Who Can Catch a Liar

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    W h o C a n C a t c h a L ia r

    P a u l E k m a n

    M a u r e e n O ' S u ll i va n

    University o f California San Francisco

    University o f San Francisco

    The abi l i ty to detect lying was evaluated in 509 people

    including law-enforcemen t personnel such as me mb ers

    of the U S. Se cret Service Central Intel l igence Agency

    Federal Bure au of Invest igation Na t ional Securi ty

    Agency Drug Enforcem ent Agency Cal ifornia pol ice and

    judge s as well as psychiatrists college students and

    working adults. A videotape showed 10 people w ho were

    either lying or telling the truth in describing th eir ee lings.

    On ly the Secret Service performe d bet ter than chance and

    they were s igni ficant ly mo re accurate than al l o f the other

    groups. W hen occupational group was disregarded it was

    found that those who were accurate apparent ly used di f -

    fere nt behavioral clues and had di f ferent ski l ls than those

    who were inaccurate.

    L i e s o c c u r i n m a n y a r e n a s o f l if e , i n c l u d i n g t h e h o m e ,

    s c h o o l , a n d w o r k p l a c e , a s w e l l a s s u c h s p e c i a l c o n t e x t s

    a s i n p o l i c e i n t e r r o g a t i o n s a n d c o u r t r o o m t e s t i m o n y . I n

    l o w - s t a k e l i e s , t h e l i a r s u f f e r s n o m o r e t h a n e m b a r r a s s -

    m e n t i f c a u g h t , b u t i n a h i g h - s t ak e l ie , t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s

    f o r s u c c e ss o r f a i l u re m a y b e e n o r m o u s f o r b o t h t h e l i a r

    a n d t h e l i a r ' s ta r g e t . E x a m p l e s o f s u c h h i g h - s t a k e l i e s i n -

    c l u d e t h o s e b e t w e e n h e a d s o f s ta t e d u r i n g c r is e s, s p o u s a l

    l i es a b o u t i n f i d e l i ty , t h e b e t r a y a l o f s e c r e t s t h r o u g h e s -

    p i o n a g e , a n d t h e r a n g e o f li es i n v o l v e d i n p e r p e t r a t i n g

    v a r i o u s c r i m e s .

    L i e s fa i l f o r m a n y r e a s o ns . T h e l i e m a y b e e x p o s e d

    b y f a c t s t h a t c o n t r a d i c t t h e l i e o r b y a t h i r d p a r t y w h o

    b e t r a y s t h e l i a r 's c o n f i d e n c e . S o m e t i m e s , s u c h o u t s i d e i n -

    f o r m a t i o n i s n o t a v a i l ab l e o r is a m b i g u o u s . T h e n t h e l i e

    s u c c e e d s o r f a i l s s o l e ly , o r p r i m a r i l y , o n t h e b a s i s o f t h e

    l i a r 's b e h a v i o r , w h i c h t h e l e g a l p r o f e s s io n t e r m s

    demeanor

    ( s ee E k m a n , 1 9 8 5 , f o r a d i sc u s s io n o f d i f f e r en t f o r m s o f

    l y in g , t h e r o l e o f s t ak e s i n t h e d e t e c t i o n o f d e c ei t , a n d

    w h y l i e s fa i l o r s u c c e e d ) .

    T w o t y p e s o f e r ro r s m a y o c c u r w h e n t r u t h fu l n e s s

    b a s e d o n d e m e a n o r i s j u d g e d : I n a f a ls e n eg a t iv e , a l i a r

    i s i n c o r r e c t l y j u d g e d t o b e t r u t h f u l ; i n a f a l se p o s i ti v e , a

    t r u t h f u l p e r s o n i s i n c o r r e c t l y u d g e d t o b e l y in g . I n a h i g h -

    s t a k e li e, e i t h e r t y p e o f m i s t a k e c a n h a v e s e r i o u s c o n s e -

    q u e n c e s . I n d e a l i n g w i t h s u c h s i t u a ti o n s i t w o u l d b e i m -

    p o r t a n t - f o r t h e c l in i ci a n, t h e j u r is t , t h e b u s in e s s m a n ,

    t h e c o u n t e r in t e l li g e n c e a g en t , a n d s o o n - - t o k n o w h o w

    m u c h c o n f i d en c e sh o u l d b e p l a c e d i n ju d g m e n t s b a s e d

    o n d e m e a n o r , b y l a y m a n o r e x p e r t , a b o u t w h e t h e r s o m e -

    o n e i s l y i n g o r t e l l in g t h e t r u t h .

    T h e a n s w e r f r o m 2 0 y e a r s o f r e s e a rc h is n o t m u c h .

    I n e v e r y s t u d y r e p o r t e d , p e o p l e h a v e n o t b e e n v e r y a c -

    c u r a t e i n j u d g i n g w h e n s o m e o n e i s l y in g . I n t h e u s u a l

    s t u d y , o b s e r v e r s a r e g i v e n v i d e o o r a u d i o t a p e s a n d a r e

    a s k ed t o j u d g e w h e t h e r e a c h o f a n u m b e r o f p e op l e is

    l y i n g o r t e ll i n g t h e t r u t h . A v e r a ge a c c u r a c y i n d e t e c t i n g

    d e c e i t h a s r a r e l y b e e n a b o v e 6 0 % ( w i t h c h a n c e b e i n g 5 0 % ) ,

    a n d s o m e g r o u p s h a v e d o n e w o r s e t h a n c h a n c e ( s e e r e -

    v i e w s b y D e P a u l o , S t o n e , & L a s s it e r , 1 9 8 5 ; K r a u t , 1 9 8 0 ;

    Z u c k e r m a n , D e P a u l o , & R o s e n t h a l , 1 9 8 1) . M o s t o f t h e s e

    s t u d ie s e x a m i n e d c o l le g e s t u d e n t s, w h o m a y n o t h a v e h a d

    a n y s p e c ia l r e a s o n t o l e a r n h o w t o t e ll w h e n s o m e o n e i s

    l y i n g . P e r h a p s p r o f e s s i o n a l l ie c a t c h e r s , t h o s e w h o s e w o r k

    r e q u i r e s t h e m t o d e t e c t ly i n g , w o u l d b e m o r e a c c u r a t e .

    S u r p r i si n g l y , t h r e e s t u d i e s o f p r o f e s s i o n a l l i e c a t c h e r s

    d i d n o t f i n d t h i s t o b e s o . K r a u t a n d P o e ( 1 9 8 0 ) f o u n d

    t h a t c u s t o m s o f fi c ia l s w e r e n o m o r e a c c u r a t e t h a n c o ll e g e

    s t u d e n t s i n d e t e c t i n g d e c e i t i n m o c k c u s t o m s e x a m i n a -

    t i o n s. D e P a u l o a n d P f e i fe r ( 1 9 8 6 ) f o u n d n o d i f f e re n c e

    b e t w e e n f e d e r a l l a w e n f o r c e m e n t o f f i c e r s , r e g a r d l e s s o f

    e x p e r i e n c e , a n d c o l l e g e s t u d e n ts . K o h n k e n ( 1 9 8 7 ) f o u n d

    p o l i ce o f fi ce r s d i d n o b e t t e r t h a n c h a n c e w h e n t h e y ju d g e d

    v i d e o t a p e s o f c o ll e g e s t u d e n t s w h o h a d l i e d o r b e e n t r u t h -

    f u l i n a n e x p e r i m e n t .

    I t i s d i f fi c u lt t o d r a w a n y c o n c l u s i o n s f r o m t h e s e

    t h r e e s t u d i es o f p r o fe s s i o n a l li e c a t c h e rs b e c a u s e i n n o n e

    o f t h e m w a s t h e r e a n y e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e o b s e r v e r s w e r e

    e x p o s e d t o b e h a v i o r th a t d i f f e r e d w h e n t h e p e o p l e w h o

    w e r e j u d g e d l i ed o r w e r e t r u t h f u l . D e P a u l o a n d P f e i fe r 's

    ( 1 9 8 6 ) s t u d y i s t h e o n l y e x c e p t i o n , a s t h e y u s e d m a t e r i a l s

    t h a t h a d e a r l i e r b e e n s h o w n t o b e s i g n if i ca n t ly d i ff e r e n t

    i n o b s e r v e r - r a t e d d e c e p t i v e n e ss ( D e P a u l o , L a n i e r, &

    D a v i s , 1 9 8 3 ) . H o w e v e r , t h e d i f f e r e n c e s w e r e s m a l l , a n d

    t h e d a t a w e r e n o t a n a l y z e d i n a w a y t h a t w o u l d i n d i c a t e

    h o w m a n y l i a r s c o u l d a c t u a l l y b e d i f f e r e n t i a t e d o n t h e

    b a s is o f t h e i r o b s e r v a b l e b e h a v i o r . P e r h a p s a c c u r a c y h a s

    b e e n m e a g e r a n d n o a d v a n t a g e f o u n d f o r p r o fe s s i o n a l l ie

    c a t c h e r s b e c a u s e t h e r e j u s t w a s n o t m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n i n

    t h e v i d e o t a p e s t h a t w o u l d a l l ow v e r y g o o d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n

    w h e n p e o p l e l ie d .

    O u r s i s t h e f i r s t s t u d y t o u s e b e h a v i o r a l s a m p l e s

    d r a w n f r o m a s e t o f v i d e o t a p e d i n t e r v ie w s t h a t p r i o r b e -

    h a v i o r a l m e a s u r e m e n t s h o w e d d i f f e re d w h e n s u b je c ts l i e d

    o r t o ld t h e t r u t h . F a c i a l m u s c u l a r m o v e m e n t s m e a s u r e d

    w i t h t h e F a c i a l A c t i o n C o d i n g S y s t e m ( E k m a n & F r i e s e n ,

    1 9 7 6 , 1 9 7 8 ) i n c l u d e d m o r e m a s k i n g s m i l e s w h e n t h e

    s u b j e ct s l i e d a n d m o r e e n j o y m e n t s m i le s w h e n t h e y t o l d

    P a u l E k m a n ' s w o r k i s s u p p o r t e d b y R e s e a r c h S c i e n t is t A w a r d M H 0 6 0 9 2

    f r o m t h e N a t i o n a l I n s t i t u te o f M e n t a l H e a l t h .

    C o r r e sp o n d e n c e c o n c e r n in g t h i s a r t ic l e sh o u ld b e a d d r e sse d t o Pa u l

    E k m a n , H u m a n I n t e r a c t i o n L a b o r a t o r y , U n i v e r s it y o f C a l i f or n i a , 40 1

    P a r n a s s u s A v e n u e , S a n F r a n c i s c o , C A 9 4 1 4 3 .

    S e p t e m b e r 1 99 1 A m e r i c a n P s y c h o lo g i s t

    Copyright 1991 by the A mericanPsychologicalAssociation, nc . 0003-066X/91/ 2.00

    Vol. 46, No. 9, 91 3-920

    9 1 3

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    the truth about their feelings (Ekman, Friesen, & O'Sul-

    livan, 1988). Vocal measu rement also distinguished the

    lying and t ruthful interviews. There was an increase in

    fundamental pitch when the subjects lied. When both the

    vocal measure and the two facial measures were com-

    bined, it was possible to classify 86 of the subjects cor-

    rectly as either lying or being truthful (Ekman, O'Sullivan,

    Friesen, & Scherer, 1991). Because there were known be-

    havioral differences between the honest and deceptive

    samples, our study could focus on the question of how

    well observers can detect deception.

    We took advantage of opportunities to test a number

    of different groups in the criminal justice and intelligence

    communi ties to determine whether those who have a spe-

    cialized interest, and presumably more experience, in de-

    tecting deceit would do better than the usual college stu-

    dent observer. We made no hypotheses about the relative

    proficiency of he professional lie-catcher groups, although

    we hoped that at least one of them might do better than

    chance.

    In addition to analyzing average accuracy on a

    group-by-group basis, as is usually done in studies of de-

    ception detection, we also planned to examine accuracy

    on an individual basis. The mean accuracy of a group of

    observers might be only at chance, but individual ob-

    servers might reach either very high or very low levels of

    accuracy. Of course, it is also possible that all observers

    might perform at or close to chance, but that cannot be

    known from the usual method of examining only mean

    accuracy.

    Because most o f our observers were professional lie

    catchers, we were interested in their thoughts and opinions

    about lie catching in general, and in their own lie-catching

    ability, in particular. DePaulo and Pfeifer (1986) reported

    that confidence in one's ability to detect lying was un-

    related to actual accuracy, although the federal law en-

    forcement officers they studied were more confident than

    were college students about their ability to detect decep-

    tion. They also reported that amount of experience in

    law enforcement was not correlated with accuracy.

    Kohnken (1987) also found no relationship between con-

    fidence in one's ability to detect lying and actual accuracy.

    Unlike DePaulo and Pfeifer, however, he found a signif-

    icant negative correlation between experience and ac-

    curacy when age was partialed out. We sought to replicate

    these findings, and so we asked our professional lie catch-

    ers about their confidence in their ability to detect de-

    ception before and after taking our test, as well as the

    amoun t o f time they had been in their present job.

    We also asked our professional lie catchers to de-

    scribe the behavioral clues they relied on in making their

    judgments. We had two reasons for being interested in

    this matter. First, we wanted to test our hypothesis that

    those who make accurate judgments, regardless of their

    occupational group, would describe different behavioral

    clues than those who make inaccurate judgments. On the

    basis of our prior analyses of observers' judgments of hese

    videotapes when they were exposed to either the verbal,

    nonverbal, or combined verbal and nonverbal behaviors

    (O'Sullivan, Ekman, Friesen, & Scherer, 1991), and our

    findings that there were clues to deceit in the nonverbal

    but not in most o f the verbal behaviors we measured (Ek-

    man & Friesen, 1976; Ekman et al., 1988; Ekman et al.,

    1991). Hypothesis 1 predicted that accurate observers

    would report using nonverbal clues more than would the

    inaccurate observers.

    Our second reason for asking the observers to de-

    scribe the behavioral clues they relied on in making their

    judgments was to have data that would be relevant to

    resolving the question of whether any individual differ-

    ences in accuracy we obtained were due to chance. If

    those who were highly accurate gave different reasons for

    their judgments than those who were inaccurate, it would

    argue against the possibility that individual differences in

    accuracy were simply chance variations.

    In one of our groups, we were also able to test how

    well subjects could recognize microexpressions, facial

    expressions that last no more than 1/25 of a second. On

    the basis of Ekman and Friesen's (1969) proposal that

    microexpressions are an important source of behavioral

    clues to deceit, Hypothesis 2 predicted a positive corre-

    lation between accuracy in detecting deceit and accuracy

    in recognizing microexpressions of emotion.

    e thod

    Observers

    Following the publication o f his book

    Tel l ing Lies

    Ekman

    (1985) was asked by a variety of groups that had a profes-

    sional interest in lying to conduct a workshop on behav-

    ioral clues to deceit. At the start of each such workshop,

    the par ticipants were given a test of their ability to detect

    deception, which provided the data for this study. None

    of the observers had read Ekman's book pr ior to being

    tested. The following groups were tested:

    1. U.S. Secret Service. All members of the Forensic

    Services Division of the Secret Service who were available

    in Washington, DC, when the workshop on lying was given

    were tested.

    2. Federal polygraphers. All part icipants in a Federal

    Inter-Agency Polygraph Seminar organized by the Central

    Intelligence Agency (CIA) held in the Federal Bureau o f

    Investigation (FBI) Academy at Quantico, Virginia, were

    tested. This included l0 CIA, 10 FBI, 5 National Security

    Agency (NSA), 21 Army, Air Force, or Marine personnel,

    and 14 polygraphers employed by other federal agencies.

    3. Judges. All of the participants in three courses

    on fact finding offered in the midcareer college for mu-

    nicipal and superior cou rt judges organized by the Cali-

    fornia Center for Judicial Education and Research, and

    judges taking a similar course in Oregon, were tested.

    4. Police. Those attending the annual meeting of

    the California Robbery Investigators Association, which

    included city, county, state, and federal law enforcement

    officers who specialize in dealing with robbery were tested.

    5. Psychiatrists. Texas psychiatrists attending an

    annual professional meeting, as well as psychiatrists at-

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    tending staff raining sessions in Texas and San Francisco,

    were tested.

    6. Special interest group. People who enrolled for a

    day-long University of California Extension course on de-

    ceit were tested. This group included businessmen, law-

    yers, accountants, police officers, housewives, social

    workers, psychologists, and nurses.

    7. Students. For comparison with prior studies, we

    also used a sample of undergraduate psychology students

    at the University of San Francisco.

    Table 1 shows that these groups differed in age and

    in sex.

    D etec t in g D ecep t ion M easur e

    The detecting deception measure consisted of 10 one-

    minute samples taken from 10 videotaped interviews,

    preceded by a practice item. The videotapes showed a

    black-and-white, bead-on view of the full face and body

    of each subject.

    The observers were told tha t they would see 10 col-

    lege-age women, about one half of whom would be lying

    to an interviewer as she answered questions about how

    she felt about a film she was watching. Each subject would

    describe positive feelings she would claim to be feeling

    as she watched what she said were nature films. Some

    subjects were actually watching such films and would

    honesty be describing their feelings. Other subjects would

    really be watching a terribly gruesome film that was very

    upsetting to them, and they would be lying when they

    claimed to be having positive feelings about a nature film.

    The observers were told that all of the subjects were highly

    motivated to succeed and believed that success in their

    deception was relevant to their chosen career. After seeing

    each interview, the observers were allowed 30 seconds to

    record thei r choice as to whether the subject was honest

    or deceptive (more information about the deception sce-

    nario is provided in Ekman & Friesen, 1974).

    The 10 subjects who were shown to the observers

    were selected from a group of 31 subjects who had par-

    ticipated in a study of deceit. Behavioral measurements

    (described earlier) on all 31 subjects had found that both

    facial and vocal measures differentiated the honest from

    the deceptive interviews. Most o f those findings had not

    been published when the test was given (Ekman et al.,

    1988, 1991).

    Prior to seeing the videotape, all of the observers

    except the college students and the special interest group

    responded to the following questions: How good do you

    think you are in being able to tell if another person is

    lying? Check one of he following: very poor, Ix)or, average,

    good, very good. Wha t evidence or clues do you use

    in deciding that another person is lying or telling the

    truth? (Three lines were given for the observers' hand-

    written responses.)

    The videotape was then shown. After seeing each of

    the 10 persons, the observers recorded their judgmen t by

    circling either the word

    honest

    or the word

    deceptive

    Fol-

    lowing the second and the eighth videotape samples, the

    observers were also asked to indicate briefly their reasons

    for deciding that the interview was honest or deceptive.

    These two items were selected because pilot data indicated

    that they differed markedly in difficulty level, although

    the subjects in both items were lying. The handwritten

    responses were categorized using a coding system devel-

    oped in previous research (O'Sullivan & Morrison, 1985)

    for categorizing observers' descriptions o f their reasons

    for believing that subjects were lying or telling the truth.

    This system classified responses into 20 categories with

    interrater agreements ranging from 87% to 94%.

    After judging all 10 people, the observers were asked

    the following questions: How well do you think you did

    in telling who was lying?--very poorly, poorly, average,

    well, very well. If your job required it, could you lie

    and conceal a strong emotional reaction?--yes, probably,

    maybe, probably not, no. Additional questions were

    asked in some of the groups prior to seeingthe videotape.

    These questions, as well as another experimental test tha t

    was given to the special interest group, will be described

    next.

    e su l t s

    Wh ich G r o u p I s M o s t Accurate

    The observers had judged whether each of the 10 persons

    they saw was lying or telling the truth. The observers'

    accuracy scores could range from 0 to 10 correct. Because

    T a b l e 1

    Total Sam ple Size Sex Age and Job Experience in Observer Groups

    W o m e n

    Observer

    g r o u p N ( )

    Age

    ( i n years )

    J o b e x p e r i e n c e (i n

    years

    M S M S

    S e c r e t S e r v ic e 3 4 3 3 4 . 7 9 5 . 9 6 9 . 1 2 6 . 6 9

    F e d e r a l p o l y g ra p h e r s 6 0 8 3 9 . 4 2 6 . 7 6 6 . 5 4 6 . 1 9

    Robbe ry i nves t i ga to r s 126 2 39 21 8 26 14 77 7 15

    Judges 110 11 52 64 9 37 11 50 7 77

    P s y c h i a t r i s t s 67 3 54 24 10 28

    23.63

    10 28

    S p e c i a l i n t e res t 73 53

    43.33

    13 44 10 76 9 89

    Col lege s t u d e n t s 3 9 6 4 1 9 . 9 0 1 . 7 4

    September 1991 American Psychologist 915

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    e x a c t l y o n e h a l f o f t h e 1 0 p e r so n s t h e y j u d g e d w e r e l y in g ,

    t h e o b s e r v e r w o u l d o b t a i n o n l y a c h a n c e t o t a l a c c u r a c y

    s c o r e i f a n o b s e r v e r w e r e t o j u d g e e v e r y o n e t o b e l y in g o r

    t o b e t e l l i n g th e t r u t h .

    A o n e - w a y a n a l y si s o f v a r i a n c e ( A N O V A ) o n t h e t o t a l

    a c c u r a c y s c o r es f o r t h e s e v e n g r o u p s w a s c o m p u t e d . T h e r e

    w a s a s i g n i f ic a n t b e t w e e n - g r o u p s e f f e ct , F ( 6 ) = 2 . 0 7 , p