We can’t lose a democracy we never had / Tsafi Saar, 4.8.13
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05/08/2013 We cant lose a democracy we never had - Opinion - Israel News | Haaretz
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THIS STORY IS BY
RELATED TA GS
Knesset
opinion
We cant lose a democracy we never hadThe illusion of democracy in Israel is just one of the manyillusions that we Israelis have beeneducated to believe.
By Tsafi Saar| Aug. 4, 2013 | 3:41 AM | 6
4 TweetTweet 20
An IDF soldier wi th Palest ini an s: Abr ogat ing rig ht s an d freedoms. Photo by Emil Salman
Many dirges have been heard lately lamenting the death of democracy on
account of the gov ernability law that passed its first reading in the Knesset
this past week. T here is reason to lament; it is indeed a bad and dangerous
piece of legislation. But for something to die, it must have once lived. Has
there been democracy in Israel before the governability was passed? The
answer is no. For Israel's entire 65-y ear existence it has not been a
democratic state. From its founding until 1966 Israel imposed martial law
on the Arab communities in its territory . Since the occupation of the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967 until today, Israel has ruled over millions
of Palestinian inhabitants in these territories an occupied population
with its basic freedoms and rights abrogated.
There has been an illusion of democracy here, or alternatively, a
democracy for Jews only. This of course is a contradiction in terms. This
is just one of the many illusions, which we Israelis have been educated to
believe. It isn't easy to discover how much of life and education here are
full of indoctrination, because lightly scratching the surface rev eals what
is just a cover for an entirely different reality. Some of us discover this at
an early age, others later. T here are also those who will
never discover this, perhaps they would even prefer
not to see it.
Among the prominent examples are myths like "making the desert
bloom," or the statement, "A land without a people for a people without a
land" - basic concepts in Zionism that express a worldview that ignored the
land's inhabitants. There is "Hebrew labor," the aspiration that Jews who
settled the land would work with their own hands instead of managing
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COMMENTS
others, which is perceived to be something positive until we understand
that it means excluding native Arabs from work. Another phenomenon
placed on a pedestal is the revival of the Hebrew language. While it was a
blessed miracle, it also was enabled by the pushing aside of many other
languages as well as other cultures, not infrequently with violence and
this already sounds less heartwarming.
There are also clichs like "our hand is outstretched in peace," as our
politicians are wont to say while they are still polishing up ruins. In other
versions, still in use today, there are mantras like "no partner for peace."
And who can forget "the world's most moral army"? The same army that
just recently detained a 5-year-old Palestinian child for investigation, and
the state that plans to evict 1,300 Palestinians from their homes in the
south Hebron hills to save t ime and resources, just to mention two
examples among countless others.
These are bothersome thoughts. Is it possible that everything we were
raised on, or at least most of it, is mistaken? What is the significance of
this? And does asking these questions undermine the fact of our ex istence
of here? If our ex istence here must be based on a strong fist, on pushing
out others, on nationalism, chauvinism and militarism, then the answer is
yes. But is this really the case?
In the history of Zionism there were other options besides that of Ben-
Gurion-style force. For example, the path shown by professors Zvi Ben-Dor Benite and Moshe Behar in their recently published book "Modern
Middle Eastern Jewish Thought: Writings on Identity , Politics, and
Culture." Jewish intellectuals of Middle Eastern origin at the beginning of
the 20th century warned against adopting a European arrogance to the
land's inhabitants and called for respectful dialogue with them. But their
words fell on deaf ears. The Brit Shalom faction of Hugo Bergmann and
Gershom Scholem also proposed another way in the 1930s that was not
accepted.
The state established here was not, despite its pretensions, "the sole
democracy in the Middle East." It appears that the first c ondition for
really f ixing this situation, if that is still possible, is the recognition that we
did not lose democracy now. It never resided here.
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