1

Verb Extensions in Vute

Rhonda Thwing, 7/2006

1.0 Introduction

Vute is a mambiloid language spoken by 20-25,000 people in Cameroon, in the Centre

Province in Mbam et Kim and in Haute Sanaga Divisions; in the Adamawa Province in Mayo

Banyo and Djerem Divisions, and in the Eastern Province, Lom et Djerem division. It is

classified by Grimes as Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Bantoid,

Northern, Mambiloid, Suga-Vute (2000, 53). ALCAM classifies it as “bantoid, non-bantu,

mambiloid (#720). The Vute population in this large area is very thinly scattered and mixed

with Tikar (Northern Bantoid) and Bafeuk/Yangafeuk (Narrow Bantu, A70) speaking peoples.

Vute is a S V O language in the indicative, positive, perfective or narrative clause. It shows

S O V order in the perfective negative. In the imperfective aspect, S AUX V O and S AUX O V

are permitted in both positive and negative, unless O is a pronoun, in which case O V order is

obligatory. Likewise, in infinitival complements both O V and V O orders are possible unless

O is a pronoun; then O V order is mandatory. This alternation of constituent order allows any

new/focused information to occur in clause final position, as well as indicating lowered

transitivity.1

For the most part, verb extensions in Vute are derivational extensions, including valency

changing, phasal, evidential, adverbial, additive, and directional extensions. Many of the Vute

verb extensions transparently reflect the verbs from which they have been derived. With the

possible exception of two of the valency changing extensions, the verb extensions of Vute can

not be related to proto-bantu or proto-benue-congo verb extensions, but seem to be either the

result of the gramaticalization of frequent patterns of verb compounding, which is itself a

likely grammaticalization of serial verb constructions (Dimmendaal, 185). Only one of the

verb extensions, the hortative plural marker –ná, is inflectional; the adverbial extensions

whose meanings resemble those of aspectual markers do not have any effect on the T/A/M of

the verb. Some of the extensions can occur with the tense/aspect markers which precede the

predicate, e.g., yaá-cì ‘P2.IPFV-already’, du-ɓa ‘IPFV.D-really’, in verbless clauses.

1 Sentence final position is the unmarked focus position. See Thwing and Watters, 1987, for more information on

the focus system of Vute.

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1.1 Structure of the verb phrase in Vute

The Vute verb phrase is composed of the T/A/M markers in VP initial position, the object NP

(especially as a pronoun), and the verb word. The verb word is composed of the verb root,

verb extensions (if present), and verb-final aspect/mood markers, if required by the A/M form

of the verb.2

VP ---> [T.ASP3 / M + object NP + [[+verb root +extensions] + ASP/M]]]

Figure 1: Vute verb phrase structure

The inner set of brackets encloses the verb stem, the unit over which the tonal4 morphemes

that indicate aspect and mode spread. The middle set of brackets encloses the verb word. The

outer set of brackets encloses the whole verb phrase.

The morphemes termed verb extensions in this paper are considered to be clitics of the verb

root. They obey certain morphophonemic word level rules and they are effected by all the

tonal phenomena that effect the verb root (the first morpheme in the verb word).

For example, the floating H that is the preverb aspect marker in the perfective aspect, positive

form, raises all L tones in the verb word (root and its extensions) to M:

(1) Kí á mɨ (H) sáktɨ -ya -ye Mèín … (t1.44) AN FOC 1s PFV thank -INCH -before God ...

So, I thank God first ... (sáktɨ-nɨ ‘to thank’, -yà from yà-nɨ ‘to begin’, -yè ‘first,

before’)

1�These include –nɨ INF, –tɨ PFV, -ré PFV.AM, -ˋr F.NEG, ɗàà IPFV.NEG, -!wá PFV NEG, -tɨ SBJ, as well as

some purely tonal morphemes that appear to be suffixes, since they only effect the final syllable of the verb, e.g., a

final floating L that indicates the consecutive (CNS) form of the verb. 2�Vute tense markers: P3 = ya, P2 = yi, P1 =�tɨ,��P0 = Ø, F1 = ɓa , F2 = kwá 4 Vute has three tone levels, H, M, L, plus downstep. Vute has both lexical and grammatical tone. In the Vute

'Vɨte ∆(�orthography, H tone is written with an acute accent over the vowel/syllable nucleus, L tone is indicated with

a grave accent over the vowel, the falling tones (HL or HM) are marked with a circumflex accent, M tone is

unmarked as are the rising tones unless they occur on long vowels, when each vowel is marked with the

corresponding tone. Downstep is also unmarked. In addition, Vute has some three tone units on single syllables

containing two or more morphemes, the HLH(non-perfective) or HMH (Perfective) tone pattern of a gerund

formed on a H tone verb or verb extension and HLM (future negative, hortative negative). They are all written

with a circumflex accent on the first vowel and either an acute accent or absence of tone mark on the second

vowel. All examples after example (2), do not have the floating tones marked in them

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The floating L that is the modal verb suffix in the subjunctive causes all final high tones to

become HL while L tones remain L.

(2) Kí á ndèɗú ta màŋgù góòm -sê-(L) íí ɗàá, (t7.26)

AN FOC sheep say.PFV hyena look -down.SBJ eyes ground.LOC

So Sheep told Hyena to look down. (-sé ‘downwards’ from sé-nɨ ‘to descend’)

In addition, the extensions that begin with l have morphophonemic alternates with initial

r/l/nd, just like other clitics in the language that begin with 1. 5

The verb final aspect/mood markers are suffixes of the verb word rather than extensions and

are inflectional in nature.

In the following sections, I present the different types of verb extensions and discuss the

syntactic and discourse-pragmatic implications of their use. All Vute citations are in the

official orthography for the language. All the data for this study are either from our own data

notebooks and transcribed texts, or from books published by the Centre de Litterature Vɨtè,

Yoko, Cameroon, which consist of folktales and a hortatory text in Vute.6

2.0 Extensions that change the valency of a verb

There are three extensions and some morphophonemic processes that change the valency of

the lexical verb.

5 In most dialects of Vute l and r are part of the same phoneme (l in root initial position and r elsewhere), while nd

is a separate phoneme. r/l/nd alternation is a common morphophonemic process in both verbs and nouns. The

variants work in the following manner:

the r-initial form occurs following a vowel, that is following open syllables,

the l-initial form occurs following a root ending, historically at least, in a stop,

the nd-initial form occurs following a root ending in a nasalized vowel or nasal consonant.

Besides verb extensions, other instances of this process are found in the demonstratives, –lè�∫chrs`k∫+��

-lì��‘proximal’+�-lò�‘distal, but approaching’, the cleft sentence marker lu+ and -lé the associative suffix of a verb

in the perfective aspect. 6 Dehir Maurice, Nogoadjere Doussam Jean, James Maxey, Oumarou Alfred, Tchouelour Victor,

Toueh Roger and Yakoura Valentin, compilers. 1998.�Gèìn Vɨte�(Vute folkstories). Yoko,

Cameroon: Centre de Litterature�Vɨte.

Nogoadjere Doussam Jean. 1997. Hààmɗəŋhȩȩ Mutii-�Yoko, Cameroon: Centre de Litterature Vɨte.

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(3) (a) -tɨ valency raising, “causative”

(b) -lɨ valency raising or lowering, idiosyncratically dependant on

the verb root

(c) Morphophonemic processes operating on the verb root:

i) verb root vowel lengthening/ -hɨ: valency raising

ii) change in the quality of the root vowel: valency lowering

(d) -nà indirect object / benefactive (IO)

Extensions (a) and (b) listed above are partially productive in Vute. Many verbs in regular use

today seem to be formed with -tɨ or -lɨ, but no unextended form of the verb is currently in use

in the language. (c), is also partially productive, especially the process of root vowel

lengthening, (d) -nà extension is completely productive, but has a different origin from the

other valency changing extensions, being part of the verb extension system discussed in Sec.

3-6 below. I have included it here because it functions much like valency raising applicative

extensions in Bantu languages.

2.1 -tɨ : valency raising extension (VR)

This extension is a direct descendant of the proto-Niger-Congo causative verb extension *-ti

(Williamson and Blench.39) . The most common use of this extension in the current language

is to derive a transitive verb from an intransitive (state or process) verb, i.e., to add an agent

to the arguments of the verb. The

-tɨ extension immediately follows the verb root and precedes any other extension.

(4) ɓáí-nɨ ‘to live, to save oneself (intr, refl)’

ɓá-tɨ-nɨ ‘to save someone, to cause someone to live (tr)’

(5) yèì-nɨ ‘to become tired’

yè-tɨ-nɨ ‘to tire s.o., to cause someone to be tired’

(6) làì-nɨ ‘to burn (intr)’

là-tɨ-nɨ ‘to burn (tr), to light a fire or a lamp’

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Some verb roots only exist in a form that includes this extension. They are all

transitive verbs.

(7) nàtɨ-nɨ ‘to wash hands/feet before eating or praying’

cəŋtɨ-nɨ ‘to mock, tease’ 7 cf. mɨcəŋkáín ‘mockery’

2.2 -lɨ / -rɨ / -ndɨ : valency lowering or raising extension (VL)

This extension is most commonly found in valency lowering constructions, but also occurs in

some valency raising constructions. It has the morphophonemic alternates -rɨ/-lɨ/-ndɨ as

discussed above (footnote 5). Like the valency raising extension in §2.1, this extension occurs

immediately following the verb root, preceding any other extensions.

2.2.1 Valency lowering constructions

This extension turns an inherently transitive verb into an intransitive one in (8-10 ) below.

(8) sà-nɨ ‘to rub, to clean, to anoint (tr)’

sà-rɨ-nɨ ‘to be clean, sacred (intr)’

(9) gè-nɨ ‘to bring or lead an animate being (tr)8’

gè-rɨ-nɨ ‘to go for a walk’

(10) yɔk-nɨ ‘to surpass (tr)’

yɔk-lɨ-nɨ ‘to be difficult (intr)’

There is an interesting set of participles that contrast the meanings of –tɨ and -lɨ / -rɨ / -ndɨ:

(11) sîn ‘black’, from an old verb sí-nɨ ‘to be charred’

sírîn ‘black, blackened’ from sí-rɨ-nɨ ‘to blacken (refl)’

sítîn ‘made black, blackened’ from sí-tɨ-nɨ ‘to blacken (tr)’

7 A verb cəŋ-nɨ ‘to dry’ exists, but I wonder if it could really be the source of cəŋtɨ-nɨ.

8 The verb gè-nɨ is also used today to mean ‘to drive a vehicle’

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2.2.2 Valency raising constructions marked with -lɨ / -rɨ / -ndɨ

(12) (a) ɓéín-nɨ ‘to become hot, to boil (intr)’

(b) ɓé(n)-ndɨ-nɨ ‘to heat, to reheat (tr)’

(13) (a) səə(k)-nɨ ‘to humiliate oneself (refl)’

(b) sək-lɨ-nɨ ‘to humiliate, to dishonor someone(tr)’

(14) (a) nyìn-nɨ ‘to talk quietly (refl or intr)’

(b) nyì(n)-ndɨ-nɨ ‘to greet (tr)’

It is interesting that speakers of one of the more conservative dialects of Vute pronounce

(12)(b) and (14)(b) and other verbs whose roots end in n as ɓéín-tɨ-nɨ and nyìn-tɨ-nɨ. This

probably reflects the origin of the valency raising sense of the -ndɨ extension in these verbs.

Vute phonology does not allow prenasalised consonants with a sequence of nasal + voiceless

obstruent . These verbs seem to have been resyllabified and then the stop became voiced as a

result. Examples of this extension with r or l initial and having a valency raising function do

exist, e.g., (13) above.

At this time in the history of the Vute language, some verb roots only exist in a form that

includes this extension. Some behave intransitively (15) and others transitively (16).

(15) mà-rɨ-nɨ ‘to get used to (intransitive or reciprocal)’

sə-rɨ-nɨ ‘to smile, laugh (intr)’

(16) wà-rɨ-nɨ ‘to fry (tr)’

pà-rɨ-nɨ ‘to skin, peel (tr)’

2.3 Other morphophonemic valency changing processes

Vute exhibits two morphophonemic processes that influence the valency of a verb. As stated

above, these two processes are not classified as verb extensionsm but they act on the verb

very much as –tɨ or -lɨ / -rɨ / -ndɨ.

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2.3.1 Root vowel lenthening: valency increaser

This morphophonemic process is an extension only in the loosest terms. The vowel of the verb

root is lengthened by adding a L tone copy of it9. It has two functions in Vute today:

a) changes an intransitive verb into a transitive one (this function is less common in the

language)

b) changes a transitive verb to an iterative/ pluractional verb: many transitive verbs can be

marked this way. Iterative / pluractional is the most common meaning for a lengthened

vowel in a verb root. (17-20) are examples of intransitive � transitive usage of this

morpheme. (21-22) are examples of its iterative/pluractional function.

(17) nyàŋ-nɨ ‘to be good, beautiful (intr)’

nyààŋ-nɨ ‘to make good or beautiful (tr)’

(18) kú-nɨ ‘to die’

kwíì-nɨ ‘to kill’

(19) ɓáŋ-nɨ ‘to be bad (intr)’

ɓáàŋ-nɨ ‘to spoil, make bad (tr)’

(20) hàm-nɨ ‘to grow (intr)’

hààm-nɨ ‘to raise’

(21) nóm-nɨ ‘to bite (tr)’

nóòm-nɨ ‘to bite many people or bite many times’

(22) ɓé-nɨ ‘to call’

ɓéè-nɨ ‘to call many people or the same person repeatedly’

9 Some dialects of Vute add the syllable�–hɨ �to a verb with a CV or CVŋ�root, e.g.,�ɓéhɨ-nɨ�‘to call many people,

or the same person repeatedly’ rather than�ɓéè-ní�cf. (22); ɓáŋhɨ-nɨ�rather than�ɓáàŋ-nɨ+�cf (19).�In these same

dialects, a CVC shaped verb root becomes CVCɨ+�e.g.,�hàmɨ-nɨ� rather than hààm-nɨ ‘to raise’, cf.(20).

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2.3.2 Root vowel quality changes: valency decreaser

Underlyingly transitive verbs become intransitive. This process is limited to two verbs that I

know of, but they are both used frequently, so I list them here.

(23) cáàŋ-nɨ ‘to finish (tr)’

cɔɔ -nɨ ‘to finish, be finished (intr)’

(24) láàŋ-nɨ ‘to lose (tr)’

lɔɔ -nɨ ‘to get lost, “go missing”

Other verbs with roots ending in –aŋ form their (passive) past participles with this same

vowel change:

(25) tàŋ-nɨ‘to eat’ � tɔɔ ‘eaten’

nyàŋ-nɨ‘to be good, beautiful’� nyɔɔ ‘good, beautiful’ (cf (17) above.)

ɓáŋ-nɨ‘to be bad’ �ɓɔɔ ‘evil’ cf. ɓɔnjɔ (lit: evil liver) said of someone who

is mean and spiteful.

2.4 -nà indirect object / benefactive (IO)

-nà is added to a verb to indicate that there is an indirect object or benefactive NP present in

the clause. Its function is similar to a Bantu applicative extension in this way.10 -nà is derived

from the verb nà-nɨ ‘to give’.

(26) Kúr kwè no, mvèìn yi na-á ɓíì noò, ina -yáànaá nò fein muní

village certain in chief P2 give-PFV order TOP.AM11 how -DM person bear.PFV child.AM

lâs, gè -wò -nà ní, ni ɓɨ -nà mwin kɨ ɨr ní ɗú ré. (t6.6)

all bring -CPTL -IO.SBJ LOG LOG call-IO.CNS child AN name LOG want -PFV.AM

In a certain village, the chief gave his order that, whoever gave birth to a child should bring

(it) to him, he would call that child the name he wanted.

10

Many African languages use the verb ‘give’ in serial verb constructions to indicate benefactive. Also, in many

NW Bantu languages the applicative extension is -n / -en / -ne

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This possessive form can only refer to the 3s topic of the sentence.

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(27) Nɨvɨte á ndɨŋ-nɨ nyíne kùŋ woo ɨ gì jɨr kóóm -é

Vute.person IFPV do -INF 2P.with neighbor 2s.AM NEU go.CNS path fiancée -AM

kóóm ɨ si -na wu naŋ, wu a ɓé -ɓwê nò wo gùr -í. (t8.23)

fiancée NEU cook -IO.CNS 2s fufu, 2s SEQ call -ADDP.CNS person 2s.AM journey-AM

It is the custom of the Vute (lit: Vute people do) (that if) you and your neighbor go to your

fiancee’s, and she cooks fufu for you, then you call also your neighbor of the journey (to eat).

-nà can also be used in the negative or when stating that something did not happen for

the good of the “malefactee” (28)(a), and also when it indicates an event that is adverse,

as in (28)(b)12:

(28)(a)Ɗà tùkur á -kî fèé lâs, ŋgə mvom nɨm kwè mbɨk -nà -wá (t15.12)

then hare take -comp.CNS meat all 3s tortoise thing INDF leave -IO -PFV.NEG

Then hare took all the meat, he didn’t leave anything for tortoise.

(b) ɓetí wu ɗəəŋ -wá nò ɓa wu jíì -nɨ ɓwâ jábɨr féín-na wé13.(t11.30) because 2s know -PFV.NEG person F1 2s endure -INF time trouble arrive-IO.PFV.D14 2s.O.AM

because you don’t know who will put up with you when trouble comes to you.

3.0 Extensions with Modal and Phasal meanings

3.1 Modal extension -ná

There is one morpheme that occurs as an extension in Vute verbs but functions synactically as

part of the A/M inflectional suffixes of the verb. The extension -ná indicates either the

cohortative or imperative plural form of the verb.

(29) Ɗàrò kɨk -sé -ná -am tó ɗàá, nyí a nyàŋhȩ juu. (t14.12)

now put -down -HOR.PL -IMP ear ground.LOC 2p SEQ make.good.CNS life.style

Now, put your ear to the ground and you will make your life better. (‘put your ear

to the ground’ means to listen well.)

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However, –nà is not always present in such statements. 02�Sgd�oqnmntm�vd æ�'vt�*�@L(�b`qqhdr�sgd�@L�gdqd�adb`trd�hs�hr�hm�ehm`k�onrhshnm�hm�`�qdk`shud�bk`trd-�14

In a relative clause or in a sentence in which the scope of focus does not include the verb, the dependent form of

the aspect markers (D) is found. See Thwing and Watters, 1987.

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(30) (a) Nɨm gɨ-ná-nɨ cúk. (t17.10)

1p go- HOR.PL-CF together

Let’s go together. (CF: contrastive focus; traveling together rather than separately.)

(30) (b) Nɨm ɗəəŋ -ná -ɓa -tɨ nɨm kùb du tà -nɨ ‘hààm-mèé mutí -í’. (t22.3) 1p know -COH -really -SBJ thing INDF.PL IPFV.D say -INF raise -GER child.DIM -AM

We really should know what ‘raising children’ means.

3.2 Phasal Extensions

The phasal function may be encoded by means of an auxiliary verb followed by the infinitive

as well as by extensions. yà-nɨ ‘to begin’ is most often found as an auxiliary verb, but occurs

as an extension preceding the extension –yè ‘already, before’ to give the meaning ‘first’. As

for cáàŋ-nɨ ‘to finish’, about half of its occurrences are as an auxiliary verb + infinitive and

the other half as the verb extension, -cáàŋ and its morphophonemic variants. In (31a,b)

‘begin’ and ‘finish’ function as auxiliaries. In (32, 33) we see them as extensions. See also (1)

above for another example of the extension –yà.

(31) (a) Ɓwâ ŋgə yi lé -cu yó -ò, … ŋgə ɨ yà nyìndɨ -nɨ

time 3s P2 enter -again.PFV.D house.LOC-AM 3s NAR begin.CNS greet -INF

nùb lâs. (t9.08)

people all

When he got home, ... he began to greet everyone.

(b) Ɓwâ ŋgə yi cáŋhȩ ər -ɨb kɨ lâs, á ŋgə yi gɨ -ndóŋ tí-í. (t16.18)

time 3s P2 finish.PFV.D work -PL AN all FOC 3s P2 go -pass.PFV forehead-LOC

When she finished all that work, she continued on her journey.

(32) -yà inceptive (INC) (from yà-nɨ ‘to begin’)

Ɗàrò wu ɨ du gwi moò ru, mɨ ɗú -ú wu hȩ wu

Now 2s SF EQ.D wife 1s.AM CLFT 1s love-PFV 2s like 2s

ɗú -ya -ye mé. (t11.25)

love -INC -before.PFV 1s.O.AM

Now it is you who are my wife, I love you as you first loved me.

(See also (1) above for another example of this extension.)

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(33) -cáàŋ ‘finish’ (from cáàŋ-nɨ ‘to finish’)

a) Á ŋgə ta -na cwé ŋgə moŋ -yè, ní sì -cáàŋ -yè naŋ. (t21.35)

FOC 3s say -IO.PFV death 3s wait -first.SBJ LOG cook -finish -first.SBJ fufu

Then she said to Death that he should wait, she had to finish cooking fufu first.

b) Ŋgə ɨ nà ŋgə cɔŋ ŋgə yi du nyòm taŋ -cáaŋ -ndé ɗàwá -á. (t.20.36)

3s NAR give.CNS 3s food 3s P2 IPFV.D strength.N1 eat -finish -PFV.AM IPFV.NEG-AM

He gave him so much food that he was not able to finish it.

4.0 Adverbial Extensions

There are many extensions that fall into this category. We continue to discover more possible

combinations of verb roots with these extensions. Many of the extensions are derived from

verbs through a process of grammaticalisation; some are derived from nouns. Only forms that

are widely used and may be attached to almost any verb are considered extensions and are

listed here.

-bɨŋ wholly, to the exclusion of anyone or anything else (from bɨŋ (n) ‘a whole one’)

-ɓà really

-cɨ already (positive), never again (negative)

-cù again (from cù-nɨ ‘to return’)

-ɗóò enough (from ɗóò-nɨ ‘to measure’)

-gàìn with, accompanying (from gàìn-nɨ ‘to accompany’)

-gì /-gɨ after, finally (from gì-nɨ ‘to go’)

-há only

–kɨ completely (from kɨ(k)-nɨ ‘to put, place’)

-kòm often

-kɔɔ quickly (from kɔɔ-nɨ ‘do quickly, be quick’)

-kwà /-gwà more

-lɨŋ usually

-mè VER (truly) (from mè-nɨ ‘to stay’??)

-ndóŋ onward, continually (from ndóŋ-nɨ ‘to pass, surpass’)

-nyààŋ well (from nyààŋ-nɨ ‘to make good, to repair’)

-tò by chance

-yè before, first (positive), not yet (negative)

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Some examples of the use of these extensions follow.

(34) -mè ‘VER’ is possibly derived from the verb mè-nɨ ‘to stay’.

(a) Ŋgə ɨ tà ndèɗú du -me mèín mɨtene á, ŋgə gì -nɨ. (t.7.30)

3s NAR say.CNS sheep EQ.D-VER god little FOC 3s go.SBJ -CF

He said that sheep was truly a small god, that he (sheep) should go. (and he

would not eat him)

(b) Səmnee njɔ ŋgéé ɓɔne ɓe ɗɨm wu tûm -nà ŋgéé, àm ŋgə a

wake.GER liver 3s.AM belly.AM with habit 2s show -IO 3s.AM word 3s SEQ

dù -mè nɨvɨte mɨr fɨtɨ ɗəəŋ -cù -ɓà -nɨ nɨm ŋgə

EQ.D -VER.SBJ Vute.person true be.able.PFV.D know -again -really -INF thing 3s

ndɨŋ -ndé, ŋgə a cà -ho kɨ du nyɔne a. (t. 22.78)

do -PFV.AM 3s SEQ choose -out.SBJ AN EQ.D good.AM FOC

Wake up his spirit with the habits you show him so that he will be a true person able to

really know what he did and to choose what is good.

-ɓà ‘really’

(35) Nyòóm Tá, wu ɨ du -ɓa wu yɨŋmîn ndu. (t6.50)

honored father, 2s SF EQ.D -really 2s crazy CLFT

Chief, it is really you who are crazy.

(36) Ŋgə fein yí nɨr -ì, nɨr ɨ gàm -ɓà ŋgə min. (t10.10)

3s arrive.PFV place lion-AM lion NAR receive -really.CNS 3s well

(When) he arrived at the lion’s place, the lion received him really well.

(37) -cù ‘again’ (t5.22)

ŋgə ɨ jəb -cù -rê nɨm noò ɗàá ɗóóŋ.

3s NAR sleep -again -in.CNS thing TOP.AM ground.LOC IDEO: calmly

he laid down and went back to sleep again quietly.

(38) -gàìn ‘with, accompanying’ (t10.22)

Ɓwâ ŋgáb ŋgóob -so ɓe gbɔ nɨr -ì, jii ɨ ta li ŋgə gi -nɨ

time 3p approach-CFGL.PFV.D with cave lion-AM, goat NAR say.CNS dog 3s go-SBJ

13

nɨm ɓáŋhîn kwè kwa -tɨ ŋgə ku, ŋgə a lù -gàìn -cù -wò ní yáá.

thing bad.PRTC INDF find -PFV 3s there, 3s SEQ run -with -again -CPTL.SBJ LOG QT

When they approached the lion’s cave, Goat said to Dog that he should go, if something bad

found him there, he (Dog) should return to him (Goat).

(39) -kwà / -gwà ‘more’ (t15.13)

Á ɗú -ɓà -nɨ wu nà -gwà mɨ fèé ɓetí kundi móò éí -tɨ

IPFV need -really -INF 2s give -more.SBJ 1s meat because knife 1s.AM work -PFV

ər sam.

work.NOM nothing

It is necessary that you give me more meat because my knife worked for nothing.

–kɨ ‘completely’ is derived from kɨ(k)-nɨ ‘to put, place’. It adds the sense of performing an

action completely or thoroughly. It it is interesting that Bybee, Perkins and Pagliuca list ‘to

put or place’ as one of the sources for completive aspect markers around the world, though

Vute -kɨ (comp.) does not seem to have reached this stage of grammaticalisation yet. (1994,

chart p. 58)

(40) Óo wu ɨ du əəm -wá mvèìn bɨ -nà wu ɨr, ŋgə ɓa wu

if 2s NEU COND accept -PFV.NEG chief name -IO.SBJ 2s name, 3s F1 2s

kwíì -kɨ -nɨ á. (t6.14)

kill -comp.-INF FOC

If you do not accept that the chief give you a name, he will kill you.

(41) Ɨdu duru yi ɗú -ú səə -kɨ -nɨ ɓwàjìrí noò. (t5.16)

but baboon P2 want-PFV mock -comp. -INF friend TOP.AM

But Baboon wanted to thoroughly mock his friend.

(42) -kòm ‘often’ (t7.25)

Óo ŋgə ɓain -tɨ ní hȩ naa ɓain -kom -ndé naá

if 3s strike -PFV LOG manner rain strike -often -PFV.AM DM

ní á ɗəəŋ -gì ɓè ŋgə du mèín mɨtene yaa.

LOG SEQ know -after.CNS place 3s COP.D god little QT

If he struck him like thunder strikes (then) he would finally know whether he was a little god.

14

(43) -lɨŋ ‘usually’

(a) Ŋgə ɨ yà gì -nɨ jɔ -lɨŋ -nɨ ɓe munɨb mbaa bɨ jííb kwé -è. (t6.16)

3s NAR begin.CNS go -INF play -usually -INF with children noble PL big.PL village.LOC-AM

He began to go play regularly with the children of the big men of the village.

(b) Ɓwâ wa ɓe kùŋ ɓan -ndé ŋgwàr təə ri,

time fire with neighbour meet -in.PFV.D savannah middle.LOC PROX,

úndi nɨ mè -lɨŋ -nɨ yá kɨ ɗàà.

grass NEG stay -usually -INF place AN IPFV.NEG

When a fire meets its neighbour in the middle of the savannah, grass doesn’t usually

stay there. (a Vute proverb)

(44)-há/ -ha ‘only’ (t13.6)

Àám kàŋnɨ las ŋgə nyin -wú -há mwin kwíhɨr rè só.

words lie.N2 all 3s speak -up -only.PFV child death DIST body.LOC

All lies she only told about the orphan girl.

(45) -cì / -cɨ ‘already’ (positive) (t9.22)

Munɨb yi ŋgaɗər lè -è ɨ sèì -cì bɨ mbɔklɨb

children P2 form.changer DIST -AM NAR become -already.CNS EMPH.3p slaves

wàánjí rè -è.

young.man DIST.AM

The children of that form changer became the slaves of the young man.

(46) -cɨ ‘never’ (negative) (t11.26)

“ɓetí, wu tɨ du mɨ ɗú -wá hȩ mɨ yi du -cɨ mɨ àm woò

because 2s P1 COND 1s love -PFV.NEG manner 1s P2 IPFV.D -never 1s.NEG word 2s.AM

ɓɔɔ gàm -ndé -cɨ -nɨ ɗàà, wu yè yi mvú-ú mɨ.”

mouth receive -in -never -INF IPFV.NEG 2s POT P2 refuse-PFV 1s

“...because, if you didn’t love me, since I have never listened to you (lit: received the word of

your mouth), you would have refused me.”

15

(47)-yè ‘first, before’ (positive) (t3.3d)

Ŋgə ɨ tà ní ìì -ho -yè dúhé yanaá ŋgə ɨ ók -cì

3s NAR say.CNS LOG sweep -out -first.SBJ house DM 3s NAR hear -already.CNS

wùúm kɨku á nyìn -nɨ.

noise INDF IPFV murmur -INF

She said she should sweep out her house first (before doing other things) and then she

heard a little noise.

In (48), from the text Why God Hid Death (t21.6b-8), the extension -yè appears twice.

(48) “Yée, jíi -ye ŋgób. Gɨ -cu -m. Wu a tà -nà Mèín mɨ

pity, endure -first little go -again -IMP 2s SEQ say -IO.SBJ God 1s

sì -kɨ -sò -nà -yè mucutɨb cɔŋ, wu a gò -gì mɨ gàm -nɨ yáà.”

cook -comp. -CFGL -IO -before.SBJ children food, 2s SEQ come -after.CNS 1s take -INF POL

“Please, be patient a little. Return. You tell God that I should cook food for the children before

you come to take me.”

(49) -yè ‘not yet’ (negative) (data notebook)

Mɨ mɨ mwáin nɨm kɨku taŋ -yè -nɨ ɗàà.

1s 1s.NEG today thing INDF eat -yet -INF IPFV.NEG

I haven’t eaten anything yet today.

(50)-gì/-gɨ ‘after, finally’. The event that is marked with -gì/-gɨ may be either the goal of the

previous event sequence , as in (49), or it may be the more important event.

Kí du, ɓwâ ti nɨme ya du -ré, kɨjiri kù ya ɗú -ú ní ,

AN sit time country 1p.AM P3 sit -PFV.AM elder INDF P3 want -PFV LOG

nôm gal, ní a gɨ -gì vɨnȩȩ. (t4.1)

consult.SBJ diviner LOG SEQ go -after.CNS hunt.LOC

That is, when our country existed a certain elder wanted that he consult the diviner,

after that he would go hunting.

16

The –yè and –gì extensions work together to encode a temporally prior relationship between

predications.

(51) Á ɗú -nɨ mɨ sè -yè dúhé, nɨm a gɨ -gì Yàùndè.

IFPV need -INF 1s wash -before.SBJ house, we SEQ go -after.CNS Yaoundé.

I need to clean the house before we go to Yaoundé

ndóŋ: ‘onward, continue’ This extension can encode forward movement in space (52)(a, b) or

time (53). It is used metaphorically to express forward movement in thought or speech (52).

The temporal function of this extension (53) might also be considered a phasal extension.

(52) spatial (t8.44)

(a) Hȩ nèìn pé ŋgə ya -ré wàìn -niì, á ŋgə

manner magpie see.PFV.D 3s begin -into.PFV.D sing -INF.AM FOC 3s

mví -ndóŋ tíí.

fly -onward.PFV forward

As Magpie saw that he began to sing, he flew on ahead.

(b) Óo mbére wóò duú jínɨm, wu tɨ wu gɨ -wá nəm-ndóŋ -nɨ kɨ kù-b-è.

if thumb your IPFV.COND dirty, 2s IRR 2s go -PFV.NEG suck -onward-INF AN one-PL-AM

If your thumb is dirty, don’t go suck that (the thumb)of someone else. (a Vute proverb)15

(53) temporal ‘continue’ (t11.8)

(a) U kɨ kuku á ju noò du -ndóŋ -nɨ, ŋgə nɨm kù ləəm -nɨ ɗàà.

thus AN quail IPFV life TOP.AM sit -continue -INF, 3s thing INDF think -INF IPFV. NEG

Like this, quail continued to live her life without thinking about anything else.

(b) Nɨm kɨku mɨ ta -ndóŋ -gwa -cɨ -ré ɗàwá . (t2.26)

thing INDF 1s say -continue -more -not:yet -PFV.AM EX.NEG

There’s nothing more to tell.

15

from: Dehir Maurice, Doussam Jean, James Maxey, Oumarou Alfred, Tchouelour Victor, Toueh Roger

and Yakoura Valentin (compilers).1998. Gèìn Vɨtè (Vute folkstories). Yaounde: SIL.

17

-nyààŋ: ‘well’

(54) Ŋgə ta -na -nyaaŋ -ɓa -tɨ nùgub lâs nɨm ndè. (data note book)

3s say -IO -well -really -PFV women all thing DIST

She explained the thing to all the women.

(55) Wu a nà ŋgə sooŋ, wu a tûm -nà ŋgə ɗɨm gbàŋné, ɓetí

2s SEQ give.SBJ 3s advice 2s SEQ show -IO.SBJ 3s custom family.AM because

ɓwâ kɨ a ŋgə ɓa wu fɔ -nɨ fɔ kwin-kwin, àm ŋgə ɗú -ú

time AN FOC 3s F1 2s ask -INF question different word 3s want -PFV

ɗəəŋ -nyààŋ -nɨ nɨm ŋgə pe -ré ɓe kɨ ŋgə ok -lé. (t20.25)

know -well -INF thing 3s see -PFV.AM with AN 3s hear -PFV.AM

You should give him advice, you should show him the customs of the family because

then he will ask you many different questions because he wants to understand well

what he sees and what he hears.

-bɨŋ ‘totally, wholly’ (t5.30)

(56) Cùr kɨ no á tɨgwin yi ta, á ɗú -nɨ lì, nò du mvecɔɔŋ,

next AN in FOC father.in.law P2 say.PFV IPFV need -INF dog, person EQ.D glutton

ɓú -bɨŋ nɨgwi ɨ ndôŋ dùrù, nò du ɓe wa lur -í -ì,

marry -whole.SBJ woman NAR pass.CNS baboon person EX.D with fire buttocks -LOC -AM

ŋgə tɨ toŋ -kɨ nɨ kúr yáá.

3s IRR burn-comp.PFV NEG village QT

After that the father-in-law said that it was better that Dog, the one who was a glutton,

marry the woman rather than Baboon, the one who has fire on his buttocks, lest he burn down

the village.

-ɗóò ‘enough’ from ɗóò-nɨ ‘to measure’ (data notebook)

(57) Mɨ taŋ -ɗóo -tɨ.

1s eat -enough -PFV

I ate enough. I had enough to eat.

18

-kɔɔ ‘quickly’ from kɔɔ-nɨ ‘to do quickly, to be rapid’ (t22.30)

(58) U á wu fɨtɨ ɗəəŋ -kɔɔ -nɨ ɓè ŋgə du yáb -niì kəsək,

thus FOC 2s be.able.PFV know -quickly -INF place 3s IPFV.D be.sick -INF.AM easy

ɓwâ ŋgə ɓa dù -nɨ jɔ -cɨ -nɨ ɗàwá rɨ.

time 3s F1 IPFV.D -CF play -no.longer -INF NEG PROX

Thus you can know quickly whether he is sick when he won’t play anymore.

-tò ‘by chance’

(59) Ye kù, ŋgə yaá ndóŋ -tò -kwà -nɨ mɨyɨ kɨ.

day INDF 3s P2.IPFV pass -by:chance -more -INF place AN

One day, she happened to pass that place again.

5.0 Extensions governed at higher levels than the Sentence

There are two groups of extensions whose function may be governed by paragraph and even

discourse level considerations in some cases. In other cases they function at sentence level.

These are the additive or conjoining extensions and the directional extensions.

5.1 Additive/Conjoining Extensions

In Vute there are three extensions that function much like a conjoining conjunction such as

‘and’ in English. Two of them -cé and-cè mark the addition of another event or predication.

The third one -ɓwê marks the addition of another participant, which may function as subject,

object or indirect object in the clause.

5.1.1 Event additives -cé and -cè

The event additive extensions are used to join two events or sentences. Investigation is still

needed to determine the exact difference between them. At this time, it appears that the

distinction is that -cè indicates the addition of a simulaneous event (ADDSM), while -cé

indicates the addition of a sequential event (ADDSQ).

19

(60) -cé sequential events

(a) Mvèìn ya -ré -é cɔŋ mɨŋgòŋ -nɨ, ŋgə ɨ yà -ré -cê

chief begin -in -PFV food corn -AM 3s NAR begin -into -ADDSQ.CNS

njènnèé ŋgwé -é. (t6.33)

shave.NOM head -AM

(When) The chief began eating the corn, then he began shaving (the chief’s) head.

(b) Cùr kɨ ya, kùb yá ŋgwé kɨk -lé pé -cêe,

behind AN on people place head put -PFV.AM see -ADDSQ.FNEG

ɗùgɨ -cé gùúm àmɨrì ɗàà. (t22.59)

CONC -ADDSQ marriage truth.AM EX.NEG

‘After that, the people of her family / her home (lit: place put head) will not see her, there

won't even be a true marriage.’

See also (65) below.

(61) -cè simultaneous events: different subjects, contrasting events

Lì ɨ jəb ŋgə mwi. Dùrù a jəb -ce -é ɓe nɨgwi. (t5. 18-9)

dog NAR sleep.CNS 3s one baboon SIM sleep -ADDSM -PFV with woman

Dog slept alone. (But/At the same time) Baboon slept with the woman.

(62) -cè simultaneous events: same subject, second predication adds details about the first

predication.

Ŋgáb yi ya -ré -é kɨŋ -nɨ, ŋgáb a ta -ce -é … (t5.27)

3p P2 begin -into -PFV yell -INF 3p SIM say -ADDSM -PFV ...

They began to yell, they also said “…”.

In (63), a narrator interruption is encoded as simultaneous with the event in the preceding

sentence.

The event in the relative clause is then encoded as simultaneous with the event in the story

that is immediately previous to the interruption).

20

(63) Cɨcɔɔ ɨ ɗəŋ ɓe ɨsɨm. Ɨna, nyí fɔ -ce -é mɨ nɨm

guinea.hen NAR straighten.CNS with tears how?, 2p ask -ADDSM -PFV 1s thing

kuku yi ndɨŋ -kom -ce ɓwâ kíì àà? (t11.12-13)

quail P2 do -often -ADDSM.PFV.D time AN.AM Q?

Guinea Hen was overcome with tears. What? Are you asking me what Quail was doing

(lit: the thing that quail was doing) at that time?

5.1.2 Participant additive -ɓwê

-ɓwê (ADDP) may occur by itself, but frequently occurs with –cé/-cè in a narrative text, since

adding a participant often entails adding another event. The added participant may function

as subject, direct object or indirect object in text material. (64) is a conversation between a

young boy, More-Clever-than-Chief, and the village chief.

(64) Chief, in front of his household, to boy (indirect quote): (t6.50, 52)

Ye ŋgé á ŋgə ok -cé -ye nɨŋgwá fein -tɨ mwin yàà?

day which FOC 3s hear -ADDSQ -before.PFV man give:birth -PFV child Q

When did he hear before that a man gave birth to a child?

Boy to chief (direct quote):

Ye ŋgé á wu ók -ɓwée -cé -ye ina-yáànaá mberè

day which FOC 2s hear -ADDP -ADDSQ -before.PFV how-DM ram

fein -tɨ mwin?

give:birth -PFV child

When did also you also hear that a ram gave birth to a kid?

(65) Hȩ nyoo le nɨ yó ku rè -é, ŋgə ɨ

manner snake enter.PFV.D ANT house.LOC there DIST -AM 3s NAR

lé -ɓwê -cê yó ku ... (t3.3a,b)

enter -ADDP -ADDSQ.CNS house.LOC there

As the snake had entered the house there, then she also entered the house ...

(See also (27) the last clause, where -ɓwê indicates the calling of an additional participant to

eat.)

21

5.2 Directional Verb Extensions

As stated above directional extensions, like additive extensions, tend to be governed at a

higher level than the sentence. The directions indicated by the extensions usually point to the

current centre of reference in a text. Their basic meaning is spatial direction, but the function

of some of this type of extensions has been metaphorically extended to include direction in

time (temporal centre) and one can be used to encode a purpose relationship, cf. -wò ‘toward

centre of reference (CPTL)’ is used spatially in (66-67); it is used as ‘toward the temporal

centre’ (68); in (69) it indicates ‘action toward a purpose’.16

Some of these extensions could also be considered valency raisers in a wider sense because

they require the presence of a locative NP. However because the locative NP follows the

direct object17 and is marked with the locative case18 (73, 76 etc.) or occurs in a

postpositional phrase (77, 81 etc.), I have not considered them to be part of the nucleus of the

clause, and therefore a peripheral element. Thus these extensions are not valency raisers in

Vute in the truest sense of the term, though they have been analysed as such in some

Cameroonian languages (Wiesemann, Nseme and Vallette, 94).

The centre of reference can usually be determined by checking which participant is referred

to by a pronoun, or even by Ø, which indicates that that participant is thematic at that point.

In cases where there is only one participant in a clause, that participant may be referred to by

a full NP, e.g., when there has been a referential discontinuity and a new thematic participant

is being staged/restaged.

Directional extensions may occur with verbs that are not motion verbs as well as with motion

verbs.

16

Some of the examples in this section are longer because the discourse context is necessary to show how the

extensions function. 17

The direct object is the usual boundary of the clause core. 18

usually nasalisation of a final vowel or the addition of a nasal consonant

22

5.2.1 -wò ‘toward centre of reference (CPTL)’19

This extension refers to an event that is conceived as moving toward the centre of reference;

in (66) the young man is following the topical participant who is referred to by means of a

pronoun.

(66) Mutí wàánjí rè a tu -wo -ce -é ŋgə ɓe fɔ cúk. (t9.16)

child young.man DIST SIM follow -CPTL -ADDSM -PFV 3s with question together.

That young man followed him, asking questions.

(67) Kí á màŋgù ta ní ɗú -ú ŋgə mi -só -wò nàá … (t7.11a)

AN FOC hyena say.PFV LOG want-PFV 3s mist -down -CPTL.SBJ rain

So Hyena said that he (hyena) wanted him to make rain mist down …

(Both participants are part of the referential centre here, although the hyena may have more

status since he is telling the sheep to do something; both are referred to with pronouns in the

indirect citation: Hyena by a logophoric pronoun and Sheep by the regular 3s pronoun.)

In (68 we see the –wò extension used temporally. Note the focus markers (FOC argument

focus, CF contrastive focus) that accompany the temporal expressions in the three sentences.

The centre of reference here is temporal, the time when the main participant in the story was

born.

(68) Nɨm á ləəm -nɨ ɗɨm kɨ yi ya -wo ɓwâ Mèín yi nyaŋhȩ ɗɔɔb -í á.

1p IPFV think -INF habit AN P2 begin -CPTL.PFV time God P2 create.PFV world -AM FOC.

Éìyè, ɗɨm kɨ yi -nɨ yà -wò -wá ɓwâ kɨ. Yi ya -wo -nɨ ɓwâ kù yi

no habit AN P2 -NEG begin -CPTL -PFV.NEG time AN. P2 begin -CPTL -CF time one P2

fein Kɨcaab Ndóŋ Mvèìn á. (t6.2-4)

give:birth.PFV.D Clever Pass Chief FOC

We think that the custom (of parents naming their own child) began when God created the

earth. No, the custom did not begin at that time. It began when More-Clever-Than-Chief

[lit: Clever-Pass-Chief] was born.

19

I have followed Wiesemann, Nseme and Vallette. 1993. in using the abbreviation CPTL (centripetal) to gloss

this extension rather than the long gloss “toward deictic centre”. In the same way CFGL (centrifugal) is used rather

than “away from deictic centre”. See §6.2.2.

23

In (69) the –wò extension refers to the central purpose of the action. (see also (81) below)

(69) Á ŋgə ta -na Máálàm naá, yà ní -ì gi -í ɗȩȩ -nɨ mwar heé.

FOC20 3s say -IO.PFV (name) DM mother LOG -AM go -PFV cultivate -INF field new.

Á ŋgə tein -wo -tɨ kpárè kúkú -mé, ŋgə a gì dòŋ -nɨ

FOC 3s cut -CPTL -PFV stalk cassava -AM 3s SEQ go.CNS plant -INF

mwar hehí. (t12.25-6)

field new.AM

So he told Malam that his mother went to cultivate a new field. She cut pieces of cassava

stalk, then she then went to plant (them) in the new field.

5.2.2 -sò ‘away from centre of reference (CFGL)’

-sò refers to an event that is conceived as moving away from the centre of reference. The

lexical verb may or may not be a motion verb, cf. (71) below.

(70) Ɓwâ kùb na nɨm cɔɔŋ, wu nɨ kúkwí kɨ lúu

time people give.PFV.D 1s food.AM 2s NEG bone AN outside

lee -ho -sòo yáà. (t5.8)

throw -out -CFGL.FNEG PC

When people give us food, you shouldn’t /please don’t throw out the bones.

(71) Àm ní -ì á wu me -kɨ -so yó? (data notebook)

word what -AM FOC 2s stay -comp. -CFGL.PFV house.LOC

Why did you stay home [not coming along with the others])?

In (72) we see –sò and -wò contrasted within the same sentence. The participant referred to

by the 3s pronoun is the young man who is the central participant in the story.

(72) Ŋgə ɨ ók -cù -sò cùrì na, kúu nò kwè -è á tà -wò -nɨ …

3s NAR hear -again -CFGL.CNS behind DM voice person INDF -AM IPFV say -CPTL -INF

20

The FOC is used at the beginning of both sentences indicating that this information is the answer to a question

and/or information that needs to be established. It begins with the FOC because the premise (in the question) isn’t

stated in the answer.

�

24

(72) cont.

“Gùr móŋ kùŋ yoo, gùr móŋ kùŋ yoo.” (t8.13)

journey wait neighbour TAG, journey wait neighbour TAG

He heard again from behind, the voice of someone saying (towards him), “Journey wait for

(your) neighbour, won’t you?”

5.2.3 -tè / -tèè ‘around’ .

This extension is the distributive marker and refers to an action done all around the centre of

reference or the referent of the locative phrase. In some ways, this extension could also be

interpreted as iterative. However, the most common process used to indicate the iterative

form of the verb in Vute is that discussed in §2.3.1 above. Also, the lengthened vowel of the

verb root, does not indicate action all around the center of reference as -tè does. In (73) we

see –tè used with a locative NP in the main clause. However, the postposed clause contains no

locative phrase, and –tèè seems to refer only to the sick child, who is the centre of reference

in the sentence21.

(73) Hȩ ŋgə go gù -nɨ yébì, tá nóò ɓe yà nóò ɨ

manner 3s come.PFV fall -INF sick.AM father TOP.AM with mother TOP.AM NAR

lù -tè kwébìn, má -tèè -nà -ɓà -nɨ ŋgə ŋgár uu haa . (t19.6)

run -around.CNS village.PL.LOC seek -around -IO -really -INF 3s medicine thus long:time

As he fell sick, his father and his mother ran around the villages searching all over for

medicine for him for a long time.

(74) Ŋgə ɨ jù -tèè -ho kúkwí dùrù tɨ lee -ho lúu kɨ. (t5.18)

3s NAR hunt -around -out.CNS bone baboon P1 throw -out.PFV.D outside AN.

He hunted all over for the bone that Baboon had thrown outside.

(75) Ŋgáb ɨ yà ɗóò -tè -nà -nɨ mɨkoomɨb lâs, má -nɨ nò

3p NAR begin.CNS measure -around -IO -INF young.girls all, seek -INF person

gùr noò ɓa èrɨ -nɨ ɓe táb kíì. (t13.24)

foot TOP.AM really fit -INF with shoe.N1 AN.AM

They began to measure all the young girls, seeking for the one whose foot really fit that shoe.

21

Note the use of the topical participant possessive form, nóò in the main clause.

25

5.2.4 -wú ‘up, upwards’ (from wú-nɨ ‘to climb toward the center of reference’). It refers to an

action that includes upward motion, often upward towards the centre of reference. It requires

the addition of a locative phrase

(76) Nɨmɨr ti -i ɨ sarɨ -wû ŋgáár ŋgwȩȩ. (t6.36)

owner country -AM NAR rub -up.CNS hand head.LOC

The chief rubbed his hand on his head.

(77) Yáya péín mvii taarɨb -í, mɨ ya -ré kɨ -wú -nɨ píím

yesterday side.N1 sun three-AM 1s begin -into.PFV put -up -INF lime

mo22 dúhé ya naá … (t2.5)

1s.AM house on DM

Yesterday about 3pm, I started to whitewash my house and then ...

(78) Kí á mɨ ya ŋgə ya ku ɗèì -wú -nɨ u. (t2.12)

AN FOC 1s begin 3s on there step -up -INF thus

So I started to step on him like this.

5.2.5 -sé/ -só ‘down, downwards’ (from sé-nɨ ‘to descend’) encodes movement downward

from a source above. This extension requires the addition of a locative phrase if it does not

clearly refer to the centre of reference. (See also (67) above.)

(79) Mɨ yóŋ -tɨ wu, hain mɨ wo njumí, óo wu pe -ho -tɨ cəər,

1s pray -PFV 2s carry.IMP 1s 2s.AM back.LOC if 2s cross -out -PFV other.side.LOC

wu a kɨk -sê mɨ ɗàá. (t14.8)

2s SEQ put -down.CNS 1s ground.LOC

I pray you, carry me on your back, if/when you cross to the other side, then you put

me down.

(–sé here indicates that the direction is down away from the centre of reference.)

Compare the following example (80) with (78) above, both from the same text. In Vute, you

step up on, but hit down on a mouse on the floor—starting position of the instrument in

22

note also the reversed possessive adjective - head noun order, which is common to all locative phrases.

26

relation to the surface of the object/centre of reference seems to determine which extension is

used.

(80) Mɨ ɨ á -wò -ɓà ŋgɨŋ kàm kɨku, mɨ ɨ yà ŋgə

1s NAR take -CPTL -really.CNS stick big INDF 1s NAR begin.CNS 3s

láà -sé -nɨ ŋgwȩȩ. (t2.19)

hit -down -INF head.LOC

I brought a big stick and I began to hit him on the head.

When the –sé extension combines with –wò ‘toward centre of reference’, the result is

–só(w)ò, as in (81, 82) below.

(81) ɗà mutí á -nɨ ŋgə pe -só -wò -nɨ yɔ rè ya (t9.14b)

then child IPFV -CF23 3s see -down -CPTL -INF tree DIST on.

Then the youth saw him from the tree (the youth had climbed a tree).

(82) Mèín yi tóm -só -wo -na -á nɨm mwin noò. (data notebook)

God P2 send -down -CPTL -IO -PFV 1p child TOP.AM

God sent us his son.

5.2.6 -ho ‘out’ from fo-nɨ / ho-nɨ ‘to leave, go out’. This extension is often combined with

–sò ‘CFGL’ as in (83). In both these examples there is a locative NP, which I think results from

a combination of the main verb and the extension ho.

(83) Ŋgáb ɨ tóm -ho -sò ndèìn ŋgwàrí. (t12.39)

3p NAR send -out -CFGL.CNS cow savannah.LOC

They sent the cows out to the bush.

(84) Á -hoo , mɨ á -ho -ce nduu kɨ, mɨ ɨ lèè -sò ŋgə

take -out.NOM 1s take -out -ADDSM.PFV sack AN 1s NAR throw -CFGL.CNS 3s

yú cùr -ì rè. (t2.7)

house.LOC.N1 behind -AM DIST

Taking out, I took out the sack, I threw him (shrew in sack) out behind the house.

23

CF contrastive/ counterexpectation focus because it is unlikely that a young person could see through the form

changer’s sorcery.

27

5.2.7 -lé ‘in, into’, from lé-nɨ ‘to enter’, requires the addition of a locative phrase, even when

it refers to direction with respect to the centre of reference. It can be used both spatially and

temporally. In (85-87) the extension is used spatially. In (85), ‘into’ is directed toward the

centre of reference, which is Baboon at this point in the story; both the verb ‘enter’ and the

extension ‘into’ are used in this one sentence. (86) is a proverb, a statement of general truth.

In (87) -ndé refers to the locative NP, ‘in/on each neck’. This extension obeys the

morphophonemic l/r/nd rule, like all other l-initial clitics and suffixes.

(85) Li ɨ ŋgèè -rê ŋgə ii no vùŋ -cù -nɨ kúúr ɓe kùŋ

dog NAR look -into.CNS 3s eye in remember -again -INF secret with neighbour

tɨ lé -wo jȩȩne. (t5.15)

P1 enter -CPTL.PFV.D path.LOC.AM

‘Dog looked him (Baboon) in the eye remembering the secret with neighbor that they

entered on the way there. (Note also the –wò extension in the relative clause.)

(86) Ŋgɨkin ti ŋgób ɨ du pɨi -lé -kɨ -nɨ nɔk sìrì waa ndu. (9.25)24

splinter DIM little SF COP.D spill -in -comp -INF pot.N1 cook.GER.AM fire.LOC CLFT

It is a little piece of wood that spills the cooking pot into the fire. (a Vute proverb)

(87) Ŋgáb ɨ sûŋ -ndé -kɨ -sò ndèìn bɨ lâs ke mȩȩ mȩȩ. (t12.44)

3p NAR tie -into -comp.-CPTL.CNS cow PL all leaf neck.LOC neck.LOC

They tied up all the cows with leaves around each neck.

This extension can also be used for non-spatial relationships. For instance, it combines with

the verbs yà-nɨ to begin’ (88) and éí-nɨ ‘to leave’ (89) with an incipient sense, adding the

meaning of an action that has just gotten underway, an entrance from the previous event or

state into the current one.

(88) Hȩ cɨcɔɔ pé ŋgwáá kú -nɨ rè -é, á ŋgə ya -ré

manner guinea.hen see.PFV.D husband die -INF DIST-AM FOC 3s begin -into.PFV

24

The verb root�pɨi ‘spill’ historically ended with an alveolar stop, i.e.,�pìt.

28

kɨi -nɨ ŋgwáá, ŋgə a soŋ -ce -é wàì lè. (t11.9)

cry -INF husband 3s SIM sing -ADDSM -PFV song.N1 DIST

As Guinea Hen saw her husband die, she began to mourn her husband, and she sang

this25 song:

See (59, 76) above for other examples of yàrénɨ.

(89) Ɨdu dugii u, mbɨb yi móóŋ ɓwâ ŋgə éí -cu -ré gùr -í -ì. (t8.20)

but even thus feces P2 wait.PFV time 3s leave -again -into.PFV.D journey -LOC -AM

But even so, Feces waited until he (the young man) started his journey again.

(90) Á màŋgù él -lé lùú. Ndèɗú él -lê gùr. (t7.33-4)

FOC hyena leave -into.PFV run.NOM sheep leave -into.CNS walk.NOM

Hyena took off running, then Sheep left walking.

6.0 Number and Order of Extensions in Natural Text

In natural text one frequently finds examples of up to three extensions following a verb root,

e.g., examples (52) and (86) above. Some examples of four extensions following a verb root

also occur in one folkstory “The Children who Waited for Termites”.

(91) Ŋgə ɨ ɓóŋ -ndé -kɨ -sò -nà Mèékɨr waá siín. (t16.49)

3s NAR steam -into -comp. -CFGL -IO.CNS ogre26 fire.AM under.LOC

She steamed (it) for Ogre at the fire (and left it for him).

(92) Ŋgə ɨ sàìn -kɨ -sò -nà -ɓwê ŋgə gɔɔ. (t16.55) 3s NAR roast -comp. -CFGL -IO -ADDP.CNS 3s termites

She also roasted termites for him (and left them for him).

25

The use of the DIST here 1) identifies the song as thematic in the story and 2) indicates that the song will

follow. In English we use the near demonstrative this to indicate both of these things, so I have translated the DIST

as this in the free translation. 26

In Vute culture, a mythical being with horns, a long beard and huge testicles.

29

See also (95) below for another example of four extensions following a compound verb.

The Vute verb extensions seem to occur in a fixed order The following chart gives our best

guess at the order in which the extensions occur. Extensions that are in the same column do

not co-occur in our data. Since only three or four extensions at most ever co-occur following

the verb root, it is difficult to say with certainty in which order they occur and which

extensions can not co-occur.

Three extensions, -ɓà, -ndóŋ and -kɨ, occur in two different positions in the verb word in our

data. The position of -ɓà seems to be determined by whether the verb root itself or one of the

extensions are being marked as intensified. The semantic or synactic rules that govern the

choice in ordering for the other two have not yet been discovered.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

tɨ cù tèè sé kɨ sò nà kɨ* ná mè há ɓwê cé yè

lɨ ɓà ndóŋ lé wò nyààŋ kwà cè cɨ

cáàŋ wú tò kòm yà gɨ

ho lɨŋ bɨŋ

ndóŋ *

ɗóò

ɓà *

kɔɔ

Table 1: Order of Vute verb extensions included in this paper

*extensions occurring in two different positions

7.0 Post-script: the origin of Vute verb extensions

Throughout this study, we have examined Vute verb extensions that are transparently derived

from verb roots that are still in use in the language today. In the process of

grammaticalisation some have lost the phonological characteristics of independent verbs (-lé

in 5.2.7 above), and the directional extensions that are derived from verbs have acquired

syntactic/pragmatic functions that the verbs themselves do not have (5.2 above).

In Vute narrative and hortative texts one sees some examples of two verb roots juxtaposed,

seemingly within one word, i.e., there is no pause between them nor can a NP occur between

30

them; also, the second verb root is often followed by verb extensions. The combinations of

verbs in these juxtaposed verb roots resemble verb serialisation in other African languages.

However, in Vute there do not seem to be the regularised patterns that are usually found with

serial verbs; rather, each combination idiosyncratically “fits” its context with the second verb

serving to modify the first verb, i.e.,

(93) gù -cáàm -sé -nɨ (94) tàŋ -ɓáà -nɨ

fall -kneel -down -INF eat -meet -INF

to fall down in abject supplication to eat together

A poignant example was found recently of a father who had died and left his wife and

children. Then the mother also died, leaving the children orphans.

(95) Ŋgə yi kú -mbɨk -kɨ -so -ɓwê -cé -é mwin nààsɨb kɨ. (data notebook)

3s P2 die -leave -comp. -CFGL -ADDP -ADDSQ -PFV child four AN

(Then) she also died and left the four children.

Example (95) illustrates the idiosyncratic nature of these verb root combinations. (95) also

shows how the extensions that follow the second verb root may also modify the first verb

root: the entensions (-ɓwê ADDP), -cé (ADDSQ) and possibly -kɨ (‘completely’) modify both kú-

nɨ ‘to die’ and mbɨk-nɨ ‘to leave, allow’. Only -sò (CFGL) might be considered solely to modify

mbɨk-nɨ.

These two-verb root forms raise some questions about their classification. Is the second verb a

verb extension like those in previous sections of this study, are they compound verbs, or is

this a serial verb construction?

7.1 Serial Verbs

One possibility for the origin of the Vute verb extension system is a further

grammaticalisation of a serial verb pattern. Some languages that are closely related to Vute,

e.g., Kwanja (Weber, 1), use serial verb constructions to handle some of the functions which

verb extensions handle in Vute (96-97)27.

27

Kwanja has the following verb extensions: the directional�–bá (toward centre of reference) -kɨ� ‘iterative’, -ná�

distributive, ‘all around’ and the perfect aspect marker�–kɨ.��Used together,�-kɨ-ná�often adds the idea of

reciprocity.

31

(96) Nyaa wu béémɨ ywá -kɨ monɨ tɔɔ saŋdɨ. P3 3s lay put -ANT child into basket.

She had laid the child into (her) basket.

(97) A tɨ wɨra má ku, bààkɨnɨ mɨ təə swar ywá mɨ yá yəə, …

if P1 someone COP there sufficient RES28 take hold put me outside

If there were someone who could take me outside, …

Vute does not employ a serial verb strategy, but uses verb extensions (as in §2-5 above) or a

second nominalized clause verb (infinitive or gerund), as in (98) below.

(98) Kúr kwè no, ŋgaɗər kwè yi ndóoŋ -tɨ ɓe kwíhèé nɨvɨtɨb -ì. (t8.1)

village INDF in form.changer INDF P2 pass.TR -PFV with kill.NOM people -AM

In a certain village, a form changer overdid the killing of people.

See (60) above for another example of a nominalized clause with gerund plus associated

noun. See (85, etc.) above for examples of a lexical verb +infinitive.

In Vute, these two types of two-verb constructions (verb + infinitive and verb + gerund)

share the same subject and T/A/M interpretation but, if both verbs are transitive, they can

not have different syntactic objects, as in classic serial verb constructions such as, a) take

knife cut meat: ‘cut the meat with a knife’ or b) take book give John: ‘bring John a book’.

In SVO languages, in a serial verb construction, the non-final verb(s) may serve

1) to indicate the T/A/M of the verb,

2) to modify the verb as adverbs, or

3) to add a participant or prop.

In Vute only true T/A/M markers precede the semantically main verb while all the valency

changers and modifiers follow it as extensions, (see Sec. 1.1 for ). So it does not seem likely

that the double root verb forms in Vute are serial verb constructions in their present form.

28

RES is Weber’s abbreviation for ‘resumptive pronoun’.

32

7.2 Verb plus Extensions or Compound Verbs?

Dimmendaal (185) states: “Verb compounding appears to be a natural outcome in languages

employing verb serialization.” In light of this statement, I began looking for criteria that

might reveal whether these two-verb forms are lexical verb plus verb extension or a

compound verb. The characteristics that verb extensions and these double-root verb forms

share are

1) the two verb roots share the same subject just as extensions share the same subject

with the lexical verb

2) they have the same aspectual/modal tone pattern overlying both of them just as

for a verb and its extensions.

3) Verb extensions follow the second verb just as they would any other verb

4) The post-verb aspect/mood markers occur only once—at the end of the

verb word

However, there is one major difference between these two types of constructions, the second

verb in a compound verb does not show the root-initial morphophonemic alternations that

occur at the boundary between a verb and its extensions. In the following example (97), the

verbs are juxtaposed with the subjunctive tone pattern over both of them. But àŋ-nɨ ‘to cross’

begins with a phonetic glottal stop in sɨm-àŋ-nɨ ‘jump across’ just as it or any other vowel

initial noun or verb root would in word initial position29.

(99) Nɨm kɨ a tɨŋgar kɨku ta -na ŋgáb yòó, ŋgáb ɗú mwin

thing AN FOC medicine:man INDF say -IO.PFV 3p VOC 3p want.PFV.D child

ŋgábè ɓát -tɨ kàà, sé ŋgáb sɨm -àŋ wa àm kɨku

3p.AM live -VR.SBJ therefore only 3p jump -across.SBJ fire huge INDF

kù lat -tɨ ɗàâ. (t19.8)

one burn -VR.PFV.D ground.LOC.AM

So a medicine man said to them, if they wanted to save their child, then the only way was to

jump across a huge fire that was lit on the ground.

29

Unfortunately, none of the verb extensions begin with a vowel so comparison is difficult. However, compare

the behavior of the IPFV á or the SF ɨ when following the immediately preceding subject or noun or pronoun in

one phonological word: mɨ + á –> [maá] ‘1s.+ IPFV’ , wu + ɨ –> [wií] ‘2s + SF’ (It’s you who …)

33

The verb word in (100) consists quite obviously of two separate verb roots rather than a verb

root plus extension: it violates the morphophonemic word level rule involving l/r/nd at the

boundary between the two verb roots (See Sec. 1.1 above.).

(100) Yɔ du gum jáàb -wá -á, kùb ɨ téín -lèè -ré -kî

tree COND fruit produce.fruit -PFV.NEG -AM people NEU cut -throw -into -comp.CNS

waa á. (data notebook)

fire.LOC FOC

If a tree does not produce fruit, it is cut and burned

If lèè ‘throw’ was really functioning as an extension in (98) one would expect it to begin with

nd following the nasal consonant in final position in the first verb root, like the extension -lé

‘into’ or -lɨ ‘VL/VR’ (§2.2): *téín -ndèè -ré -kɨ -nɨ. Therefore I conclude that compound

verbs are a part of Vute grammar today. Perhaps the only difference between compound verbs

and verb root plus extension, other than clear cases of compounding where inadmissable

phonological sequences occur between roots, is the increased frequency with which verb

extensions occur in Vute, as attested by the examples in this paper.

8.0 Conclusion

Vute uses verb extensions to accomplish many purposes: as valency changers, as adverbial

modifiers, and as discourse/pragmatic category indicators, among others.

Synchronic evidence from related languages indicates Vute verb extensions might have

developed from earlier serial verb constructions which have gone through two stages of

grammaticalisation

1) serial verb constructions which were reconstrued as compound verbs

2) frequently occurring non-initial verbs in compound verbs were grammaticalized as verb

extensions on the analogy of certain already existing verb extensions, such as the CFGL, CPTL,

valency raising and valency lowering exensions (§7 above).

I would like to propose a continuum of grammaticalisation for the verb forms we have

examined with compound verbs on one end of the scale and inflectional suffixes on the other,

34

with the derivational verb extensions presented above in Secs. 2-6 falling somewhere between

them.

<------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------>

Compound Verbs Derivational Extensions Inflectional Suffixes

Figure 2. Continuum of Grammaticalisation: Vute Verbs

35

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aspect and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: U. of Chicago Press.

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Durie, Mark. No date. Towards a typology of verb serialisation. Parkville, Australia:

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37

Abbreviations Used

1s 1st person singular

2s 2nd person singular

3s 3rd person singular

1p 1st person plural

2p 2nd person plural

3p 3rd person plural

ADDP participant additive

ADDSM simultaneous event

additive

ADDSQ sequential event additive

AN anaphoric pronoun or

demonstrative

AM associative marker

ANT perfect/ anterior

CF contrastive focus

CFGL centrifugal, motion away

from centre of reference

CLFT cleft sentence

CNS consecutive

COH cohortative

comp. completely

COMP complementiser

COND conditional

COP copula

CPTL centripetal, motion

toward referential centre

D dependent form of aspect

marker

DIST distal demonstrative

DM developmental marker

F1-2 Future tenses

FOC Focus marker

IMP imperative

INDF indefinite pronoun or

determiner

INF infinitive

intr intransitive

IO indirect object/ benefactive

marker

IPFV imperfective AUX

IRR irrealis

LOC locative

LOG logophoric pronoun

N1 head noun in a NP

NAR narrative conjunction

NEG negative

NEU neutral conjunction

NOM nominalising suffix

P0, P1-3 present and past tenses

PC polite command

PFV perfective marker

PL plural

POT potential mood

PROX near demonstrative

Q question marker

QT quote particle

refl reflexive

SBJ subjunctive

SEQ sequential

SFs ubject focus

SIM simultaneous

TOP.AM possessive form referring to

the topical participant

tr transitive

VL valency lowerer

VOC vocative particle

VR valency raiser

21/05/2008Duru export.rtf 38

Appendix I: Texts used in this paper

True Stories (1st or 3rd person)

Vute Title English Translation

1. Gùr Yáyàà Yaya’s Journey

2. Mɨnjumnjum The Shrew

3. Nyoo Yo ku A Snake in the House

4. Fùgamè á Wu Bìnɨ The Buffalo will Catch You

Folkstories

5. Dùrù ɓe Lì Dog and Baboon

6. Kɨcaàb Ndóŋ Mvèìn Clever Pass Chief

7. Ndèɗú ɓe Màŋgù Sheep and Hyena

8. Mutí ya Ni Mbɨb Ɓéhíì The Boy who Defecated on the Rock

9. Mutí ɓe Ŋgaɗər Boy and the Form Changer*

10. Lì ɓe Jìì Dog and Goat

11. Cɨcɔɔ ɓe Kuku Guinea Hen and Quail

12. Máálàm Malam

13. Àm Níì á du Ɗúwá Kùb Ɓáín Mwin Kwíhɨr Why Orphans Shouldn’t be Mistreated

14. Tùkur ɓe Mɨnyà Hare and Scorpion

15. Gɔ Tukur yi Gɔklé Hare’s Way of Sharing

16. Mucutɨb yi Gi Gɔɔ Móŋniì The Children who Went to Wait for

Termites

17. Tùkur, Màŋgù ɓe Mɨcɨk Hare, Hyena, and Civet Cat

18. Mvì ɓe Tùkur Toad and Hare

19. Ɓwàjɨrí ɓe Kùŋ Friend and Neighbor

20. Wàánjí ɓe Nɨwatɨb Young Man and Evil Spirit

21. Àm níì á Mèín ya Yokkɨ Cwe Why did God Hide Death?

Hortatory Text

22. Hààmɗəŋhȩȩ Muti The Raising and Disciplining of Children

*form changer: a person, belonging to a secret society, who turns himself into an animal to harm

others.

21/05/2008Duru export.rtf 39

Appendix II. Vute Text

Dùrù ɓe Lì

(Baboon and Dog)

P1. 01

Ók -ye nɨm yi ndɨŋ dùrù ɓe lì du -cɨ bɨ ɓwàjììb sé-é. v -vex n t v n prep n cop -vex asp n prt

hear -first.IMP thing P2 do.PFV.D baboon with dog EQ.D -already 3p.ANT friend.PL EQ. NEG-AM

Listen to the thing that made Baboon and Dog not be friends any more.

02

Saa mɨ du wu átɨ -nà -nɨ rè yi ndóóŋ ɓwâ ya kɨjiib -ɨ á. n pro asp pro v -vex -vsfx dem t v n t n -nsfx prt

story 1s IPFV.D 2s tell -IO -INF DIST P2 pass.PFV time P3 elders -AM FOC

The story I am telling you today happened during the time of the ancestors.

03

Ɓáŋɓɨ kùb tɨ fein mé ɗàà, ɨdu ɓe ju gín kɨjiib -ì á n pro m v pro prt cnj prep n n n -nsfx prt

past.events INDF.PL IRR give.birth 1s.O.AM IPFVNEG but with life side.N1 elders -AM FOC

mɨ dəŋhȩ saa kɨ ru. pro v n det prt

1s know.PFV.D story AN CLFT

There are no past events before I was born, but it is with life near the elders that I know this story.

04a

Yée, mɨ yoŋ-tɨ nyí kɨjiib, nyí nɨ lɨtɔɔ cɨra mâa sumé, ex! pro v -vsfx pro n pro prt n n v n

Pity 1s pray-PFV 2p elders 2p NEG afternoon.LOC waste.time.NOM seek.FNEG wine.LOC

04b,c

ɨdu du -ná -am waa , nyí a átɨ -nà mucutɨb saa hȩ kɨ rè. cnj v -vex -vsfx n pro cc v -vex n n n pro dem

but sit -IMP.PL -IMP fire.LOC 2p SEQ tell -IO.CNS children story manner AN DIST

Mercy, I pray you, elders, You should not seek to waste time with wine this afternoon, but sit by

the fire and you will tell children a story like this.

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P2, 05

Dùrù ɓe lì yaám ɓwàjìrí ɓe kùŋ á. n prep n cop n prep n prt

baboon with dog P3.EQ friend with neighbor FOC

Baboon and Dog were friend and neighbor.

06

Ye kwè, ŋgáb ɨ ta vúm gɨ koom ɓé -nɨ á yáá. n det pro cc v pro v n v -vsfx prt prt

day INDF 3p NAR say.CNS LOG.PL go.SBJ fiancee call -INF FOC QT

One day, they said that they should go to call a fiancee.

07

Hȩ ŋgáb yi du -ye jȩne, á lì ta -na Dùrù, “Ɓwàjìrí moò, n pro t v -vex n prt n v -vex n n poss

manner 3p P2 sit -before.PFV.D path.LOC.AM FOC dog say -IO.PFV baboon friend my

wu á mɨ ɗú -nɨ ceí, mɨ ɗəŋ -tɨ u. pro asp pro v -vsfx adv pro v -vsfx adv

2s IPFV 1s love -INF much 1s know -PFV thus

As they were already on the way, Dog said to Baboon, "My friend, you love me a lot, I know this.

08

Ɓwâ kùb na nɨm cɔɔŋ, wu nɨ kúkwí kɨ luu lèè-ho-sòo yáà. n pro v pro n pro prt n det n v -vex -vex.vsfx prt

time INDF.PL give.PFV.D 1p food.AM 2s NEG bone AN outside throw-out-away.FUT.NEG POL

"When people give us food, please do not throw the bones outside.

09

Ɓetí dù -nɨ jɨr tárì moò á.” cnj cop-vsfx n n poss prt

because EQ.D-INF taboo father.AM my FOC

"Because it is my father's taboo."

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10

Duru ɨ pii -nà ŋgə, ŋgə ɨ tà, Tá, ɗûnɨm wu ɗú mé n cc v -vex pro pro cc v n n pro v pro

baboon NAR reply -IO.CNS 3s 3s NAR say.NS father love 2s like.PFV.D 1s.O.AM

ndóŋ -tɨ kɨ mɨ ɗú wé, ɓetí wu tɨ dù mɨ ɗú -wá, v -vsfx pro pro v pro cnj pro t mood pro v -vsfx

pass -PFV AN 1s love.PFV.D 2s.O.AM because 2s P1 COND 1s love -PFV.NEG

wu yè wú àm jɨr tárì rè yà -wò -wá. pro m pro n n n dem v -vex -vsfx

2s POT 2s.NEG word taboo father.AM DIST begin -CPTL -PFV.NEG

Baboon answered him, he said, "Father, the love (with which) you love me surpasses that (with

which) I love you, because (if) you didn’t love me, you would not have first told(about) (your)

father’s taboo.”

11

Ɗàrò jɨr moò á kùb á -kɨ ŋgéré moò lur-í rè.” n n poss prt pro-nsfx v -vex n pos n-nsfx dem

now taboo my FOC INDF.PL take -comp.PFV loin.cloth my buttocks-LOC DIST

“Now my taboo is that people take off my loin cloth."

P3, 12

Ɓwâ ŋgáb lé -cáŋhȩ kúúr kí -ì, á ŋgáb gɨ fén -nɨ n pro v -vex.PFV.D n det-nsfx prt pro v v -vsfx

time 3p enter -finish.PFV.D secret AN-AM FOC 3p go.PFV arrive -INF

kwí kóómé yá. n n postp

village.N1 fiancee.AM LOC

When they finished telling these secrets, they arrived at the village of the fiancee.

13

Ɓwâ mɨkóómɨb yi pé ŋgáb-è, cunɨb yi kú -ú ye kí -ì n n t v pro-nsfx n t v -vsfx n det -nsfx

time young.girls P2 see.PFV.D 3p-AM chickens P2 die -PFV.D day AN -AM

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nɨ nɨm fain -ndé sé. prt n v -vsfx prt

PRED thing count -PFV.AM EQ.NEG

When the young girls saw them, the chickens that died that day were not a thing to count.

14a,b

Ŋgáb ya -ré -é cɔŋ, dùrù nyəmne kukwi mwi, pro v -vex-vsfx n n v n nu

3p begin -into -PFV food baboon suck.CNS bone one

14c

ŋgə ɨ lee -ho lu u. pro cc v -vex n

3s NAR throw-out.CNS outside

They started to eat, Baboon sucked one bone, he threw it outside.

15

Lì ɨ ŋgèè -rê ŋgə ii noo30 vùŋ -cù -nɨ kúúr ɓe kùŋ tɨ n cc v -vex pro n poss v -vex -vsfx n prep n t

dog NAR look.at -into.CNS 3s eye his remember -again -INF secret with neighbor P1

lé -wo jȩne. v -vex n

enter -CPTL.PFV.D path.LOC.AM

Dog looked at him into the eye, remembering the secret with his neighbor entered into on the road.

16

Ɨdu, dùrù yi ɗú -ú səə -kɨ -nɨ ɓwàjìrí noò* á. cnj n t v -vsfx v -vex -vsfx n poss prt

but baboon P2 want -PFV shame -comp. -INF friend his FOC

But Baboon wanted to shame his friend completely.

30

*This possessive form may only refer to the third person topic of the sentence in which it

occurs.

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17a,b

Ŋgə ɨ á -kwa kukwi mwi, ŋgə ɨ lèè -ho -kwà lúu. pro cc v -vex n nu pro cc v -vex -vex n

3s NAR take -again.CNS bone one 3s NAR throw -out -more outside.

He took another bone, he again threw it outside.

18a,b

Lì nɨ kɨ jii -cɨ -wá, ŋgə ɨ ju -tèè -ho kukwi duru n prt pro v -vex -vsfx pro cc v -vex -vex n n

dog NEG AN endure -already -PFV.NEG 3s NAR hunt -around -out.CNS bone baboon

tɨ lee -ho lu u kɨ. t v -vex n det

P1 throw -out.PFV outside AN

Dog did not put up with it, he hunted all around for the bones that Baboon threw outside.

19

Ɓwâ ŋgə gì -nɨ júŋ -nɨ kúkwí -í, ŋgə juŋ -cɨ -nɨ mɨgùne ɓusiín á. n pro v -vsfx v -vsfx n -nsfx pro v -vex -vsfx n n prt

time 3s go -INF seize -INF bone -AM 3s grab -already -CF mother-in-law groin FOC

When he went to seize the bone, he already grabbed his mother-in-law in the groin.

20

Dùrù ɓe nùb lâs ɨ yà ŋgə sɔk -nɨ. n prep pro quant cc v pro v -vsfx

baboon with people all NAR begin 3s mock -INF

Baboon and everybody began to mock him.

21

Ye kɨ, nɨgwi ɨ mvu ŋgə; lì ɨ jəb ŋgə mwi. n det n cc v pro n cc v pro nu

day AN woman NAR refuse.CNS 3s dog NAR sleep.CNS 3s one

That day the woman refused him; Dog slept by himself.

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22

Dùrù a jəb -ce -é ɓe nɨgwi. n cc v -vex -vsfx prep n

baboon SIM sleep -also -PFV with woman

Baboon also slept with a woman.

P4 23a

Cɨɨm, hȩ dùrù yi du wum -í rè-é, li ɨ ne -wû còóm, n n n t asp n -nsfx dem-nsfx n cc v -vex n

night.LOC manner baboon P2 IPFV.D sleep -LOC DIST-AM dog NAR be.quiet -up.CNS high

23b,c

ŋgə ɨ gì á -nɨ ŋgéré tɨ dùrù -ù rè, ŋgə ɨ taŋ -kî ŋgéré kɨ, pro cc v v -vsfx n t n -nsfx dem pro cc v -vex n det

3s NAR go take -INF loin.cloth P1 baboon -AM DIST 3s NAR eat - comp.CNS loincloth AN

23d

ŋgə ɨ jəb -cù -rê nɨm noò ɗàá ɗóóŋ. pro cc v -vex -vex n poss n ideo

3s NAR sleep -again -into.CNS thing his ground.LOC calmly

During the night, since Baboon was asleep, Dog got up quietly, he took Baboon's loincloth; he ate

that he went to back to bed and slept quietly.

P5 24

Hȩ ye sallé, ŋgə ɨ éí -wû còóm, gì -nɨ nyìndɨ -nɨ tɨgwin ɓoò31. n n v pro cc v -vex n v -vsfx v -vsfx n poss

manner day dawn.PFV.AM 3s NAR leave -up.CNS high go -INF greet -INF father:in:law their

As day dawned, he got up to go greet their father-in-law.

25

Dùrù ɨ me -rê yó, ɓetí ŋgə yaá má -nɨ ŋgéré noò. n cc v -vex n cnj pro t/a v -vsfx n poss

baboon NAR stay -in.CNS house.LOC because 3s P2.IPFV search -INF loin.cloth his

'Baboon stayed in the house because he was searching for his loincloth.'

31

This possessive form can only refer to the 3rd person plural topic of the sentence in which it occurs.

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26

Mvii yi tam -ce -é lâs, ŋgə a -yè yó. n t v -vex -vsfx quant pro asp -vex n

sun P2 get.stronger -already -PFV all 3s IPFV -first house.LOC

The sun was already high, he was still in the house.

27

Sèré lí ŋgáré ɗàà, ɨdu lí ŋgéé, nò parɨ -ré nɨ ɗàà n n n prt cnj n poss pro v -vsfx prt prt

shame cord hand.LOC IPFV.NEG but cord 3s.AM person detach -PFV.AM NEG EX.NEG

Shame has no cord, but its cord, no one can untie it. (a proverb)

28

U a sèré yi kwéí dùrù. adv prt n t v n

thus FOC shame P2 tie.up.PFV baboon

It was like this that shame tied up Baboon.

29a

No njɔɔ, ŋgə yi ɗəəŋ -tɨ li yi éí ni ər kɨ ru, poss n pro t v -vsfx n t v pro n det prt

his liver.LOC 3s P2 know -PFV dog P2 work.PFV.D LOG work AN CLFT

29b

á ŋgə ga -ho sii lúu ɓe sèré. prt pro v -vex n n prep n

FOC 3s take -out body outside with shame

In his heart he knew that it was dog who had done this to him.

30a

Ɓwâ nɨvɨtɨb yi pé lur ŋgéé jandîn, á ŋgáb yi ya -ré -é kɨŋ -nɨ, n n t v n poss prtcp prt pro t v -vex -vsfx v -vsfx

time person.PL P2 see.PFV.D buttocks 3s.AM red FOC 3p P2 begin -into -PFV shout -INF

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30b,c

ŋgáb a ta -ce -é, ‟Ŋgə a ɓe wa mbɨm-bín.” pro cp v -vex -vsfx pro asp prep n n -nsfx

3p SIM say -also -PFV 3s IPFV with fire anus -LOC

When people saw his red buttocks, they began to shout, they said, "He has fire on his back side!"

31

Duru ɨ lé -ndôŋ lȩȩ kahȩȩ. n cc v -vex prtcp n

baboon NAR enter -pass.CNS deep forest.LOC

Baboon entered deep into the forest.

P6 32

Yà -nɨ ye kɨ á, dùrù sei nyàm kahȩne. v -vsfx n det prt n v n n

begin -INF day AN FOC baboon become.PFV animal.N1 forest.LOC.AM

Beginning with that day, Baboon became a forest animal.

33a,b

Cùr kɨ no, á tɨgwin yi ta, á ɗú -nɨ lì, nò du mvècɔɔŋ, n det postp prt n t v asp v -vsfx n pro cop n

back.N1 AN in FOC father.in.law P2 say.PFV IPFV need -INF dog person EQ.D glutton

33b (cont)

ɓù -bɨŋ nɨgwi ɨ ndoŋ dùrù, nò du ɓe wa lurí-ì, v -vex n cc v n pro cop prep n n

marry -whole woman NAR pass.CNS baboon person IPFV.D with fire buttocks.LOC-AM

33c

ŋgə tɨ toŋ -kɨ nɨ kúr yáá. pro m v -vex m n prt

3s IRR burn -comp.-PFV 3S.EMPH village QT

After that, the father-in-law said, it was necessary that Dog, the one who is a glutton marry the

woman rather than Baboon, the one with fire on his back side, lest he burn up the village.

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34

U á lì yi sei nyàm kwé -è n prt n t v n n

thus FOC dog P2 become.PFV animal.N1 village.AM

Like this, Dog became an animal of the village.

P7 35

Nɨm yi ndɨŋ dùrù ɓe lì du bɨ nyɔɔ fo -nɨ ɗàwá -á á kí. n t v n prep n asp prt prtcp v -vsfx prt -nsfx prt pro

thing P2 do.PFV.D baboon with dog IPFV.D 3p.ANT good exit -INF IPFV.NEG -AM FOC AN

The thing that made Baboon and Dog not come out well is this.

36

Á -cè yí ɓe kùŋ ɓain -ndé fɨn tɨ səm -há mvókín ŋgábè. asp -vex n prep n v -vsfx n m v -vex n pro

IPFV -also place with neighbour meet -PFV.AM corpse IRR wake -only.PFV place:between 3p.AM

Also where(if) they meet, a corpse should not wake up between them.'

37

Hone á mɨ yɨk -lé saa dùrù ɓe lì -í ru. n prt pro v -vex n n prep n -nsfx prt

here.AM FOC 1s limit -into.PFV story baboon with dog -AM CLFT

It is here that I end the story of Baboon and Dog.

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List of Abbreviations

asp aspect marker

cnj conjunction

comp. completely

cop copula

cc clause chaining conjunction

dem demonstrative

det determiner (anaphoric or

indefinite)

ex! exclamation

ideo ideophone

m mood marker

n noun

nsfx noun suffix

poss possessive form

postp postposition

prep preposition

pro pronoun

prt particle

t tense marker

t/a tense/aspect marker

v verb

vex verb extension

vsfx verb suffix

1s 1st.person singular

2s 2nd person singular

3p 3rd person plural

3s 3rd person singular

AM associative (genitive)

AN anaphoric determiner

ANT anterior aspect

CF contrastive focus

CFGL centrifugal (away from

center of reference)

CLFT cleft sentence postclitic

CNS consecutive verb form

COP copula

CPTL centripetal (toward center of

reference)

D dependent, non-focused

form of the verb

DIST distal demonstrative

EQ equative

EX existential

F1 near future tense

FOC focus marker

IMP imperative mood

INF infinitive

IO indirect object marker

IPFV imperfective aspect

IRR irrealis mood

LOC Locative

LOG logophoric pronoun

N1 modified head noun of a NP

NAR narrative verb form

NEG negative

NEU neutral verb form

O object form

P1 near past tense

P2 far past tense

P3 removed past tense,

background information

PFV perfective aspect

PL plural

POL polite command marker

POT potential mood

PROX proximal demonstrative

Q question marker

QT end of quotation marker

SBJ subjunctive

SEQ sequential chain

SF subject focus

SIM simultaneous chain

TOP topical participant