Values in Life Role Choices and Outcomes: A Conceptual Model

Article

Values in Life Role Choices and Outcomes: A Conceptual Model

Duane Brown R. Kelly Crace

Values are widely viewed as central to the selection of, and subsequent satisfaction with, life roles. But because no conceptual framework has been advanced to guide the work of practitioners and researchers, values are widely ignored by both groups. This article seta forth several propositions aimed at remedying this oversight by clarifying the importance of values in both decision making and life satisfaction.

Considerable evidence suggests that values influence career and other life role decisions (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984; Judge & Bretz, 1992; Knoop, 1991; Ravlin & Meglino, 1987). Nevertheless, values have not received the same attention from researchers that interests have (Feather, 1992). This article sets forth a series of propositions regarding the influence of values in the choice of life roles and presents evidence to support them. In this presentation, some of the assumptions made by others such as Dawis and Lofquist (1984) and Bandura (1986) are discussed, but only to the extent that they converge or diverge from the propositions being advanced. Before considering these propositions, values are defined.

VALUES DEFINED Values are cognized representations of needs that, when developed, provide standards for behavior, orient people to desired end states

Duane Brown is a professor of education at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. R. Kelly Crace is a staffpsychologist at the University Counseling Center, College of William and Mary, Wil- liamsburg, Virginia. Correspondence regarding this article should be sent to Duane Brown, CB #3500, Peabody Hall, UNC-CH, Chapel Hill, NC 27599.

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(Rokeach, 19731, and form the basis for goal setting. Values are the major factor in motivation because they form the basis for attributing worth to situations and objects (Feather, 1992; Rokeach, 1973). Moreover, values serve as the basis for self-regulating cognitions and provide the basis for judging the utility of extrinsic reinforcers. A subset of values hp resen t these perspectives as applied to work settings” (Judge & Bretz, 1992, p. 2611, which suggests that not all values should be classified as work values. Values determine the way needs are met in the family, at work, and in the community. As individuals develop values, they store them in their memories as interrelated (Anderson, 1984), hierarchically arranged entities that are dynamically reorganized depending on environmental circumstan- ces (Chusmir & Parker, 1991). Values function to ensure that biologi- cal needs are met and to facilitate human interaction (Rokeach, 1973).

Values are tied to the normative structure of the social institutions (e.g. family, school) where they were acquired, which is one feature that distinguishes them from needs. Moreover, unlike needs, which can be situational and transitory, values transcend objects and situations (Rokeach, 1973). For example, altruism, a widely held value among school counselors, will influence counselors’ functioning in many situations and with various objects. Interests may also become cognized representations of needs, may provide a guide to action, and may allow people to compare themselves with others. But interests cannot be viewed as internalized standards against which people may judge their own actions or their attainment of idealized end states or goals (Rokeach, 1973). Additionally, each person develops a relatively small number of values but may develop dozens of interests (Feather, 1992; Rokeach, 1973).

Propositions About Values

The following propositions outline the function of values in the decision-making process and their impact on the outcomes of those choices. They are a synthesis of others’ theories, the research data available regarding values, and, in some instances, our own specula- tion. They are meant as a guide for empirical investigations and to stimulate the thinking of practitioners who wish to incorporate values concepts into their work.

1. Values with high priorities are the most important determinants of choices ma&, providing that the individuals have more than one alternative available that will satis& their values. If this is not the case, people will make choices on the basis of the option that least conflicts with their values. In the event that values are not fully crystallized or the outcomes are not fully known, choices will be made that leave final decisions open. An example is the choice of a liberal arts major instead of a more circumscribed major.

Values are the most important determinant of the valences. That is, the propensity to choose one object or situation over another is influenced by the valences or subjective worth associated with the

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choices available, perceived self-efficacy (Bandura, 1993; Feather, 1992; Vroom, 1964), and the clarity of the goals that are established (Locke & Latham, 1990). If an object or situation (e.g., a career) has high subjective worth, its attainment results in extrinsic and intrinsic reinforcement, and a goal to pursue it may be established depending on a number of other factors. If the goal is clearly defined and challenging, it tends to enhance motivation (Locke & Latham, 1990). Values can also influence the importance and the clarity of the goal if they are crystallized and prioritized.

Decisions take place under conditions of uncertainty because of conflicting conditions within the individual and because information about the factors influencing the outcomes of the decision are never totally known (Janis & Mann, 1977). Intraindividual conflict can be traced in part to the clarity with which values are crystallized and prioritized. A critical first step in the decision-making process is to reduce this source of uncertainty. As suggested previously, values are not the only factors that in-

fluence decisions. Expectations, or the subjective probability of attaining the desired goal or situation (Atkinson, 1957), which are influenced by self-efficacy beliefs, the perceived controllability of the situation (Bandura, 1986, 1993; Feather, 1992) and the mood state of the individual (Feather, 19921, also influence the individual‘s decision making.

Lent, Brown, and Hackett (19941, in accord with Bandura (1986). have taken the position that perceived self-efficacy, not values, is the most influential determinant of behavior. Although space does not permit detailed argument on this issue, it is the position here that many decisions in life are like going to a vending machine for a snack: There is no question about ability to drop the money into the slot; the question has to do with the desired outcome. It seems that when some options being considered are judged as more difficult than others, self-eficacy plays a role in decision making. Yet when decisionmakers are faced with two options, A or B, and one option seems to be more commensurate with values, decisionmakers will increase their skill level-and thus their self-efficacy-or choose alternate paths to satisfaction.

Support: Ravlin and Meglino (19871, in an analogue study, asked students to make overall evaluation judgments of 20 fictitious employees. Their hypothesis that the ratings of the individuals would coincide with the student’s values was fully supported. Judge and Bretz (1992) studied the impact of values on the acceptance of job offers. They concluded that, with the exception of honesty, congruence between the values evident in the job and those of the candidate were the best predictor of job acceptance. Knoop (1991) reported that nurses’ choices to involve themselves in participative decision making consistently related to their work values.

Using the Work Values Inventory (WVI; Super, 19701, Ben-Shem and Avi-Itzhak (1991) compared the work values of Israeli college freshmen who were enrolled in programs leading to jobs in the helping professions with those who were preparing for business- oriented and engineering careers. Eight of the 15 scales on the WVI

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were significantly different for the two subgroups, and generally the results were in the expected direction. For example, the group preparing for the helping professions scored higher on altruism and the group preparing for business-related and engineering careers scored higher on independence.

Finally, Feather (1988) investigated the influence of values and self-efficacy on course enrollment. He reported that, although values always played a role in the selection process, self-efficacy perceptions only came into play when the options were judged as difficult (e.g., mathematics). 2. The values included in the values system are acquired from

society, and as noted previously, each person develops a small number of values.

Support: The idea that values are acquired from society, or at least the individual’s perception of society, is self-evident, but the idea that individuals develop a small number of values (Fbkeach, 1973) needs support. bkeach’s Values Scale (VS) is made up of 36 different values, a relatively large number of values. After an extensive study of the VS, Braithewaite and Law (1985) concluded that the number of values measured by the VS should be reduced to 14. Super‘s (1970) WVI is designed to measure 15 work values, but Bolton (1980) reported that six “second-order factors provide a summary of the client’s work motivation at a higher level of generality, that is consistent with the WVI primary structure” (p. 33). Lofquist and Dawis (1978), in a factor-analytic study of the Minnesota Importance Questionnaire (MIQ), also reported that a six-factor solution was the most parsimonious one available. In a multitrait-multimethod study, Macnab and Fitzsimmons (1987) concluded that the VS, WVI, MIQ, and Work Aspects Preference Scale measured many of the same things and that the eight traits they derived were more meaningful than the four methods of measurement.

Our own research using the Life Values Inventory (LVI; Crace & Brown, 1995) resulted in identifying 14 life values. It seems likely that inventories such as the VS and LVI that attempt to measure the full range of emotions in contrast to work values will yield more values than more narrowly focused measures. Still, it seems plausible to speculate that the total number of human values probably lies between 10 and 16. 3. Culture, sex, and socioeconomic status influence opportunities

and social interaction and thus considerable variation in the values of subgroups in our US. society can be expected.

Support: In a national survey Walker, Tausky, arid Oliver (1982) explored the similarities between male and female values within occupations. They concluded that only for the value of work convenience did women vary from men, with women valuing convenience more. Beutell and Brenner ( 1986) researched sex differences in work values of 202 undergraduate business students and concluded that men and women differed significantly on 18 of the 25 values of the P. J. Manhardt Scale (Manhardt, 1972). But when they examined the rankings of values and the size of some of the differences, the investigators concluded that the results were in contrast to stemtypes,


particularly for women. Their findings provided considerable support for the consistency in values ratings among men and women considering careers in business. Bridges (1989) came to the opposite conclusion after studying the work values of 160 male and female students in an introductory psychology class. Women, more than men, valued personal benefits, helping others, enjoyment, personal rewards such as pride and fulfillment, and independence. Men were not significantly higher than women on any of the scales. In a study also published in 1989, Erez, Borochov, and Mannheim reported that men and women differed on two of the eight measures used: independence and leisure. Women showed a stronger preference for independence and a weaker preference for leisure, which was contrary to the investigators' expectations. In their study, de Vaus and Mc- Allister (1991) collected data in nine Western European countries using the European Values Survey (EVS). They concluded that men, more so than women, place greater emphasis on both intrinsic and extrinsic values, but that these differences are small.

Brenner, Blazini, and Greenhaus (1988) examined gender and racial differences in managerial work values and reported a sex-by- race interaction. White women placed greater emphasis on extrinsic values than did White men, and African American women placed greater emphasis on intrinsic rewards than did their male counter- parts. Moreover, African American managers placed greater emphasis on independence than did White managers. Unfortunately, Leong (1991) did not do a sex-by-race analysis when he studied the occupational values of Asian American and of White American college students. His study, however, did reveal differences in that Asian American students placed greater emphasis on extrinsic values such as making more money, status, and security. These findings coin- cided with past research (e.g, b o n g & Tata, 1990). Vondracek, Shimizu, Schulenberg, Hostetler, and Sakayanagi (1990) studied the work values of Japanese (i.e., that is, the equivalent of junior and high students in Japan) and American junior and senior high school students. They reported sex differences for 9 of the 13 subscales of the Work Aspects Preference Scale. They also reported that American students scored higher than Japanese students on all 13 scales. They suggested that the latter finding may result because American students are more likely to select extreme ratings. 4. Making choices that coincide with values is essential to satisfac-

tion. Values are the "cognitive filters" through which extrinsic reinforcers are perceived and evaluated. They are also the basis of self-regulating cognitions that may have little to do with extrinsic consequences. On the surface it seems that Dawis and Lofquist (1984; Lofquist & Dawis, 1991) took a similar position when they postulated that the reinforcement of needs is the basis of satisfaction because they defined values as partially cognized needs. However, Dawis and Lofquist derived their view of reinforcement from the theories of Skinner and of Tolman. The theorizing of Dawis and Lofquist (1984; Lofquist & Dawis, 1991) is quite dissimilar to the formulations of Rokeach (1973), Feather (19921, Bandura (1986, 19931, and others, who assumed that some form of self-regulatory

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cognitions play key roles in determining satisfaction. They would apparently agree that when values are developed and prioritized, they serve as the basis for interpreting the appropriateness of one’s own behavior and that of others, and for making subjective judgments about the worth of accomplishments and external feedback that comes in the form of rewards and punishments. The stance taken here, that values are the basis of affective reactions, contrasts with the importance Lofquist and Dawis (1991) attached to extrinsic reinforcers. We also emphasize the importance of internal, cognitively mediated feedback as the basis of human functioning.

In summary, we view the function of values as analogous to the role Beck (1976) attributed to cognitive schema. Schema determine the way in which individuals interpret experience. Furthermore, as Beck has demonstrated, the development of faulty schema can have dis- astrous consequences. Values development can also be faulty, with a result that the person has a distorted view of normative standards and modes of interaction within roles and in the broader community.

The place that we attribute to values in life satisfaction is similar to the positions of Feather (1992) and Vroom (1964), both of whom, to some extent, based their theories on Lewin’s (1951) field theory. Our view differs from Bandura’s (1986, 1993) perspective on the importance of perceived self-efficacy in motivation. Values orient individuals to those aspects of their environment that may provide desired outcomes. When individuals identify opportunities that relate to their values, they establish goals, develop strategies for goal attainment, and initiate action. Perceived self-effcacy may enter this process in the goal-setting phase and may deter pursuit of the goal in some instances. But given the creativity of the human mind, and the fact that there is rarely one path to goal attainment, it seems unlikely that perceived self-efficacy is the deterrent to goal attainment as Bandura (1993) has posited.

Support: We located no studies that examine the relative contribution of internal versus external reinforcement on satisfaction. Dawis and Lofquist (1984) summarized the research growing out of their work, which largely supports the concept that when needs and values are reinforced extrinsically, then satisfaction is enhanced. Yet daily observation of human interaction reveals many examples in which people act on the basis of their internalized values as opposed to the extrinsic consequences of those acts. For example, an antiabortionist kills a physician in Florida knowing full well that he will be appre- hended and punished. The top insurance salesperson for a major company, who receives both material and social rewards for his performance, changes occupations to enter a helping occupation because his job is not satisfying. An adolescent leaves school with full knowledge that unemployment is likely. All of these examples show how values influence cognitions and decision making.

In asserting that values are the primary basis for decision making and satisfaction, the fourth proposition probably contradicts established thinking. This proposition implies that values are more important than interests in making decisions. Rounds (1990) used scores on the General Occupational Theme scales of the Strong Interest


Inventory and the Minnesota Importance Questionnaire as inde- pendent variables. He reported that interest congruency and correspondence of work values were both significantly and independently related to job satisfaction and, for women, values accounted for twice as much variance in job satisfaction as did interests. Pryor and Taylor (1986) reported, as did Rounds (1990), that both values and interests are useful in predicting choices, although they looked at college majors as their dependent variable. They concluded that interests, as measured by the Vocational Preference Inventory, were better predictors for six of the eight majors studied. The studies by Pryor and Taylor (1986) and Rounds ( 1990) are interesting, yet both may have methodological limitations. Because interest inventories are to some extent values inventories, particularly those based on Holland's (1992) theory, we would have preferred that the researchers construct three regression equations: one for interests, one for values, and one for both combined. Then, to determine the unique variance for interests, they could have subtracted the R2 of values from the R2 of the combined measures. To determine the unique contribution of values to predicting their respective dependent measures, the R2 derived in the regression analysis for interests could have been subtracted from the R2 for both variables (Tabachnick & Fidell, 1989). The relative influence of interests and values obviously needs further examination.

5. The result of role interaction is life satisfaction, which differs fiom the sum of the marital, job, leisure, and other roles satisfaction indices hken sepmtely. The individual functions holistically, and thus the concepts of congruence (Holland, 1992) and correspondence (Dawis & Loquist, 1984), as they have been applied to job satisfaction, should be altered to consider the totality of individual functioning (Hesketh, 1993).

The human mind functions as a dynamic system. As a person moves from situation to situation and from role to role, there is a change in one's expectations of events and, thus, in the behavior that is required. The individual's values govern this process (Ravlin & Meglino, 1987). But to fully appreciate the complexity of this situation, it must be remembered that human beings function in a complex suprasystem in which broader social, political, and economic realities influence our life roles. This complexity has led some scholars to conclude that thinking in causal terms is outdated and should give way to nonlinear systems thinking. Still, it is quite clear from the vast amount of research produced by social scientists that discarding linear ideas would be a mistake. Rather, social scientists and others must realize that we live in a world with both linear and nonlinear dimensions (Gleick, 1987), and our ability to predict behavior has definite limitations.

The salience of various roles depends on the values held by the individual, the perception that those values will result in attaining certain end states when they engage in the role, and the extent to which important values are being satisfied as a result of participation in other roles. Finally, value satisfaction in any role contributes to overall life satisfaction (the principle of interdependence) and


attenuates stress that develops because of failure to satisfy values in other roles (the principle of equifinality).

Super (Nevill & Super, 1986; Super, 1940, 1980, 1990) has discussed the interaction of life roles extensively. Nevertheless, the proposition set forth here differs from Super’s ideas in two important ways: the emphasis on values and the use of systems principles to explain how life roles interact. Super (1953, 1990) has always accorded values a place in his theory by listing them as a personality characteristic along with needs, interests, and selfancepts. Despite investing great effort in his career studying values (Super, 1970; Super & Nevill, 19851, Super never elevated values to a central place in his theory.

Super (1990) indicated that life roles interact in that the time spent in one role subtracts from the time available in other roles. He also stated that roles other than work may provide rewards ifa job cannot be obtained or if the job held is unrewarding. He used the terms supportive, compensatory, neutral, andconflicting to describe the interactions among roles (Super, 1940,1990). We believe that the interactions among roles are continuous and can result can in synergy (enhance- ment of life satisfaction beyond what would normally be expected looking at roles independently), in homeostasis (satisfaction exceeds what would be expected by examining a single role), or the interactions can lead to increased entropy (greater dissatisfaction than would normally be expected when looking at a single role). Role salience, however, is determined by expectations that participation in a role or roles will lead to satisfaction of highly prioritized values, and it is the result of these interactions that determines satisfaction.

bfquist and Dawis (1991) expanded their original focus on work to include theorizing about other roles, or what they term environments, that can consist of another person, group, organization, or culture. They posited that the salience of these environments dic- tates which one takes priority. Salience is determined by the potential reinforcing qualities of the environment. Thus, those authors’ ideas do not vary greatly from those presented here, with the exception of their emphasis on extrinsic reinforcement and the resulting need reduction. Also, our “environments” are, like Super‘s (19801, more circumscribed.

Support: There is growing awareness that roles such a8 work and family cannot be studied independently (Hesketh, 1993) and that, in contrast to Rokeach’s (1973) view, different values become salient as the person moves from role to role. Braithewaite and Law (1985) comprehensively studied the Values Scale (Rokeach, 1973) using a sample from a large Australian city. They mported that their participants, when given the opportunity, ranked values differently when they were focusing on their personal life versus their broader societal life.

Chusmir and Parker (1991) studied 127 male and 131 female managers’ values using a modified Values Survey (Rokeach, 1973). They asked both groups to rate their values when they were working and when they were in their personal life outside the job. They concluded that for men, 15 of the 18 terminal values and 12 of the 18 instrumen- tal values were ranked significantly different. Similarly, for women,


15 of 18 terminal values and 14 of 18 instmmental values had significantly different ranks.

6. High functioning people have well developed and prioritized values. Poorly functioning individuals do not have well-crystallized values and thus lack clear standards of behavior, cannot rationalize their behavior, and do not have a sense of the end states they seek (Rokeach, 1973). When the values within the values system lack clarity and are poorly prioritized, the result is a lack of motivation, poor decision making, and dissatisfaction.

Support: Sverko (1989) reported a relationship between the crys- tallization of work values and the importance attached to work among Yugoslavian adolescents. Similarly, Schulenberg, Vondracek, and Kim (1993) reported a link between certainty of career choice and strength of values as measured by the Work Aspect Preference Scale (Pryor, 1982) among adolescents. The authors suggested that although it is unlikely that choices made in adolescence are per- manent, they do serve to orient important educational and occupational behaviors. We speculate that this orientation is a prerequisite to later success in career selection and subsequent implementation.

One recent study, although not a direct test of this proposition, explored the workvalues of unwed, African American mothem (Hansford & Drummond, 1992). The researchers compared the work values of the 47 women in their study with the normative sample listed in the manual of the Values Scale (Super & Nevill, 1985). "hey found the values of their participants had lower scores than did those of the normative sample in that their mean scores were lower than did those of the normative group on 15 of the 21 scales, and higher than the comparison group on one scale. The findings may have been the result of the age of the participants, who were younger than those in the norm group with which they were compared. 7. Success in any role depends on the abilities and the aptitudes

required to perform the functions in that role. Abilities are acquired skills, knowledge bases, and affective responses that relate to functioning in a role. Aptitude is latent potential to acquire additional skills, knowledge bases, and affective responses as role characteristics change. Lack of skills and aptitudes that result in low-level or unsuccessful functioning in one role may, because of resulting dissatisfaction, influence life satisfaction.

If low levels of ability and aptitude block the satisfaction of highly prized values in one role, alternatives to that role will be sought that may include substituting one role (e.g., a job) for another or seeking satisfaction in other life roles. Individuals may, in their quest for satisfaction, turn to behaviors that offer low probabilities of success (e.g., playing the lottery to gain wealth) or illegal means, depending on the probabilities forecast for legal means of satisfying their values and on the presence of mediating values.

The role of abilities and aptitudes in role success is tempered to some extent by their influence on perceived self-efficacy (Lent et al., 1994). Environmental variables, which may be out of the individual's control, such as socioeconomic conditions, values abilities, and aptitudes of other persons in the roles (e.g., spouses and supervisors),

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governmental regulations, and random events, may become prepotent in determining success. Yet all things being equal, people with higher levels of abilities and aptitudes will tend to be more successful.

Support: The support for the role of abilities and aptitudes is wide ranging (cf. Dawis & Lofquist, 1984; Ghiselli, 1973; aptitude test reviews in Kapes & Mastie, 1988). Nevertheless, the complex research needed to support this proposition has not been forthcoming.

IMPLICATIONS FOR COUNSELORS

Perhaps the most important implication of these propositions is that counselors, psychologists, and social workers need to abandon thinking that leads them to help their clients deal with one role at a time (Brown, 1988; Brown & Brooks, 1991). Career counseling, marriage counseling, educational counseling, and mental health counseling need to give way to a holistic approach that addresses the reality that mental health problems, stress, and satisfaction result from the total life experience (Brooks & Brown, 1986).

A second implication is that values should be accorded a central place in the counseling process. Values can be introduced into this process in many ways. Rokeach (1973) suggested that values are clarified and changed through two basic processes: contemplation and conflict. Contemplation of values can be induced by the use of both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Qualitative strategies such as determining reasons for admiring various people and analyz- ing daydreams and peak experiences (Brown & Brooks, 1991) are useful in this regard. So are values clarification exercises, a strategy long used by counselors to help their clients determine which values guide their behavior.

Quantitative approaches involving inventories such as the Values Scale (Super & Nevill, 1985) and the LVI (Crace & Brown, 1995) can also prompt active consideration of values. The LVI was developed specifically to measure values that guide behavior and contains both quantitative and qualitative approaches to values measurement. I t also helps people relate their values to their life roles.

Counselors can place students in situations that produce conflict using guided imageries and role playing (Brown & Brooks, 1991). In simulations using these two techniques, conflicts between work and family and among other life roles can be produced. The countering techniques introduced by Beck (1976) can also be useful as a means of introducing conflict.

IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH

The assertions advanced in this article are based on the best empirical evidence available. Nevertheless, there are a number of “leaps in logic” that need scrutiny in research. Areas such as the roles of internal versus external sources of reinforcement in satisfaction, the


relationship of values and interests in decision making, and the roles of values and perceived controllability in the decision-making process all merit additional research.

SUMMARY

Although counselors have long viewed values as important in the decision-making process, no theoretical statements about values have been forthcoming to guide their work. The propositions set forth in this article fill the gap and can guide both practice and research.

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Values in Life Role Choices and Outcomes: A Conceptual Model

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