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The importance of North Africa to the Western half of

the Empire and how its loss contributed to its downfall

of the Western Half of Rome

Jean Charl du Plessis

14143054

MPhil in Ancient Cultures

Module 6: The World of Late Antiquity

Lecturer: Dr Kotze

June 2012

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Index

1. Research Question

2. Introduction

3. The Story of Africa: The Storage Room of the Mediterranean

3.1 The Rise of Roman Africa

3.2 The Economy of Roman Africa

3.2.1 Agricultural Value

3.2.2 The Export, Trade and Shipping

3.2.3 The Ease of Management

3.2.4 Africa as a Political Tool

3.3 The Importance of Africa

3.3.1 The position of the Western Roman Empire in the beginning of the Fifth

Century

4. Rise of the Vandals

4.1 A Nation in Flight

4.2 A New Home

4.3 Internal Crisis Saves the Vandals

5 The Invasion of Africa

5.1 Taking to the Seas

5.1.1 Procopius on Bonifaces invitation to the Vandals

5.1.2 The Rise of Geiseric

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5.1.3 A Shipment of a Nation

5.2 Enemy at the Grain Gates

5.2.1 A Treaty is Forced

5.2.2 The Last True Roman of the West

6. The Fall of Africa and End of the West

6.1 The Scourge of God

6.2 The Sack of Rome

6.3 The Last Attempt to Revive the West

6.3.1 A New Armada

7. Conclusion

Research Question

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(Ward-Perkings 2006: 43). In comparison with Britain who needed four

Legions to maintain the peace, Africa had but one Legion supported by

auxiliary forces (Heather 2005: 275). Africa was cut off from the invasions

from the Rhine Lands as well as the more eastern enemies of Rome by the

Middle Sea in the north and the Sahara in the south. This geographical

position made it very safe in comparison with the other provinces of the

west. The nomadic tribes of Libyans and Moors posed little threat to the

provinces and the evidence points to a symbiotic relationship between the

settled citizens of Africa and the wandering tribes (Lendering 2007: 11).

Even during the latter days of the Empires decline, Africa remained its

economical foundation and its most reliable tax base (Ward-Perkings

2006: 43). In 429 however, Roman North Africa came under serious threat

from a very unlikely people; the Vandals. They were not known for their

warlike behaviour, were unable to achieve any great victories against

Rome in the field and unlike the Goths and Huns were unable to force any

treaty with the Empire on show of force (Jones 2007: 238-239).

Abandoning their hopes of settling in Spain, the Vandal king Gaiseric and

his people crossed the Straits of Gibraltar and invaded Romes most vital

sources of revenue and forcing from the West the very source that

sustained it (Ward-Perkings 2006: 43).

The Story of Africa: The Storage Room of the

Mediterranean

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to settlers seeking new beginnings while a substantial portion was sold to

rich Romans magnates, the majority to influential senatorial families

(Heather 2005: 274).

While Rome inevitably became involved in the affairs outside of the royal

ditch as conflict rose with the Numidian kingdom to the west, especially

after the Jugurthine War of 111 BC, it was not until the time of Julius

Caesar that Roman direct rule was finally expanded beyond the original

limits of the province (Saddigton 2005: 9) (Heather 2005: 275). After the

civil war between Caesar and Pompey in 47 BC Caesar extended the

original province further inland, re-naming it Africa Vetus and also

added a second province, Africa Novawhich consisted of the eastern half

of the former Numidian kingdom which Caesar annexed after its king

supported the Republicans during the civil war(Saddigton 2005: 9). The

economical value of Africa can already be noted in the early expansion of

Rome; Africa, with the added province of Caesar already produced a

shipment of 50 000 tons of grain annually to Rome (Heather 2005: 275).

Under Augustus and the Pax Romana, the empire found stability and a

time of expansion and prosperity. Augustus re-found Carthage, lifting the

age old curse of Scipio, and shifting the administrative capital from Utica

to his new Carthage (Saddigton 2005: 12). The new capital was once

again connected to the sea, greatly enhancing its economical

development and quickly became one of the Empires most important

cities (Saddigton 2005: 12). Under Augustus the two provinces of Africa

were united into one large province named Africa Proconularis

(Saddigton 2005: 12). Roman rule and influence kept expanding

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in the fertile plains of the Maghreb. The area comprised of modern day

eastern Morocco, the northern plains of Algeria and the broad river valleys

of Tunisia (Heather 2005: 274). Large portions of the Maghreb receives an

average rainfall of 400 mm or higher which allows for straightforward

growth of wheat. The areas which receives between 200 mm and 400

mm, does require irrigation of some sorts but dry farming is still more

than possible. Even for the areas which receive between 100 mm and 200

mm, are well suited for olive plantations as olive trees require even less

water than palm trees (DO YOU NOT PREFER TO WRITE THESE DETAILS IN

PAST TENSE e.g. received an annual rainfall of...and were well suited for

olive plantations...or are you refering to region today and wld this be

relevant to area you are writing about in the past?) (Heather 2005: 247).

By the First Century AD, Africa had surpassed Egypt in the production of

grain, providing more than 5 00 000 tons of grain to the Empire (Heather

2005: 274). From ancient texts it is believed that by the time of Nero,

Africa could supply Rome with eight months of grain while Egypt could

only supply it with four months of grain (Wittaker 2005: 53).

Palm plantation dating back to Roman occupation of

Tisavar, modern day Ksar Ghilane Tunisia, which is still in use today (authors

collection)

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From the Second Century AD the agricultural and economical value of

Africa was expanded when farmers shifted their focus to the production of

olive and vine groves. Rural settlements continued to spread further and

further south as farmers capitalized on the drier climate which was ideal

for olive and wine production. As far as 150 km inland from the coast of

Tripolitania olive plantations could be found along with inscription

indicating plantation of 4 000 olive trees (Heather 2005: 274). The

productivity of the olive plantations can already be observed in the times

of Julius Caesar, who after the defeat of the Republican forces imposed

large indemnities on the cities who supported the Republicans. The cities

of Tripolitana alone had to pay 1 000 000 litres of oil annually as war

indemnity (Wittaker 2005: 37). The city of Lepcis Magna, the provincial

capital, had to pay an immediate fine of three million pounds of oil

(Lendering 2007: 10). This indemnity is believed to have continued well

into the Third Century AD (Wittaker 2005: 37). For a city in ancient times

with its limited resources and agricultural methods to produce such a

large amount of produce annually is very impressive. As mentioned, it was

paid as a war indemnity to Rome and the produce of the 1 000 000 litres

could not be used as financial gain. Tripolitana must thus have produced

enough oil and other goods to sustain itself and its economy after paying

the annual indemnity tax to Rome for more than 200 years.

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both her hands sheaves of corn as well as ships, loaded with grain sailing

from Africa to Italy (Heather 2005: 273).

As we have seen the majority of the arable land was considered to be

ager publicus. Due to the limitation of direct state control in ancient

times, we see the state subcontract many duties such as tax collection

(Wittaker 2005: 45). We see the same sort of indirect control of the public

lands in Africa. Instead of the time consuming efforts of the state running

the agricultural land directly they, the state, leased out the arable land to

private individuals who paid the rents in the form of kind by handing over

a certain amount of their produce (Wittaker 2005: 45) (Heather 2005:

277). Heather (Heather 2005: 277) points out that the state wished to

lease as much land out as possible, obviously to gain as much tax income

from the tenants and thus provided attractive incentives such as heritable

leases and options to sell their leases to third parties.

The majority of ancient economies relied on agriculture and Rome was no

different. In fact the reliance of the Roman economy on agriculture must

not be underestimated. Grant (2011: 4) probably simplifies it the best;

Currency, which in reality is only a symbol of wealth, was dependent on

the most important things it represented: food, clothing and raw

materials. Agriculture provided not only food but also the cloth used to

make the garments, the olives for the oil and the vineyards for the wine

which was such a highly consumed commodity. At least three quarters of

all the goods of Roman trade had something to do with agricultural

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out of decay and restored to its former glory (Saddigton 2005: 28). By the

Second Century the port had to be expanded to cope with the shipping

demands (Heather 2005: 277). Other cities along the coast also had large

ports to help lessen the load from the city of Carthage. The port of Utica

could accommodate more than 600 ships (Heather 2005: 277). The

harbour of Lepcis Magna became an important trading port, shipping

many tons of olive oil to Europe and was an essential part of the trading

route from Sub-Sahara Africa and the Near East (Saddigton 2005: 29).

The modern view of the once majestic harbour at

Carthage (authors collection)

Just as the state sub-contracted to private individuals much of its vital

function such as the management of the Agri Publicus, it also did a

similar deal with the shipping of its goods from Africa (Heather 2005:

277). By sub-contracting to private individuals the shipping rights of the

grain it lessened the burden of the state in managing, collecting and

distributing of the grain, and also created powerful shipping guilds which

had certain obligations towards the state in return for their shipping rights

(Heather 2005: 277). Because these shipping guilds played such an

important role to the states economy they were provided with many

privileges such as subsidy of transport costs and the up-keep of their

ships. The importance of the shipping of the grain to the state can be seen

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in the fact that the members of these shipping guilds were eventually

given equestrian status (Heather 2005: 277). These shipping guilds

played a role of major economical value for Africa in terms of the export of

goods; modern archaeology has discovered that a variety of goods, such

as dinner wares from Africa managed to penetrate the market of Europe

and even further into the Empire (Heather 2005: 278). With transport

costs of such products to far away areas it is difficult to imagine that

African wares could compete with the local Roman markets. There is

evidence of African wines being sold in Europe and still turning a profit

when competing with the wines of Gaul or Italy who had much shorter

distances to travel (Heather 2005: 278). With the transport costs of such

products it is questioned how could the African wares possibly compete

with local markets elsewhere in the Empire? The answer lies in the

shipping guilds and the state subsidised transport system. The goods from

Africa could travel for a minimal cost to the European market on the state

shipments, allowing private citizens to turn a profit by having the wares

catch a ride on the backs of these state shipments (Heather 2005: 278).

African goods could thus be found across the entire Mediterranean

allowing for economical growth in Africa on not just an agricultural level

but also on an industrial level.

North Africa was also famous for its stone quarries on the northern edges

of modern day Tunisia. Much of Romes stone buildings, including the

Coliseum, were built from the stone mined from the quarries in Africa

(Hole 2007: 120)

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The amphitheatre of Thysdrus, modern El-Jem, built from

the financial gains of the towns olive oil exports (authors collection)

The stone quarries at Haouaria with which the

Coliseum in Rome, as well as the one at El-Jem was built (authors collection)

The Ease of Management

The provinces of Africa can be seen as low in-put high out-put in

comparison to the other provinces of the Empire. First of all it enjoyed a

prime geographical position; the Mediterranean separating it from Europe

and the Sahara cradling it in the south. By the Fourth Century AD the

Empire was under constant threat from outside invaders. The Balkans and

Greece were under threat from nomadic tribes and especially the Goths

whereas Western Europe was under constant raids from numerous

Germanic peoples. The eastern provinces again were constantly under

pressure from the mighty Sassanid Empire. Britain on the other hand was

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prone to revolts and needed heavy military presence to keep the peace.

Africa was fairly immune to these external threats. All along Romes

frontier were hostile tribes. Britain had four entire Legions under garrison

and an extensive fortified wall running across Britain keeping out the Picts

in the north (Heather 2005: 278). The Rhine Lands and the Danubian

frontiers had a far higher military presence, 14 Legions full legions were

stationed along these to borders (Grant 1993: 36). These frontiers were

marked with a complex palisade border interlaced with garrisoned forts

(Grant 1993: 17). These areas had little economic value when compared

to Africa and the expense of the high military presence far exceeded their

economic out-put. The African frontier was far different. In fact, the

independent tribes of Moors and Berbers were an essential part of the

agricultural system (Lendering 2007: 10). The nomadic tribes during the

summer months migrated further north with their flocks and evidence

shows that during their time amongst Roman territory they supplied an

effective form of cheap labour in the agricultural fields (Heather 2005:

278). In return these nomads were allowed to pasture their flocks in the

summer seasons in Roman territory. They also traded wares from sub-

Sahara Africa and their own goods with the settled Roman communities.

The Garmantes of Libya, for instance, were known for their labour on

Tripolitanias olive plantations and using their dromedaries to plough the

fields (Lendering 2007: 10). Unlike the hostile frontiers of the rest of the

Empire, the settled communities and independent tribes relied on each

other and a type of symbiotic relationship existed between the two. As

mentioned earlier, Africa only had one Legion supported by auxiliary

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troops. These soldiers served more as a police force, keeping the local

order and keeping nomad raids in check rather than, as Heather (2005:

278) puts it; as heavy fighting troops. The sizes of the frontier forts

along the limes is supporting evidence of this when the much smaller

African forts such as the one at Tisavar (modern Ksar Ghilane, Tunisia) is

compared with the much larger forts of Vindolanda or Mainz

The Roman States largest expense came from its military demands

(Grant 1993: 44). The other frontiers and regions of Rome thus placed an

extremely high burden upon the states treasury. By comparing the other

regions of the Empire it becomes clear that, even though Africa was very

high in its production and a pillar of the Roman economy, it was easy and

cheap to maintain from a military point of view.

The small Roman fort on the Southern Limes of the

Empire at Tisavar (authors collection)

Grain shipments as a Political Tool

Africa, due to its economical value had become a valuable political tool.

During Octavians battle for supremacy, Sextus Pompeius, son of Pompey

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Magnus, had assembled a fleet and blocked the grain supply to Rome.

Even though Sextus had no powerful land forces at his disposal, his

blockade had starved the capital to such a point that Octavian was forced

to the negotiation table. Sextus had successfully obtained the pro-

consulship of Sicily, Sardinia and the Peloponnesus by simply blocking the

grain from reaching Rome (Cury 1975: 292). In 23 BC, Augustus boasted

that he had saved Rome from famine and granted one million citizens with

enough grain rations for a year (Wittaker 2005: 53). The emperor Claudius

suffered riots and came under heavy political pressure due to the grain

stores in Rome being in low supply (Wittaker 2005: 53). Wittaker (2005:

53) describes the grain supply as follows: ...African corn was always a

vital imperial asset, a weapon of control in the emperors hands and a

commodity for which there was a chronic need in Italy. The free corn

rations to the Roman people had become an important political tool under

the emperors and were essential for stability in the capital and their own

rule.

The Importance of Africa

The position of the Western Roman Empire in the beginning of

the Fifth Century

By the late Fourth Century the Empire was surrounded by enemies on all

sides and was in steady decline. The Empire had become too large for one

man to rule and was split into two but very unequal halves. Its eastern

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borders were under constant threat from the Sassanid Persian Dynasty as

well as the nomadic tribes of the Huns (Grant 1993: 23). The Western Half

was under far greater pressure. Italy suffered severe devastation at the

hands of Alaric and his Goths in 401 - 402 AD, followed by the invasion of

the German coalition of Radagaisus in 405 AD (Ward-Perkins 2006: 42).

Alaric invaded Italy for a second time in 408 which culminated in the sack

of the Eternal itself in 410 AD (Ward-Perkins 2006: 42). In 409 AD Gaul

suffered raids from the Vandals, Sueves and Alans who migrated onwards

to Spain and settled in the Peninsula taking from Rome the valuable

resources of its provinces(Ward-Perkins 2006: 42). To add to these

problems the Empire was suffering from severe internal disorder as well;

in 407 Constantine III declared himself emperor and his revolt took from

Rome the resources of Britain and a large portion of Gaul (Ward-Perkins

2006: 43). The only secure tax form that remained to the Western half

was the provinces of Africa and the islands of the western Mediterranean

(Ward-Perkins 2006: 42). Not only was Africa the most productive in the

terms of the economy of the Western half of the Empire, it was by far the

most stable as well.

To cope with external and internal pressure, from the mid Third Century

the Empire had been forced to enlarge its armed forces. The Roman army

from the time of Augusts consisted of roughly 300 000 soldiers. Between

the Third and Fourth Century however we can see massive increases of

military man power. It is estimated by many modern sources that by the

Fourth Century manpower had increased to approximately between

400 000 and 600 000 (Heather 2005: 63). The army had thus been

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increased by a least a third of its previous size. As mentioned before, the

highest expense of the state was its maintenance of its armed forces

(Heather 2005: 64) (Grant 1993: 44). Not only had the numbers of the

armed forces increased but their pay rate was increased dramatically as

well. In the time of Augustus the standard pay per legionnaire was 225

denarii per year (Grant 1993: 44). By the time of Caracalla the number

had increased to five times the amount (Grant 1993: 44). These increases

in man power as well as increase of pay rate placed heavy strain upon the

economy of the Empire. By the time of the emperor Septimius the value

of payment in cash had become so debased that payment to the troops

was made in kind (Grant 1993: 51). From this it is understandable just

how important and essential the agricultural produce of Africa had

become. Its produce was essential to the up-keep of the armed forces

which as we see were now paid in kind. The army again, was essential for

the survival of the Empire. Without the stable tax income in the form of

agricultural produce, the army could not be paid or maintained.

We have already looked at the agricultural output of the African provinces,

the stability of the region due to its geographical position and how its

provinces were far cheaper and easier to manage than the other parts of

the Western Empire. Finally we have discussed the importance of Africa as

tax revenue and for the upkeep of the army. By the Fourth Century, Africa

had truly become the economical pillar of Rome and was essential for the

Western half of the Empires survival.

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A Roman naval slipway at Carthage from which the

wealth of Africa spread throughout the Empire (authors collection)

Rise of the Vandals

A Nation in Flight

The story of the Vandals, as in the case of the Goths, is interlaced with the

arrival of the Huns. Not much is known of the origins of the Hunnic

peoples except that they came from the Great Eurasian Stepps (Heather

2005: 146). They were a nomadic people who migrated westwards riding

small tough ponies and wielding powerful re-curve bows (Heather 2005:

155). Their migration had a knock-on effect, dislodging one nation and

then driving them into another. One of the nations who fled the coming of

the Huns was the Goths (Jones 2007: 223). In their flight they moved into

the lands of the Vandals who were overwhelmed by the numbers of the

Goths and being themselves dislodged fled westward (Jones 2007: 238).

The Goths however, still under pressure from the Huns, fled into the

Roman Empire, seeking safety within its borders (Jones 2007: 239). To

meet this new threat in the form of the Goths, the Romans had to

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withdraw a large amount of their armed forces from the Rhine frontier,

leaving the Rhine frontier largely unguarded (Jones 2007: 239). The

Vandals had become part of a mixed cultural group of several nations

formed out of the need to escape the Huns. The group consisted out of

the Alans, the Hasdings and Siling Vandals and the Germanic Suevi

(Heather 2005: 263). Procopius (History of the Wars: Book III. 3. 9-23)?)

wrongly describes the Alans as a tribe of Gothic stock but modern studies

has shown that they are of Iranian origin and one of the first nations to fall

victim to the Huns (Procopius, History of the Wars: Book III. 3. 1) (Heather

2005: 263) (Jones 2007: 244). These migrating groups took advantage of

this open border on the Rhine and attempted to cross over into Roman

territory. This however brought them into conflict with the Germanic

Franks who were settled in the region where the migratory group

attempted to cross. The Vandals took a severe beating from the Franks

and were only saved from annihilation when the Alans came to their aid

(Jones 2007: 240) (Heather 2005: 246). In 409 the loose coalition of

people took severe losses in their attempts to cross, the Vandals losing

more than 20 000 men according to some sources, but they made it to

the other side and found themselves in Roman Gaul (Jones 2007: 240).

The Vandals and their allies however had no respite once they arrived in

Gaul, which was under the control of the usurper Constantine III. Under

threat from a counter attack by Constantine, the Vandals and their allies

moved into Spain where they finally found a place to settle (Heather 2005:

246).

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A New Home

Arriving in Spain the loosely formed coalition of peoples was dissolved and

they divided the provinces of Spain amongst them (so if they divided the

provinces amongst themselves did they take control of these terrorities?) .

The Hasding Vandals and the Suevi shared the province of Gallaecia while

the Siling Vandals took the province of Baetica (Heather 2005: 209, 246)

(Jones 2007: 242). The Alans however took for themselves two much

larger provinces; Carthaginensis and Lusitania. Heather (2005: 246)

suggests that the occupation of these provinces by the Alans, indicates

that they were the most powerful of these migratory groups who settled in

Spain.

The Rhine Invaders, who had settled in Spain, would not however find

peace and a permanent home in the Peninsula. The Roman West was

adamant to restore the balance and found in the military genius of Flavius

Constantius the means to do so. Proclaimed magister militum (senior

western general) in 410/11 AD he set out to tackle the problems of the

West (Heather 2005: 236). With a swift campaign in Gaul he dealt with the

usurper Constantine III as well as another usurper, Jovinus, and on the

German border he turned his attention to the Goths still loose in Gaul

(Heather 2005: 237, 238). Instead of slugging it out with the Goths,

Constantius decided to strike a deal with them and formed a military

alliance which he now directed at the Rhine Invaders who had settled in

Spain (Heather 2005: 241). In 416 Constantius lanced his invasion of

Spain with his new Gotho-Romano military alliance. Constantius waged a

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Internal Crisis saves the Vandals

In 422 a new campaign was organised to move upon the remainder of the

Vandals and Alans. The campaign was designed to strike at the Rhine

Invaders from two sides at once; an army under the command of Boniface

would cross over from Africa and another force would march on the

Vandal-Alan coalition from Gaul under the command of Castinus. The

Roman forces, as with the previous campaigns against the Rhine Invaders,

were supported with massive contingents of Gothic warriors (Heather

2005: 265). The exact happenings of the campaign are unclear. Boniface

withdrew his support and his troops never left Africa, the reasons for this

is unclear but it is very likely to do with the unstable political satiation at

court (Heather 2005: 265) (Jones 2007: 245). The campaign was

continued by Castinus with some early success but he suffered a defeat in

Baetica and was forced to withdraw (Heather 2005: 266). The campaign

came to an end with the death of the emperor Honorius in 422, when

Castinus returned to Italy to take his position as magister militum under

the new Usurper John (Heather 2005: 266). This taking of the throne by

the usurper John had pitted Roman East against West and the Empire

turned on itself, giving the remainder of the Rhine Invaders a well needed

respite (Jones 2007: 245).

Capitalising on the internal struggles of the Empire, the Vandals besieged

and captured the important Spanish cities of Seville and Carthagena

between 422 and 425 (Heather 2005: 266) (Jones 2007: 245). The capture

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of Seville and Carthagena was of great importance to the Vandals as it

gave them access to the ports of these cities. Having gained access to the

ports and ships of Spain, the Vandals were able to raid the Balearic Islands

and were no longer contained in Spain (Heather 2005: 267). What the

Vandals had planned next was to take to the seas not simply for raiding

but for mass migration.

The Invasion of Africa

The time the Vandals spent in Spain had shown them that they were a

prime target for the Western Roman Empire. They had seen the former

Rhine coalition picked apart one by one and they knew that once Rome

had emerged from its internal struggles, that they would be first on the

list in dealing with the problems of the west. With the Gallic field armies in

striking distance from Spain and the Gothic allies of Rome in southern

Gaul, Spain was no longer a safe place for the Vandals. The Alano-Vandal

coalition, who had migrated across the almost the entire breadth of the

Empire was ready to move again.

Taking to the Seas

Procopius on Bonifaces invitation to the Vandals

We are told by the historian Procopius (History of the Wars: Book III. 3. 9-

23) that the power struggle at court was the direct result of the Vandal

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invasion. He writes that two men rose to prominence after the death of

Honorius; Aetius and Boniface. These men were political enemies and

both sought to win the favour of the boy emperor Valentinians mother,

Placidia, who acted as regent for the boy. Procopius states that Aetius had

tricked Boniface, who was stationed in Africa, in believing that Placidia

had turned against him and sought him dead. Boniface, thinking his life in

danger sought allies to aid him in his coming struggle against Placidia and

invited the Vandals to come over to Africa. In return for their aid, he would

give them land to settle. Procopius continues by saying that Boniface later

repented and opposed the Vandals in Africa.

There is much doubt that this is how the events exactly transpired as

there are no other contemporary sources referring to Bonifaces treachery

and dealings with the Vandals (Heather 2005: 268). Heather (2005: 268)

argues that Boniface, being a political enemy of Aetius, would surely be

slandered as the one who sided with the barbarians as a traitor, after he

was defeated by Aetius. Also, by 429 when the Vandal migration from

Spain happened, Boniface had already made his peace with the imperial

court. Procopius was probably seeking a way to justify the strategic error

made by the Romans by allowing the Vandals to sail from Spain to Africa.

Whether or not Boniface had sent them an invitation, the Vandals had set

their eyes on Africa as a new home.

The Rise of Geiseric

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In 428 AD the Vandal king Gunderic died and the kingship of the Vandals

and Alans passed to his half-brother Geiseric (Jones 2007: 247). He lived

through the entire migration of his people; from the plains of Hungary,

through the Rhine Lands, the passage through Gaul and finally into Spain.

As the new king of the Vandal-Alan coalition he was to lead his people in

search of a new home once more. Geiseric is described by the Sixth

Century Jordanes (33. 168) in his Getica; Geiseric... was a man of

moderate height and lame in consequence of a fall from a horse. He was a

man of deep thought and few words, holding luxury in disdain, furious in

his anger, greedy for gain, shrewd in winning over the barbarians and

skilled in sowing seeds of dissention to arouse enmity.

Procopius (History of the Wars: Book III. 3. 23) says that Geiseric had

been excellently trained in warfare, and was the cleverest of all men.

With Africa only a short hop from Spain, its rich and fertile plains, out of

immediate reach from the Goths in Southern Gaul and the fact that Africa

had a very small Roman garrison made it the ideal place for the Alano-

Vandal coalition to make their next move. They had already gained access

to ships through the Spanish ports now under their control and they had

already taken their first steps to becoming a seafaring people by raiding

the Balearic Islands. The following year in 429, Geiseric gathered his

people at the port of Tarifa in southern Spain and their invasion of Africa

was about to begin.

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A Shipment of a Nation

It must be remembered that the invasion of Africa was not a straight

forward military operation of few thousand soldiers arriving to conquer.

This was a migration of an entire nation; woman, children, the senior

citizens as well as possessions and probably live stock. The logistics must

have been terribly complicated. It is estimated that the Alano-Vandal

coalition numbered in total somewhere around 80 000 150 000 men,

woman and children (Jones 2007: 148) (Heather 2005: 268). Roman

transport ships could roughly accommodate 70 80 people along with

some supplies (Heather 2005: 268). This means Geiseric needed a

minimum of a 1 000 ships to get his people over in one go. This is

something that the harbour cities of Spain could not supply and we must

assume that the migration to Africa must have taken a few trips.

Procopius does not mention where the Vandal coalition landed but it

seems logically that having to ship so many people that the shortest

distance would have been favourable. The trip from the Spanish port

Tarifa to Tangier in Africa is a mere 62 km. Both Jones (2007: 248) and

Heather (2005: 269) suggest that the entire operation could have been

complete within a month with approximately a 100 ships. It must also be

assumed that it was an assorted type of vessels which the Vandal used to

ship their people across, many of these were not equipped for long

voyages and thus the short trip from Tarifa to Tangier was the probable

route. It was not simply the shipping of the people from Spain to Africa

that posed a logistical problem but Geiseric had to ensure that his people

were supplied with food and water for the entire operation. They were

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essentially landing in hostile territory and would not have the support of

the locals. Surely Geiseric organised raiding parties to gather food once in

Africa but to have supplied a moving nation of 80 000 plus must have

been a mammoth task. The fact that the Vandals only appeared at the

city of Hippo Regius a year after the crossing began also supports that

they had crossed over to Tangier (Heater 2005: 269). From Tangier, the

Vandals travelled eastwards along the extensive highways built for

military and grain transport as discussed earlier. Tangier is 2 000 km from

Hippo Regius and modern studies has shown that travelling along the

comfort of these highways at 5.75 km a day would have brought them to

the city of Hippo Regius within a year (Heather 2005: 270).

The next problem was why had the Roman army of Africa not opposed the

landing of the Vandals? The answer lies in the administrative division of

North Africa and the distances from Tangier to Carthage. Tangier was the

capital of Romes most western provinces in North Africa, Mauretania

Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis (Heather 2005: 275) (Saddigton

2005: 9). These were too far away from Africa Proconularis and Carthage

to fall under its administrative sphere and for ease of management the

western provinces of North Africa were placed under the administrative

sphere of Spain (Heather 2005: 275) (Saddigton 2005: 9). As we have

seen the majority of Spain had not been under direct Roman rule for some

time now. Even after the Vandals moved out of Spain the Visigoths took

over the territory as independent Roman Allies or Foederati (Jones 2007:

149). Since Spain could not deliver any help against the invasion it was up

to the Count of Tingitana to confront the Vandal-Alano coalition. The count

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had at his disposal a mere 5 000 - 7 000 troops (Jones 2007: 249). Of

these most were garrison forces and only 1 000 - 1 500 were parts of the

well trained field army (Heather 2005: 270). The Vandal-Alano coalition on

the other hand could field an army from anything between 15 000 as

suggested by Heather (2005: 265) to 40 000 as suggested by Jones (2007:

248). At very best the Roman forces faced an army twice as large as their

own with a largely untrained levy of garrison troops. Even if Boniface

assembled his army of Africa, and marched to aid the western provinces,

it would take his troops some time to assemble. Once ready, they would

have to march more than 2 000 km to reach their destination. Time was

not on the side of the Romans and the Vandals would have completed

their crossing long before Boniface could have brought aid to the Count of

Tingitana. This explains why there was no opposition to the Vandal

crossing.

Enemy at the Grain Gates

Consisting of entire families, with wagons filled with their possessions as

well as booty taken from their raids of farmlands and villas; there is little

doubt that the Vandals would have taken the main Roman highways.

Heading east on these highways they finally came to the borders of

Numidia where they met with the assembled army of Boniface in 430 AD

(Heather 2005: 271). Unlike the Count of Tingitana, Boniface could

assemble a much larger force. Having surely heard of the mass invasion

he had an entire year to prepare and assemble his troops. From the Late

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Roman military and civil document, which was composed just before the

Vandal invasion, we can to some extent accurately re-construct the forces

which Boniface had at his disposal; from the province Tripolitana to

Numidia were stationed 31 regiments of field armies which numbered a

minimum of 15 000 soldiers (Heather 2005: 268). Along the limes were

stationed an additional 22 units of garrison soldiers of at least 10 000 men

(Heather 2005: 268). Boniface could thus easily field an army of 25 000

soldiers to confront the Vandal-Alano coalition. The majority of them were

field army troop, thus the more highly trained soldiers of the empire; the

comitatenses (Ferrill 1986: 83). When the battle ensued, Boniface

however suffered a defeat. Again our ancient sources do not describe the

battle in detail and we cannot be sure what happened. Procopius (History

of the Wars: Book III. 3. 30) for instance simply states; being defeated in

battle, he (Boniface) retired to Hippo Regius. As we have seen, Jones

(2007: 248) suggested that the Vandals could field an army of 40 000

men. His reason for Bonifaces defeat lies in the overwhelming numbers of

the Vandal-Alano coalition (Jones 2007: 254). Heather (2005: 265)

however suggested that the Vandal-Alano coalition could only field 15 000

20 000 troops. If we are to follow Heathers account, the Vandal and

Alans could barely even match the Roman force of Boniface. He does

however give a reason for the Roman defeat. The war with the various

barbarian tribes and usurpers had cost Rome dearly in valuable men from

the highly trained field armies. Pressed by the enemy on all borders of the

Western half of the Empire as well as the need for resources, the Notitia

Digintatum indicates that the gaps in the field armies were not filled with

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4.13) makes little mention of a treaty and simply says that all of Libya was

conquered by the Vandals and that Geiseric then concluded a treaty with

the emperor stating that Geiseric would pay annual tribute to Rome and

handed over a son as hostage to make the agreement binding. Jones

(2007: 255) states that all of Africa was handed over to the Vandals with

the exception of Carthage. It is in the opinion of the author of this paper,

that Jones is mistaken on how favourable the treaty was for Geiseric.

Heather (2005: 286) defines the treaty as follows; only parts of

Mauretania and a portion of Numidia were handed over to the Vandals

and that the core production provinces, Byzacena and Proconsularis as

well as the majority of Numidia remained in Roman hands. Heather is

supported by the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire which

describes the treaty in a similar fashion (PLRE Vol. 2 1980: 166). The

author of this research paper agrees with Heathers version of the treaty

on the basis of Romes awareness of its dependence on Africa. It is very

unlikely that Rome would simply sign over its most productive provinces,

on which the Western Empire had come to rely on, to the Vandals. We can

thus assume that the core of Africas production and tax revenue was still

intact and under Roman control.

The Last True Roman of the West

By 433, Aetius, a brilliant military commander had become the dominant

figure of the Western Empire. Supplementing the Roman army with

barbarian auxiliary forces, especially Hunnic cavalry, he slowly turned the

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tide against Romes enemies. He pushed back the Franks and Alamanni

beyond Romes borders, subdued the Burgundians and Bagaudae and

brought back the majority of Spain under direct Roman rule. In 436 the

Visigoths revolted once again and ravaged the countryside but by 439

Aetius had brought them to their knees as well (Heather 2005: 287-288).

Aetius had created some stability in Europe which Rome had not seen in

generations. It appeared as if Rome finally produced a man who could

bring back the glory of its past. In Africa however, Geiseric and his Vandal-

Alano coalition were stirring once more.

The Fall of Africa and the End of the West

On 19 October 439, Geiseric launched an invasion of the Roman provinces

and went straight for Carthage, the Capital of Romes economic heartland.

Jones (2007: 259) indicates that Geiseric planned his attack on Carthage

coinciding with the consular games when the population would be

distracted by the festivals. Geiserics attack was a success and the

Vandal-Alano coalition had conquered the richest provinces of Africa as

well as its luxurious capital. Heather (2005: 289) suggests that Aetius

campaigns had required every available man and that Africa was probably

left undermanned. Geiseric had conquered the second largest city in the

Western Empire, second only to Rome itself (Jones: 259).

It has already been demonstrated how essential Africa was in the supply

of grain and as tax revenue to the Western Empire as well as maintaining

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its armed forces. The Vandal conquest of Africa was thus not a problem

that Rome could afford to ignore until better days. Romes golden boy

Aetius immediately started assembling and army to restore Africa to

Roman rule. The importance of the campaign can be seen in Aetius

requesting help from the Eastern Empire in the form of ships and man

power (Jones 2007: 263) (Heather 2005: 290). In 440 AD, the combined

army of East and West assembled at Sicily and the sources report a total

of 1 100 ships (Jones 2007: 263). The exact size of the army is unclear but

we know that Roman ships could carry roughly 70 to 80 men (Heather

2005: 268). The Roman expeditionary force could have thus easily

numbered 60 000 + soldiers. The strength of this force was far superior to

what Gaiseric could muster and it seemed that Aetius would once again

save Rome from impending doom. Combined armada however, never set

sail and the re-conquest of Africa was abandoned.

Coming of the Huns

The reason for Aetius expeditionary force not sailing is linked once again

to the same force which drove the Goths, Vandals and Alans into the

Roman Empire; the Huns (Jones 2007: 263) (Heather 2005: 298). In 440

Attila and his brother Bleda, co-rulers of the Huns, launched an invasion of

the Eastern Roman Empire that shook the very foundations of

Constantinople itself. Well equipped with siege crafts and assault

infantry, they were a far cry from the nomadic hordes of cavalry who

could not mount effective sieges. Besieging several towns and fortresses,

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the Eastern Emperor Theodosius saw the Huns as too big a threat to

ignore (Jones 2007: 268). The East could not afford to have such a large

chunk of their military occupied by the African expedition and the East

withdrew their forces from the expedition, leaving Aetius with too small a

force to invade Africa (Jones 2007: 268) (Heather 2005: 304). Saunders

(1963: 35) highlights the fact that Theodosius division of the Empire in its

unequal halves left the West without an effective navy. This means that

even if the West still had the manpower, it was very dependent on the

naval forces of the East to launch the invasion. The effectiveness of the

Huns campaign can be seen in the treaty struck by Constantinople with

Attila and Bleda in 442 AD; after Naissus fell to the Huns, Constantinople

bought them off by paying an annual tribute of more than 1 000 pounds of

gold (Jones 2007: 268) (Heather 2005: 308). As we can see, the fate of the

Vandals was once again intertwined with that of the Huns but this time

round the Huns were the saviours of those which they had previously

driven from their homeland. The result of the Huns campaign was that

Africa remained in Vandal hands and the West losing its greatest source of

tax-revenue (Ward-Perkins 2006: 57). As we have indicated before, Rome

spent two-thirds of its revenue on its armed forces. The loss of Africa

meant the inevitable reduction of the Wests armed forces on which it had

become so reliant on for its survival (Heather 2005: 298).

The Sack of Rome

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The result of the East withdrawing its forces was a humiliating treaty the

West had to sign with Geiseric in 442; no longer were the Vandals Romes

enemy, but the treaty states them as allies and friends of Rome (Jones

2007: 263). As for territorial gains and losses, Geiseric handed over those

territories which he had gained in the treaty of 435 but what he gained

was far greater; Proconsularis, Byzacena (the richest provinces of Africa)

and parts of Numidia were now handed over to the Vandals (Heather

2005: 292). To help solidify the treaty, the emperor Valentinian III, had to

marry his daughter, Eudocia off to Huneric, the son of Geiseric, creating

the impression that the two states were equals (Heather 2005: 292).

Just as Rome was not built in a day, a great Empire as Rome does not fall

within a day. The Huns eventually turned their attentions away from the

East and invaded the West but the last true Roman, Aetius, stood against

Attilas hordes and defeated them at the Battle of the Catalaunian Fields

in 451 AD (Jones 2007: 277). Aetius success however had made him a

target for the emperors jealousy and during a court assembly late

September 454 AD, Valentinian stabbed Aetius to death while the Empire

crumbled around them (Heather 2005: 373). With Aestius dead, a power

vacuum arose once more and the Empire fell into disorder. Valentianian

was next to fall, murdered by the henchmen of Maxentius, a Roman

senator of high birth who upon the death of Valentinian had himself

proclaimed emperor in 455 AD (Heather 2005: 372, 375). To help support

his claim he married Valentinians widow Eudoxia (Jones 2007: 283)

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Geiseric took full advantage of this internal turmoil and finding a pretext

in a very unlikely source, launched his ships towards Italy. Procopius

(History of the Wars: Book III. 4. 38-40) describes Geiserics pretext: And

as soon as day came, she (Eudoxia) sent to Carthage entreating Geiseric

to avenge Valentinian, who had been destroyed by an unholy man... and

to deliver her, since she was suffering unholy treatment at the hands of a

tyrant. And she impressed upon Geiseric that, since he was a friend and

ally and such a great calamity had befallen the imperial house, it was not

a holy thing to fail to become an avenger.

The request of the empress was not Geiserics only justification of a

renewed war on Rome; Maxentius had not only married Eudoxia, but had

her daughter Eudocia, marry his own son Palladius (Heather 2005: 378).

As we have seen previously, Eudocia was married to Geiserics son

Huneric, as part of the peace treaty of 442 AD. There was thus a direct

breach of the treaty by Maxentius in his action of marrying his son to

Eudocia. As pointed out by Saunders (1963: 35) the Western Empire had

no naval forces with which to resist the Vandal fleet and Geiseric arrived

in Italy virtually unopposed. The impact of the loss of Africa on the armed

forces can also be noted as there seems to be very little resistance to the

Vandal invasion. In 455 AD Geiseric and is Vandal-Alano coalition sacked

the Eternal City while Maxentius turned on his heels and fled. The city

was looted and the imperial treasury loaded upon Geiserics ships and

after two weeks stay at Rome, the Vandals sailed back to Carthage, taking

with them Eudoxia and her two daughters (Jones 2007: 283).

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Goths ransacked Italy (Heather 2005: 388). The East sent various

campaigns against usurpers to restore to the throne to who they believed

to be the rightful emperor, such as the case of Valentinian III and the

campaigns against Aspar and John (Procopius, History of the Wars: Book

III. 3. 5-9) (Heather 2005: 388-389). We also saw what the East committed

towards the African expedition even though it never had sailed. During

the threat of Attila, Constantinople provided troops to Aetius in his war

against the Huns. During Attilas second invasion the East cooperated with

the West by attacking the Hunnic homeland in Hungary (Heather 2005:

289). From this it is evident that the East saw a responsibility in the

revival of the West.

A New Armada

After yet another failed attempt by the Western Roman emperor,

Majorian, to re-conquer Africa (what year?), who was executed for his

failure, Constantinople took the matter fully into its own hands to bring

back Africa under Roman rule. The Eastern Roman emperor negotiated

with the Western commanders and an Eastern field army general by the

name of Anthemius. Supported by military contingents provided by the

East, was sent from Constantinople to take the Western throne and

donned the purple (Heather 2005: 393). Again this serves as an example

of Constantinoples supporting involvement in Western affairs.

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Anthemius was a proven military man and as his first role as emperor in

the West was to restore Africa to his rule and return the reservoir of

wealth to the Roman West. In the endeavour he would not stand alone.

The Eastern Roman emperor, Leo was just as committed to the Africa

campaign as Anthemius. His financial aid to the West is both evident of his

commitment to the cause as well as legendary in the amount of

contribution. Scraping together from every corner of the Eastern Empire

he gathered a large amount of resources through every means he could;

general taxation, confiscation and exploiting the imperial estates to its

limits. By using the writings of Byzantine scholars, Heather (2005: 399-

400) calculated an estimate of an extraordinary amount of financial

resources which was provided to aid the West; the equivalent of 103 000

pounds of gold. With this resources a massive armada of 11 000 ships

were constructed with which to launch the campaign (Jones 2007: 284)

(Heather 2005: 400). Procopius gives the number of soldiers as high as

100 000 men but Heather (2005: 400) finds this the number far too high.

Comparing the Byzantine armada with that of Byzantine emperor Justinian

in 532 which consisted of 500 ships and 16 000 soldiers, Heather (2005:

400) estimates that Anthemius and Leos fleet carried roughly 30 000

soldiers. In addition to these forces an Eastern Roman army from Egypt

under the command of Heraclius launched a land base invasion from

Tripolitania as well as Eastern imperial field armies from Illyricum (Heather

2005: 400). Heathers (2005: 401) suggests that the full force numbered

roughly 50 000 troops. In 468 the armada was launched to retake Africa

but this time there were no Huns knocking at the gates of the Empire to

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save Geiseric and the Vandals. Arriving in the bay of Cape Bon the fleet

set anchor and awaited their opportunity to embark its troops on African

soil. Geiseric, who has proved himself a survivor, however had one last

trick up his sleeve. With the Roman armada anchored in the bay, the

Vandals launched fireships into the midst of the Roman fleet (Jones 2007:

284). With so many of the ships newly constructed and sealed with fresh

pitch all they needed was a fresh spark to engulf them in flames. Once the

first ships caught fire, it did not take long for the fire to spread to the rest

of the fleet which was so closely anchored together. Procopius (History of

the Wars: Book III. 6. 17-20) describes the effect of Geiserics fireships;

And since there were a great number of ships there, these boats easily

spread fire where they struck. And as the fire advanced in this way the

Roman fleet was filled with tumult....

The few survivors of the Vandal attack were scattered and the Vandals

gained a decisive victory over both the East and the Western Empires. In

one bold move Geiseric had flustered the Roman invasion and destroyed

the fleet which had pushed the Eastern Empire to the brink of bankruptcy.

In 474 when the emperor Leo died, the Eastern Roman Empires treasury

was still empty due to the vast expenses it had dedicated to the African

campaign and the failure of the armada doomed the Western half of Rome

(Heather 2005: 406).

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The view over Cape Bon where the Eastern Imperial

Armada was anchored. On a clear day Sicily can be seen in the distance

(authors collection)

Conclusion

Africa was completely lost to Rome. What little resources theEastern

Empire had left, it needed to sustain itself. With the realization that Africa

was a lost cause and without its resources, the Western Empire could not

revive from its shadow of an existence, emperor Leo recognised Geiseric

and his Vandals as legitimate rulers of Africa in 474 AD (Heather 2005:

427). The West was overrun with Barbarians who had settled within its

borders and with its treasury depleted it could not afford its military which

was needed to keep what remained of the Western Empire safe. In 476,

Odovacar, a prominent military commander in Italy staged a coup and

dethroned the last emperor of the West, Romulus Augustulus. Odovacar

sent an embassy to Constantinople which carried with them the imperial

regalia and handing it over to Leos successor, the emperor Zeno, stating

it was no longer needed (Jones 2007: 284). It was clear to Zeno that there

was no longer a Western Half of Rome and the emperor recognized

Odovacar as the new ruler of Italy. The West had officially ceased to exist.

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This paper has demonstrated how essential Africa was to Rome in the

form of its agricultural produce. By the Fourth Century it had become the

only stable region from which the West could draw tax-revenue and

support its military power on which it relied to keep the Empire safe. Even

though the Western Half suffered much more internal strife and usurpers

as well as taking more strain from the barbarian incursion on its borders

than the East, it could deal with all these problems as long as it was able

to draw on the resources from Africa. The West easily repulsed the

invasions of Radagaisus and kept the other Germanic tribes checked on

its borders. It also successfully dealt with the major threat of the usurper

Constantine III and that without the resources of Britain, the majority of

Gaul and Spain. Even after serious losses such as Spain and Gaul, the

Western Empire proved up to the task to regain these territories and for

brief periods revive its former glory under capable leaders such as Flavius

Constanius and Aetius. The West even saw substantial recovery after

Alarics invasion, who sacked the very heart of the Empire. As long as

Africa remained in Roman hands it could use its resources to defend the

Empire. The loss of Africa to the Vandals had severely crippled Rome. As

we have seen the Vandals as a barbarian group in show of arms, never

posed a threat to the Empire. They fled the coming of the Huns as well as

the Goths. Had Stilicho not withdraw so many troops from the Rhineland

frontiers, the Vandals might not have been able to cross. When they did

cross, they took a severe beating from the Franks, a Germanic group who

at the time did not yet pose much of a threat to Rome. The Vandals

survived their run-in with the Franks thanks to the help of the more

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powerful Alans. Again we see them flee Gaul as soon as Constantine

turned his attention towards them and finally settling in Spain along with

the Suvei and Alans, while the Empire was too busy dealing with Goths

and usurpers. When the West did however find the time to take on these

Rhine invaders, they did not focus their attention on the Vandals but more

on the Alans, meaning that the Vandals were not seen as the greater

threat. Constanius death allowed the Vandals some respite and we see

them merge with what remained of the Alans, and for the first time we

see them gaining a victory in the field against minor Roman forces.

Geiseric and his newly formed coalition however still knew that they were

no match for the full might of Rome and fled Spain which was in easy

reach of the Imperial field armies of Gaul. They were not a powerful

military force, such as the Goths or Huns but they capitalised on the

opportunities which were granted to them. Their next move was clearly

not anticipated by Rome but it struck a blow more severe than Aleric

rampaging Goths or Attilas vast hordes could ever have struck. Crossing

over to Africa they went straight for the jugular which was the life supply

of the Western Half of the Empire. The Vandals alone were not responsible

for the fall of the West but they did strike the death blow which caused

the Empire in the West to bleed to death. Along with tremendous luck on

their side and bad timing for the Romans, the Vandals were able to

conquer Africa. Had Flavius Constantius not died, the Vandals might never

have had the opportunity to cross over to Africa. We see the same hand of

fate holding back Aetius forces from invading Africa with a force which

would most likely been able to take back Africa, when the Huns invaded in

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440 AD. Again luck played a tremendous roll when the wind and tide

favoured the Vandals and the Eastern Armada was destroyed by the

Vandal fireships in 468 AD. Where Rome had managed to survive the

major military powers of the Goths and the Huns and other barbarians on

its frontiers as well as internal struggles of fighting off usurpers and civil

wars, the West could notsurvive the loss of Africa. Had the armadas of

Aetius or that of the East landed in Africa and restored its provinces to the

Western Half, it is the opinion of the author of this paper; the West stood a

more than capable chance of surviving at least into the foreseeable

future.

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