We Are Now All Archivists
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We're all Archivists Now: Towards amore Equitable EthnomusicologyCarolyn Landau & Janet Topp FargionPublished online: 29 Jun 2012.
To cite this article: Carolyn Landau & Janet Topp Fargion (2012) We're all Archivists Now:Towards a more Equitable Ethnomusicology, Ethnomusicology Forum, 21:2, 125-140, DOI:10.1080/17411912.2012.690188
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We’re all Archivists Now: Towardsa more Equitable EthnomusicologyCarolyn Landau & Janet Topp Fargion
As ethnomusicologists we have always made and used recordings as part of our research
yet we have seldom questioned this central methodology beyond stating that we make
and use recordings ‘for our own research purposes’. This special issue explores the
potential for the use of archival recordings as a central part of research to provide a more
equitable and enduring outcome for the benefit of cultural heritage communities as well
as for ethnomusicological scholarship. As such, we argue for a fairer ethnomusicology, in
which access to knowledge*often encapsulated in recordings*is facilitated for all, with
ethnomusicologists taking responsibility for their own part in this important process.
Keywords: Audiovisual Archives; Sound Recording; Cultural Heritage Communities;
Applied Ethnomusicology; Sound Recording Technology; Post-colonial Agency
Introduction: Applied Ethnomusicology and Audiovisual Archives
In Anthony Seeger’s article ‘New Technology Requires New Collaborations: Changing
Ourselves to Better Shape the Future’ he muses:
During the past few years I have sometimes glanced away from my perusal ofjournal articles or dissertations thrashing through ideas that have been around fordecades and briefly envied fields like genetics, [. . .] technology and new researchhave opened up a host of new and interesting theoretical challenges and put someold issues completely to rest. That research has also had some satisfying practicalresults, among them the release of prisoners from death rows in jails around
Carolyn Landau is Leverhulme Early Career Fellow in the Department of Music at King’s College London. She
completed her PhD in Ethnomusicology at City University, London in 2010. Between 2002 and 2006 she was
employed in the British Library’s World and Traditional Music Section. Her research interests include, North
Africa; Islam; community music, multiculturalism and politics in Britain; applied ethnomusicology and sound
archiving. Janet Topp Fargion is an ethnomusicologist with primary research interests in South Africa and the
Swahili coast. She is Lead Curator of World and Traditional Music at the British Library, a position she took up in
1994, where she has responsibility for the collection, preservation and dissemination of published and
unpublished recordings of traditional music from all around the world. Correspondence to: Carolyn Landau,
Department of Music, King’s College London, Strand, London WC2R 2LS, UK. Email: [email protected].
Janet Topp Fargion, British Library, 96 Euston Road, London NW1 2DB, UK. Email: [email protected]
ISSN 1741-1912 (print)/ISSN 1741-1920 (online)/12/020125-16
# 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17411912.2012.690188
Ethnomusicology Forum
Vol. 21, No. 2, August 2012, pp. 125�140
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the United States of America as DNA evidence proves their innocence. Why, I havewondered, isn’t my field so fortunately theoretically refocused and practicallyapplicable? As I prepared this paper I realized that one of the areas I work in hasbeen refocused by some emerging technological possibilities and renderedpractically applicable in ways never before possible. This area was long consideredone of the most stodgy and nineteenth century of our activities: the storage anddissemination of the byproducts of our research collecting. (2004: 94)
The role that the ‘by-products of our research collecting’*recordings*can play in
this refocusing of our discipline is explored in this special issue of Ethnomusicology
Forum. It presents and analyses contemporary case studies in the assisted discovery, or
rediscovery, of archival sound recordings to people whose cultural heritage is
represented on the recordings*the so-called ‘cultural heritage communities’ (Barwick
2004: 253)*both in the countries of origin and their diasporas. The papers explore
the ideologies, methodologies and outcomes of a number of recent ground-breaking
projects, each making a unique and significant contribution to existing scholarship in
ethnomusicology and, more particularly, in applied ethnomusicology. This special
issue examines the myriad ways in which access to sound recordings is affecting the
lives and musical traditions of diverse communities around the world, and the ways in
which ethnomusicologists are using recordings to pursue their own research aims
amongst cultural heritage communities. In so doing, this issue highlights the wider
implications such approaches have, on the one hand, for the roles and policies of
sound archives in the twenty-first century, and, on the other, for the development of
ethnomusicological theory and practice. The contributions provide examples of how
the field of ‘proactive archiving’ (drawing on Edmonson’s ‘proactive access’;
Edmonson 2004: 20) is evolving in exciting new ways: ethnomusicology scholars*both up-and-coming and already-established*are developing innovative methodol-
ogies, based on collaboration with cultural heritage communities and with archives, to
explore existing and emerging themes within ethnomusicology. Important among
these themes is the extent to which a more equitable ethnomusicology methodology
can lead to empowering and enduring benefit to both our discipline and to the people
whose ‘musicking’1 forms the subject of our research.
The role of audiovisual archives has, at various times since the beginnings of
ethnomusicology and its ancestor comparative musicology, been much discussed,
recorded sound playing a central and unique role within these disciplines (Berlin and
Simon 2002; Lance 1983; Post and Threasher n.d.). Sound archives were initially
established by and for the discipline of comparative musicology, alongside other
scientific disciplines. Following the invention of sound recording at the end of the
nineteenth century and the collection of early sound recordings during (predomi-
nantly) European-led colonial scientific expeditions abroad, sound archives were
established as places to deposit, study and compare the recordings. With the
evolution of comparative musicology into ethnomusicology from around the 1950s,
1Referencing Christopher Small’s (1998) Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening.
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and with the methodological shift from ‘armchair’ methods to experiential fieldwork,
sound archives and their holdings fell out of fashion amongst ethnomusicologists
for a time. Nevertheless, making recordings has remained a central practice in
ethnomusicology, although increasingly ethnomusicologists have made their ethno-
graphic field recordings for their ‘own purposes’; collections tending to remain in
private hands rather than being deposited in archives.2
In more recent years, no doubt spurred on by the challenges issued by Seeger and
others (Lancefield 1998; Seeger 1986, 1996, 2002, 2006; Topp Fargion 2009), and
inspired by dramatic technological and ideological advances within audiovisual
archiving, increasing numbers of archivists and ethnomusicologists have become
involved in projects that seek to recover past documents for contemporary use
amongst cultural heritage communities.3 In many ways these activities result from
earlier methods of ‘feedback’4 and more recent ideologies of reciprocity,5 and take
them along their logical path, forming an innovative part of what we might perceive as
an applied ethnomusicology ‘movement’. Some researchers have come to understand
the varied ways in which archival sound recordings can be used by such communities,
often playing valuable and significant roles within the cultural and social life of
individuals and groups and simultaneously vastly assisting our understanding of
history, culture and performance.
In October 1998 the Society for Ethnomusicology inaugurated its Applied
Ethnomusicology Section with the aim of ‘joining scholarship with practical pursuits
by providing a forum for discussion and exchange of theory, issues, methods and
projects among practitioners’.6 In 2006 the International Council for Traditional
Music established its Applied Ethnomusicology section with the definition:
Applied Ethnomusicology is the approach guided by principles of socialresponsibility, which extends the usual academic goal of broadening and deepeningknowledge and understanding toward solving concrete problems and towardworking both inside and beyond typical academic contexts.7
2For an exploration of the types of recordings ethnomusicologists make and how they are used, see
Topp Fargion (2009).3For an international survey of archival repatriation projects, see Landau (2010: 49�66); and for some specific
case studies, see (Barwick 2004), Barwick et al. (2005), Berlin and Simon (2002), Chaudhuri and Seeger (2004),
Corn (2008, 2010), Cornelis et al. (2005), Gumbula, Corn and Mant (2009), Koch (1995, 2004), Ruskin (2006),
Toner (2003) and Ziegler (2006).4Ruth Stone’s (1982) Let the Inside Be Sweet: The Interpretation of Music Event among the Kpelle of Liberia was
one of the first studies to make use of the feedback interview.5‘Experiencing People: Relationships, Responsibility and Reciprocity’, an article by Ruth Hellier-Tinoco (2003)
as part of a special issue on Fieldwork Impact of the British Journal of Ethnomusicology (subsequently
Ethnomusicology Forum), theorises fieldwork methods based around taking responsibility for the impact of
fieldwork.6See http://webdb.iu.edu/sem/scripts/groups/sections/applied/applied_ethnomusicology_section.cfm (accessed
16 January 2012).7See http://www.ictmusic.org/group/applied-ethnomusicology (accessed 16 January 2012).
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The papers in this issue are case studies of applied ethnomusicology projects that
have explored theories and methods for providing lasting engagement between
cultural heritage communities and ethnomusicological scholarship. Using collections
of recordings, they describe scholarly practical pursuits aimed at meeting ‘the
principles of social responsibility’ of contributing to learning inside and outside the
academy. As such they constitute an important contribution to the ever-increasing
literature on applied ethnomusicology.8
During the latter part of the twentieth century, the role, responsibilities and
potential of sound archives developed in new directions, with more of a focus on the
exploitation and dissemination of archival holdings. Such developments have arguably
been influenced by political events such as de-colonisation and the rise of human
rights and cultural reclamation discourses, but have been enabled, particularly in the
past 10 years or so, by the digital revolution. The increased interest in archival sound
recordings from cultural heritage communities, the ethical and moral responsibility of
sound archives to facilitate access to their materials, and the increasing technological
capabilities of archives has led to dramatic changes in archiving philosophy and access
policies. One fundamental change for sound archives has been in the user profile of
held materials. Who accesses the materials and how they do so are now central issues
for archivists around the world. Archives are no longer for the ‘-ologists’ but for all
learners, including the people whose cultures are represented in them wherever they
are in the world.
Needless to say, digital technologies and the Internet have played a role*not only
do people know they can access recordings, they now clearly expect to access them.
Taking legal and ethical dimensions in our global information environment into
consideration, these new opportunities for the application of our discipline have
implications for all ethnomusicologists. Our methodologies for making, documenting
and archiving our recordings, including the importance of getting permissions from
people we record, have become paramount for a more equitable ethnomusicology.
Much of the deliberation and debate on the issues above has been conducted*until now*for and within the audiovisual archiving world, with the exception of a
handful of articles published by ethnomusicologists.9 Thus, although recordings,
archives and ethnomusicology have been inextricably linked throughout their
histories, we would venture that the existing literature on audiovisual archiving
has not reached many ethnomusicologists. The reverse is not necessarily true since,
perhaps contrary to popular belief, most audiovisual archivists working with
ethnomusicology research collections are ethnomusicologists themselves. One of
the aims of this special issue, then, is to present these issues to a predominantly non-
archivist audience of ethnomusicologists. The papers, having been written by such an
audience (apart from one), make important points regarding some of the future
8See, for example, Fenn (2003), Harrison, Pettan and Mackinlay (2010), Harrison (2012), Pettan (2008) and
Titon (1992a).9See, for example, Lancefield (1998), Seeger (1986, 1996, 2002, 2006), Topp Fargion (2009) and Vallier (2010).
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directions of ethnomusicologists’ activities and also those of audiovisual archives,
reinforcing the role recordings play within our discipline.
Recent Developments in Ethnomusicology and Audiovisual Archiving
The papers in this issue connect the world of audiovisual archiving with the discipline
of ethnomusicology, to show how ideologies are similar and how the concept of
proactive archiving, when adopted by researching ethnomusicologists (as opposed to
archivist ethnomusicologists),10 produces meaningful insights and lasting results.
They provide case studies of how archives and archival recordings have formed the
central part of a number of recent ethnomusicological studies. A general point that
emerges is the role the ethnomusicologist can play as ‘culture broker’ in archives’
efforts to repatriate recordings and to engage with communities recorded. In all of the
papers, we see an individual (sometimes on their own, sometimes via an organisation
in the case of Birgitta Johnson, for example) working collaboratively with the archive
as well as within the community to establish relevant means of making the recordings
accessible.
Johnson’s paper is an example of the efforts members of many communities are
already making to create local archives of genres they are committed to, and of a kind
of collaboration they can engage in with institutional archives and specialists.
Community partnership can be very fruitful both in the short term (for the
community members in the coming few years) and in the long term (when most data
not housed in professional repositories are lost) for the community and a broader
public as well as scholars. Only a few archives do their own collecting; most of them
collaborate with collectors, researchers and institutions to obtain collections.
Johnson’s article, with an emphasis on ethnographic description, is a clear example
of an inter-institutional collaboration, resulting in new recordings made accessible for
the community now and into the future.
Emma Brinkhurst and Carolyn Landau set out to explore the ways in which
recordings (in these cases held in the British Library) evoke memories and stimulate
discussion and performance in an effort to reclaim culture, and to forge and sustain
identities in the challenging diasporic experiences of the London-based Somali and
Moroccan communities respectively. Samuel Kahunde physically takes recordings
(also from the British Library) to remote parts of Uganda, to musicians and
communities who would never have the opportunity to access them online or to visit
the institutions housing collections.11
10For the purposes of this argument we distinguish between ethnomusicologists and archivists. In reality, as
we have said, most archivists have ethnomusicology training and practice within that discipline. Few
ethnomusicologists, however, have experience of working in an audiovisual archiving environment and within
that discipline.11For another important piece on repatriation in Uganda, which was published just as this special issue was in
production, see Nannyonga-Tamusuza & Weintraub (2012), the research for which Kahunde refers to in this
issue (p. 207).
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Noel Lobley has similar aims. Using a methodology he calls ‘sound elicitation’ to
encourage use of recordings and discussion of tradition within the community, he acts
as cultural broker between the International Library of African Music*based in
Grahamstown, South Africa*and the local Xhosa community living in townships on
the outskirts of that city. In this, as in Emma Brinkhurst’s and Carolyn Landau’s
papers, the community perception of the institution is challenging. While apartheid
may have impacted the community�archive relationship in South Africa, in London
some immigrant communities are just as wary of institutions. Many large, government
institutions such as national libraries and museums continue to struggle to fight off
their colonialist past, with restitution claims keeping these issues high profile. In fact,
fear of colonialist associations is sometimes cited by ethnomusicologists as the reason
they do not deposit their field recordings in collection organisations such as libraries
and archives (Topp Fargion 2009: 81). Ethnomusicology itself arguably struggles with
the same issues, as now prudent communities seek to claim some of the benefits
scholars sometimes amass (careers, acclaim, sometimes financial gain), leading, in
part, to the applied ethnomusicology ‘movement’ of recent years.
Many of the papers in this special issue include a large amount of descriptive detail.
In Birgitta Johnson’s paper, for example, she describes at length who the protagonists
of the project were and how each step of the collaboration was carried out. Johnson
cites Geertz’s ‘thick description’ as her theoretical approach in delivering such detail.
This is a relevant reference as her aim in supplying so much description is to provide
both context and behaviour to demonstrate the finer aspects of the role of culture
broker. As such, the role of culture broker is seen to be similar to that of
ethnomusicologist, who must develop trust and mutual respect within the
communities they work in. As ethnomusicologists, we suggest that we seldom
scrutinise the methods employed to establish respect and it is hoped that Johnson’s
paper begins to address this deficiency. Furthermore, in parallel with Landau,
Brinkhurst, and Lobley, Johnson explores in detail the efforts required to break down
the barriers between community groups and archival institutions.
According to Dietrich Schuller, former director of the Vienna Phonogrammarchiv,
an estimated 80% of the recordings of the world’s cultural heritage are still held in
private hands (Schuller 2008: 5). Considering the vulnerability of various recording
formats, Schuller estimates that we have 10�15 years to safeguard these items or they
will be lost forever. Even when they are deposited, they can be hard to locate,
expensive to copy and document, and thus difficult to repatriate. These challenges are
clearly outlined in Don Niles’ paper, in which he describes the haphazard nature of
the archival collections*collectors had a raft of reasons and objectives for making
recordings and the results are markedly different in content, technical quality
and arrangement*and the difficulty of acquiring them. In this case of repatriation,
the recordings, once located, have been returned to the country (of Papua
New Guinea)*to the representative organisation, the Institute of Papua New Guinea
Studies*and from there to the relevant communities whose culture is recorded. Here
the ethnomusicologist archivist stands a far better chance of locating materials than
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do community members, and an enormous amount is achieved politically and
ethically in bringing the content home.
Niles’ case contrasts starkly with the Scandinavian case described by Thomas
Hilder in which Sami community members have been able to find recordings easily in
well-organised and established archives. By using these easily-located recordings,
contemporary Sami musicians set about reviving tradition through performance and
teaching. The original efforts of the performers and the researchers to record and
archive have clearly borne fruit. This allows us to imagine an ethnomusicology that
sees to the future uses of our recordings and creates added meaning to our research.
In all the articles in this issue, authors experience and report intense engagement
on the part of communities with the recordings made accessible. The benefits to
musical and cultural knowledge and understanding*for our discipline of ethno-
musicology as well as for the ‘people making music’12*become clear as we read. If
one of the aims of (applied) ethnomusicology is to sustain musical practice,13 then
creating ways to encourage performance and transmission must be a central
activity.14 The papers in this issue tease out a variety of methods and outcomes of
these ethnomusicological endeavours, challenging and inspiring the way ethnomu-
sicology might be done for years to come.
A Brief Contextual History: Recorded Sound, Archives and Comparative
Musicology
The ability to capture and reproduce sound was first made possible as early as 1752
with the invention of the melograph by Leonhard Euler, a Swiss mathematician and
physicist. The melograph was a device ‘consisting of two revolving cylinders with a
band of paper passing over them. Note positions and duration were marked onto the
paper by pencils connected to the piano action’ (Ord-Hume n.d.). Later, in 1857,
French typographer and physicist Leon Scott constructed a ‘phonautograph’, which
was able to represent sound waves on a glass cylinder, enabling him to analyse speech
and music (Borwick n.d.). The next major development came in November 1877,
when the American inventor Thomas Edison first devised the tinfoil cylinder
phonograph. He completed and tested the prototype and then patented the machine
in December 1877 in the United States (Ford 1962: 222). It was also during this
12Referring to Jeff Todd Titon’s widely accepted broad definition of ethnomusicology. See Titon 1992b: xxi).13For more on the concept of sustainability, see Titon (2009) and http://sustainablemusic.blogspot.co.uk
(accessed 4 April 2012), as well as a forthcoming special issue of Musicology Australia, scheduled for publication
in 2013, on ‘Music, Culture and Sustainability’ edited by Daniel Bendrups and Katelyn Barney on behalf of the
International Council for Traditional Music Regional Committee*which comes out of a ‘Sustainability and
Ethnomusicology’ symposium held at Griffith University, Brisbane in March 2011.14The concept of sustaining musical practice via ethnomusicological research is, in our view, different from the
concept of ‘safeguarding’; that is, ‘protecting and promoting endangered musical heritage’ (Grant 2012: 31) via
such mechanisms as UNESCO’s various programmes and conventions referred to in Grant (2012: 32).
Sustaining musical practice is more in line with Topp Fargion’s concept of the ‘facilitation of the continuation of
tradition’, while protecting and promoting endangered musical heritage is more like a conventional
understanding of ‘preservation’ (Topp Fargion 2009: 76).
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month that Edison famously engraved the song ‘Mary had a Little Lamb’ onto tin foil
using his cylinder phonograph, which consequently became known as the Speaking
Voice or the Speaking Machine.
Despite these major advances in sound recordings, it was another nine years before
the phonograph was used as anything more than a child’s toy. In 1888, having
redesigned and improved upon it, Edison re-launched the phonograph into the
market (Weber n.d.). Perhaps the most important improvement he made during this
period was to replace the tinfoil with wax.15 This was the same material that
Alexander Graham Bell, Chichester A. Bell (Alexander’s cousin) and Charles Sumner
Tainter were using for the graphophone, which they had created and developed
during the early 1880s in Washington, D.C. (Ford 1962: 223). Also working in
Washington during this period was Emile Berliner, of German origin. In 1887 he
developed what became known as the gramophone, a machine that recorded sound
onto flat discs. The gramophone machines available to the consumer were only for
playback and were not able to record. Edison’s phonograph, on the other hand,
recorded and played back on the same, portable machine, with a simple flick of a
switch. Thus when the first field recordings were made, of the Passamaquoddy
Native Americans, by Jesse Walter Fewkes in 1890, Edison’s machine was used
(Myers n.d.).
Meanwhile comparative musicology was officially recognised as a scientific
discipline following the publication in 1885 of Guido Adler’s article ‘Umfang,
Methode und Ziel der Musikwissenschaft’ [‘The Scope, Method, and Aim of
Musicology’] (Mugglestone and Adler 1981). Adler’s publication established the
examination and comparison of different types of music for ethnographic purposes
as one of the four strands of systematische musikwissenschaft [systematic musicology].
The development of this discipline was closely linked to, and largely reliant upon, the
birth of recorded sound. As more and more recordings were made, so it became
necessary to find somewhere to preserve and store them. This led to the establish-
ment of the very first sound archive in 1899 in Vienna, Austria, by physiologist
Sigmund Exner, followed in 1900 by the establishment of the Berlin Phonogramm-
Archiv in Germany by the psychologist Carl Stumpf. The first half of the twentieth
century saw the establishment of various other notable sound archives within Europe
and the USA, including the Discoteca di Stato in Rome in 1928, the Musee de
l’Homme in Paris in 1930, the M. I. Glinka State Central Museum of Musical Culture
in Moscow in 1937, the Phonotheque National in Paris in 1938, the Recorded Sound
Section of the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. in 1940, and the Archives of
Traditional Music in Indiana in 1948. The latter part of the twentieth century saw a
boom in not only the establishment of national, but also local and regional sound
archives throughout the world, including, in 1955, the establishment of the British
15The needle could incise the wax rather than scratch the surface of the tinfoil, making for a more robust sound
signal.
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Institute of Recorded Sound, today the recording collection at the British Library
(Post and Threasher n.d.).
The type of recordings that sound archives collect varies depending on their
institutional affiliation (government, non-government, commercial or cultural
organisations), who they perceive their principal users to be, their size, funding,
and so on. According to the comprehensive 2004 UNESCO publication Audiovisual
Archiving: Philosophy and Principles, there are five different types of sound archive:
broadcasting and studio, programming, audiovisual, national, and university and
academic archives (Edmonson 2004: 2). Many early archives, such as those in Vienna
and Berlin, were established within universities or scholarly institutions with the aim
of serving the needs of academic researchers. The first recordings were made
principally by ethnographers, explorers and colonialists and were then transcribed,
analysed and compared by comparative musicologists from within the archive.
Are Archives worth their Time and Effort? Repatriation, Changing Roles, and
Ethnomusicological Responsibilities
The majority of sound archives in existence today subscribe to the definition of an
audiovisual archive, as proposed by the 2004 UNESCO publication:
An audiovisual archive is an organization or department of an organization whichhas a statutory or other mandate for providing access to a collection of audiovisualdocuments and the audiovisual heritage by collecting, managing, preserving andpromoting. (Edmonson 2004: 24)
In other words, most sound archives state that their principal aims or responsibilities
are to collect, manage (i.e., organise, document), preserve and promote (i.e., provide
access to or disseminate) their holdings. Some archivists have suggested that a kind of
hierarchy within these various goals exists whereby the dissemination of its holdings
is considered to be the most fundamental role of an archive:
Access and use seem to me to represent the raison d’etre of an archive. The variousother tasks with which sound archivists are concerned*such as acquisition,organisation and preservation*are not ends in themselves, but processes directedmainly towards the dissemination and exploitation of recorded sound collections.Archives exist to be used and, I believe, should be used in order to justify theirexistence. (Lance 1978: 29)
During the second half of the twentieth century the role of sound archives changed
considerably, due partly to the shift in approach from comparative musicology to
ethnomusicology. This shift was influenced by the Social Sciences (such as social and
cultural anthropology), which were gaining particular momentum in North America
following the Second World War (Nettl and Bohlman 1991). These disciplines
considered empirical research conducted in the field using participant observation as
the preferred methodology; and as ‘armchair’ or comparative musicology went out of
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fashion, so the sound archive was no longer seen as a research centre, but rather as a
place for pre-fieldwork and post-fieldwork consultation*at most. Ethnomusicologists
made their own recordings in the field and often considered recordings made by others
to be of less importance or interest. More recently, some ethnomusicologists and
archivists have begun to challenge this negative view of archival sound recordings,
including Ronda Sewald, who suggests that:
Instead of condemning sound recordings out of hand, we must begin to learn toassess them and to study them as historical documents and as entities playing a keyand often central role in many forms of musical behaviour. To be sure, soundrecordings have their flaws and weaknesses, but they also have many strengths andare capable of providing us with information about past events and current forms ofhuman behaviour that is difficult to obtain through other means. (Sewald 2005: 8)
While archivists and ethnomusicologists like Sewald have been arguing for the
importance of archival sound recordings within ethnomusicological research, others
have also been highlighting the potentially important role of archival sound recordings
for other communities, namely those whose musical traditions are represented on the
recordings. Anthony Seeger has been one of the most active and vocal advocates in this
area for many years (see, for example, Chaudhuri and Seeger 2004; Seeger 1986, 1999,
2002). For although most sound archives were originally established by and for the
academic community, with the gradual process of de-colonisation, starting in the
latter part of the twentieth century, it was recognised that, just as land was being
repatriated to indigenous communities, so sound archives, it could be argued, had a
responsibility to make their holdings available to the communities where they had
been made.
One of the earliest efforts at repatriation was the Federal Cylinder Project of the
American Folklife Center of the Library of Congress (Gray 1996). This initiative was
begun in 1979 to coordinate the preservation and duplication of wax cylinder
recordings made between 1890 and 1942 by ethnographers, travellers and other
interested researchers, mostly of American Indian music and spoken word. The
Project (with funds from the Ford Foundation) sought to return copies of the
recordings to the communities where they were made, producing a series of catalogues
that include field notes and other information on the recordings. Originally stimulated
by a number of requests for copies of the cylinders coming from American Indian
tribal organisations and individuals, a few pilot projects were initially conducted
in which selected recordings were returned to local organisations and/or relevant
recordings were played to assembled community members in local museums. In one
case, Dr Nancy Lurie played tapes of Winnebago music for Native Americans living at
Black River Falls, Wisconsin. At the same time she recorded comments the community
members made as they listened, as well as performances of versions of many songs
after they had just heard the older versions on the recordings (Walcott 1982: 20).
Emma Brinkhurst’s paper in this issue, in particular, uses a similar methodology
resulting in new recordings being added to collections to further contextualise and
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interpret historical recordings while at the same time documenting current thought
and practice within the community.
In this way, repatriation or the assisted (re)discovery of materials can be understood
as a way of ‘promoting’, ‘providing access to’ or ‘disseminating’ collections, and thus
achieving one of UNESCO’s fundamental archiving goals. The aim of such projects is
usually to return the content of the recordings to people who feel that the sound
contained on them is part of their heritage or, in the words of Robert Lancefield,
‘practices [or sounds] that community members feel to be somehow intrinsic to their
group past and present selves’ (Lancefield 1998: 48). Since these people may no longer
live in the area or even the country where the recordings were originally made, it is
equally important that sound archives make efforts to repatriate (usually copies of)
recordings to such ‘translocated communities’ (ibid.: 53), whether the translocation
has occurred forcibly or with the consent of those involved. Lancefield argues that it is
important for sound archives to repatriate their holdings to people*wherever they
are*and not just to places, although most documented projects, until now, have
focused on places of origin, much to the detriment of displaced peoples, since ‘these
recorded traces of a communal past can be invaluable to people struggling to craft
their own self-reinvention in new locations’ (ibid.: 48).
Both Carolyn Landau’s and Emma Brinkhurst’s papers explore issues and methods
for repatriation and engagement with diasporic communities in London. In the case
of Emma Brinkhurst, the Somali community she engages is based in the streets
surrounding the British Library. What these papers reveal is that ‘distance is
relative*social distance between the local community and a government institution
can be even more challenging than airline travel to geographically distant places
today’.16
Other ways in which repatriated recordings have been used by communities, as
documented by scholars, are numerous and varied, including to re-evaluate and
transform culture (e.g., Seeger 1999), to revitalise cultural identity (e.g., Gray 1996),
to reclaim land (e.g., Koch 1995, 2004) and
[. . .] as surrogates for live performances by informants, as souvenirs or items ofnostalgia, as tools for reclaiming cultural heritage and traditions, as teaching tools,as items of power and propaganda during factional struggles, as items for barterand trade, and/or as a source of entertainment. (Sewald 2005: 8)
The articles in this issue not only illustrate and illuminate some pioneering and
unique methodologies in repatriating, redistributing or facilitating the (re)discovery
of previously hidden cultural heritage materials, but they also bring to light some new
ways in which cultural heritage communities are responding to and using such
documents in various locations and settings around the world.
As a result of such repatriation and the increased interest in archival sound
recordings by communities outside academia, the user-profile of sound archives has,
16Correspondence with Anthony Seeger*notes to editors, October 2011.
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obviously, become larger and broader. As Seeger has pointed out: ‘The answer to the
question ‘‘who is our primary audience?’’ is changing, and archives need to recognise
this and change some of their assumptions and operations’ (2002: 41). Some of the
necessary operational changes are in relation to access and dissemination, in order to
give meaningful access to all interested communities:
Scholars today represent only a tiny fraction of the potential users of the recordings.Many of these potential users, however, will never be able to come to Berlin,Vienna, Bloomington, or Washington D.C. Archival dissemination, therefore, hasto reach farther than just to our sister institutions and our peers. We have toredesign our dissemination and rethink our mission. We probably need to developnew methods for sharing our holdings, undertaken either by archives singly or byinstitutions in collaborative networks, in order to meet the needs of communitieseverywhere. (Seeger 2002: 43)
It is clear that radical adjustment has been required by some sound archives in order
that their access policies may meet the needs of all potential users of their materials
and, in so doing, fulfil their potential, taking seriously their responsibilities as sound
archives. Some have even gone so far as stating that these are moral responsibilities
that archives ignore at their peril:
First, repatriation need not impose an agenda of local reversion to a purportedlypure, ‘authentic’ practice defined and policed by outsiders, but can simply providepeople with traces of their sonic past (if indeed they want them), to do with whatthey will. Second, a decision not to repatriate carries as heavy an ethical load as adecision to do so. To do nothing is, after all, to do something*and with fieldrecordings, it can be to fail to see that while they are indeed analytical specimens,some also are tangible precipitates of once-evanescent sounds still close to people’shearts. (Lancefield 1998: 59�60)
However, these benefits depend on repatriation and outreach activities, often
engineered by ethnomusicologists as culture brokers between the archives and the
relevant heritage community. The ethnomusicologist authors in this issue act as such
culture brokers.
From Reactive to Proactive Archiving: Archiving as a ‘Social Process’
Engaging in repatriation and outreach work, sound archives (and ethnomusicologists)
might be understood as being ‘part of important social processes, and not simply
appendages of academic programs, research institutions, or national repositories’
(Seeger 1999: 2). Furthermore, not only can existing collections be better utilised, and
usefully and meaningfully disseminated, but the way that archiving is done can also be
transformed better to meet the needs of the cultural lives of those communities who
find existing collections of particular value. In other words, archives must not only be
‘active producers and arbiters of knowledge’ (Ruskin 2006: 5), but they should also
engage members of relevant communities in the archiving process, which in turn will
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continue to create knowledge. ‘Collaborative archiving’, as Ruskin describes it,
‘involves careful methods of collection, development and dissemination, treating
the process as seriously as the product’ and also requires ‘a re-imagining of archival
production as a mutually beneficial partnership and a means to breaking down the
walls between the academy and the community’ (ibid.: 5�6). It seems to us that
although Seeger and Ruskin are talking about archives, today’s ethnomusicology also
sets out to participate, to partner and to engender trust for mutual benefit*to the
scholar and to the community partners (previously thought of as ‘our informants’).
Such approaches to the archiving enterprise can be understood as ‘proactive
archiving’, which is when access to collections is initiated by the archive itself, as
opposed to ‘reactive archiving’*whereby the users of an archive initiate access
(Edmonson 2004: 20). According to Edmonson, ‘The only limit to proactive access is
imagination’ (ibid.)*and can take the form of broadcast, the production of
collection-based products such as CDs, the digitisation and delivery of material
online, exhibitions, lectures, presentations, and so on. Throughout the world today,
many sound archives are positively engaged in proactive as well as collaborative
archiving in a variety of creative ways, some of which are presented and analysed in
this special issue. Likewise, many ethnomusicologists are engaged in collaborative
research involving proactive methodologies, as this issue so vividly illustrates.
The object, then, of this special issue is to highlight that although audiovisual
archiving may well have been ‘long considered one of the most stodgy and nineteenth
century of our activities’, in today’s digital age, driven by post-colonial agency on the
part of the peoples recorded, it is impossible to ignore the role recordings can and
arguably should be playing within the discipline of (applied) ethnomusicology. When
one pays attention to the role that collaborative and proactive research can have in
bringing these archival by-products to the centre, ethnomusicology has the potential
to be applicable for the long term good of all peoples.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Anthony Seeger for taking the time to read and comment on
every article in this special issue, including this introduction. As an experienced and
esteemed ethnomusicologist and archivist whose own writings have inspired much of
the work presented in this volume, we were honoured and our collective efforts were
enriched by his input on this project.
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