Wargames Illustrated 051

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  • ESS EX M I N IATU R ES ESTABLISHED''T'

    e.&Be&kb&brFigures painted by Special Forces, 10 Lovewick Mews, New Cross, London SEl4

    NEW 15mm ENGLISH CIVIL WAR/30 YEARS WAR RANGE

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    FRENCH INFANTRYcouREuRs-da-Bot5/MtLtTta

    FlO Offcer edcnc ngrr Fll Advrncingwirh musker* Fl2 Using powder ho.n* Fl3 Ramminc musket

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  • nL0oryo^nr3orrJr,trThe FoundryMounl StreelNew BasfordNottinghamNG7 7BX

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    NEW 25mrn CHINESE 1839-1900Oesigned by Alan & Michael Perry

    TP60 Musktef ftnq n coo -. halTP6l Sword and she d dan runn no in coo e

    THE EVEF VICTORIOUS ARMY 1360.64The E v A was ororna v ser uo and@mmanded by an ameican FrderckTownssnd Wald ls ofice6 were Amrcan orEuropean From 1363 unr rrie EVA sdsbandmenl n 1364 Mapr Chares Godonwas in command The 6 ,egmenls ol fieEVA were each abour s00 men sr@ng

    TP64 EVA advancng (ea,y peiod)rP6s EVA r r i nq (ea ' t Ps i o l lTP66 EVA advan .nc shouded a 'ms

    rP67 EVA advancnq l a r pe od )Use ndian Murny Oilice6

    TPE2 Ch nese Excul'on Sl (3lgurs) tl 50NEW 25Dn

    THE ZULU WABS 1879oesigned by Alan & MichaelPeny

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    SSGaS Zu u Feld Gun 12 65

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  • nl.l)or7o*rofiounlrrtrWARGAIES FOT'XDRY FIGUFESAFE DESIGNED A ANUFACTURED

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    40mm YES 4ommAMEFICAN CIVIL WAFDeslgned bY Alan & Mlchael

    Ths pri@ puls lhe llurcs lilh^ rhe each ot ftedscening warcamer The qualily and delalis ol aslandad usu.lyloundonlyin54mml gues, maki^glhm suitable tor paintn! and mountnq by lhe@lleclof and dioma bui d6f.FGUAES SUITABLE FOR BOTH SIDES OF CON-

    Weanng she jackls & kepisACW37 Ammunilion @ri. openinq pouchACW33 F er pullng lanyard (use luse vre torACW39 Ventman steppinq backACW40 LoaderdouchngACW41 Spongeman slandingSSG61 Naposn l2pdr l ie rdgu^ Prce !490STA DARD BEAFERS / N.C.O,'3ACW19 Seanl advancing. Hand Eised.

    Sekcoat and kep .ACW20 SeBeanl advanc nO Hand disn. Fr@kACW21 Selgoanl advancidq. Hand 6 sed. Shel

    Jacker and Slouch hai.ACW22 Sbndard boaH tun onl stad no w th

    p sror. shel jacksi and ieor.ACW23 Stand.rd bearer (Union) slanding with

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    p is io l .Sher rJack ; lands touch ia r 'ACW25 Srandad beaq (Un on) chalgino in r6ckAC!.J26 Slandad bearer (Contaderale) chaqinq n

    she rjacker ed srouch hatAcw27 Srandad bearer (Conrede6r6) chaQ ng in

    shell jackel and M 1a39 lo6oe caD.

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    NEW25|nmfHE AFIIIIES & ENEiIIESOF ROME

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    NEW

    THE GREAT WAB191+1918

    Dsslgned by Davs AndrewsFiqures4Sp

    GEAI|AN ARIILLERY IN SIIEL HELMETSGW61 Ofiicer with bin@utmGW62 GunnerenhlailsokeGW63 Gunnerooeatna b@hGW64 Gunnf oeralina breach

    SSG59Ghan7hfiFldcun !3.5OSSG60 F@nch 75mm Fietd Gun 43.50

    25mmTIIE GBEAT WAB

    191+1918Deslgned by Dave AndrewsFisurs 48p

    GW53 Slomt@perin hehel, BemannGWg Slomlr@psrin h m.t. tullk l,Gw55 Slohlrciper in helmel. oistot, sDade.GW56 Siomlrcoter in helme! advancinq nGw57 SLmh.n.' nh.lm.r nmn. rrndGw53 Sromi@obeJ n hehet, ;pad6, sh6dBRtTtstlGW59 B ish Intarry n helhel, lul kil,GW60 Stlish Inlantry. pone,ftinq, SD ca9

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    NEW 25mhTHE WAF OF 18T2(North America 1812-1815

    Deslgned by Aly ilorisonFiouros 45p

    BRIIISH/CANADIAII ARTILLERYNA56 Gunne.slandinomoN handedNA57 Gunner w'rh soonoe

    SSGI6 &iish 69nd Field GunSSG18 B.lsh 12pnd Fietd 6unSSG3I B f l shopndFe ldGun

    BBITISH]CAI{ADIAN INFANTRYNA60 Miitia. round hal. ma6h noNA6l Flank Co nlanrruman ch:i.'nd

    ga(rtlu k,lNA62 nlant4man. mar.hina oEalmarNA6.l Se,oei4oreal@al -NA6a Druhmer -great @alNA65 Slaidad Barcr, gGal coal. Standad

    NA67 Slandard Bars 6cked hat

    NA69 Hunlnosh d addn.'noNA70 Fullk :firna

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  • Wargames lllust@ted is puubhed on the last Thutscley oteach nonth by: Sttel.egem Publicalions Ltd., 18 Lovrc Lane,Newark, Notls. NG24 1HZ Tel: 0636 71973 EDITOR: DuncanMacfarlane. TYPESETTING & REPRODUCTION BY: PressplanSeruics Ltd., (081-509 9969) PRINTEO in England.OISTFIBUTORS: lvlagnum Distribulion Lid., Cloister Court,22-26 Faningdon Lane, London, EClR 3AL,Tel:01-253 3135USA: The Empsror's Hsadquarters, 5Zg West lruing ParkRoad, Chicago, lllinois 60634. Tel: 312 777 8668. CANADAIRAFM Company Inc., 20 Parkhill Road East, Cambridge,Onlado, Canada, N1R 1P6 AUSTRALIA: Ray Complon,EssexMiniatures Ltd.,9 Lowanna Place, Homsby, NSW 2077.lel:02214 7427 FRANCE: Jeux de Guerre Ditfusion. 6 rue deMeissonier, Paris 75017.

    Paget0 T.J.Bean

    l5 Mark Alln

    20 GuyHalsall

    26 Anthony Clipson

    29 Bruc A. Luter

    32 Paul Styenson

    {l Z.A.l,ozinskil|4 lanweekley

    50 Classifid Adssl MarkAllen

    ContentsLundy's Lane, 1814A ne rica's i nva sio n of C an a d a fah ers,,.War oflhe crand Alliance, Part vIUnitoms ol the Amr olLouis ) V(continued).The Merovingian Franks, pa.t2Morc light on the Da* Age peopte.'Ordain lhm iacketsofmr lirerv'.Pafl I L Medivat niltinet! - and unh

    Quick Pla] Wwl lnlantr] RutesLittle Round TopScenaio & Rttles Ior this Gettfsbury'.Th Cards ofronun"Hotr to create a bztth with an outcome.A clock-towr & gatway fo. the SyW.,thmugh the po$deFsnoke &sarrdus( oI Leuthen...

    TheRsngRe eeLNkt this nonth at the new Front Ran*

    SUB3CnlPtlO[3 fof 12 issLesof Warqames llluslratedare t22 in lhe U.K.Europe & resl of Wodd surlace: t26. Rest ol World airmail: f36.'ACK IUIBEnS All issues except nos. 1 . 2. 3 & 29 areslllavarhble al tl 80 each oosr paid.rp rb.o ,li:!2 per issue no.Back numbers of our occasional soecial extra oLrblicalionWargarnes World are also sl' ll avarbble Nos 2.3. a:|2.r0poslpaid. No.5 t1.80poslpaid.BIXDER3 lor Wargames lllustrated (capacity 12 issues).BinderslorWargames Wodd also available. Same capaciiy, sameP&P: UKr t1.00 Rest ot World: 12-50.Fro|!|rSTnATAGE[ FUEIICATIO S ItD.,|t lcvaE lanc,Iau k. oltr.IC2a IHZ.E qhnd.

    Frcnt cover: Franco-Prussian War action flon the 'grundsknnish' style of watgane farourcd by Mihael & AIan Pe y,designerc & paintets of these 25 mm Waryames Foundry figurcs.

    Back cover: Two shots o Brunswicke8' from theco ection of Lee^ wargamer Gabtiel Wkaj. The ofricets aftHinchliJfe Modeb; the baualion arc basically Esci & Matchboxplastic fgures hearily co rc ed.ffi't'^hTs'

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    by TA|]ONCOASTAL FORCESSTARTER PACK C!'.OOconrains models, rules,

    NEW MODELSCF304 "S38" German "E" boal f1.95

    This class represented the peakof Geman development {19213}

    Inlsnlry Arnou., Rubs ic.e12.50

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    e10CF904 Oiltanker4500tons

    BRMSH FORCEScF1 MrB532 81,50cF2 MTB3.17 e1,50CF3 HMSGrcvGoos. f2.95

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    f7.95CR2 V& WAAscort Deskoyer

    f7.95CF43 V&Wlongr.nqeescon r,.95

    GERMAN FORCESCF301Sgeany'E'boar tt.15CF302s25 'E 'bo . r1s41 f r .?s

    This model is based on a la.aeclass buih 191?-30 which weie soldtoa l lna t ions forcoas ia l o i l t .anspor t .

    il$r [rr[8]( NEW %oothTHIS MONTHA45eca67 iep . . . . . . . . . sp

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    NS29LEgyplienne(44gunfrigare) f2.50A FEWMORE MODELS FROMTHIS SUPERB EANGE

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  • l0

    LUNDY'S IANE 1814Arnertca's Invaslon ofCanada falters tn stght ofNtagara Falls

    by T.J. Bean

    On April4 l8l4 Napoleon Bonaparte, the scourge of Europeforseventeen years, abdicated. Europe was at peace. Whilst allthe states who had stood against the Corsican ogre breathedwith reliefat ajob finally done, none did so rnore emphaticallythan Great Britain. Ovr the previous twenty three years ofconflict; initially with Revolutionary France and later againsrNapoleonic despotism, no foe had been more steadfast orimplacable than Britain. The seas werc commanded by hernavies. She deployed armies th scale of which Britannia hadnot set forth since the age of Marlborough. It was Britishsubsidies that enabled Prussia, Russia, Austria and Spain, inaddition to numerous minorstates, toequip armies to defeat theFrench in battle. Ofthe twenty three yearsofwar. Great Britainhad both physically as well as financially dugged ii our fortwenty one of them; no other state in Europe had been so

    Yet evn as Pnme Ministr Castlereagh strode into Parlia-mentto tumultuous applausefrom apacked House, at the backofmany minds in Britain nagged one fact ... thecounrrywasstillat war. Since mid 1812, as the legions of France trudged to theirdestrution across the Russian steppes and rhe mountains ofIberia, His Majesty's govemment had becone embroiled in atull scale war with an enemy whose humiliation of KingGeorge's realm just thirty years before still opened bitterwounds within the hearts of many of the King's subjecrs. lnAugust 1812 the United States of America had declared war onher former colonial master.*

    Ho'r i l i t ie. had erupted ac'o,s rhe Al l rnl ic once again. as i ,result ofBritaint attempt to squeeze France into submission byevery possible means. As Wellington in Spain and Kutuzov tothe east in Russia, drained Frane\ manpower; rhe Royal Navymaintained a st ngent blockade to sap her economic strength.Oslensibly the British blockade, in onjunclion with the rightofsearch" ofUnited States vessels on the high seas (in search ofcontraband goods-as defined by His Majesty's government ofcourse) trading with France, provoked America to defend hertrade from the deprivation of revenue resulting from suchaction. Beneath the cries of inlustice and liberty of tradehowever, lay deeper more sinister motives. Americat leadersviewed the war primarily as an artempt to wresr Canada fromthe British yoke.

    On theoutbreak ofwar, with heavy commitrnents in Europe,British forces in the Nonh American colonies were severelvunderslrength l rhough localcommanders were ro prore highlyefficient at bolstering their forces by use of native Indianlroops). Fortuitously, a lack of trained troops and poorco-ordination on the pan of the four invading Americancolumns. reaulted in the defenders being able to vigorouslythwart their advance. Governor Hill's attack on Fort Malden.repulsed before it had made any sedous progress. came toturther ruin when Brigadier GeneralBrock's threadbare forcesmade an intimidating thrust towards Detroit, which panickedthe American into surrending his superior forces to Brock onAugust 16. Not satisfied, nor able to rest on his laurels, Brockinstantly counter-marched over 200 miles back ro Niagara tosmash back Von Rensselaer's crossing at Queenston onOctober 13. The conquest of Canada would nor be thewalk-over most Americans had expected. The support of thenative French and Indian populations which had been taken forgranted by the US had not occured, thus bolstering British

    resistance and removing an essential pillar of US slrategy.Despite more thorough preparations, only minorgains were

    made in 1813. One again the laurels went to Canada\outnumbercd defenders. On November 11 Maior GeneralWilkinson with 8,000 men ofihe United States'Army had, bythe banks ofthe St Lawrence river at Crydert farm, confrontedthe 89th and 49th Regiments of Foor commanded by ColonelMorrison (a total of just 800 troops)- In a superb and salutaryaction Morison routed the American force.

    As the fighting raged in North America. that in far awayEurope drew steadily towards a close. Defeated on all fronts,contronled wi lh orer$helming odLls. Bonapane sa, preparingfor a last ditch and all but futile defence of France in 1814. Oncethe war in Europe ended. Britain would be able to switch herattenlion to the conflict in her colonies. Then it would beAmerica s turn lo defend herselffrom invasion. But. thre wastime for just one last try al snatching Canada from Britain: itwould be the bloodiest yet!

    Throughout early 1814. as Brigadier General Winfield Scottdrilled those troops under the command ofJacob Brown for upto ten hours a day. Secretary ofState forWarJohn Armstrongargued, cajoled. pleaded with President Madison to sanction anew invasion of Canada. Only on June 7th was Madison sapproval secured. By then the warin Europe hadbeen over fortwo months. and now 16.000 of rhe Duke of Wellington\redoubtable Peninsular veterans were bound for Canada. torelieve its beleaguered defenders. It was clear to all that theconquest ofCanadawasnow a dream. but ifalarge area of thatcountrycould b swiftlyseized, the United States might be ableto negotiate a favourable pace settlement.

    Initial plans to pul8.000men in the fild underJacob Brownand Scott proved impossible; once again poor organisationseemed set to cripple US chances ofsuccess. On July 3rd Browncrossed the mile wide Niagara in thik fog with a nere ,{,500troops. ofwhich just 2.500 could be considered regulars. Withthis force he had been ordered "to carry Fon E.ie and beat upthe enerny'squarten at Chippewa . At Burlington. at the neckof the Niagara peninsula, he was to await the Lake Onlariofleet. Onc united with Chauncey svessels Brown's arnywouldpossess the siege guns it required to balter down Fort George\defnces, so neutralising the principal British position aroundNiagara. After affecting this, an advance upon Toronto andKingston was to be carried out. thus bringing most of UpperCanada under US control.

    At $e sian Brcwn's advance net with minimal opposition.Fort Erie quickly succumbed at acost of just four lives. On July5th the Americans clashed with units under Major GeneralRiall. and inflicted on the over-confident

  • l l

    Brilish. Riall. a hot headed lr'shman, had awaited only thbarest reinforcements before storming out of his entrenchmentson the aftemoon ofthe 5th, at the head ofsome 1,500 regularssupported by 600 militia, againsi a force he believed wasconposed of US militiamen. For the loss ofover 500 men, Riallfound hinself lotally wrong. Clothing shortages had forcedwinfield Scotl to dress his men in the grey uniforms usuallyassociated with militia in the American army. As the RoyalScois, in line with the 100th Foot. swepr forward, rheiropponents deployedwith a speed and precision lhat brought toRiall the sudden and rude revelation "These are resulars bvCodl . an opinion soon sub.ranl ialed when rhe ehencansswept the British lineswith a maelstrom ofaccurate musket fire.The British recoiled from Chippewa. defeated and dernoral-

    Catastrophe was avoided thanks to Brown's hes;tation inorder'ng a pursuit. As the next couple of weeks passed, theintended rapier thrust of the United States army fencedaimlesslyaround nearby Brilish forts, impotenr to bringthem to

    "We have between us the command of sufficient means toconquer Upper Canada within two months if there is pronptand zealous co-operation" pleaded Brown to CommodoreChauncey, who rfused to move in support of Brown'soperationsuntil he lelt his ships to be ready.

    After several weeks of inactivity. frustration getting thebetter of him. Brown fell back to St Davids. Bv this retreat hehoped to mislead th British forces (now close by at Ten MileCreek) asto his intentions. Once at St Davids. the baggage wasto proceed to Fort Schlosser, whilst he led the bulk of his forcesacross country to seize Burlington. so turning fuall s positionand cutting his communications. Unfortunately the Americanwas about to discover that a similar idea had occured to his

    At midday on July 25th as Brown\ columns toiled throughthe hot dusty countryside, an alarming message reached theCeneral, informing him of a sizeable British presence at thetown of Lewiston on the U S. side of the Niagara river. Srunnedbylhis news, it rapidly dawned on all present that theirs. not theBritish communications were in peril ofbeing scvered. Sttrllinghis own movements. Brown hastily aboul lurned for theNiagara. Winfield Scott s Brigade hurried ahead of the maincolumn to reconnoitre the areaaround Queenston and Lundv'sLane, to ascerrain ifthe British hadorwere attemptingrocut offthe army from the rivrand contact with the USA.

    Brown and his staff's fears were correct with regards ioBritish intentions. As the Americans had dirhered. the Britishhad regrouped and plotted. Riall had beenjoined by LieurenantGeneral George Drumnond, the President of Upper Canada.Together the fiery lrishman and the zealous, intelligentCanadian (Drummond had been appointed to the rank ofGeneral at thirly vears of age) resolved to use rheir infenorlbrces in a strike at the Americant communicatrons across theNiagara via the Brilish bridgehead on the US sid at Fort NewYork.

    But. just as news of Drumnond s moves had dislocatedGeneralBrown's plans. so did th American reaction to eventscompel Drummond to abandon his original intentions. Learn-ing of Riall s occupation of Lundy s Lane and the looningthreat that the sudden rerreat ofthe Americans presenled 1o hisweaker fr'end. Drummond was forced to march to Riall'sassistance. Quite unintentionally B ritish and American soldierswere abour to stumble into a battle which neither side'scommanders had foreseen. It was to be one of the mosl savageand bloodiest days of the war-

    As Scolt s column proved towards Queenston in the earlyevening, they were confronted with perhaps more than theweary men had bargained for. Ahead. drawn up in a slight

    +

    POSITIONS OF FORCESA: Glengafty Light Infantrl, Lin olnmilitia, lndianirrcgulatsB: Rotal Scots, Sgth Foo!,41st Foot (LiTht conpany)C:gth Foot (one conpany), lncoryonted militiaD: lgth Liqht DrugoonsE: Entrf point of Hercules Scott s lst BrigadeF:gth, 11th.22nd U.S. Infantry (lst U.S. Brigalle)C: 25th U.S. lt{antry (lst U.S. Briqade)H: Entry point oJ Btohi1,2nd U.S. Brigade nnd Pofter's MilitidBtiqade.

    crescent atop a gende rise no more than fifry feer high at itscrown, upon which squatted a srnall Church and graveyard,shaded blr an orchard.rvere Generals Rialland Drummond wilhabout eightecn hundred troops.

    Undaunted in the face of such an unexpectedly strong fore,or by the laleness of the day and his nen\ fatigue. Scottresolved to artack. He wouldpin hisfoe long enough for Brownto come up with the rest of the army. then they would annihilatethe British and the woes ofthe past weekswould be obliteratedin one glorious moment.

    Drawing up the 11ih.gth and 22nd US lnfantry in the clearingsone six hundred !'ards frorn Lundy's Lane, Scott thenlaunched them in a pell mell fronral assault across the openslopes againsr the red-coat line. Coning under witheringartillery fire (from guns which Drummond had sitd in rhegraveyard) the llth and 22nd soon began to falter, and finallytell back. Although the gth Foot had continued ro press onclo.er. they g'adu3l ly began to f ind rhemrelves imporenl loreturn fire, with their casuajties mounting frorn the pot shots ofthe Glengarry Light infanrryand Indian suppons. A lifllewhileafter, they fell back to nurse their wounds with their sisterbaitalions.

    Despite this initial check, Scott's momentum was far fromspent. Though his forward dash had been rash, a more delicatemanoeuvre produced greater success. An hour after the firingbegan. Major Thonas S. Jessup\ 25th Infantry hurtled outtiom the woods beside rhe British left. Rapidly the stunnedCanadian mililia evaporated before Jessup's coup, Iosing somehundred men in the process. Success wasswiftly followed up aslhe 8th\ company. disordered an bemused at evenis. joined theCanadian flight. In the panic of this unforeseen debacle, theseventy or so troopers constituling the 19th Light Dragoons.took it upon ihemselves to retire two miles up the road iowards

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  • Queenston. from where they took no further part in the battle.Jessup's men rowned their success by actualty capturingGeneral Riall. Being in the rhick of the fight as usuat. the hoitempered lrishman sustained aseverewound roone armandasa result ofthis had to be carrid from the field. Unluckily, in thegathering gloom, the General\ strercher bearers, cryrnsou! roall lroops in Iheir pdrh ro make $ay for rhe General. proieededto promprly carry hinstraightinto the ranks ofJessup'smenlBut as swifdy as Jessup had wrought havoc amongstthe Brirish,so too was he and his batralion engulfed by a counreFartack.Led by the 89th Foot (who had beaten four times their ownnumberat Crysler's farrn) the now rallied Canadians drove theAmericans back upon the woods. At the same time- Scott'smauled battalionswere Iosing a renewed musketryduelwith thBritish centre. Seeing his opponenfs plight. Drunnondconsidered the possibility of finishing off Scott s men with aounter-attack by his unengaged right flank. Such thoughtswere swiftly dispelled from his mind as he saw rhrough therwilight rhe flags and bayoneN ofBrown's 2,500 strongcolumndebouching into the clearing. Stillness now descended over thefield as both sides regrouped. Only the roar of Niagara's greatfalls disturbed the peace.

    Some time later, with the darkness growing. and both sidesinactive. one ofCaptain Nortont gunners speculated rhat therewould probably be no fighting till the morrow. Only secondslater the US aftillery barked our towards the small churchyardrnd Brigadier Fleaze' Riple) led hi . Br igade for$ard. derermined to hammerthrough the Brirish position in spite ofrhe daydrawjngto an end.It is worth pointingout that the British wereon several occasions during the war surprised (andindignant atthe American arny\ total lack of regard for the unofficialetiquette ofwar observed by European armies!

    In spite of the difficultis of aiming in $e poor light. thebattery in the graveya.donce aSain scyrhed down th advancingbluecoat ranks. And again the Americans soon began to falrrin the face of the hurricane of fire that was whipping into them.On the left. the llt lnfantry disintegrated almost immediatelv$rth a los\or lu\r lh ir l ) rhree men. I orhe r ighl . conrr i rul ing lhecenire of Ripley s attack, the 23rd ground to a hatr whefl MajorDanie I Macfarland fell mortally wounded as he tried io urge hisreluctant men on. With the American assauh falterins. therrr i \al of rhe 1200 men ot Herculer Sco s Bngade io aidDrummond. secmed to set the sealon the action as vet anotherBntr\h tucce5s

    But Drummond and the confident Brithh were about toreceive a shock. Colonel James Miller with his 300 men of th21st US Infanrry had stealrhily noved forward through theorchard near to the small Presbyterian church- Earlier. Brownhad tumed to Miller and inquired if he thought he could destroythe British guns which were playing havoc with any advanceagainst rhe Brirish line. Laconically Miller had reptied simply,''I ll try. Sir". Now, crouched amongsr the treesofrhe orchard.Miller and his men ould see through the darkness the matchesofNorton\ gunners in the graveyard. Milleryelled out and th2lstpoured a point blank volley inro the crews around iheguns.fol lowingitnpwithafur iouscharge. Stunned,cuttor ibbonsbythe fire, the gunners were overwbelmed: there was nor eventime to spike any ofthe guns. Even so. in the short time it tookthe 21st to oveNhelm their enerny. the men of the RoyalArl i l len pur up an almo,r f renT'ed resislance. rw'nginghammers and ramrods and slashing oul with handspikes. Latera British officer whowirnessed rhe scene recalled rhat the fishtsa, _the most de,pemle lhrng we ever saw or heard .

    As the guns fell silent the rest of Brown s rroops came onagain- ln moments the Yankee\ had oested rbe hill and theBritish were thrown back in disorder as Scort and RiDlev'sba ene\ rool up posir ion on and opened f i re from the high

    In the darkness, Drummond struggled to organrse a counter-attack up the steeper northem slope. By now it was totally dark.Unable to see, both sides stumbled into both friend and foe.Th British 103rd Foot. stiffenedwith militia and supported by6pdrguns, marched blindly into devastating point blank volleysfrom the American centre. A US howitzer team gallopeduncontrollablyinlo the midst of the Bntish line. after allirs crewhad been mowed down by fire from both sides. Ripley's Brigadedelivered a crushing series of volleys at 60 yards, only to findthat it had smashed up the flank and rear of Jessuph 25rhinfantry, launched but a few moments previous by Sott to rollup the British line, which had fallen into total confusion (thoughthe US line was hardly in a healthier disposition). Even so.Drummond's troops recoiled again.

    For a while there was a let up in the fighting, but it wasonly abriefpause. Again th red-coat line was flungforward, and theguns flared into life once more. The night sky was slashed byhundreds offlashes, as volley upon volleywas discharged, oftenat opponents no more than twenty yards distanl. Only bychance. or the brilliant powder flashes were men able todistinguish friend from foe. Many did not bother. simplydischargingtheir muskets in any direction where the flash offirecouldbe seen. The night airsoon became choked with the blackacrid smoke fron the powder, clouding even the little visiongiven by the gun flashes.

    Drummond, finding that his regular troops had expendedtheir ammunition, \ras forced to order the Canadian miliiia toyield up its cartridges. In the darkness both s'des heard eachothers commands shouted above the din of battle. Soldiers ofboth armies tried toconfuse eachotherbyshouting false orden.In the midst of the fury and confusion. Major Jacob Hindnanwas forced ro spike two ofhis guns as the British onslaughr drewclose- Yel again the fierce British assaulawaned before Brown'smen\ dogged defence. Yet again. Drummond was forced to fallback. In reply Scott swiftly led forwards the remnants of hisbrigade in pursuit. He was rapidly checked. As the Americansmoved down the steep slop toward the retreating British,Drummond struck back. Concealed in acornfield. the 89th Footawailed Scott s men. Withsuperb calm andcontrol, Drummondreserved his fire. Then. atjust 20yards, he ordered the battalionforward. Suddenly the Americans found themselves raked byadevastating fire. Before they could recover from this unex,pecied shock. ihe British bore in on themwith the bayoneti theAmericans ran. Yet. indefatigably. with but 200 men leIt. Scoflcounter attacked. plunging in at the head ofthe advance. Againthe 89th wrought havoc through the US ranks. Scott wasplucked from his horse by a musket bau, which shattered hisshoulder. His nen fellback. carrying theiryoung General withthm.

    Only moments before. in the confusion ofthe night. Bro$,nhad been wounded by a Congreve rocket. Ahhough the woundwas not severe. after a while the US commander was forcd tortire from lhe field when he fainred from loss ofblood. As heleft. Brown ordered a retreat. in spite of rhe facl that the thirdBritish counter attack had finally petred out just beforemidnight.

    Unaware of what state the Americans were in anddisregard,ing the fact that his fores were in no fit state to coniinue muchlonger. Drummond resolutely led forward yet another attemptto regain his old position. By sheer chance the British caught theAmerican linejustas it had begun towithdraw. Spearheadingaragged and confused advance through the dark, the 4th Fooroverran several6pdrguns before theycould limber. lnthe faceof an advancing enemy and having to combat the darkness aswell. il was by no easy means that Ripley managed 1o extricateth remaining 1,{00 US troops still fit to stand in the line. Somuddled did the retreat become at several stages, that inaddition to losing a nunberoftheirown canflon, the Americans

  • ' ' l3 l l uLt ion o tht : Lktot s r luguDlc\ k l t . d \ h. ho nt6 nteligtt.\ 1tu,, tlt ollt.uoI of tlto rl$ilr.t . .\lr \tot t ison Qhir

    1:l

    t 'c t t t r r i , \ i u Lund\ 's Lnncuf41 .25nn$iDgdt , .s Founl^n n&h I' ilt b\ Hrl(s .\lot,:]s

    l ( \ t th . c lp lurcd Bnl ish gu.r b. rck io rhc i r . \ncrs (Acr i r noo n e h a d b e e n a b l e t o s p i k e r h e m i n r i m . l J u s r a i c r r i d n i g h r l h ef i r ing I ina l l \ d icd r \ a \ .

    Bf tNn d idordcr Ri t l . \ to r . takc rh. h i l l rhc lo l lo \ ingda\ .but crcn i f thc Br i t i \h \ . rc in no f i t s ta lc to hold on againstanoth.r Nssru l l . \ i th onl \ 1300 c\hrusred nrcn Rip lc \ rcr l i \cdtbrr hc hddn t thc m.n k) lccomt lsh nrch r t rsk. So. r t noon. hcbegrn d pr .c ip i lx tc r . t rcat . Rl l lons \ . rc cnhcr bu.n l or crsti n t o L h c N i a r a r r . B \ n i g h r l x l l r h e i n \ r d e r s o t C r n a d a \ e r e b a c krc i (xs rhe r i ler on US soi l . E) iht tu\ rcd. lhc I i i r i !h $ere un.rb leto pursuc In th is s ingle n igha\ l ight ing thc ts f i t ish hnd los lrround 900 mcr from r lorce of-r-rl(l The herviest crsu,rltieslc l l u ton thc re.sul . t r r f t rops (611) : Ihc S9Ih FooI had los l o\er\ i \ t \ p . r cenl o l . t l l r . rnks. Arrcr ic ln krsscs \ . fc h lghcr atxmnd l l00 f .onr r l (n . r lo l+a00 I hus in r s i \ hour n iqht brr t lcorer one qurrref o l r l l coDrhr tanl \ had bc.n tu l hors dccombat- inc ludi .g nrost o l thc sc. ioro l l ic . rs on both s idcs.

    Lund\ 's La. . nr . fkcd the end of lhc Uni lcd Slatcta g g r c $ i o n i n t h c $ r r B \ \ u g u s l A . r e r i c a \ r s o n t h c d e f c n s t r .rs rhc Br i t i \h forccs b()ughI f rom Purope.r r r i \ed on the No h

    Amcr icrn cont incnr . But th . Br i t i \h pro\ed as urable to Lrr ingthe, \m.r icrns to hcel b) mi l i t l r t force. . tsrhe US hrd Io subducCanada. Succcsses $crc scorcd. most f rnous ot a l l be lng thcburr ing of rhc Wh;tc Houlc on August : l th . In thc cnd. s ear !of \ r r . both s ides camc ro rcnns and on Dcccmbcr 181.1. thc war

    \ \ 'ARGANII\G LUNDY'S LANE

    CHELIFER BOOKSMike Smith

    Todd Close, Curthwaite, wigton, CumbriaTel : 0228 71138BM I L I T A R Y B O O K S

    Bought and Sold scnd \ae ior catalogue

    I - rom sc\ . ra l rspccts th is bLr t r le is rchn\c l ! cas\ lo *argnnreForthos. of \ou $ i th everr r nrod.s l nunrbcrof l igures a scal . o tl : :0 is su i l rb lc . Also thcrc arc no compl icanons \1th r .gards toohta in ing \u i t rh lc t igurcs to rcpresent both rmics. Br i t ishr( r )p\ of thc Nrpofuonic . ra r rc Nldelv vr i iNbl . . rnd thcuni f ( rm ol thc l l . S. t roops s as ro r l l rer l in tent \ thc lamc a\ tbeBritish. For thosc pl.rten nor keen to pu.chasc sprcificrll!Amcr icrn t roops. one could ( . rs I do) usc Portugucsc or . to bec\ cn more s i rcr i leg ioLrs. Ffcrch Nrpolconic t roops as bolh \orcblLre uni lonn\ . ( l hough th. LJ.S l roops had gre) t rousers )

    I lc f igh l in ! lh . rc tur l bar t lc docs r .qui re rhe incorporr t ion o is . \cr r l facnE Fihtarcthel iminssof lherr r i \ r [o f thct roops

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    not initially deployed. No precise timings exist. bul I haveindicated in the following army lists the approxmare iimes atwhih units arrived. Secondly. and most impo anr. is thedifficulty ofsimulating the fightingonce nighl has arrived. Thisshould be laken as occuring around 8.30, with full darknesssetding at about 9.30. One method I have used isto remove allunits notwithin 30/40 yards of each other ftomrhe table. Playersthen indicate to an umpire what their troops are doing and hedecides when units see eah other and the effects of their fire:whih is of course heavily penalhed. and in one final twistplayers are only in{ormed of the state of their units severalmoves laler. (At the tine of firing the umpire merely describestheeffectof thef i reinvaguetermssuchas"astormoftu .)Ofcourse such a method denies one of the visual aspects ofwargaming, but perhaps it can be said that an additionalchallenge in refighting Lundy s Lane is the concocring ofaset ofrules to cover the nisht.

    BRITISIVCANADIAN FORCES

    lsl Brigade: Colonel HrculesScott (Arr'ves at c.8.45)8th Foot (.100)l03rd Foot (400)104th Foot (New Brunsw'ck) (400)Royal ArtillerJ (Deployed al starl)2 x 24pdr Field guns2 x 6pdr Field gunsI x 5.5" HowitzerRoyal Marine Congreve Rockel detachment. (Probably about

    UNITED STATES ARMY (present at Lundy's Lane)

    Comnander in Chief Lieutenant-General George Drummond;President ofUpper Canada (present at rhe start)Division of The Righ! Mdor-General Phineas Riall(Deployed at the start)RoyalScots (320)89th Foot (400)4lstFoot; light conpany only (70)8th Foot (King's Regirnent): onecompany (120)Glengaffy Light Infantry (350)rgrh Light Dragoons (70)Incorporated Militia (300)Lincoln Militia (300)Indian Inegulars (100)

    Commander in Chief Major'General Jacob Brown (arives at8.30)lstU,S. Brigade: Brigadier-General Wintield S. Scott(Deployed at star09th U.S. Infantry (400)llth U.S. Infantry (400)22nd u.s. Infantry (400)25th U.S. lnfantry (400)6 x 6pdr Field suns2nd U.S. Brigade: Brigadier-General Eleszar Ripley(Arrives at 8.30)lst U.S. Infantry (400)23rd U.S. Infantry (400)21st U.S. lnfantry (400)3 x 6pdr Field guns3 x 5.5" HowitzersBrigade of Militia: Colonel Porter (Afrives at 8.30)Three battaliors of U.S. militia totalling 1,650 men.

  • l5

    WAR OF THE GRAI\TD ALIIANCEPart Sbr: Unlforms of the Arrny of Louts XIV (Cont.)

    by Mark Allen

    Firstly an explanation of how this anicle is listed as number sixand the previous one as number four, this is due in no small partto an erlor by me which I only discovered when beginning towrite thispart. Secondlyon examining the previous pa( ofthisseries I came to the conclusion thatl hadfailedlo nakecertainthinss as clear as thev should be.

    INTRODUCTION & EXPLANATION To the best of my knowledge both regiments La Reine(Queen's) and Orleans, in general appear to follow the trendscovered aheady. The Orleans coat of arms pictured here wasalso illustrated on the drums ofthe regiment. I have no furtherinformation on the La Chartre resiment.

    TOCONTINUEHaving cleared up (I hope) any diffiult points arising from theprevious part let me proceed io the nexr group of infantryregrments.

    I have sought to simplify the illustrations by not depicting theColonel's colour for every reginent. Only those regimentswhose Colonelh colour is not a white cross on a white field havetherefore been shown.

    The central illustmtions on Plate One represent a reconstruc-tion of two infantry drummers. The drummer of the Bourbonregiment wears the livery o{the Dukes ofBourbon, in thiscase'Monsieur', brotber of the King. The livery is traditionallydescribed as 'Ventre-de-biche' with 'Cramoisi' lace. Interpreta-tions of this vary from brown and deep maroon to orange andred. The same Iivery waswom by the regiment Conde, (a juniorline ofthe house ofBourbon) but for some reason contempor-ary Frency experts seem to depict Bourbon musicians in thorange/red option whilst Conde musicians dre shown in a lightbrown/deep crimson. Onthisoccasion I haveshown the liveriesthe same, but readen should be aware of possibilities fordifferencing them intheir model armies. The other drummerisfrom the Languedoc regiment and wears the 'livree du Roi'. Theposition of the lace has been taken from a Lucien Rousselolplate depicting troops ofthe early eighteenth century, but giventhe tradition of drummers' lace duringthe seventeenth centuryseensa likely style for the 1690's.

    The three figures on Plate Two are derived from a EugeneLeliepvre plate in l-a Sdbleracie. Thy depicted three soldiersof the'Garde Francaise'and were drawn usins Giffarfs 1696i l lustrdtron' as rhe pnmary source. I have remoied the Carde'insignia,trust ingthatthe'cut 'of theclolhingandrheequipmentwould be common to a' l ine' infantryrnan. I have lef t thebunches of shoulder lace, but whikt Rene Chartrand says thatLanguedoc wore dark yellow and red lace I have no knowledgeas to whetherVermandois wore lace or what colourit misht be.

    TIIE REGMENTSLA SARREMestres-de-Camp: 1685 Francois-Albef , Marq'ris de Braque.

    1691 Jean-Charles, Comte de vaudray.Drummers:Liwee du Roi.LA FEREMestres-de-Camp: 1680 Rene Armand de Mottier, Marquis de

    laFayette.1694 Francois de la Motte, Chevalier de

    Gennes.Drummersr Livree du Roi.ROYAL ROUSSILLONMstres-de-Canp: 1672 Joseph, Comte de Xmenes.Drummers: Livree du Roi.One of the few 'French regiments still wearing a colour otherthan grey. They adopred grey with blue facings in the next

    LIVERIESIn the olour illustrations insufficient detail was given as to howth lace was placd on the coats and even what was representedby the pictures I had drawn. For those of you who found thingsdifficult to follow here are some notes which. I hope, willexplain:Fig. 2 Shows a blue coatwith red facings and a strip ofred andwhite tace, greatly enlarged running vertically up from thedrawing of the oat. This represents the King's Livery, or'Livree du Roi', worn bydrummers in most Frenchregiments ofinfantry at this time. The basic blue and red coat was liberallyadorned with rhe lace, often in the style shown inthe illustrationofa Languedoc drummeron plate one.Lyonnais: The green and aurore (a sort ofslighdy pinky Frenchorange) coat ofthe Villeroi liveried regiment was decorated insimilar style to the above with parallel lines ofgold and aurorelace. Lyonnais drummershad, in addition, awhitecross, edgedaurcre with fleur-de-lys ofthe same, on the brasts and backs oftheircoats. These white crosses, the ancient symbol of Franc,t!re probably used by many more regiments, including thosewearing the livree du roi, but I have no specific details. It isworth noting at this point that in all the illustrations that I haveseen the drummers wearing the livree du roi wear the sanecolour breeches and stockings as other soldiers of their

    The amorial design shown to the left of the uniform of theregiment Dauphin represents palt of the achievement, or coatofarms, olthe crown pdne of France and was emblazoned onthe reginenfs blue drum. It is my opinion, conirary ro sourcessuch as Wagner's Bmalungsangaben fue zeit des SpanischenErbfolge Ktieges 1701-11 that the vast majority of regimentswearingthe livree du roi had blue drurns.

    The lace on ihe coat of the drummer of the resimentd Hum'eres 's displayed in d les5 obrru

  • 16

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  • t8

    CONDEMestres-de-Camp: 1688 Nicolas, Comte de Montmorcncy.

    1696 Marc, Chevalier de Montmorency.Drummers: Bourbon Livery.BOURBONMstres-de-Camp: 1684 Nicholas le Breton, Marquis de

    Vi andry.1690 Nicolas, Marquis de Vieuxpont.1690 cuillame-Alexandre, Marquis de

    Vieuxpont.Drummers: Bourbon Livery.BEAUVOISISMstres-de-Canp: 1685 Louis d Mienne, Marquis d Vieuz-

    bourg.1695 Nicolasd'Aix, Marquis de la Chaise.

    Drummers: Livree du Roi.ROUERQUEMestres-de Camp: 1678 cuy de Bourbon, Marquis de Maleuze.

    1692 Phillippe de Beaufort, Marquis deCanillac.

    Drummers: Livree du Roi.BOURGOGNEMestres-de-Camp: 1680 Francois-Joseph Bourton, Comte de

    Charnilly.1697 Thornas de Breze, Marquis de Dreux.

    Drummers: Livree du Roi.ROYAL MARINEMestres de-Camp: 1676Louh Fauste de Brichanteau, Marquis

    de Nantis.1690 Louis-Armand de Brichanteau, Mar-

    quis de Nantis.Drummers: Livree du Roi.VERMANDOISMestres-de-Camp: 1689 Nicolas de Bellefo(iere, Marquis de

    Soyecourt-1690 Armand de Bethune, Marquis de

    Charost.1696 Antoine de la Vove, Marquis de

    Tourouvre.Drummers: Livree du Roi.LANGUEDOCMestres'd-Camp: 1689 Antoine-Louis de condrin, Marquis

    d'Antin.1696 Jean-Francois, Marquis de Mantlac.

    Drummers: Livree du Ro;.PLESSIS-BELLIERE/MONTSORREAUMestres-de-Camp: 16?5 Henri de Rouge, Marquis de Plessis-

    Belliere.1692Louis de Sourches, Comte de Montsor-

    Drumrnen: Unknown. Colours for Montsorreau (taken fromCharde).JARZE/MONTENDRF]MEDOCMestrc!-de-Canp: 1685 Made-Urbaine du plessis, Marquis de

    Ia1ze.1691 Isaac de la Rochefoucaud, Comte de

    Montendre.Drummers: After 1692 Livree du Roi. Colours for Mdoc(Charrie).The Regiment took the name of provine of Medoc in 1692.CLERAMBAUTMestres-de-Camp: 1679 Phillippe de Palluau, Marquis de

    Cleranbaut.

    Drummen: Unknown. Colours as for censac (1?02) may havebeen caried earlier though.CASTRIESA,{ORANGIESMestres-de-Camp: 1674 Joseph de la Croix, Marquis de

    Castries.1695 Charles de la Molette, Marquis de

    Morangies.Drummers: Unknown. Colours for Morangies. The border maybe in smaller sections, the text (from aharrie) is nor verydetailed.ROYALCOMTOISMestres-de-Camp: 1685 Louis cigault, Marquis de Be emond.

    1692 Jean,Francois du Fay, Marquis deVergetot,

    Drummers: Livree du Roi.MAULEVRIERMestrs-de-Camp: 1689 Jules-Arnand Colbe(, Marquis de

    Blainville.1690 Nicolas Colberr, Marquis de Maulev-

    rier.1695 Henri Colbert, Chevalier de Maulev-

    Drummels: Unknoq,n,PROVENCEMestres-de-Camp: 1684 Nicolas t-engte, Marquisdu Magny.

    1689 Paul de Montmorency, Comte deLuxe.

    1693 Charles de Monrmorency, Chevalierde Luxembourg.

    Drummers: Livree du Roi. Sergeants wore red coats etc. Regt.wore grey with red facings after 1702.BOULONNAISMestres-de-Camp: 1684 Henri Hurault, Marquisde Vibraye.Drummers: Livree du Roi-TOULOUSEMestres-de-Camp: 1684 Louis d'Hautefort, Marquis de Survil-

    le.1693 Jean, Comte de Cadrieu.

    Drummers: Livree du Roi.ANGOUMOISMestres-de-Camp: 1685 Antoine de l-ongecombe, Marquis de

    Thouy.1690 Nicolas Dulac.

    Drummers: Livree du Roi.PERIGORDMestres-de-Camp: 1684 Louis d'Ornaison, Comte de Chamar-

    ande.1693 Jean de Barbezieres, Comte de

    ChemeIault,1697 Henri, Marquis de Lambert de Saint-

    Bris.Drummers: Livree du Roi.SAINTONGEMestres-de-Camp: 1684 Francois l Camus, Marquisde Bligny.Drummers: Livree du Roi-FOIXMestres-de-Camp: 1689 Nicolas de Berhune-Sully, prince

    d Henrichmont.1696 Joseph de Mesmes. Marquis de

    Ravignan.Drummers: Livree du Roi.

    T O B E C O N T I N U E D , . .

  • l9

    You've Never Experienced A PyrrhicVictory Until You've Played

    The Successors-

    lf rcu fliend doqsn t set heE s@n,w6 U have to stan theEabe without

    THE SUCCESSORS"DON'TLEAVEROME

    WITHOUTIT.yourself as the ancint

    Alexander is dad. Hb empir tis in disaray. Btablishuelf d the ancint worlal's sratest cornmander in the5 sratest cornmander in the

    Srcrrssors', the nw module tot Aftient EnEbd Be a commandr ftomRon, Ptotenaic Eg}?t, Ma.donia, or Asia Mind. Fu[ army listingsaccurately depicl the strryths and abilities of trooPs rarginSftom chariots and elephants to Phalangite and Pltasts.Also hdudd ar quick rfera@ chans describing thestrengths of each outt.y's tor.. Iljt Anci.ntEnqi'and th Slracrssots' be your Sdde to victory!

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  • 11nn:^D?+ 4g:fi.s:_t:s (sorry, vikinss & Sa'ons - not Frunks!) painted dotrn to the tae detait by Dave Seasove [see hb od in theclassifredsl . Atl buinings are resin, lrom vaious nnnufacturen. hees: K. & M.

    THE MEROVINGIAN FRANKS Patl2by Guy Haball

    Not that long ago, a 6gure manufacturer adverrised a ranae ofearly medieval figures in 'tlpical' oorthern European diess.There is less justification for this than therc would be formarketing a range ol infanrry in Upical Napoleonic dress(shalo. gaiters. breeches and tailed coat) (see Harman ta85).bul it mises infinitely less of a commotion. Franks did nor lookjust like English or Goths; there werc even subtle differences inappearance between East and West Franks, between north-emen and southemerc, between Alamanns and Burqundiansatrdsoon. lJw look ar Cregory ofToun *rirings wi6nd thefollowing passage (Hirtorir X.9):

    '. .. she lQueen Fredegundl odered the Saxons settled

    around Bayeux to cut their hair in the Breton way, to rigthemselves out in clothes in the Brcron fashion, and the;to march in suppon ofwaroch.'

    Paul the Deacon (Historj of the Lombardt tV.22; Foutkeltrans.] 1974) describes the Lombardsas having:

    'shaved the Deck, and left it bare up to the back of thhead, having their hair hanging down on the face as far asthe mouth and parting it on eiiher side by a part in theforchead. Their garmets were loose and mostly linen,such as the Anglo-Saxons are wont to wear, omamentedwith broad borders woven in various colouls. Theirshoes indeed were open almost to the rip of the grear toe,and were held on by shoe latchets interlacing altemately.But later on they began to wear trousers, over which theyput leggings oI woollen cloth when they rode. But theyhad taken that ftom a custom ofthe Romans.'

    Clearly the implication is that differcnt groups wore distinc-tive forms of dress and often cut their hair in particular fashions,in aI probability to giv some kind offictive ethnicity to politicalgroup6 which were ethnically heterogeneous in rhe extreme.Archaeology shows other regional dress styles, though, perhapsthankfully for the wargamer and figurc designer, the mostobvious concem female fashions, and thos in male cosrumerelate to th decoration and shape of smallish personatadomments such as buckles (invisible on aI but the very largests.ales of model figurs). Here we will fiIsr look at thedescriptions of Franks found in written sources, before lookinsat other forms of depiclion (James I 988a, pp.225-9. & PC rin &Feffer 1987, vol.2, pp.175-7 are introductions to this ropic).Clearly it is difficult to de6ne who was or was not a Fnnk in anyexact fashion. Here I will simply use wdtten accounts claimingto describe 'Franks', and other materials originating in the areaswhich were generally thought of as Frankish, east of Bdttany,btween the Loire and the Rhineland. It must be acknowledeedtbat not everyone from this region 'perhaps nol even m;nypeople at all were actually ethnically Frankish, but ftom quiteearly i! the sinb century people in this area began io lhiok ofthemselves, and to be treated by outsiden, as Frankish (Jams1988a, esp. pp. 108-120, introduces this diificulr iopic; for moredetail. see James 1979).

    INTRODUCTION

    WRITTEN DESCRIPTIONThe earliest description o{ what we might loosely term aMerovingian warrior (although it is a description of a prince ofone of the other Fmnkish tribes, before the Merovinaiansestablished their supremacy over lhe Franks ar the end oi tbe

  • 2lfifth cenrury) comes ftom the le$ers of the Auvergnarsenator-bishop. Sidonius Apollinarn (kr?|J IV.20). Sidoniustellsus that the Franksworebdghr colours, panicularlyred andgreen, that their tunics were short, barely reaching to theirthighs, and lhat th sleeves only covered the upper arms-Decorated belts girded their waists. They wore leather ankleboots, but their legs were bare. For weapons. they carriedswords, slung from baldrics. throwing axes, barbed spears andshields witb glinting bosses. Elsewher (Poe'ns V), Sidoniusdescribes the Frankjsh hair-cut, shaven up the back, with,apparently, the long hair which would have fallen over the neckthrown forward over the front of the head. The face wasclean-shaven exceF for a thin, combed moustache- Eyes werepale greyish blue and hair evidently blond or red. He repeatsthatFrankish tunicswere short and did not reach the knee- andthatthe Franks wore broad belts. bur adds that the tunics weretight and, oddly, rhat tight fitting garmenrs 'confine the longlimbs of th men' seemingly at variance with hh otherstatement about bare legs and arms. Sidonius tells of how theFranks hurl their axes and javelins with deadly accuracy andhow, whirling theirshields, theyrush upon the enmy so fast asto arrive before their missiles (a singularly suicidal nethod offighting, one would have thoughtl). There are traces of rhestandard, set-piee, Rornan description ofa barbarian here, butenough aspects, ofthe weaponrymainly, can be confirmed fromother soures to allow us to place some credence in Sidoniudsreport.

    Our next descriptions of Frankish troops come from EastRoman writers, describing the mid-sixth-century Frankishinvasions of Italy. Procopius (Wad Vl.xxxv. 1-4), wriring norlong after the event, tells us in his desciprion of Theodebert I's539 invasion that the Franks had only a few cavalry, clusteredaround theirking. These alone carried spears. The infantryhadneither bows nor spears but were instead armd with shields,swords and throwing axes (only one each, says Procopius). Thelatter are thrown in a volleywith tremendous force. Procopius,not an eye-wihess of the particular evnts descnbed in thischapter, probably saw Franks hinselfand spoke to troops whofought against them. Nonetheless, despite the accuracy of hisstatements about throwing axes, elemenrs ofhis description canbe challenged; the lack of spears in parricular, blrt also rherelative lack of cavalry. The typical Barbarian infantry armywas a set-piece description or topor beloved ofRomanwriters.

    Procopius s continuator. Agathias (Htyc,/ier IL5). describesthe Frankish troops in the 550s. Agarhias had almost cerrajnlynever seen a Frank in anger'. but his account is interesting aUthe same- He dcscribes the F.anks as naked to the waist. burwearing trousers of linen or skins. They have no armour andonly a few wear helmers. So far Agarhias's description isredolent ofthe classical stereotypical barbarian. When ir comesto weaponry. Agathias is more interesting. He again mentionsaxes he does not specify that rhey are for throwing andordinary spears. but also menrions what he calk rhe nationalweapon ofthe Franks. a spcar which he says is called an a,r8on.This he described as almost cntirely covered in iron. so tharoften hardllr any wood shows at all. The head is barbed. whichtallies with Sidoniu! s account. He savs thar rnc axes aredouble-headed. Shields. he adds. are slung from ihe left hip.which is odd. The Franks have no boNs orslings. says Agathias-and thev have no mansofnakingwar al a disrance, for al t rheirfighting is done with axcs and arryon6. He repats that ihey

    Agathias's desciption has been used by many as a basis fordescription of Frankish warriors, but it requires more criticalattention (Bachrach 1970, though flawed. is a starr). Hiswholeaccount is very reminiscent ofTacitus\ romanric picture ofrheGermansinthefirstcentury. Sixth centuryEastRomanwriters

    ' modelled theil language on classical prototypes so AgathiaJs

    Frankish Hair clt accofdinato Sidonius,

    Possi bte In ief pletdjlE

    6H

    account may not be a genuine description of sixth-centuryFranks at all. It is perhaps no coincidence that in the; archaiclanguage, both Procopius and Agathias call the FranksGennans (cp. Procopius, Wa.rVLxxxv). His description of rheclothing of the Franks can probably be disounted. As can beseen, it is at variance with Sidonius's probably nore reliableaccount and can be challenged by other sources. wrirten,archaeological and pictorial. The bare-chested barbarian inskinsis too stereotypical to be taken seriously.

    The Iack ofarmour, though a clich6 in accounts ofbarbaians,is also to be found in Sidonius and Procopius, though not inGregory of Tours. It is a problem to which we witl rerurn.Sirnilar points can be made of the lack of cavalry. Bachrach(1970) argues quite persuasively rhat we should not takeProcopius and Agathias too seriously on rhis point. AlthoughProcopius too says the Franks had few cavalry, Agarhias waswont to copy from his more skilful predecessor and so hisaccount may not really be valid as independenr tesrimony. Onthe other hand, though the wild barbarian infantry army was astandard for Roman writels. where the enemies of the EastRomans were cavalrymen, like the Vandah, Ostrogoths andLombards, Procopius and Agathias describe them assuch. Thestereotypical description could result from a lack of first-handknowledge. The question ofMerovingian cavalry isagain one towhich we must return. Agathias s account of double-headedaxes can be discounted as a romantic fiction, though they canperhaps be rationalised, aswill be discussedwhen we look at thearchaeological evidence for axes. The angor can be identifiedwith an archaeologically known type of barbed, iron,haftedspear ofthe'heaq throwing spear' type. similar in design to rheclassical Rornan ptlum. As will be mentioned later, compara-l i rel) few or there hdve actual ly been iound cenainly too tewfor it to have been the Franks' national weapon but theident i f icar ion .eems certain. Agarhias Lhen raise5 as mdn)problems as he solves-

    Gregory of Tours describes Frankish warriors on a couple ofoccasions- The first (Hisnnks Il.2'7) lisrs the weapons of theFranks in the late fifth century. Clovis, having called hiswarriors, fully armed to him, takes an opportunity to settle anold score by critiisingthe state ofone warrior's equipment.

    'Nf i lher )our 'pear. nor your sword. nor )our axe is any. . . nam neque tibi hasta neque Bladius neque sec s esl

  • 22

    Gregory's second description (flirroris V.48) isenerny, Count Leudast of Tours. Gregory says:

    . . . ut in dono ecclesiae cum totucibus atquepraeanctus pharetra et contum manu Serens,galeatoingteditur. . .l]-eudast was so worked up] 'that he would come inlo

    the church house in full body aimo\tr (cum thorccibusatque loticis), his head helmeted (capite galeato), aquiver belted on (praecin cttls pharetra\ and with a lznce(conn6) in hishand . . .

    Il is possible to take this passage too literally. Lewis Thorpetranslares cum thorucibus at4le /oriclJ as 'in cuirass and mailshin.' In pure, classical terms it means 'in bronze mouldedcuirasses (rtc) and leather uirasses. Now we could imply lromthis some kind of metal armour (rnaybe a mailshirt) oversomeform of leather armour, perhaps covering the waist and upperarms. Plausible though this sounds, it is taking the Latin toornuch at face value. For one thing, /iora.x is an archaic term- It isprelty unlikely that anyone was still wearing moulded bronzecuirasses in the sixth century. For another. this kind of couplet,pairing related, butcontrasting, words{or the same thing, was adevie much loved by antique writers- Procopius does the samething frequendy wben talking aboul bodyguards, and hassimilarly been taken too literally (Head 1985, rebutted, albeitnol rerr ibly coherenrl j . in Halsal l lq8o). Al lCregoryi"al inginthe passage is that Leudast trusted no one and so feared for hisli{e (aswell he migho thathewent about, even inchurch, infullarmour and armed to the teeth. Gregory uses asimilarphrase todescribe a Lombard in full armour. helmeted and armed with alance (unus langoba lorum stans, Iotica prctectus et gale4contum manu gestans - one of the Lombards, standingprotected by cuirass and helmet. holding a lance in his hand;Histoties X.3). Howevr inprecise. though, the passage isevidence for the use of armour.

    Gregory desribes armour on other occasions. Clovis wassaved by his cuirass (lrtca [r,c]) at the battle of Vouill(Histoties Il.3'7\. A follower of Duke Guntramn Boso wasdrowned ar Avignon because of the weight of his armour (againIu ca; Histoies vL26) . 'l'l\e pretender Gundovald was, albe;textremely briefly, saved from death by his mail shift. Here ihe/r/tcd is shown clearly to mean mail- Gregory says that thespears were stopped a circuli.s luricae ('by the rings of hiscuirass'i drrroli?J VIL 38). These people are all of high, or fairlyhigh, social standing-

    Cregory. perhaps nore importandy, also mentions cavalryon a number of occasions. When Clovis came close todeath atvouill6. as menlioned. it was his cuirass and the speed of hishorse that saved him. Frankish cavalrv are described in theconquest of the Thuringians in the 530s (flrstol,rs III.7). andwa.riors on horseback are mentioned on a number of otheroccasions (Hhorjes V1.4, IX.30. IX.35. X.9). Ar vadouspoinis. Gregory mentions swords. spears and javelins (hc usesrhe wotds hasta, lancea, frudea and .drnis. but I do not thinkwe can assign specific and differing meanings to ihese wilh anydegree ofcarrainly). and axes. which are either thrown or usedfor striking the enemy. Gregory. it is true. does not ment'onaxes very frequently. but the statisrics quoted by Bachrach(1970i copied by Heath 1980. p.82) are erroneous: Bachrachappearsonly tohave looked uponeword foraxe.rp.r/ir. in thelexicon. Gregory also uses ,rp?rnis (bul interestingly. neverftancisca). Secwis and brp?nait are anolher of those pairings.mentioned above, of contrasting words fo. the same thing.Nevertheless. in the l1,rlolr'eJ. it is correct to say that axcsledlure in only reren. lor ier. Grcgor) a\o unce menrion. \ rourknive! which are vulgarly calledrcral'?asd.r.s (Hirrolier IV.5l ).These have been identified with the large. sinSle'bladeddaggers, hundreds of which have been found in Merovingian

    Gregory evidently takes shields for granted as he mentionsthem but rarely and then mainly in secondary or symboliccontexts (Hi.iolier V.171 VII.10). Clothing details are scarcebut Gregory nentions that decorated belts were veryimportantas symbols, as thy had been in late Roman times (lJisrolierVIl.38). He also mntions in passing that horsemekind ofriding-boots which had to be fastened on (VI.31).

    After Gregory there are few real descriptions of Frankishwarriors.In the sixth-century SalicLaw, mention is again madeof shields being used as syrnbols in law-cases, suggesting thalftee adult males could be expected to own one (SaliLaw46.1).Ripuarian Law, which used to be thought to be eighth-centuryin date (Heath 1980, p.86, dates it to the ninth century) bul isactually early seventh'century, gives an interesting list of formsof property which could be used. aspayment in kind. to pay offfines, and the amounts of money, in ro/idi (itself usually anotional unit of account), to which they were equivalent(Ripuarian Law, a0.lt). These can be tabulated as follows:

    of his

    ItemHorned ox:

    Stallion:Mare:Sword and sheathlSword alone:A mailshnt (r/unia)lHetr,],et (hetmvs),Shield and lance:Leggings:Unirained hawk:Crane-seizing hawk:Trained hawk:

    Equivalent no. of soltdi.2sol idi .I solidus.

    . 7 s .3 s .7 s .3 s .

    1 2 s .

    2 s .

    3 s .

    The list is immediately interesting for its list of earlyseventh-century weapons (the axc appears to have droppedirom use) and for recordin-q lhe words usd for armour(interestingly, Frankish words rather than Lat;n are used).Beyond that, the obvious temptation is to say from this (asHeath, 1980, p.86, does) that the equipment of a mountedarnoured warrior cost the same as a herd ofthirty{our cows.

    For all we know this may be a reasonable esiimate, but themerhod is simplistic. Early medieval societies d'dnot use moneyin the same way as we do; a normal monetary. supply-and-demand markct did not exist. Consequently this is nol astraightforward pricelist. We have to tak into account thegreater'social value of something like a sword or a suit ofarmour, which not everyone wasentitled to possess, and whiheven fewer people could make proper use of. Pricei and fineswithin the texr are not vry consislent. And why should thepresence ofa scabbard more than double ihe value of a sword,which required much more time, skill and materials to make?The listis, tbus, no firrn basis for saying, as is often said, that'asword and scabbard cost sevn cowJ.

    Other sources add litde. Fredegar' and his continuatorc alsomeniion combat on foot as well as on horseback, but givenothing whih could really be called a description. No lruedescription occurs in the other seventh-century sources such assaints lives, which I have studied (although that admittedlyrepresenls only a fraction of the whole). However, we haveother possibile representations of Frankish warriors, to which

    PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS(Fig.2). Theearliest and possibly bst-known representation ofa Frank isthat found on the seal ringofClovis s father, ChildericI (died around 481). and found in his grave in Toumai (theoriginal was lost ifl the early nineteenth century, but acast made

  • 23

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