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Cambridge University Press978-1-107-00030-8 - Why Europe Grew Rich and Asia Did Not: Global EconomicDivergence, 1600–1850Prasannan ParthasarathiFrontmatterMore information
|Why Europe Grew Rich and Asia Did Not
Why Europe Grew Rich and Asia Did Not provides a striking new answer
to the classic question of why Europe industrialized from the late eight-
eenth century and Asia did not. Drawing significantly from the case of
India, Prasannan Parthasarathi shows that in the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries the advanced regions of Europe and Asia were more alike
than different, both characterized by sophisticated and growing econ-
omies. Their subsequent divergence can be attributed to different competi-
tive and ecological pressures that in turn produced varied state policies
and economic outcomes. This account breaks with conventional views,
which hold that divergence occurred because Europe possessed superior
markets, rationality, science or institutions. It offers instead a ground-
breaking rereading of global economic development that ranges from
India, Japan and China to Britain, France and the Ottoman Empire and
from the textile and coal industries to the roles of science, technology and
the state.
prasannan parthasarathi is Associate Professor in the Department
of History at Boston College. His previous publications include The
Transition to a Colonial Economy: Weavers, Merchants and Kings in South
India, 1720–1800 (Cambridge, 2001) and The Spinning World: A Global
HistoryofCottonTextiles,1200–1850 (co-editedwithGiorgioRiello,2009).
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Why Europe Grew Rich
and Asia Did Not:
Global Economic
Divergence, 1600–1850pra sannan parthasarath i
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# Prasannan Parthasarathi 2011
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place withoutthe written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2011
Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge
A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Parthasarathi, Prasannan.
Why Europe grew rich and Asia did not : global economic divergence,1600–1850 / Prasannan Parthasarathi.
p. cm.
ISBN 978-1-107-00030-8 (Hardback) – ISBN 978-0-521-16824-3 (Paperback)
1. Economic development–Europe–History. 2. Economic development–Asia–History. 3. Europe–Economic conditions. 4. Asia–Economic conditions. I. Title.
HC240.P2485 2011
330.94002–dc222011002484
ISBN 978-1-107-00030-8 Hardback
ISBN 978-0-521-16824-3 Paperback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or
accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to
in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on suchwebsites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
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Cambridge University Press978-1-107-00030-8 - Why Europe Grew Rich and Asia Did Not: Global EconomicDivergence, 1600–1850Prasannan ParthasarathiFrontmatterMore information
To Juliet
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Contents
List of figures page viii
List of maps ix
List of tables x
Acknowledgments xi
List of abbreviations xiv
Maps xv
1 Introduction 1
Part I Setting the stage: Europe and Asia before divergence
2 India and the global economy, 1600–1800 21
3 Political institutions and economic life 51
Part II The divergence of Britain
4 The European response to Indian cottons 89
5 State and market: Britain, France and the Ottoman Empire 115
6 From cotton to coal 151
Part III The Indian path
7 Science and technology in India, 1600–1800 185
8 Modern industry in early nineteenth-century India 223
9 Conclusion 263
Notes to the text 270
Bibliography 324
Index 353
vii
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Figures
2.1 Detail of an end-panel of a pha-nung, skirt cloth,
Coromandel Coast for the Thai market, eighteenth
century page 28
2.2 Man’s military coat or Su’a senakut, Coromandel
Coast for the Thai market, eighteenth century 29
2.3 Kain sambagi, skirt or shoulder cloth, Coromandel
Coast for the Indonesian market, late eighteenth
century 30
5.1 Swatches of Blackburn cloth woven for the West
Africa market, 1751 135
5.2 Exports of British cotton cloth to West Africa as a
proportion of total cotton cloth exports, 1751–1807 136
6.1 Detail of a view of the coal depot at Ying-tih-heen, in
Shaouchow foo (Guangdong), late eighteenth century 163
8.1 Distribution of British great inventors by level
of education and birth cohort 260
viii
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Maps
1 India in the eighteenth century page xv
2 Europe in 1815 xvi
3 The Middle East in the eighteenth century xvii
4 China and Southeast Asia in the eighteenth century xviii
ix
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Tables
2.1 Sales of cotton cloth by British slave traders in
West Africa by decade, 1699–1808 page 25
2.2 Slave purchases in West Africa by decade, 1698–1807 25
2.3 Average current and constant prices of selected
textiles in English retailers’ inventories, 1660–1738 36
2.4 Grain earnings in the mid-eighteenth century 39
2.5 Daily grain wages in eighteenth-century South India 44
5.1 Cotton prices in Cairo, 1687–1797 120
5.2 An index of cotton and linen cloth prices in Cairo,
1700–1789 121
5.3 Distribution of cotton workers in Rouen, 1727 149
x
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Acknowledgments
I have incurred many debts in the research and writing of this book.
Grants from Boston College supported several research trips to Britain
and India. Fellowships from the American Council of Learned Societies
and the Dibner Institute and a sabbatical from Boston College freed me
from my day-to-day academic responsibilities and gave me the time to
write much of the book. TheDibner also providedwonderful space and
congenial company for which I am grateful to George Smith, Bonnie
Edwards, Trudy Kontoff and Rita Dempsey. While writing this book
I was also a member of the Global Economic History Network
(GEHN), which gave me many opportunities to present my ideas to
gatherings of knowledgeable and engaged colleagues. I am grateful to
Patrick O’Brien for including me in that enterprise.
I benefited from the comments of three anonymous readers for
Cambridge University Press. William Ashworth, Robin Fleming,
Kevin Kenny, Rebecca Nedostup, Sarah Ross, Subashree Rangaswami,
Patrick O’Brien andGiorgio Riello read and commented upon portions
of the manuscript. Juliet Schor gave a close reading to the whole work
in its final stages.
I presented portions of the book at seminars, workshops or con-
ferences where I benefited from the responses of participants at Boston
College, the London School of Economics, the Dibner Institute,
Cambridge University, the University of Pennsylvania, Istanbul
University, Sussex University, the Indian Institute of Technology
(Madras), the annual meeting of the Economic History Society at
Leicester, the International Economic History Association Congress
at Helsinki, the International Congress of Historical Sciences at
Amsterdam, the Anglo-American Conference on History, and meet-
ings in Oxford, Leiden, Padua and Pune. I thank the organizers of
these events and am especially grateful to the helpful suggestions
that I received from Aashish Velkar, Maxine Berg, Kent Deng, Ken
Pomeranz, Tine Bruland, Beverly Lemire, Kapil Raj, David Ludden,
xi
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Bob Nichols, Robert Duplessis, Huw Bowen, Chella Rajan, Richard
Grove, Vinita Damodaran, Filippo Osella, Jeff Horn, Sevket Pamuk,
Giorgio Riello, Patrick O’Brien, the late Larry Epstein, Tirthankar
Roy, David Washbrook, Gareth Stedman Jones, Norbert Peabody,
Harold Cook, Dhruv Raina and Deepak Kumar.
The staffs of the British Library, the Manchester Central Library, the
John Rylands Library (Manchester), the Bolton Central Library,
the National Archives of the United Kingdom, the Archives of the Royal
Society of Arts, the Tamil Nadu Archives, the Burndy Library and
Houghton Library were of the greatest assistance. I owe a special
thanks to Mary Ginsberg of the British Museum who tracked down
“A view of the coal depot at Ying-tih-heen, in Shaouchow foo” for me
to see and then sent me a photograph of it that she took herself. The
staff of the Boston College libraries never failed me and I am deeply
indebted to Anne Kenny and Daniel Saulean of the Interlibrary Loan
Departmentwho suppliedmewith copies of even the rarest publications.
At Cambridge University Press Michael Watson supported the
project from its earliest days and his editorial hand improved the book
enormously. For this I am deeply grateful. Chloe Howell and Jo Breeze
made the process of production and publication a smooth one and
Diane Ilott was an exemplary copy-editor. Pierce Butler and Susan
Holbert compiled a superb index.
Thanks are due to Hidetaka Hirota of Boston College who trans-
lated materials for me from Japanese. I also benefited from the
suggestions of undergraduates in my “Wealth and Poverty of Nations”
and graduate students in my “Introduction to Global History” who
read early versions of the manuscript. I am also grateful for the
friendship and support of my colleagues in the history department at
Boston College, especially Peter Weiler, Lynn Johnson, Jim Cronin,
Rebecca Nedostup, Robin Fleming, Kevin Kenny and David Quigley.
While at the Dibner Institute I learned a great deal from my almost
daily conversations with David Cahan as well as from George Smith
and Conevery Valencius. In London, the department of economic
history at the London School of Economics welcomed me for two
extended stays. I am grateful to Patrick O’Brien for making those
visits possible and to Giorgio Riello for extensive intellectual engage-
ment as well as continued friendship and support. I thank John Styles
for showing me the cloth swatches in the London Foundling Museum.
He and Beverly Lemire taught me a great deal about British cottons.
xii Acknowledgments
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In Cambridge, I always received a warm welcome from Jennifer Davis
and the late Raj Chandavarkar. I am sorry that I will not be able to
share this work with Raj, who I still miss terribly.
Closer to home, many friendships sustained me during this project.
Bernard and Louise Lown have been unflagging with their support
and encouragement, as have Eric Fernald and Navjeet Bal. Vicky
Steinitz, Elliot Mishler and others in the Biolab fight carried me
through good times and bad, as havemy friends in BostonMobilization,
Newton Dialogues and the 25% Solution. John Maher has been a good
friend throughout.
My greatest debt is to my family. I am grateful for the love of my
parents as well as that of my sister Ranja, Dan, Maya, Jimmy, Sharon,
Oliver and Jon. Krishna and Sulakshana have made so many things
worthwhile and they were always patient with my preoccupation.
To Juliet, who is the love of my life, I dedicate this work.
Acknowledgments xiii
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Abbreviations
APAC Asia, Pacific and Africa Collections
BL British Library
CSSH Comparative Studies in Society and History
IESHR Indian Economic and Social History Review
JAS Journal of Asian Studies
JEH Journal of Economic History
MAS Modern Asian Studies
P&P Past & Present
PRO Public Record Office
TNA The National Archives of the United Kingdom
xiv
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0
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0
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