^ .292 C.€ 92 C, 173 C, 328 C, 453 C.? l8oC, 197 , 289 —292 ,

305 C, 357 C.

45^ ^•

453 ^.

85 , 264C.

85 .453 C.

log C.

453 C.'? 273 —C.

/6^/ 453 D.

28 , 318 C, 333 , 33^ , D.

292 , 320 [see also

and].277 ^•

28 1

.

?288 .145 , 177 C, 269 , 285 D—

288 ), 289 , C, 305 .€(8( 76 , l8oD, 236 D, 256 , C,

300 , 345 ^> 348 .249 .

(poet) 204 .



INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT 365

Meuavdpos (historian) 456 C.€ 396 ./ 85 C, 452 .D, 04 .

105 .400 D.

1 32 .265 D— 208 .3^7 C.

85 .245 ^—248 , <?/ passim.

^1 09 , 2 D, 273 D,

400 D.

^293 ^•

268 .] 217 C, 221 C, 248 , 3^9 .NiKO§»;fxoff 292 C, 361 C.

84 C, D, 85 , 92 C, D, 93 C, D,

^/ passim.

17 .452 Dj 453 -'^5 C.

"457 .

/53 ^•

^ 3^5 -^•

^ 453 C•

172 C.

(of Jerusalem) 53 1^1 72 C,

181 c, 396 c.

(bp. of Caesarea) 161 B,

372 D, 373 A.

109D, 1 13 [see also

and

],73 .204 .297 C—3^5 ^5 ^^ passim.

(St), 132 C, 145 Bj 257 , 201 C,

288 , 293 , 296 C, D, 332 ,373 , .

Ilerpos• (friend of Cosmas) 385 D, 401 A.^ 136 c, 169 D, 176 B, 453 A,

456 C.

?249 D.

/I05 D.

? 453 ./^, (l) Soter 104 .(2) Philadelphus 104 A,

460 B.

(3) Euergetes loi B, 104A,

109 A, 1 12 B, 328 A.

(4) Philometor 1 12 B.

(5) Dionysius 1 12 B.

{co7itinued)

(6) Physcon 460 C.

(7) the geographer 168 A,

176 B.

(8) (vague) 68 b, 169 b.

-^ 1 36 C, 1 69 D.

I l6 D.

'^\ 388 D.' 237 C, 329 A.

'VuvB 276 C.

/3 85 C.

265 A, 312 B, 396 A, 400 B.

288 D, 336 C.

292 C.

221 A, 296 B, 360 B.

248 , 276 C, 360 .240 .

437 C.

125 C, 14^ D.^ 68 , 2)73 •€ 173 ^•€(( 388 D, 397 C.

265 .

€€373 , 4^7 C.

173 , 177 , 225 , C, 245 C, D,

309D, 453 C.

85 , C, 232 D, 233

Sg C, 100 , 209 , 276 C,

48 C, 424 1^5 [456 c].

[456 C], 456 D.

269 C.

(protomart.) 297 —C.

„ (of Antioch) 321 .

201 D, 28 , 392 .1 69 D•

44^ foil,€ 45^ ^^•

453 , 45^ C.

(of Alexandria) 437 C.

„ (Paul's friend) 1480,3040.TtVoy 305 A.

460 .

^204 .

1 13 C.

85 .

26 D, 28 .40 , , 1 96 , .

288 D.

357 .3^5 .



366 INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT

201 D, 265 B.

433 .452 A [see also ],85 c.

453 .85 A, 452 .

85 C, 232 D, 233 , 45^ .

Xavavaios 237 .85 C, 452 .

passim.

. Sub

" 172 C.

385 .'.€ 6 D, 26 D.



INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT

{References are to the marginal numbers.)

I04 D.

loo .1 05 A." (-, -;) 97 D, A, C, I05 C,

448 A, B, 449 A.

^kBayaovs I05 A.' D, 356 D.' 304 , 356 , 457 .85 C, , 136 , et passim.

A'iyvnros 53 ^j ^7 ^^> ^8 A, et passim.

85 C, 97 C, I16 C, 324 A,

440 B, 449 B, D.

53 A, 69 A, 85 A, 97 C, D,

100 A, 105 C, 108 B, 117 B, 169 B,

269 C, 32 1 A, 328 A, 440 C, D, 444 B, D,

445 D, 449 B, D.

265 .'AXe^avSpeta 53 A, 72 D, 97 C, A,

321 A, 372 D, 436 c, 460 C.

^416 D.

€I05 A.

68 , 1 69 C, 32 1 B, C.

€ (in Pisidia) 249 D, 268 C,

360 A.^€ 321 C." 97 C, , 1 69 C, 32 1 A, 324 A.^ lOO , A, I05 C." evdaipoves 169 C.

85 A, 169 C, 272 A.( 85 A, 1 05 .lOO A, 1 84 D.

53 , 85 A, D, 88 .105 , 8 .

84 D."€ 35^ ^•

452 D.' 85 , C, 04 , 09 C, 1 69 C,

453 , 456 D.

85 C, 3^8 D, 3^9 .05 .

452 , 45^ D.

204 .04 D.

169 C.

113 D, 269 D, 272 , 273 D,

276 , 400 , , D.

04 C, 109 C.

{-) 09, 1 12 , 36 ,396 , , D, 397 D, 400 , C, D,

40 D.

1 04 C.

85 C, 97 1^5 169 .85 , 88 , , 96 D, 97 C, D,

, 05 , , C, 328 .1 7 .

05 .^ 196 C.8 C.

208 , .

^C,

449 •

^^21 D.

1 69 C.

']^ , 97 , C, 321 C.

05 , y]^ , 417 C.

1 7 .€ 85 , , 97 , 169 C, 453 .04 D.

2 D, 304 .272 .

8C.

97 .€ 05 .€ 169 C.

89 , 117 .109 C.

1 69 C.

169 .



368 INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT' 92 , l6l D, 20I B, 217 B,

ei passim.

'E5e> 117 B, 452 A.

y^ A.

.85 C, 1 69 .

€ 197 D, 200 .'EWadLKOL 85 , 109 C.' log c, 457 , 46 D." gOD, 1 36 , \?>gO^ei passim.

I04 , 321 D." l6g C.

I05 , 1 41 A, 1 96 ,248 .

85 D.

452 .8 C, 456 ^•

89 , 104 , 117 .304 , 429 C." 292 , 304 D, 373 .268 .^ 26 1 .

05 .€ 05 .Ziyyiov 88 , .

? 85 .€€ 304 C, 3^3 , 3^6 D.

69 .€$• 85 , 04 .

^ 397 .97 •/ 113 C, 209 , 4^0 ,

453 1^•^

^igy , , C, 396 C.

72 C, 217 , 221 C, ^/

passi7/1.

{ ) 8 , , 3' 7 )348 ." 372 D.

i6g C.

96 C, 97 ) ^1 441 C, 44^ ,449 , 452 .^ () l6g .

88 .117

, 444 , 445^^^

448 , , 449 , D, 452 .*16 96 C, 97 , 117 ,

169 , 445 .^ 85 C, 96 D, II 6 15, 169 , 445 , ,449 .

117 , 448 , 449 .217 C, 221 C.

*' 268 , 288 D, 3^8 D, 396 ,397 , 456 .

log C, 112 D, II3D, 121 C,

e/ passim.

201 A,263

A,

, 269 .

^26.

97 , 1 69 C.

140 , 26, 241 D, et passim.

140 C, D, ^ , 144 , ^^

passim.

85 .* 04 .

48 .05 .

l6g , 445 ^) 44^ , 449 •Kara 292 C.

1 69 C.

241 .04 .

433 .88 , 97 C.

1 84 D•

97 C.

II 6 .85 .

04 , 169 C.

1 05 , 8 C.

ig6 .136 C.? 3^4 C.

117 .26 D, 300 , 304 C, 3^7 ,

349 , 409 .68 .

305 , 457 .305 .

1 04 .85 , 104 , 428 C.

32 1 C, 436 .

457 .05 .

105 C.

05 C.

85 C.

85 C, 04 , 09 C, 169 C.

456 D•

y]2 D.

77 C.' 04 .

44^ .? 1 96 C.

113 C, D, 263 .



INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT 369

140 .8 2l6 .321 D.

MuKedoves I 12 ,I).

MaKcdovia 460 A..€ 169 , 460 .MaXe 169 A, 445 D, 448 A, 449 B.

448 A.

117 A.

1 69 C.€ 321 C, 324 A.

Meppa 1 97 D, 200 A.

€1 04 C, 169 C.

McTLve 105 A.

€I04 C.

85 .I09 A, 112 A, 1 69 , 40I A,

456 D.

293 C, 296 A.' 416 C, D.

174 -'^•/ 293 C, 296 .NeiXos• 53 A, 89 A, 100 D, 105 A,

117 B.

97 .169 C.

85 C, 97 D, 1 05 B, I08 C,

448 A, 452 A.

lOO A, 328 A, 449 D.

449 .97 , 449 D.

169 , 449 .

/328 D [see also

-\.8 , 1 69 C, 221 .

104 .113 C.

44^ .^ 1 69 C.' 97 > 104C, 44^ , et passim.

Hepaappevia 89 A, II7 .1 69 ,

?85 D, 88 , ()6 C,

97 , 117 ) 1^4 D, 448 .^ 73 , 84 D, D, 97 , D,

04 C, 113 ^? 1^9 , 445 C, D,

44 , , 449 C, D.' 249 ^? 208 D, 3^0 .321 D.^ 44^ .

'VaWov D, 197 .

W.

' 105 .' 200 .' 85 .

'85 , 321 C, D.

'1 84 D.

' C, 112 D, 113 , ^, D,

156 D, 109 C, 224 ) 240 , 304 .' 85 D, 88 , 9^ , 3 ,449 D•'? 448 D.'€ 44^ C.' 97 , 289 .

, 452 .105 C,

8C.

44^ .6 , 276 .€ 317 C, 333 , 33^ , C.

05 , 8 C.

97 C, , 105 C, 8 .D.

(^( 97 .136 C.

€4 1 05 .

448 , 449 .

- 04 D.

85 C.€€ D, 445 , 448 , 449 C/ 141 , 248 .' ()2 , 140 , 200 , ,253 D.

445 D, 448 , 449 .18 , 228 , 204 C, 205 C,

209 C.

85 , 6 , C, 169 C, 264 C05 .

igj D.

1 04 C.

321 C, 324 .04 , 109 C, 1 69 C.

2>73 .- 1 05 .D, 97 , 1 69 ,

445 .

1 05 [see also

].-D, 97 , 445 D.{) 1 04 D, 05 .

89 , 117 .? 04 .217 , 45^ C.

457 .

88 .109 C.

24



370 INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT

1 84 D.

200 .€( 117 , 44^ \ 449 ^h 45^ .

3^4 C.

217 1^7 457 1^•

85 , 04 , 1 69 C.

4// 197 C.

1 69 C.

73 , 1 3^ , 24 1 , 328 D,

397 D, 453 1^•

360 .85 C, 237 •

20 .

GENERAL INDEX

{References in ordinary tyPe are to marginal numbers ift the texl^

those in italics to pages.)

Abyssinia v.Ai^ioTTta and Inscriptions

at Adulis.

Adanitae j^j.

Addago J4J.

Ade-GadaJ40.Aden 343—4.

Adoua 341.

Adulis J, 10, 336,

Aeila 337.

Aeizanas 34.0.^ 344.

Agame 340.

Agatharcides jj/.

Agathias 333.

Agau JJ7, 340.

Agazi 340.

"341.Agincourt (d') 16.

V. Yak.

453 D, JJ/.Ailane 33/.

Aina 342.

Akabah 33/.8 448 , 33J.Albatross 88 C.

Alemanni 16.

Alexander Polyhistor 33/.

Alexandria 3, earthquakes at 68 A, B,

SSJ-Aloes 445 D.

Ambrosius 10.

Amda (or Anda) 33S.

Amethyst 445 c, 448 B.

88 D.

Ananias of Shirag 34/.

Anarajapoora 333, 334.^ 44^ A.

Angabe 34/.

Angels, creation of 149 A; functions

of 8, 117 D, 124 B, 152 D, 301 c,

405 D, 429 A;place of abode of S,

361 c, 412 B, 422 A.

Annine 342.

Antelope 33/.( V. Carbuncle.

Antichrist 229 D.

Antichthones 332.

Antioch, earthquake at 68 B, 333.

Antipodes S, , 56 C, 64 B, 65 C,

132 A, 192;

picture of 34/.

Aphrodisias333.Apion 33/.

(planet) 381 D.

Apollodorus 33/.

Apollonius of Rhodes, Scholiast on 2.

Molon 33/.

Arabitae 336, 343.

Archangels, functions of 132 C.

Ares 344." (planet) 60 A.

Arethas 33S.

Arians 333 B.

Aristotelians 59 c.

Ark (Noah's) 6, 84 D, 92 c, 96 A,

136 c, 232 B, 452 D.

Ark of testimony, 161 A, 201 D.

Armenians, conversion of 343.

V. Rhinoceros.

Arousi 343.



GENERAL INDEX 371

Arragon, king of /,

Arsinoe jjS.

Arts, invention of 172 B.

As 'ad J40.2 I 3 A.

Astaboras j^t.

Astronomy, bks. I and vi passim.

Atbara j»^/.

Athagaus ^4.1.

Athanasius, Festal letters of p, ^d,

161 B, 372 D, 416 B.

Atlantis jj/.

(Aiir;) 341.

Aualites J41.

(204 A.

Axum J, 10, 335 foil, 340 foil.

Babel, tower of 136D.

Bab-el- andeb j», 333.

Banana jj/.

Baptism 221 B, 248 A, 289 ;for the

dead 352 A.

Barbaria 333.

Basena 342.

Bayet 2y.Beazley -?, 5 and passi?n.^ 342.

Bells, the golden 213 B.

Bentotte 333.

Berosus 336—7.

Blemyes 343.

213 C^ 34^•^ 342.

Brachmans 333.

Bud fattan 333.

Buffalo 348.

Busbeck 20.

Caber 333.

Cadiz 333.

Caicus II.

Caleb 338.

Calliana 334.

Canals, dug by Ptolemy 104 c, 33g.

Carbuncle 452 B, 334.Caspian sea 334.

Catholic epistles 372 D—373 B.

Qeyam 341.

Ceylon j>, 10 ; derivation of name jj^;various names of 332 ; size and

shape of 333-, position of 333;Christianity in 343 ; conversion of

343 ; early travellers to /o, 11;

Julian's treaty with /o, // ; trade

with 334 ;pearl fisheries at 333 ;

V. also Taprobane, Sielediba and

Ruby.

Chaeremon 33"/.Chair at Adulis with inscription

101 B, 104 c.

Chaldaea, kings of 33'/.

452 C, 453 C, 45^ C.

Cliaul (Chenwal) 334.

Chaveris 333.

China 333.€ v. Hog-deer.

Christ, his conception 193 B, 196 D;

birth 197 A, 289 C ; earthly life

288 C ; temptation 288 c ; miracles

144 B, 165 ; transfiguration 257 b;

passion 124B, 193 D, 273 A; resur-

rection 261 A foil., 304 ; ascension

288 D, 440 D ; second coming 312 D,

332 ; two natures of 128 A, 333 B.

Christianity, nations converted to

>, 9,^ 344.

Chronicon Paschale 24.

Chrysostom 22.

Cinaedocolpitae 343.Circle, squaring of 176B.

Circumcision 76 c.

Clysma 34/.

Cochin-China 333.

Coco-nuts 12, 444 D, 331.

Coleridge 13.

Cone, shadow cast by 324 B.

Constantmus 4.

Cosmas, his name 2 ; his travels j,

13, 14; a monk? 3; a Nestorian?

4, 23 ; works of 4, 3 ; date of Topo-graphy 3, 338, 333 ; subject of T.

6 foil. ; veracity of // ; ideas of

science 8, 14 ; MSS. of 13 foil.;

Commentary on Psalms 21—3 ;

Cosmas and Chron. Pasch. 24]

marginal notes 26—29 ; illustra-

tions /d, 2/, 348; spelling and

grammar 30—32 ; v. also Topo-

graphy.

Cotinussa 333.Cupping-glass 68 C.

Day and night 185 D.

Death, why inflicted 220 C, 226 C;

how introduced 288 B.

Demetrius Phalereus 338.

Dhii Nuwas 338.\ 248 D.

Diassorinos(J.)

22.

24-



372 GENERAL INDEX

Dibou j^2.

Dillmann.j^o and passim in notes.

Diodorus of Sicily lo.

„ of Tarsus 416.

Dioscorides j^j.

8205 A.

Dittenberger j2, J4.0 and passim in

notes.

Diul-Sind jj^.

Divi 332, 333.

Dolphin 445 A, j^p,

Dorotheus 3.

Dugong V. Seal.

Dumb barter /j, 14, 100 B, jj/.

Dwipa Ravana 332.

Dwipa Sukhadara 343.

Earth, shape of 6 ; one here and one

beyond the ocean 84 c, 453 ;

divided among the sons of Noah

85 A ; divided into three continents

85 c; length and breadth of 97 A,

333 ; flat 325 A ; made of four

elements 129 A; why not made in

one d.iy 153C; not eternal 176C;

not suspended in air 65 A.

Earthquakes 65 D, 129 C, 333.Easter 172 a, 437 D.

Eclipses 60 a, 168 a, I72A, i88a,

313 c, 321 B, 405 B, 461 A.

Egyptian temples 6.

Ela 33.Ela Asbeha 338.

Ela Auda 340.

Ela Azguagua 340.

Iana 337.

Elath 33.Elements, the four 60 c, 64 c, 69 B,

129 A ; fire and water 421 A ; a fifth

60 c.

Elephants 104 B, 418 D, 419 C, jjp,

349, 336.

Elesbaas v. Ellatzbaas.

Ellatzbaas 4, 11, 338.

Elwa j^/.

Embryons, dying in the womb, fate

of 2>77 C.

Emeralds 336.

Ephthalites 336.

Epicycles 119D.

Epiphanius 19, 334, 342.

Epiphany 197 A— c.

Etheria 30.

Ethiopia j>, 77, 344 ; conversion of

34^'

Eunuch of Candace 265 B, 343, 346.

Eunuchs 400 D.

Eusebius .Evagrius 333.

Exodus, the 196 B, 329;

mentionedby Egyptian writers 453 D.

Fathers, cosmographical ideas of the

church (5, 7.

Fezzan 346.

Firmament 305 c, 420 c and passim.

Flood 93 c, 164 c, 192 ; mentioned

by writers on Chaldaea 453 B.

V. Seal.

Foloe 33/.

Fontenelle, le Bovier de 7.

Frumentius 346.

Gabaza 16, 33/.

Gades, southern 348.

64 A.

Gambela 341.

Garamantes 346.

Gardthausen 16, 26.

Garrucci 16.

445 C, 333.

Gaza 340.

V. Gaza.

Giraffe /2, 348, 441 D.

Glanvill 7.

Glaser 336 and passim in notes.

Gold mines 100 B.

Gospel of infancy p, 144 B.

Goths, conversion of to Christianity

346, 34/ ; to Arianism 34/.

Gravitation, law of, illustrated 80 B.

Greeks, invective against 458 C and

passitu; relapse into infidelity

460 D.

Gulfs, the four 148 B, 184 D.

Halai 341.

Harris 336.

Hawa 341.

Heavenly bodies 117C, 148c; motions

of 128c; course of, bk. IX.

Heavens, indissoluble 344 D ; fixed

60 D,

65A ; number of d,

164D,

189 A, 344 A ; not spherical 313 C,

432 c ; duration of, bk. vii.; glued

to earth 81 A.

(planet) 381 D.

Heruli 346.

Hieroglyphs, Egyptian, symbols not

letters 137 d.



GENERAL INDEX 373

Hippopotamus 444 c, 12^ j>j/.

Hog-deer 444 c, 351.

Homeritae j, 336, 33S, 343; con-

version of 346.

Horses, Persian, imported to Ceylon

^449 c, 336.

v. Amethyst.

Huns 333, 343, 336.

lambulus /o, //, 333.

Illustrations to Cosmas' text /<5,

27.

India j», conversion oi 344—6

;Jews

in 343', Nestorians in 343; visits

of Thomas and Bartholomew to

344—5•Indiction 321 A, 437 c, D.

Inscriptions, at Adulis loi A foil.,

338 foil. ; on rocks at Sinai /o,

217 A; on walls of inns 217 A; at

Latonpolis jjp.YovhaiKO. 460 .Israelites, how fed and clothed in

wilderness 216 c.

Jaimur 334.

Jasper 452 B.

John Climacus 2.

Josephus 334, 336—8.

Judgment, last 357 B.

Junilius Africanus 23.

Justinus 3.

Kalaa 341.

Kalah 333, 334.

Kalawe 341.Kalyana 334.

v. Giraffe.

445 D.

v. Muskdeer.

Kasu 336.

Kaveripattam 333.

Kellar 20.

Kennedy(J.) 4^ 10.

I 17 .Kinana 343.

Kinda 343.

Kings, book of, how written 276 c.

321 C; diagram oi 34/.Kohaito 341.

Koloe 33/, 341.

Kondakoff 13, 16, ij.

Koteis 346.

448 A.

Krall 3.

Kpuk (planet) 61 C, 193 B.

(planet) 381 D.

Laccadives 333.

La Croze (M. V. dc) 4Lambecius 20.

Lanka 332.

Lasine 342.

Lassen 3.

Lasta 342.

Latonpolis, inscription at 33Q.

Lazi 346.

AcvKT] 343-

AevKoytjv 343-

88 A, 97 C foil.

I 1 7 .Ludolf 340.

Lysimachus 33/.

MacCrindle 4, j, 31 and passiin in

notes.

Magi 261 D.

Magistris (Simon de) 23.

Mahrem 344.

Malaya 333.

Malcato 338.

Maldives 333, 334.

Male 334.

Man, created in God's image 152 D,

153C; upright figure of 156 D.

Manetho 337.

Mangarouth (Mangalor) 333.

Maniolae 333.

200 A.

Mantotte 333, 333.

Marallo 333.Marawar 333.

Marginal notes in MSS. of Cosmas

26, 2g.

Marignolli (Giovanni dei) 331.

Maundeville g, 331.

Maximus ig.

Menas j, 14.

Mercati 24.

Mercy seat 161 A, 201 D.

^193 D, 3^5 D.

^v. Silk.

Metine 342.

448 D, 336.

Millennium 317 A.

Mithras, worship of 165 A.

Mommsen 340.

Money, Roman, current everywhere

1 16 A; Roman versus Persian /^,

448 D.



374 GENERAL INDEX

Months, cycle of 404 A foil.

Moon, circle of 404 D ; created at

the full 425 D.

Moscophagi ^40.

Mountain in north <5, 185 D foil.

i6.

Moza jj6.

Miiller (D. H.) jj6 and passim in

notes.

Miiller (Karl) jj8 and passim in

notes.

Muir J.

Music, instruments of 248 C.

Musk 444 B, S4.g.

Musk-deer 12^ 444 a, 445 D, J4g.

Muziris 10.

Nalopatana jjj.

vapyiXkiov 444 D, JJ"/•

Nativity, date of 197 A.

11/ .Nephranians jjS.

Nephthalites jj6.

Nestorian church j^j.

Niese jjp.

Nile, blue 10, jjy.

Noldeke jj8.

448 D, J^6.Nonnosus //, J41.Northern regions, uninhabitable 88 c;

lofty 88 c.

Omont (H.) /p, 22.

Onesicritus jjj.

Orrhotha jj^.

(= the palate) 421 C.

Palaeographical Society i^;, 16.

Palaesimundus ^§2.

Pamphilus 5, 26.

Papadopoulos-Kerameus ig.

Pappus 2.\€ 212 .Paradise, position of 84 C, 96 C, 117 B,

jjj ; expulsion from and Passion

on 6th day 124 B.

Passover 193 A.

Patricius 4.

Paul's Ep. to Hebrews written in

Hebrew and trans, by Luke or

Clement 305 b.

Pentapolis J46.Pepper 169 A, 444 D, 448 A, jj/.

Pepper-country j^2.

Pepper-tree 444 d, J4S, jji.

Periplus maris Erythraei //, JJ4 and

passim in notes.

Persia, conversion of 346 ;sends

bishop to Ceylon 445 C.

Persian empire, vicissitudes of

113 c, D.(€ v. Carbuncle.

Photius /, 2, 6, S, II.

Plagues of Egypt 140 c foil.

Planets 381 D, 408 ; motions of

61 c.

Point de Galle ^^4.

Polo (Marco) 7/, 12, 345, 34g, 350,

353-, 354-, 356•

Pomegranates, the golden 213 B.

Poudapatana 333.Prester John 333.

Priests' raiment 212 D.

Prophets, book of, how written

276 A—c.

Propitiation, ark of 209 D.

Psalms, contents of, and how com-

posed 249 c foil. ; sung in all

churches 260 A.

Psellus 23.

Pseudo-Dorotheus 24.

Pseudo-Palladius 10.

Ptolemies 338—g; conquests of jjp.

Ptolemy Physcon 338.

Punishments, the future 285 A, 313 B.

Quirinus, church of St 437 D.

Rain, how produced 68 b, 129 b.

Red Sea 343.

Resurrection 288 D, 316 c, 336 c,

349 c foil.

Rewards, nature of future 284 C,

305 D, 317 A.

Rhaithou j», 338.

Rhapsii 343.

Rhapta 334, 343.

Rhausi 343.

Rhinoceros 12^ 441 B, 34/', confused

with unicorn 330; hostility of ele-

phant \.o 348; Tigre name oi 348.

Ricci (S. de) ig.

445 A,

331.

Roman empire 113 A.

Rossetti 8.

Ruby of Ceylon 12, 445 c, 334.

Sabaeans 336.

Saimur 334.

Saint-Martin jj/and/i'r.f.f//// in notes.



GENERAL INDEX 375

Salike j^2.

Salopatana jjj.

Salt 334.

Samidijjy.Sandalwood 445 D, JJ4.

Sarapammon, church of St 437 C.

Sasu jj6, 337.

Saurashtra 334.

Schermann j», 24.

Schoa 337.

Scholasticus j, /o, //, 336.

Seal 12, 445 A, 348, 331.

Seleucus 338, 33g ; iambic verses of

Basil to y]2i A.

Self-identity 353 B.

Semen, mountains of 342.

Septuagint, composition of 460 B.

Serendib 332.

Seres 333.

Serinda 332.

Serou 330.

Sesame 445 i), 334.

Sesea 336, 343.

Severianus of Gabala 7.

Shadows, various lengths of 321 C;

shapes of 323 c ; retrogression of,

on Hezekiah's dial 393 c.

Shewbread, typifying months 401 C,

408 A ; table of 6.

Sibor 334.

aiy 205 A.

Sigye 340.

Sielediba 332; v. also Ceylon and

Taprobane.

Silk 97 A, 445 D, 334.

Silk trade, routes of 333.Silvia 30.

Simoundou 332.

Simylla 334.

Sinae 333.

Sinai J»; inscriptions at 217 a.

Sindou 334.

Smyrna, MS. of C at 2.

Socotra j, 343 ; Christianity in 343 ;

Nestorianisin in 343.

Sofalat al-Dhab337.Solate 343.

Solomon (= Solon) 338.

Sopatrus 3, 14, 333.

Sorath 334.

Souls, pre-existence of 384 c ; nature

149 C ; circumscription of 72 A,

132 ; transsumption of 336 B,

384 c.

Sousa 336.

€6 57 D, 375 C.

Spartel, cape 346.

Spheres, the nine 189D, 381 D.

Stars, motion of 8, 60 D foil.

Stephen of Antioch 14.

Stornaiolo /6.

Strabo 10.^ 205 A.

Strzygovvski ig, 20.

Subahlika 333.

Subara 333.

Suez V. Clysma and.ufalah 333.

Suidas 2.

Sun 381 D; size of, bk. vr,; circle of

404 D; daily course of 89 B, 188 A,

424 c.

Suppara (Supera) 333.

Surastrene 334.

Surat 334.

Tabernacle, prepared by Moses 56 c

foil.; description of 192 D foil.;

outer and inner 208 C ; entry 208 C;

curtain 201 D, 204 a ; court 212 c;

veil 209 D ;pillars 264 ;

table

201 D; pattern of the world 6,

72 D, 81 B, 201 a, 205 c; tribes

round signified months 408 A.

rayxapas lOOC, 337.

Taka 342.

Takazze 34/.

436 A.

Tamraparni 332.

Tangaites 342.

Taprobane 332 and v. Ceylon andSielediba.

Tartarus 336 B.

Tartessus 333.

44 1 C, 34^•

Temple of Jerusalem 145 A, C, 168 c,

460 B.

Tennent 3.

Theodore, church of St 436 D.

Theodore of Mopsuestia ./, d, 24.,

Theodosius of Alexandria 3.

Theodotion 9, 334.

Theophania, church of 436 C.

Theophilus 343—6.

Thomas of Edessa 4.

Tiamo 341.

Timaeus 336, 337.

Timothy 3.

Tingis 346.



376 GENERAL INDEX

Tongues, the gift of 296 D.

Topography, Christian, recension of,

after Cosmas' death 2^,28', addition

to by editor 26; bks. XI.—xil. not

part oi 2^.Tor V. Rhaithou.

Torre (Nicholas de la) ig.

444 A, J4g.Tree of knowledge 413 B, 425 A; of

life 224 D, 413 B.

Travellers, early, to Ceylon /o, //.

Trinity 308 D, 333 c.

Trinquemale j^^.

Troglodytae /o, 336, jjg.

Trojan war 460 A.

Tryphon 338.Tsijamo v. Tiamo.

Tsocha J42.Turtle 445 A, J49.Tyrian antiquities 456 c.

Tzana J40.Tzigam J40.

Unger /j.

Unicorn 12^ 444 B, j^o.

Urim and thummim 213 A.

Van Kloeden J42.Varthema ^50.

Victor, church of St 437 B.

Vincent j», j6.

Voss 2, 334.

Walls joining heaven and earth 81 A.

Woman, creation of 157D.

World, creation of 125 D foil. ; shape

of, bk. IV., JJ7 ; roundness of,

denied 58 D, 125 B, 128 c foil., in-

consistent with the kingdom of

heaven 336 B, 384;

theory ofroundness invented by Chaldaeans

^35 B? 138 c, handed on by them

to the Egyptians and from them

to the Greeks 135 B, suggested by

Pythagoras j^/, supported by Aris-

totle etc. 34^.

Writing, introduced by Moses 207 A;

practised by Hebrews in desert

217 A; taught by Hebrews to

Phoenicians 217 B, by Phoenicians

to Greeks 217B.

Yak 444 c, 348, 34g.

Year, length of 404 c.

Yeha 341.

Yemen 338, 342, 344.

Yetas (Yueichi) 336.

Yule J, 8.

Zaa 342.

Zabedj 333.

Zevs• (planet) 60 D,

Zia Zingaren 341.

Zingabene 341.

Zinji 334, 33Y.Zodiac 61 C, 408 A.

Zone, torrid 324 B.

Zoscales 340.

Zula jjd, 338

61 D, 381 D.

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS,



Plate I

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The waters above the firmament.

From L, fol. 91, after^ (p. 128, 1. 22).

[Reproduced by permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's

Dawn of Modern Geography.']



Thefirmament. Plate II

From L, iol. 90'', after (, 128, 1. 30).

[Reproduced l)y permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's

Dawn of7 Geography.'\

The world and the pillars of heaven. Plate III

From L, fol. 92, after rti/os (p. 129, 1. 21).


Dawn ofModern Geography.'\



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The world and the ocean. Plate 1''

From L, fol. 93, at the top, after (p. 130, 1. 2).

[Reproduced l:)y permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley'sDawn of Modern Geography. ^

The mountain in the north. Plate VFrom L, fol. 95, after? (p. 132, 1. 12).


Dawn of Modern Geography .'\



The universe. Plate VI

From L, fol. 95^, after (p. 132, 1. ii).


Dawn of Modern GeograpJiy.'l

Map of the world and paradise. Plate VIIFrom L, fol. 92"^', after roibvhe (p. 130, 1. 2).


Dawn of Geography.^



Plate VIII

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The antipodes.

From L, fol. 98'^, at the end of bk. iv. (p. 135, 1. 12).


Dazun ofModern Geography.']



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The sun and the climes.

From L, fol. 189^, after} (p. 234, 1. 24).



Plate

The two storeys of the universe

From L, fol. 195^', after (p. 24 , 1. 30).



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Winstedt. Cosmas: The Christian topography. 1909.

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Transcript of Winstedt. Cosmas: The Christian topography. 1909.