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During their brief tenure in power,the Muslim Brotherhood and Moham-mad Morsi were increasingly accusedof fascism. Now, as Egypts crackdownon the Muslim Brotherhood continues,the accusations of fascism have begun

again. Much of this is because populardiscourse has a knee-jerk tendency tolink any form of authoritarianism withNazi Germany. It becomes easier to dothat in a national context in which wesee erce nationalism, growing xeno-phobia, assault against domestic mi-norities, and the gleeful celebrationof state violence.

Let us be clear: Egypt hasnt gone fas-cist. And saying that constrains howwe should think about its politics inthe coming years.

When we compare trends in Egyptianpolitics to something as complicatedas the rise of Continental Europeanfascism, we are as much probing theidea of Egypt going fascist as we arethe nature of fascism itself. The riseof fascism in Europe was the result ofspecic political factors that, althoughcurrently present in Egypt, have notbeen rallied in the service of mass pol-itics in a way that invites the word.

It is far more accurate to compareevents in Egypt with the aftermathof the French Revolution of 1848 thatestablished the Second Republic. Thatrevolution came as the result of awave of spontaneous revolts in 1848that were very similar to the Arabspring. Similar to Egypt now, the ini-tial overthrow of Louis-Philippe led tothe decline of the parliamentary ex-periment that succeeded him, whichwas co-opted by a series of increas-ingly conservative leaders in favour ofthe status-quo. Eventually, the strug-

gle ended with the rise of Napoleon III,who became both Frances rst presi-dent and its last monarch (he styledhimself as a Prince-President.)

Napoleon III had won the presidency inDecember 1848 and was hailed eveninitially as a candidate who, although

late them as an unwieldy attempt topreserve their own power. This wasparticularly true with anti-Semitism.Fascism happened in part becausethis circulation blew up in everyonesface. The myths took on a life of their

own and eventually drove a nihilisticrevolutionary push. This crucial stepisnt observable in modern Egypt.

And yet, I think it is actually not unwar-ranted to see an intimation of fascismin people cheering for the SupremeCouncil of the Armed Forces. The cur-rent worship of SCAF is directly relatedto a feeling of national weakness. TheEgyptian military becomes poeticallyseen as everything that Egypt shouldbe: strong, prosperous, and willing todefend national values (never mind itsactual capabilities, and the fact that ithas essentially degraded into an eco-nomic empire for its senior leaders.)We are certainly seeing the possiblefuture of something terrifying.

But it remains that: a possibility. Themain problem I have with calling Egyptfascist is its tinge of historically-blindpessimism. After all, revolution-aries quickly re-grouped in France,and seized an opportunity providedto them by the Franco-Prussian Warto establish a number of communes,most notably in Paris itself. And therewas another wave of revolutions thatbegan in 1917 with the Russian Revolu-tions. The eventual, temporary victo-ry of fascism in much of the continenttook place after erce combat withanti-fascists who had a very differentidea of the world that would succeedthe decaying European political order.

It is too soon to say how these pos-sibilities, whether of a future revo-lution against the Egyptian military,

or the eventual emergence of fascistauthoritarianism by a nihilistic revolu-tionary faction, will play out. Howev-er, one thing seems clear: the comingmonths, and years, will be crucial indetermining whether or not fascism isreally coming to Egypt. For now, letsall use caution in dropping the analyt-ical f-bomb.

not desirable, would be sufcientto end a variety of domestic issues.These included national unrest, eco-nomic instability, and prevent a rev-olutionary push by other forces, thenmainly proto-communist factions.

Sound familiar? He eventually came tobe Frances absolute ruler as the re-sult of a political stalemate over re-strictions on universal suffrage whichgave him the opportunity to presenthimself as the answer to an exhausteddesire for national order. The NationalAssembly of the Second Republic hadstagnated so greatly that it was re-viled by the populace that establishedit only a few years earlier. Napoleon IIIthen seized the opportunity to launcha coup dtat on 2 December 1851that was approved in a later referen-dum, and which heralded a new era ofstrongman rule with democratic pre-tenses.

Of course, we should be wary aboutcomparisons between Napoleon III

and Egypts commander of the armedforces, AbdelFattah El-Sisi. Sisis rulehas just begun, for one, and the com-plexities of both situations could haveled to any number of leaders breakingthrough. (Including the unlikely possi-bility of Morsi himself). The point tofocus on here is that of short-liveddemocratic experiments, which be-gin with popular dissent, and are thencurtailed with widespread approv-al of a paradoxically equal scale (orgreater as was the case with the tensof millions of Egyptians who marchedagainst Morsi.) Their quick collapsesare usually due to some political ma-neuvering, whether through NapoleonIIIs well-timed defense of universalsuffrage, or Sisis equally well-timedcoup after mass demonstrations, fol-lowed by an insistence that a war onterrorism is taking place. It is not fas-cism. It is smart counterrevolution.

Once we accept that what we are

seeing isnt so much fascism as it is apushback against democracy-mindedupheaval, then we can begin to havehonest discussions about fascism in anEgyptian context. Fascism hasnt tak-en hold of Egypts state institutions,

which are instead being held by cyn-ical elites who are circulating what-ever mythology will direct the pub-lic away from demanding structuralchange. Still, the seeds of fascism areeverywhere.

Much of this is less Egyptian than it isa direct consequence of market-driv-en societies. There is a great deal ofscholarship on how numerous featuresof consumerism, such as advertising,popular entertainment, and marketsurveillance, inadvertently helps fos-ter conditions where the public moreeasily acquiesces to fascist authoritar-ianism. These phenomena have Egyp-tian manifestations in the same way asdo the effects of economic scarcity inmaking politics more provincial. This

is mainly because intense conditionsof austerity tend to force a relianceon more ancestral ties of religion andethnicity, especially when violenceoccurs.

The conditions of the Treaty of Ver-sailles, and a general sense of pow-erlessness that followed World War I,drove the classical fascist movements.We mostly remember the racial as-pects of these mobilizations, but fas-cists were diverse in the mythologiesthey used to create a cult of power,from homophobia to labor politics.They key is that the cult of power op-posed itself on those designated asnationally weak and in need of be-ing violent expunged. These drives al-lowed fascists to ee their own mortalvulnerabilities in a period of prolonged

crisis and to embrace totalitarianism.

But elites didnt so much subscribe tothese philosophies as they did circu-

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belal ahmed "" is egyptianresearcher in" developingcountries affairs",in his post hetring to answerthe question :from the authorityof muslims-brotherhood to "Abdul-fattah Elsisi"and the armed-forces controlHas Egypt gone?fascist

Egypt and the f-word

http://arabist.net/blog/2013/10/15/the-f-word

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In less than 48 hours Car-toonist Mostafa Husseinsurprises us with another

one of his masterpiecesabout General Abdel Fa-tah El Sisi.

Oh yes this was publishedthis time in todays issueof weekly Akhbar Al Youm.The idea of that cartoon isfamous tirist writer AhmedRagabs. The cartoon sim-ply ys that General AbdelFatah El Sisi does not wantto run for the presidency,but allegedly the peopleare carrying him to thethrone of Egypt !!So it is obvious that Hus-sein and Ragab want thegeneral to run for thepresidential elections.Before I forget here is a

collection of Husseins re-cent masterpieces :

Exhibit AExhibit A : Egypt as atransvestite that motherswhose got triplet Army, police and people thatlooks like that creature !!Here you will nd howhe changed from 2011 to2013 always taking theside of the regime.

Exhibit BExhbit B In 2011 the car-toon described the speechof Mubarak on February1,2011 as the sun whereas the protesters of Tahrirsquare as bats.

In 2012 the cartoons werespeaking on how Morsi wasfacing lots of problems.In 2013 the Sisi Man to therescue.Of course he got a seriesof other cartoons he al-

ways presents wheneverthere are clashes betweenthe police and the pro-

testers.Exhibit CExhibit C : Here is oneabout the clashes at theministry of interior. Vulgarugly Egypt running after aprotest carrying her slip-per cursing him and yingthat he deserved to beshot down !!Also here is a cartoonmocking Egyptian famousfootballer Abu Trika yingthat his mind is corruptedbecause he is an Islamist.

Exhibit DBy the way,my lastpost about Husseins Si-si-man drew criticism

from El Sisis supporterswho believe that I shouldnot mock about the manwho brought back myfreedom aka El Sisi other-wise I would be a Muslimbrotherhood member whodoes not care about herfreedom. Needless to y allof them are old in their40s and 50s preaching meand other bad useless hip-pie Tahrir protesters whowere trained in Serbia tohave manners !!

Updated on 13/10And Hussein continueshis El Sisi for presiden-cys cartoon and I do notunderstand why he made

Egypt ys that she is wait-ing the Pallot box in-steadof Ballot Box !!

Egypt is waiting for thePallot box of presiden-tial elections

#EgyCartoonsAnd Mostafa HusseinStrikes again

Zenobia, an Egyptian blogger, wrote this blog at 12 Oct in her blog, Egyptian-chronicles. She was speaking about political cartoons that drawn by Cartoon-ist Mostafa Husseinf about General Abdel Fatah El Sisi.To read the whole blog post:http://egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2013/10/egycartoons-and-mosta-fa-hussein-strikes.html#more

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Wasla issue 2- وصلة العدد 2

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