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Volume 1 Number 4 Rs. 100January 2009

Document: The Future of PakistanMaulana Abul Kalam Azad

Caste System in IndiaA. Surya Prakash

The Indian Economy: Today and TomorrowT.C.A. Srinivasa-Raghavan

Pakistan’s Peril: Is There Any Way Out?Ajit Doval

Volume 2 Number 2

A New Perspective Monthly

Transformation of BangladeshBimal Pramanik

Naxal Challenge to The Indian StatePrakash Singh

Need to Revisit Anti-Terror LawsVinod Saighal

Dileep Padgaonkar on Changing Face of MediaIn Conversation with Makkhan Lal

November 2009 Rs. 100

EditorialInsight: Naxalism Naxal Challenge to The Indian State Prakash Singh

Insight: Polity Pakistan’s Peril: Is There Any Way Out? Ajit Doval

Interview Dileep Padgaonkar on Changing Face of Media In Conversation with Makkhan Lal

Insight: Media Indian Media and The World K.G. Suresh

Insight: Counter-Terror Strategy Need to Revisit Anti-Terror Laws Maj. Gen. Vinod

Saighal (Retd.)Insight: Economy

The Indian Economy: Today and Tomorrow T.C.A. Srinivasa-Raghavan

Insight: Religion and PolityReligious and Cultural Transformation Bimal Pramanikof Bangladesh

Insight: Energy India’s Energy Security: Issues and Concerns Rajeev Srinivasan

Insight: Minority Appeasement Andhra Pradesh Government and Minority Fever T.H. Chowdary

Book Review Caste System in India – Befitting Challenge to Various Postulates A. Surya Prakash

Retelling A Classical Literature: Beloo MehraThe Case of Ramayana

Document Maulana Abul Kalam Azad on The Future of Pakistan

General Elections in Maharashtra, Haryana

and Arunachal Pradesh Economic Development in China and India

Wisdom

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Contents

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Editorial BoardMV KamathKireet JoshiPV IndiresanAjit DovalChandan MitraManaging EditorRNP SinghEditorsJS RajputMakkhan LalSangit Kumar RagiAssociate EditorTajinder BainsEditorial AssistantsRam Sanjeevan YadavSunitaPage-Making & LayoutAmit Kumar SinghEditor-In-ChiefDina Nath Mishra

Contributing EditorsA Surya PrakashAdityanjeeArun KumarBB KumarDN BezboruaDC NathKN BhatKapil KapurKapil KumarMohan GuruswamyKrishen KakPrakash SinghR VaidyanathanRK GanjooS GurumurthySwapan DasguptaT Hanuman Chowdary

India First Foundation TrusteesTVR ShonoyBalbir PunjChetanya KasyapShridev SharmaBK JhaRNP SinghDina Nath Mishra(Founder President)

Annual Subscription: Rs. 1000/- Ten Years Subscription: Rs. 5000/-© Eternal IndiaEternal India is a refereed journal. The views expressed are those of the authors.*Printed & Published by RNP Singh for India First Foundation, B-1, Navbharat Times Apartments, Mayur Vihar, Phase-1, Delhi - 110091, Ph: (011) 23319754/23319755*Printed at J.J. Offset Printers, 522, FIE, Patparganj Industrial Area, Delhi - 110092, Ph: 011-22169633/4457Email: [email protected] RNI No. DELBIL/2009/27687

India First Foundation Publication

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About 10 years ago, there was a meeting of top officials of the country. Everybodywas reporting about the Naxal problem. Generally, the trend was to minimize theproblem and how deftly the police was handling it. But one officer, when his turncame, said bluntly that ‘police could handle the situation at this point of time sinceNaxals are armed with bows and arrows, spears and swords etc. But they aregathering sophisticated arms and getting sophisticated training. They are workingseparately but there is a strong trend of unification of all varieties of Naxals. IfNaxalism is not tackled seriously, after some years, it would not be possible forpolice to handle this growing menace’.

Obviously, this statement was not liked by many of his seniors. Now, at this pointof time, even Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh has warned about the menace,terming it the ‘biggest internal problem’. Home Minister P. Chidambaramsomewhere opined that the Air Force may be used against the Naxals, if needed.The Home Ministry is trying to improve the capability of those who are entrustedto handle the situation. A new force called CoBRA commandoes is being trained forthe purpose. Naxals on their part have given clear signals of their devastatingcapabilities. Numerous reports are gathering dust as to how much the Naxals haveexpanded their operations.

One can recall how they attacked the Jehanabad Jail and rescued hundreds of theircomrades. In Jehanabad, they attacked in broad daylight. They announced theirintentions through loudspeaker in the whole city. The police could not match them.Police stations were most ill-equipped. The shabby uniforms and boots of policewere too symptomatic of their weakness. Naxalites carried out the operation verysuccessfully. Before that, they even attacked police stations. The morale of thepolice could not match the half-clad Naxals armed only with traditional weapons.And what is the stage we have reached?

See what has happened in Bengal. One of the most prestigious trains, theBhubaneswar-Rajdhani Express, was forcibly detained. A few hundred Maoistshalted the train by placing tree trunks across the tracks. The two train drivers weremade to sit in front of the engine. Around 500 passengers were practically heldhostage at the mercy of Maoists leaders. The five-hour-long drama wasunprecedented. A few hundred Naxals created a sort of history and the stategovernment could not take up the challenge. However, the ordeal of passengersended as specially trained CRPF jawans and CoBRA commandos arrived. I have afeeling that Maoists had prior information about the arrival of the Central forces or

Editorial

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else the hostage drama might have continued. This probably is only the tip ofNaxals’ potential. Partially, Naxalism may be a law and order problem but its biggercause is poverty and lack of justice for poor tribals. Poor governance is, of course,evident. Leaders of Naxals are hardcore Maoists who do not even allowdevelopment to take place.

The recent incidents may be considered a spillover of the CPM-TrinamoolCongress fight even though none of them was the main actor. The Naxals demandwas for the release of their leader Chakradhar Mahto. As for the Naxals, they havecreated a base in almost half of India. They have relations with terrorist andseparatist groups, both foreign and local. They have direct connection with Maoistsin Nepal. The government on other hand continues to show equanimity. Now, thestraight challenge to the State has begun. Some realization has dawned on theauthorities. Think of the situation where National Security Adviser M.K. Narayanansits with top officials to think as to how to tackle the Naxal menace. The boldnessand zest of the Naxals on one hand and the lame-duck response of primarily thestate and the Centre has been totally exposed. Naxals pose a direct challenge toboth. One should not forget that the government had direct alliance with theseelements in several states for electoral support. Very often, there is lapse and relapsein our ostrich-like vision. The intellectual support the Naxals are getting in somecities too has to be handled with care. Otherwise, superlatives like biggest or gravestwould pass into the files of newspapers. And the downslide will continue, to thedetriment of national security interests.

Dina Nath MishraEditor-in-Chief

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Eternal India, November 2009 5

Insight: Naxalism

Naxal Challenge to The Indian State Prakash Singh*

Poor governance, grinding poverty, neglect of land reforms, risingunemployment, raw deal for tribals and uneven development led to therise of Naxalism in India. Unfortunately, these factors are very muchpresent even today. In fact, there is a perception that these problems aregetting aggravated with each passing day. Unless these basic issues aresincerely addressed, a security-centric approach by itself would not leadto the resolution of the Naxal menace.

The Naxal movement, whicherupted violently in the countryin 1967, has passed through

three distinct phases:(a) The first phase witnessed the

formation of CPI (ML) and its rapidspread to different parts of thecountry. “Expand anywhere andeverywhere” was CharuMazumdar’s message. This phaseended with his death, followed byideological differences within theparty which further led tofragmentation of the movement.

(b) The second phase began with theformation of the People’s War Groupin Andhra Pradesh in 1980 under theleadership of KondapalliSeetharamaiah. The movement, with

*Prakash Singh, a recipient of Padmashri, is a former Director General of Border SecurityForce, DGP UP and DGP Assam. He was also a member of the Expert Group of PlanningCommission which studied the ‘Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas’.

the Telengana region of AndhraPradesh as its epicentre, spread overthe neighbouring states. This phasealso tapered off as the stategovernment mounted well-coordinated counter-insurgencyoperations against the Naxals.

(c) The third phase started at thebeginning of the 21st century. Itshighlight has been the increasingmilitarization of the movement withthe Naxals establishing theirpresence over vast swathes ofterritory.

The Ninth Congress of the People’sWar Group held in 2007 “reaffirmed thegeneral line of New DemocraticRevolution with agrarian revolution asits axis and protracted people’s war as

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the path of the Indian revolution”, andresolved to “advance the people’s warthroughout the country, furtherstrengthen the people’s army, deepenthe mass base of the party and wage abroad-based militant mass movementagainst the neo-liberal policies of globalization, liberalization,privatization”.

Naxal influence has since spread overa huge geographical area. According tothe Home Minister’s own statement,various Naxal groups have pockets ofinfluence in 20 states across the country,and over 2,000 police station areas in223 districts of these states are partiallyor substantially affected by the menace.He further revealed that the party’spolitburo had decided to expand itsactivities into newer areas on the onehand and intensify its ‘mass resistance’in the existing areas on the other. Nowonder, Naxal violence has been on a

high trajectory. There have beensignificant violent incidents in about400 police station areas of about 90districts in 13 states. There were, in2008, a total of 1,591 incidents of Naxalviolence resulting in 721 killings. Thisyear, there have already been (till August 27) 1,405 incidents of Naxal violence resulting in the death of580 persons.

Casualties among security forcespersonnel have been quite high.Altogether, 231 security forcespersonnel lost their lives in Naxalviolence in 2008, while 270 personnelhave lost their lives this year so far.

Main FeaturesThe Prime Minister has described

Naxalite movement as the single biggestthreat to the internal security of thecountry. Its main features, causingconcern and anxiety, are:

Spread over a large geographical area Increase in potential for violence Unification of People’s War andMCCI

Plan to have a Red Corridor Nexus with other extremist groupsThe movement which started from a

small village in 1967 has spread over avast swathe of the country during thelast more than 40 years. Thirteen statesof the country are particularly affected.These include Andhra Pradesh, Bihar,

6 Eternal India, November 2009

Insight: Naxalism

Naxal influence has spread overa huge geographical area inIndia. According to the HomeMinister’s statement, variousNaxal groups have pockets ofinfluence in 20 states, and over2,000 police station areas in 223 districts of these states are partially or substantiallyaffected by the menace.

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Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, MadhyaPradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, UttarPradesh, West Bengal, Kerala,Karnataka, Haryana and Tamil Nadu.Even the Prime Minister acknowledgedthat the movement has “the support of a section of the tribal communitiesand poorest of the poor in many affected areas”.

The Naxals’ potential for violence hasincreased substantially with theiracquisition of sophisticated weaponsand expertise in the use of improvisedexplosive devices (IEDs). Theorganization is in fact being militarised.The Naxals are said to be in possessionof at least 8,000 regular weapons,including AK-47 assault rifles and Self-Loading Rifles. They have built thisarsenal essentially by snatchingweapons from landlords/policemen,purchasing them from smugglers,acquiring from insurgent groups like theNational Socialist Council of Nagaland(Issac Muivah) and United LiberationFront of Assam (ULFA), and alsoobtaining some weapons from Nepal.

The movement got a tremendousboost when its two major components –the People’s War (PW) and the MaoistCommunist Centre of India (MCCI) –merged on March 21, 2004. The unifiedparty is called the Communist Party ofIndia (Maoist). The merger, apart fromaugmenting the support base of the

party, gave it the character of a pan-India revolutionary movement. Thearmed wing of the Naxals is about10,000 strong. The Naxals’ plan to havea Compact Revolutionary Zonestretching from the Indo-Nepal borderto the Dandakaranya region is likely toget a fillip with the consolidation oftheir ranks.

The Naxals’ nexus with the otherextremist organizations has added to thecomplexity of the problem. There areindications that the PW cadres receivedtraining in the handling of weapons andIEDs from some ex-LTTE cadres.Besides, they have entente cordiale withthe NSCN (IM). Some batches ofNaxals have also received arms trainingfrom the ULFA. Besides, theCommunist Party of India (Maoist) hasfraternal relations with the CommunistParty of Nepal.

According to a recent report, the ISI istrying to reach out to the Naxals. TheLashkar-e-Toiba had directed its


Insight: Naxalism

The Naxals’ nexus with the otherextremist organizations hasadded to the complexity of theproblem. There are indicationsthat the PW cadres receivedtraining in the handling ofweapons and IEDs from someex-LTTE cadres.

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operative, Mohammed Umer Madani, torecruit Maoists and help them withmoney and firearms. Madani admittedbefore the police that his plan includedgiving preliminary training to thejehadis recruited from different parts ofIndia in Maoist strongholds and thensending them to Pakistan for furthertraining.

Some other features which arebecoming noticeable are also matters ofconcern. These include Organising of bandhs now and thento disrupt normal life on variouspretexts, like police action against aparticular Naxal leader etc.

Giving a call for the boycott ofelections whenever a democraticexercise is held, and carrying outtheir diktat by acts of violenceagainst the polling personnel.

Preventing the execution ofdevelopment projects.

Holding jana adalats which are

kangaroo courts to dispense instantjustice.

Encouraging the cultivation of opiumin their areas of influence,particularly in Bihar and Jharkhand,to build up their finances with drug money.

Profile of ViolenceThe figures of total number of

incidents perpetrated by the Naxals andthe casualties during the last few yearshave been given in the table on thispage.

There has been a qualitative change inNaxal violence in the recent years.Small-scale isolated incidents have beenreplaced by large-scale, well- organizedattacks. The target is not so much theindividual class enemy, as used to be thecase during the early phase of themovement – now, it is the State itself.Important persons are targeted. Securityforces personnel are particularly


Insight: Naxalism

Year Total Incidents Deaths2001 1,208 5642002 1,465 4822003 1,597 5152004 1,533 5662005 1,608 6772006 1,509 6782007 1,565 6962008 1,591 7212009 (till August 2007) 1,405 580

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attacked. The following incidentsillustrate the changing pattern ofviolence and demonstrate the growingconfidence of the Naxals:(a) 2003: The attempt to assassinate

Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, N.Chandrababu Naidu (October 01)between Tirupati and Tirumala inChittoor district while he wasproceeding to attend theBrahmotsavam celebrations.

(b) 2004: The raid in Koraput district ofOrissa (February 07), when theextremists overran severalgovernment establishments anddecamped with about 200 weapons,including SLRsand carbinesand about60,000 roundsof ammunition.

(c) 2005: The attack on the JehanabadDistrict Jail in Bihar (November 13,),when about 200 cadres of the unitedCommunist Party of India (Maoist)assisted by about 800 sympathisersfreed 389 prisoners, including quite afew Naxals.

(d) 2006: The interception of 628 Dn.Passenger train in Latehar district ofJharkhand (March 13) betweenMughalsarai and Barkana stations.

(e) 2007: The attack on a police basecamp at Rani Bodli village of Bijapurdistrict in Chhattisgarh (March 15) in

which 55 persons, including 16personnel of Chhattisgarh ArmedForce and 39 SPOs, were killed.

(e) 2008: The attack on Nayagarh townin Orissa (February 15), in which theNaxals overran three police stationsand killed 15 policemen and one civilian and decamped with 1,090 weapons, though 400rifles were subsequently recoveredby the police.

Incidents in 2009The year 2009 is turning out to be a

particularly bad year with Naxalviolence touching a high water

mark. The worstincidents of the year in differ-ent states areenumerated below:

BiharOn February 9, the Naxals killed 10

policemen, including personnel ofSpecial Auxiliary Police who wereproviding security at a function atRavidas Ashram in Mahuliatand villageof Nawada district. The Maoists fledwith the arms and ammunition of theslain policemen.

ChhattisgarhNaxals killed 30 policemen, including

an SP, on July 12 in three attacks in


Insight: Naxalism

The year 2009 is turning out tobe a particularly bad year withNaxal violence touching a highwater mark.

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Rajnandgaon district on July 12. SPVinod Kumar Choubey was ambushedwhen he was leading the forces toMadanwada, where the Naxals hadkilled two policemen in the morning. Inthe gun battle that followed, Choubeyand 23 policemen were killed. In aseparate attack, Maoist set offlandmines and ambushed another teamof policemen which had left Sitagaonfor Madanwada, killing four policemen.

JharkhandNaxals beheaded Special Branch

Inspector Francis Induwar and threw hisbody on a slip roadleading to NH 33that connects Patnato Jamshedpur onOctober 7, 2009.The Inspector wasearlier held hostagefor a swap with arrested Naxal leaders KobadGhandy, Chhatradhar Mahto andChandrabhushan Yadav.

MaharashtraNaxal ambushed a police party,

killing 17 personnel at Laheri village inBhamragad division of Gadchirolidistrict on October 8, 2009.

OrissaOver a hundred armed Maoists laid

siege to the state-run NationalAluminium Company Ltd (NALCO)bauxite mine at Panchpatmali nearDamanjodi in Koraput district on April12. In the encounter that followed, 11CISF personnel and five Naxals werekilled.

West BengalNearly 5,000 tribals, wielding

shovels, axes and hammers and led byCPI-Maoist cadres, demolished a policecamp at Kalaimuri near Lalgarh in theWest Midnapore district on May 3. Thetribals had come from about a dozen

villages. The Union Home

Minister, P.C h i d a m b a r a m ,recently concededthat the challengeof Left extremismhad been

“underestimated” for several years,allowing the Maoists to spread theirwings. The Maoists, he added, posed a“grave challenge” to the State.

State ResponseThe government had enunciated a 14-

point plan in 2006 to deal with theNaxal problem. The salient features ofthe plan were:

deal sternly with the Naxalsindulging in violence


Insight: Naxalism

Union Home Minister, P.Chidambaram, recentlyconceded that the challenge ofLeft extremism had been“underestimated” for severalyears, allowing the Maoists tospread their wings.

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address the problem simultaneouslyon political, security anddevelopment fronts in a holisticmanner

ensure inter-state coordination indealing with the problem

accord priority to faster socio-economic development in the Naxal-affected or prone areas

supplement the efforts and resourcesof the affected states on both securityand development fronts

promote local resistance groupsagainst the Naxals

use mass media to highlight thefutility of Naxal violence and the lossof life and property caused by it

have a proper surrender andrehabilitation policy for the Naxals

affected states not to have any peacedialogue with the Naxal groupsunless the latter agree to give upviolence and arms

The government response has sincebeen redefined. The Cabinet Committeeon Security (CCS) has approved inprinciple the “clear and hold” doctrine.

In the first phase, the Naxals would beflushed out from their swamps byundertaking well-coordinated counter-insurgency operations against them.

In the second phase, the civiladministration would establish itself incleared areas and thereafter undertakedevelopment works on a priority. “The

idea is to dominate and then quicklybring in development – hospitals,schools, roads, fair price shops –keeping the basic necessities of peoplein mind”, as explained by an official.

The following initiatives taken in the recent past should impact the Naxal problem:

Rehabilitation and ResettlementPolicy, 2007

The massive displacement of tribals inthe wake of development projects andthe setting up of SEZs has contributedin no small measure to the alienation oftribals. It is estimated that around 60million people have been displacedbetween 1947 and 2004 involving 25million hectares. The tribals constituteonly 8.08 per cent of the country’spopulation, but they are 40 per cent ofthe total displaced/affected persons inIndia. The resettlement record has beenvery dismal.

The Government of India announceda new rehabilitation policy on October11, 2007, to make displacement of


Insight: Naxalism

The massive displacement oftribals in the wake ofdevelopment projects and thesetting up of SEZs hascontributed in no small measureto the alienation of tribals.

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people for industrial growth a lesspainful experience. Its salient featuresare:

Setting up of a NationalRehabilitation Commission

Social Impact Assessment of areaswhere projects involvingdisplacement are undertaken

Mandatory consultation with theGram Sabha

Land in return for land for displacedfamilies

Preference in project jobs to at leastone member of each family

Vocational training, scholarships forchildren and housing benefits toaffected families

Rs 500 monthly pension for destitute,widows, unmarried girls

The scheme is unfortunately beingopposed by a section of politicians.

Forest Rights Act, 2006 The Scheduled Tribes and Other

Traditional Forest Dwellers(Recognition of Forest Rights) Act,2006, (popularly known as ForestRights Act) is a significant step inrecognizing and vesting forest rightswith scheduled tribes and othertraditional forest dwellers who havebeen residing in such forests forgenerations but whose rights could notbe recorded. It provides the frameworkfor recording the forest rights so vested.

The Act has accepted December 2005 asthe cut-off date for consideration of landrights and also brought non-tribal forestdwellers within its ambit. Thus, allthose residing in forests for 25 years ormore or for three generations prior to2005 will be eligible to claim land, andthe ceiling has been set as four hectaresfor each settler family. According to agovernment handout, more than 23.27lakh claims have already been filed andmore than 3.48 lakh titles distributed.

The Act is, however, beingvehemently opposed by wildlifeconservation lobby which fears that thelaw will make it impossible to create“inviolate spaces” or areas free fromhuman presence for the purpose ofwildlife conservation. Tigerconservation in particular could beaffected. Corporate groups are alsoagainst the Act because they think thathenceforth it would be difficult todisplace tribals for any industrialprojects. Even the Ministry ofEnvironment and Forests termed it asthe ideal recipe to ensure the destructionof India’s forests and wildlife by“legalising encroachments”. It remainsto be seen if the Act is implemented inletter and spirit.

National Rural EmploymentGuarantee Act, 2006

NREGA is the largest ever


Insight: Naxalism

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employment programme visualized inhuman history. It holds out the“prospect of transforming thelivelihoods of the poorest and heraldinga revolution in rural governance inIndia”.

However, as brought out in the CAGreport, there are “significantdeficiencies” in the implementation ofNREGA. Every state was required toappoint, in each block, a full-timeprogramme officere x c l u s i v e l ydedicated to theimplementation ofthe scheme withnecessary supportstaff. However, theCAG report foundthat 19 states had not appointed theseofficers in 70 per cent of the blocks itsurveyed.

The state governments were alsorequired to constitute panels ofaccredited engineers at the district andblock levels. The CAG found the panelmissing in as many as 20 of the states itstudied. The state governments werealso to appoint Technical ResourceSupport Groups at the state and districtslevels to assist in planning, design,monitoring, evaluation, quality audit,training and handholding. The CAGfound that 23 states had not set up suchgroups at the district or state levels.

Peace TalksPeace talks were held between the

People’s War Group and AndhraPradesh government during June-July2002 at the initiative of Committee ofConcerned Citizens. Three rounds oftalks were held but there was noagreement on the substantive issues.Talks were held again from October 15-18, 2004 at Hyderabad. The Naxalspresented an 11-point charter of

demands; the mostimportant onerelated to landreforms. Again,there could be noagreement.

The govern-ment’s Status

Paper on the Naxal problem mentions aholistic approach to tackling themenace. However, Clause 4 (v) of theStatus Paper states that “there will be nopeace dialogue by the affected stateswith the Naxal groups unless the latteragree to give up violence and arms”.This is inconsistent with government’sstand vis-à-vis other militant groups inthe country.

The government has been holdingpeace talks with the Naga rebels of the NSCN (IM) faction for the last more than ten years even thoughthe rebels have not surrendered theirweapons. In relation to ULFA also, the


Insight: Naxalism

NREGA is the largest ever employment programmevisualized in human history.But, there are “significantdeficiencies” in the imple-mentation of NREGA.

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government is prepared to go for adialogue without insisting on theinsurgents surrendering their weapons.The government would do well to keepthe peace option open.

People’s Support – Salwa JudumMobilising the support of the people

is absolutely essential to weaken thesupport base of the Naxals. Politicalparties, with the exception of CPM, arenot playing theirrole in this regard.

Representativesof major partieshave virtuallyabdicated theirresponsibility ofengaging in anykind of anti-Naxalpropaganda in theirc o n s t i t u e n c i e s . In fact, most havesought shelter in the safety of urban centres or the state capitals.

The background of Salwa Judum mustbe understood. The Naxals were, to startwith, welcomed by the Bastar tribalsbecause they were harassed by corruptrevenue, police and forest officials andexploited by traders from plains areas.However, in due course, as the Naxalsentrenched themselves in the region,they started showing insensitivity to the

tribals’ feelings and started interferingwith their social customs and culturalpractices. Ghotuls were closed. Weeklybazaars were looted. Traditionalcelebrations at the time of marriagewere discouraged. Village priests weredriven away. All this hurt the tribals andthere was a feeling of resentment. Theproverbial last straw was when theNaxals did not allow the tribals to plucktendu leaves. This was a regular source

of income to them.Enough wasenough, the tribalsfelt and theyrebelled against theNaxals. Largegroups of peopleheld rallies. Thiswas the beginningof Salwa Judum.Mahendra Karma,a Congress (I)leader, provided

the leadership. There is an orchestrated campaign by

the pro-Naxal lobbies to malign SalwaJudum and have it disbanded. TheNHRC, which was asked by theSupreme Court to investigate SalwaJudum, however, justified it as a“spontaneous revolt of the tribalsagainst years of atrocities andharassment suffered by them at thehands of Naxalites”.


Insight: Naxalism

The government’s Status Paperon the Naxal problem mentionsa holistic approach to tacklingthe menace. However, its oneClause on no peace dialogue bythe affected states with the Naxalgroups unless the latter agree togive up violence and arms isinconsistent with government’sstand vis-à-vis other militantgroups.

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ProspectsThe plans to combat the Naxal

problem appear generally sound onpaper. However, there is a huge gapbetween formulation of policies andtheir implementation on ground.Corruption is upsetting all thecalculations. A former chief minister ofJharkhand and three of his erstwhilecolleagues have been accused ofamassing assets running into severalhundred crores and investing them inforeign countries like Thailand andLiberia. The Deputy Chairman ofPlanning Commission, Montek SinghAhluwalia, recently stated that a Planpanel study on PDS found that only 16paise out of a rupee was reaching thetargeted poor.

An Expert Group formed by thePlanning Commission to study‘Development Challenges in ExtremistAffected Areas’ found that there is“failure of governance which hasmultiple dimensions”.

Poverty levels are depressing.According to the Eleventh Five-YearPlan document, 60 years afterindependence, over a quarter of thepopulation still remains poor. As muchas 27.5 per cent of the Indian populationis still living below the poverty line.Besides, there is a growing consensusthat the poverty line (Rs 356 monthlyper capita consumption expenditure for

rural areas and Rs 539 for urban areas in2004-05) in India is much too low. TheWorld Bank has raised the globalpoverty line to $1.25 while the AsianDevelopment Bank’s new poverty linefor Asia raises the bar to $1.35 per day.If these yardsticks are applied, thenumber of poor in India jumps to 455million according to the World Bankand to 622 million according to theAsian Development Bank. The figuresare staggering.

Land reforms are a forgotten item ofthe planning agenda. Progress underthis head, even according to thePlanning Commission, has been“dismal”. It has been rightly said thatland reforms have become “a romantictheme for the intellectual, a populistslogan for the politician, and apersistent source of hope for thelandless”. A study titled ‘State AgrarianRelations and the Unfinished Tasks inLand Reforms’ conducted by the RuralDevelopment Ministry brought out that


Insight: Naxalism

The plans to combat the Naxalproblem appear generally soundon paper. However, there is ahuge gap between formulationof policies and theirimplementation on ground.Corruption is upsetting all thecalculations.

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“the present schematic and legalarrangement for the restoration of triballand has not been successful on accountof a number of factors, including theconvergence of interests amongst thepolitical groups, bureaucracy andclasses alienating the tribal lands”.

The tribals’ lot was analyzed by anExpert Group on Prevention ofAlienation of Tribal Land and itsRestoration constituted by the Ministryof Rural Development, Government ofIndia. The Group found that “the socio-economic conditions of the tribals arebeset with severe complexities andproblems” and that “the tribal societies,with few exceptions, are deficient interms of social development and thetribal people suffer from capabilitypoverty”. The Expert Group also notedthat quality of life of the tribals hadfailed to improve despite constitutionalamendments.

There are, besides, huge disparities indevelopment. As stated by Shankar

Acharya, a former Economic Adviser tothe Government of India:

“Perhaps most worrying for the long runare the increasing dualisms between richversus poor, organised versus informalsectors, urban versus rural, employedversus jobless, fast growing versusbackward regions and skilled versusunskilled labour. The party may still beswinging …but it is not for everybody.How long before the widening economicand social disparities fuel serious socialstrife, which shreds the remnants ofreasonable governance and impedes theoverall momentum of development?”

The factors which gave rise toNaxalism – poor governance, extent ofpoverty, neglect of land reforms, risingunemployment, raw deal for tribals anduneven development – are thus,unfortunately, very much present todayalso. In fact, there is a perception thatthese problems are getting aggravated.Unless these basic issues are sincerelyaddressed, a security-centric approachby itself would not lead to resolution ofthe problem.


Insight: Naxalism

Wisdom

Wisdom is not finally tested in the schools. Wisdom cannot be pass’d from one havingit to another not having it. Wisdom is of the soul, is not susceptible of proof, is its ownproof.

Walt Whitman, US poet (1819-1892)

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Insight: Polity

Pakistan’s Peril: Is There Any Way Out? Ajit Doval*

Pakistan is mired in myriad problems like constitutional and politicaldegradation, economic failure, internal security breakdown etc. Whatmakes the outlook nightmarish for Pakistan is its status as a roguenuclear State and an epicentre of jehadi terror. Factors like crumblingState edifice, over-militarization of army, its falling clout, strengtheningof radicals, loss of monopoly of the State over violence, economiccollapse and ethnic troubles etc. imperil Pakistan’s existence. It wouldbe necessary to analyse these factors and their likely impact on thefuture course of events in order to make an objective assessment ofPakistan’s likely future.

Warning signals of a State’sdestablisation that leads toits eventual failure are

many: Constitutional and politicaldegradation, economic failure, internalsecurity breakdown, loss of monopolyof violence to armed groups, military’sconflict with civil society etc. In Pakistan, all of these exist, and much more.

What makes the outlook nightmarishis Pakistan’s status as a rogue nuclearState and an epicentre of jehaditerrorism. It is a State that has perfectedthe use of covert action as an instrumentof State policy. It is a State that has

*Ajit Doval, a Kirti Chakra awardee, is a former Director of Intelligence Bureau,Government of India. He is presently Director, Vivekananda International Foundation, NewDelhi.

sizeable violence-prone independenttribes with loads of drug money andsophisticated weapons. It is a State thathas for years spewed out an unendingstream of jehadi warriors. For these andhost of other reasons, Pakistan has lostinternational credibility and is at warwith itself. Its track record evokes littleconfidence in its ability and intentions –or both – to honour its assurances orfulfill its international commitments.Now, the situation has acquired suchfrightening proportions that Pakistan isposing a threat not only to its very ownexistence but also to the region and theworld at large. For India, which shares a

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long history of hostility and acontiguous border extending over 3,000km with Pakistan, what happens to theneighbouring country has criticalstrategic import.

There are many deep-rooted factorswhich imperil Pakistan’s existentialiststatus in its current form. To make anobjective assessment of Pakistan’slikely future, it would be necessary toanalyse these factors and their likelyimpact on the future turn of events.

Crumbling State EdificeThe failure of Pakistan to develop a

State idea with a broad nationalconsensus andconvert it into aviable politico-c o n s t i t u t i o n a lframework is itsgreatest inherentinfirmity. The Statewas founded six decades ago on thenegative idea of creating a homeland forthe Muslims in the subcontinent. Itstemmed from the spurious suppositionthat India would be the homeland ofHindus only. In the absence ofevolution of a positive State idea, thenew State continued to rest itself onanti-Indianism as raison d’être for itsexistence. It failed to give itself aconstitutional framework which couldmeet the needs and aspirations of its

violence-prone, ethnically fragmentedsociety, reduce inequities in itsfeudalistic society and provide succor tomostly impoverished population.Following the break-up of the State in1971, a meaningful, one-offdemocratisation process was initiatedunder the 1973 Constitution. However,the army sabotaged it, uncomfortable asit was with the arrangement whichundermined its position in the powerplay. “Nullification of the 1973 Charterhas been one of Pakistan Army’s centralobjectives,” says noted South Asiaspecialist Selig Harrision. In theensuing years, constitutionality and rule

of law remained ahandmaiden, bothin the hands ofmilitary and non-military regimes.

In the absence ofa strong politico-

constitutional framework and Statestructures, the governance often gotmanipulated by vested interests,religious entrepreneurs, power brokersand the corrupt – both within andoutside the government. Exercisingarbitrary and non-accountableinfluence, they seriously underminedthe rule of law and gave a jurisprudenceof self-destruction to Pakistan. For mostpart, big landlords, shady religiousheads, serving and retired army officers,


Insight: Polity

The failure of Pakistan todevelop a State idea with a broadnational consensus and convertit into a viable politico-constitutional framework is itsgreatest inherent infirmity

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and the rich wielded power throughintrigues, power manipulation andnetworks of contacts. The malady ateinto the vitals of the State and that, inturn, contributed majorly to thedegradation of the State.

Notwithstanding the façade ofdemocracy, Pakistan today lacks a Statearchitect, political thought, institutionsand systems of governance that couldsave the faltering State. Invoking thedoctrine of law of necessity, the army –whether in or out of power – canarrogate to itselfthe status ofultimate interpreterof the idea ofPakistan andupholder of itssovereign interests.In matters ofstrategic direction and national security,it has become the ultimate conceiver,executioner and arbiter of nationalinterests. As a direct corollary, the civilState structures have little to fall back on at this critical juncture ofPakistan’s history.

Army’s Falling CloutPerceptible decline in the institutions

of governance in Pakistan is not a newphenomenon. The rot had set in soonafter General Ayub Khan’s militarytakeover in 1958. However, while the

military at the top got politicized, itsprofessional character remainedundiluted down the line. The realdecline started during Zia-ul-Haq’sregime when the General tried toconvert a professional army into areligiously motivated ideological army.The training schedules were changed,regimental practices were altered andIslamic ideological education wasintroduced. The full consequences ofthis phenomenon are yet to unfold asmost recruits of that period are

still in the ranks of Brigadiers and Colonels.However, at thecutting edge level,the impact isbeginning to show.The motivation

levels among the JCOs, NCOs and ORSto fight against their co-religionistjehadis is rather low. The bleedingjunior commanders and soldiers areuncomfortable killing their own co-religionists and ideological compatriots.After all, all of them had foughtshoulder to shoulder for Pakistan andIslam not too long ago. Significantly, asizeable chunk of the army – estimatedto be around 30 per cent – is Pashtuns.It is the Pashtun homeland that hasbecome the ‘ground zero’ of Pakistanarmy’s ongoing anti-Taliban operations.


Insight: Polity

Notwithstanding the façade ofdemocracy, Pakistan today lacks a State architect, political thought,institutions and systems ofgovernance that could save thefaltering State.

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Till about 2007, Pakistan armyexercised clout and power that could setoff the negative impact of a pliantlegislature, corrupt politicians, weakcivil administration and enfeebleddemocratic institutions. Contrasted tothe politicians, the army commandedrespect for its nationalist image,institutional strength, organisation anddiscipline. Pervez Musharraf’sconfrontation with the civil society overthe sacking of Supreme Court Chief JusticeIftikhar Chaudhryin November 2007, however, not only led to his unceremoniousexist, but alsoc o n s i d e r a b l ydented the army’spublic image andclout.

But the worst blow to the army hascome in the form of the drubbing it isreceiving from their former jehadiprotégés. The attack on army HQ inRawalpindi on October 10, 2009,demolished its image of invincibilityand dented its élan and self-confidence.The international pressure onimpoverished Pakistan – desperatelydependent on foreign aid – to establishcivilian supremacy has furtherweakened the army’s standing. Today,

the capacity of the Pakistan army tosalvage the situation stands seriouslyeroded. It could turn out to be a majorcontributory factor in the State’s failurein near future.

Strengthening of RadicalsZia’s pursuit of Islamisation of the

polity, society and the army carried theseeds of all that is destabilising Pakistantoday. Professor Akmal Hussain, anoted Pakistani scholar and a former

prime ministerialaide, commentedthus in a recentpaper: “In the absence ofpopular legitimacy,the Zia regime usedterror as a consciouspolicy of thegovernment. Inpursuit of this policy,the democratic

Constitution of 1973 was set aside anddraconian measures of military courts,arbitrary arrests, amputation of handsand public lashings were introduced.”

He adds: “The institutional roots of ‘Islamicfundamentalism’ were laid whengovernment funds were provided forestablishing madrasas in small townsand rural areas. This led to the rapidgrowth of militant religiousorganizations. This social process, whichlater came to be known as IslamicFundamentalism, was catalysed by the


Insight: Polity

The worst blow to the army hascome in the form of thedrubbing it is receiving fromtheir former jehadi proteges.The attack on army HQ inRawalpindi on October 10, 2009,demolished its image ofinvincibility and dented its élanand self-confidence.

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Afghan War. As measures wereundertaken to start building a theocraticState, and society was brutalized, theisolation of the government from thepeople as a whole was matched byincreased external dependence.”

Often, the voice of affluent, liberal,westernised and articulate minority inPakistan is mistaken as therepresentative voice of civil society.That is not the case. At the grassrootslevel, the Pakistani society hasundergone a tectonic change. During theAfghan war with the Soviets, Islamicorganisations likeJammait-e-Islamiwere dished out huge fundsreceived fromSaudi Arabia andother MiddleEastern sources toIslamise the society.

Jessica Stern, author of The UltimateTerrorists and the forthcoming Terror inthe Name of God estimated in a ForeignAffairs article that from Saudi Arabiaalone some $3.5 billion were pumpedinto Pakistan to strengthen and armSunni groups. This process hascontinued since then, albeit on a lesserscale. Since 1986, the earlier unknownAhle Hadith group has set up a massiveinfrastructure in Muridke near Lahore.It has spread its tentacles far and wideunder the banner of Markaz-i-Dawat-

Wal Irshad. Pursuing the Salafireformist agenda of Saudi hardlineIslam, Markaz has started a series ofeducational institutions, hospitals etc. indifferent parts of Pakistan. However, theworld better knows it today through itsflagship outfit Lashkar-e-Toiba.

The number of madrasas, which atthe time of independence stood at mere245, increased to 11,000 during Zia’stime. Presently, the figure is astaggeringly 45,000 plus. This hasbrought about a qualitative change inthe character of Pakistani civil society,

radicalising it at analarming rate.These madrasashave becomeveritable factoriesfor churning outfanatics. Some

three million madrasa pass-outs areroaming free in Pakistan as you readthis. With little alternative skill sets,they are most likely to either becomemoulvis – producing more of their ilk –or turn into jehadis to fight the self-defined enemies of Pakistan. Thesefacts are only illustrative of thetransformation that the Pakistani societyis undergoing.

State Losing Monopoly on ViolenceThe next worrying aspect is that no

other State has either weaponised or


Insight: Polity

Often, the voice of affluent,liberal, westernised andarticulate minority in Pakistanis mistaken as the representativevoice of civil society. That is notthe case.

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allowed its civil society to beweaponised as extensively andintensively as Pakistan. Following theTreaty of Westphalia and evolution ofthe concept of ‘Nation States’, one ofthe cardinal doctrines of a modern Statehas been to zealously guard against anychallenge to their monopoly overviolence. Modern States work on thedoctrine that any non-State actor whoacquires or threatens to acquirecapabilities for violence should bedeemed as the enemy of the State andneutralised. But Pakistani intelligencehas systematically worked to weaponisesections of the civil society. Varyingdegrees of legitimacy and respectabilityhave been accorded to them throughconferment of “soldiers of Islam” tag.The ISI has financially and otherwisesupported the madrasas and providedfinancial and infrastructural support toterrorist outfits to recruit, train andequip their produce. More sinisterly, ithas facilitated forging of their

collaborative links with other trans-national radical Islamic groups,gunrunners, drug traffickers, operatorsof illegal financial channels and thecriminal mafias. Over the years, someof these groups have acquiredstandalone capabilities and developedtheir own sources to raise funds,procure weapons and train jehadis.

When the ballgame started, Pakistaniintelligence was confident that it wouldbe able to exercise total control overthese groups and will have a final say onthe targets against whom the jehad wasjustified. As it happened, Pakistanstarted treating these weaponised non-State actors as assets of the State and anintegral part of their security apparatus.The mindset is amply reflected inMusharraf’s autobiography In The Lineof Fire. Recalling the Kargilmisadventure, he writes:

“Our manoeuvre was conductedflawlessly, a tactical marvel of militaryprofessionalism. I was kept informed ofall movements of the freedom fightersfrom March 1999 onward, when ourtroops started reaching the heights at thewatershed. Finally, on May 7, I wasgiven a comprehensive briefing of theirpositions.”

He further writes: “Considered purely in military terms, theKargil operations were a landmark in thehistory of the Pakistan Army. As few asfive battalions, in support of the freedomfighter groups, were able to compel the


Insight: Polity

Pakistani intelligence hassystematically worked toweaponise sections of the civilsociety. Varying degrees oflegitimacy and respectabilityhave been accorded to themthrough conferment of “soldiersof Islam” tag.

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Indians to employ more than fourdivisions, with the bulk of the Indianartillery coming from strike formationsmeant for operations in the southernplains.”

Pakistan made extensive use of thesereligious zealots to achieve its strategicand military goals against India andAfghanistan in a systematic mannerunder ISI’s institutionalised control.After September 2001, when the USmounted ‘Operation EnduringFreedom’ in Afghanistan, the situationunderwent a paradigm shift. The morefiercely religious groups – who had bythen developed standalone capabilitiesin terms of finances and weapons –began looking at Al-Qaeda as theirideological mentor, having slipped outof Pakistan’s control. And now thesegroups are further fuelling the weaponisation of society even as they are coming into confrontationwith Pakistan.

This complex terrorist-State networkand their interplay have left the Pakistancivil society highly weaponised andprone to violence. Added to this is theillegal weapons held on a massive scalein the tribal areas of North West, wheretraditionally there is hardly a familywithout weapons. The landlords(vadheras) in Sindh, and to some extentin Punjab, have also been maintainingtheir private armed groups that the Statehas done little to disarm. Drug

traffickers, criminal mafias andsectarian groups have also contributedtheir bit in weaponising the civil society.Cumulatively, they have eroded theState’s monopoly over violence andseriously undermined the rule of law.

One of the gross miscalculations ofPakistan army-ISI combine was toheavily rely on covert action as a low-cost policy option. Drawing wronglessons from the successes againstSoviets military power, they estimatedthat they could achieve their politico-strategic objectives against India, anasymmetric adversary, by resorting tocovert actions in J&K. Using the massive anti-Soviet infrastructure,weapons and religiously motivated jehadis, they mounted aproxy war on India.

But this vast army of religious zealotswhich Pakistan army and intelligencefor long had considered to be theirstrategic assets is gradually proving tobe its nemesis. The character of thearmed groups and their relationshipwith the State was, and continues to be,highly complex. It has not been


Insight: Polity

Pakistan has made extensive useof religious zealots to achieve itsstrategic and military goalsagainst India and Afghanistan ina systematic manner under ISI’sinstitutionalised control.

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sufficiently researched and understoodby the scholars. The ideologicalmoorings of these groups are essentiallytied to radical Islam and not Pakistaninationalism. The Pakistan army and ISIworked on an erroneous assumption thatthe two are coterminous and thepossibility of conflict of interestbetween the two was impossible. AfterSeptember 11, 2001, when pressure onPakistan increased and the Pakistaniagencies came under greaterinternational scan, the intelligenceagencies decided to operate morecircumspectly to raise the deniabilityquotient. In doing so, they were forcedto concede greater autonomy andfreedom to the jehadi groups. This, inturn, helped these outfits acquirestandalone capacities in terms of

recruitment, training, raising funds,procurement of weapons and, above all,the selection of targets. As the primarymotivation of these groups wasreligious and not nationalist, a conflictof interest arose when Pakistan wasseen as siding with the US in its waragainst Islamist groups. Confrontedwith this anomalous situation, Pakistanmade the strategic blunder of followingthe policy of running with the hare andhunting with the hound. In the process,it lost the trust of both.

The other dubious dimension ofPakistan’s policy was to classify thejehadi terrorists on the basis of theirtargets and calibrate its policy towardsthem accordingly. It is the groups likeSipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangavi,Tahrike-e-Zafariya and Tahrik-e-Taliban which strike at targets withinPakistan that are being dealt with aheavy hand. This is Pakistan’s own waragainst terrorism.

Dealing with the groups that target theUS and the West has always been tricky.Firstly, by the very setting, such outfitsare ideologically, if not organisationally,aligned to Taliban-Al-Qaeda combine,against which the US-led InternationalSecurity Assistance Force (ISAF) areengaged in a bloody battle inAfghanistan. Pakistan’s status of afrontline State against war on terror andWest’s non-NATO ally puts it in a tight


Insight: Polity

One dubious dimension ofPakistan’s policy was to classifyjehadi terrorists on the basis oftheir targets and calibrate itspolicy towards themaccordingly. Groups like Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangavi,Tahrike-e-Zafariya and Tahrik-e-Taliban strike at targets withinPakistan, which are being dealtwith a heavy hand. This isPakistan’s own war againstterrorism.

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spot in the eyes of fanatics. The backchannel clandestine dealings with thefighting groups is not sufficient enoughto convince them that Pakistan’s tacticsare in the larger interest of Islam.

Then there are the ISI-raised jehaditerrorist groups which consider India astheir primary target. The ISI policytowards them has been to extend themall possible help, liberal financialassistance, weapons, infrastructuralsupport, safe sanctuaries included. Thisis because the groups like Lashkar-e-Toiba, Hizbul Mujahideen, Jaish-e-Mohammad and Harkat-ul-Jehadi Islami are, by and large, seen asnational assets.

As if this was not enough, Pakistan iscrammed with armed sectarian groupsof different hues – Sunnis, Shias,Deobandis, Barelvis etc. – whoinvariably indulge in sectarian violence.The menace was once limited to thePashtun areas but has now suckedsouthern Punjab and parts of Sindh intoits fold. The Pakistani securityestablishment, including its army andthe ISI, are incapable of subjugatingthese groups, at least in the foreseeablefuture. As there is little scope forundertaking police operations within thelegal framework, the State is prone toexcessive use of military force. This canonly lead to large-scale collateraldamages with serious long- term

consequences. As jehadis cannotengage Pakistani forces up front, thepossibility of their clandestine hits atstrategic targets like nuclearinstallations, airports, VIPs, militaryand police formations etc. goes up. Withthe passage of time, this conflict islikely to become bloodier, more intenseand widespread. Pakistan is going topay a heavy price for allowing and abetting weaponisation of its civil society.

Dangers of Over-MilitarisationPaul Kennedy, in his classical book

The Rise and Fall of Great Powers,concluded that over-militarised Statesare prone to military overreach andimperial outstretch. They tend to spenddisproportionately on strengtheningtheir armies beyond their legitimatesecurity needs, often leading to theireconomic collapse. Obsessed with a


Insight: Polity

Pakistan’s status of a frontlineState against war on terror andWest’s non-NATO ally puts it ina tight spot in the eyes offanatics. The back channelclandestine dealings with thefighting groups is not sufficientenough to convince them thatPakistan’s tactics are in thelarger interest of Islam.

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compulsive hostility towards India,Pakistan under successive militaryregimes diverted huge resources formilitary build-up at the cost of nationaldevelopment and improving the qualityof human life. For decades, it has beenspending over 6 per cent of its GDP ondefence. Despite the fact that asubstantial portion of its militaryexpenditure is borne and subsidized bythe US, Saudi Arabia and China, suchspending has cast heavy burden on itsscarce domestic resources.

Pakistan’s defence budget is also nottransparent and substantial spending iscamouflaged under different civilianheads. External military assistance isalso not reflected in the budget figures.

Over-militarisation has contributed tothe weakening of Pakistan in threeways.

Firstly, diversion of huge economicresources of the country with a narrow

economic base has accentuated povertyand economic depravity. This in turnhas provided a fertile ground for radicalgroups to expand their influence andrecruit youth for jehadi groups. State’sinability to provide schools has led toproliferation of madrasas, which offerno skills to the students to engage inprofitable economic activity.

Secondly, over-militarisation hasstrengthened the army to make it a keyplayer in the power dynamics ofPakistan. The results, as we all know,have been disastrous. The army hasoften hijacked the democratic processand usurped power to prevent politicaland constitutional growth of Pakistan.

Thirdly, with little financialaccountability and freedom to takestrategic decision, the State of Pakistanhas allowed the army and ISI to pursuedangerous policies, like efforts towardsforce-parity with India, which is sixtimes the size of Pakistan, adoptingterrorism as an instrument of Statepolicy, promoting gun culture in societyand providing legitimacy to jehadiforces. There are signs of abatement inthis trend and rise in domestic violencemay actually further accentuate theprocess. All this has only broughtPakistan closer to the precipice.

Economic CollapseIn the First World War setting,


Insight: Polity

Over-militarisation hasstrengthened the army to make ita key player in the powerdynamics of Pakistan. Theresults, as we all know, have beendisastrous. The army has oftenhijacked the democratic processand usurped power to preventpolitical and constitutionalgrowth of Pakistan.

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economic collapse of the States was themost potent cause of political instabilityand degradation. Claimed figures ofeconomic and social growthnotwithstanding, the alarming economicsituation in Pakistan is no secret.Successive years have pushed more andmore people into abject poverty. As perthe internationally stipulatedbenchmark of two dollars a day, theBelow Poverty Line population figurefor Pakistan stood at 17.3 per cent in1987-88; 35 per cent in 2001 and anestimated 45 per cent plus at present.What makes the situation worrisome isthat serious regional imbalance isleading to more alienation in vaststretches of sensitive areas. Accordingto social Policy Development Centre,

“Eighty-eight per cent of Balochistanpopulation, fifty per cent of NWFP,twenty-one per cent of Sindh andtwenty-five per cent of Punjabipopulation is prey to poverty anddeprivation.”

An Asian Development Board reportattributes this to rising population, badinternal security situation, high defencespending, unequal income distributionand agricultural backwardness. Theraging inflation at the rate of 24 per centhas not only off-balanced the economybut also has seriously affected the livesof people in the low-income brackets.

Compared to nearly 6 per centexpenditure of its GDP on defence for

decades, expenditure on education andhealth has been nearly 1.7 and 0.4 percent, respectively. The fruits of growthand development have been cornered bya small privileged class, therebywidening the gap between the rich andthe poor. Pakistan’s economy is caughtup in a low growth trap as its domesticsaving rate is as low as 12.7 per cent ofits GDP as against over 30 per cent inIndia. This has led to slow pace ofdomestic capital formation andinvestment. With over 12 million youthsjoining the labour force every year, theState finds it difficult to provide gainfulemployment opportunities, forcingmany to join the jehadi ranks.

Economic backwardness of Pakistanhas also led to its overdependence onforeign aid and assistance. This makesPakistan vulnerable to others’manipulations. Pakistan’s nationaldebt burden has steadily been on therise. At the close of 2008, it had over $3billion in commercial foreign debts and$38 billion in concessionary loans from


Insight: Polity

Pakistan’s economy is caught up ina low growth trap as its domesticsaving rate is as low as 12.7 per centof its GDP as against over 30 percent in India. This has led to slowpace of domestic capital formationand investment.

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the IMF and the Paris Club – aninformal lending group of 20 countries.It has often come close to economiccollapse, only to be saved by the US andSaudi Arabia.

While on one hand, Pakistan’seconomy needs heavy doses of foreignassistance and investments for survival,on the other, its creditworthiness ratingis the second-worst among all nationsranked by Standard & Poor’s. The investors’confidence is lowand investment in employmentgenerating econo-mic activities is fartoo inadequate topull Pakistan out ofthe morass of economic mess.

Ethnic TroublesPakistan’s biggest problem that may

ultimately prove to be its undoing is itssharp ethnic faultlines, which areshowing signs of triggering adisintegration process. Selig Harrisoncontends that

“If history is a reliable guide, theprospects for the survival of thePakistan State in its present form, withits existing configuration of constituentethno-linguistic groups, appearsincreasingly uncertain.”

Divisions and subdivisions haverendered the ethnic arithmetic of

Pakistan quite difficult. The 165 millionpopulation broadly consists of 44.15 percent Punjabis, 10.53 per cent Seraikis,14.1 per cent Sindhis, 15.52 per centPashtuns and 3.57 per cent Baloch.Besides, there are 7.6 per cent Mohajirs,the refugees who migrated to Pakistanfollowing the partition of India. TheBaloch, Sindhis, Pashtuns and now theSarikis living in Punjab are the mostalienated ethnic groups. Balochs,

Pashtuns andSindhis, thoughcomprising lessthan 30 per cent ofthe population,occupy over 72 percent of Pakistan’st e r r i t o r y . T h e

factors that have directly or indirectlycontributed to alienation of ethnicminorities include: (a) Dominance of Punjabis in politics,

government, army, police, businessand other fields;

(b) Relatively slower pace of economicgrowth;

(c) Exploitation of natural resourcesfrom these areas, particularlyBalochistan, and the government’sreluctance to give them their dueshare; and

(d) Conflict of traditional tribalpractices and way of life, which theyjealously want to preserve, with the


Insight: Polity

Economic backwardness ofPakistan has also led to itsoverdependence on foreign aidand assistance. This makesPakistan vulnerable to others’manipulations.

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more westernized, modern and elitistoutlook of the Punjabis. Theexpectations of the founding fathersthat Islam will provide a cementingforce and eventually the tribal andsectarian identities will be subsumedby a Pakistani national identity isincreasingly proving to be elusive.

Though the violence and defiance hasbeen more visible in Balochistan, astrong under-current of hatred againstPunjabis is shared by other ethnicminorities as well. The demands ofagitating groups range from secession togreater autonomyand share ineconomic andpolitical life of the country. The situation in Balochistan,particularly afterthe killing of Akbar Bugti in August2006, has become quite volatile andbrought about a unity of sorts amongrival Baloch tribes to fight againstPunjabi-dominated Pakistan. TheBaloch insurgents and Islamist Pashtunshave reportedly forged an alliance thatcan potentially cost Pakistan heavily.

Countervailing ForcesThere are, however, some

countervailing forces that are workingto prevent Pakistan from degradation

and possible disintegration. Theyinclude:

Army: Despite erosion of its powerand prestige, the army continues to bemost well-organised, resourced andcohesive institution in Pakistan. It hasthe capacity to take on the fissiparousand disintegrative forces, though thestruggle will be long and bloody. Toachieve this objective, it would dobetter to discard its India obsession toenable it to reduce force levels in largenumbers from eastern frontier to fightterrorism in the hinterland.

Secondly, it cantake visible steps toproject itself as an apoliticalprofessional armyin order to win thetrust of recalcitrantgroups. It has many

lessons to learn from its experience inEast Pakistan. The foremost amongthem is that, howsoever powerful, no army can win if civil society istotally alienated.

Government: Better governance withemphasis on growth and development,specially of alienated masses, can helpsalvage the deteriorating situation inPakistan. Of late, the judiciary hasstarted taking proactive steps but it cancut both ways, though upholding therule of law will indeed greatly help.


Insight: Polity

Though the violence anddefiance has been more visible inBalochistan, a strong under-current of hatred againstPunjabis is shared by otherethnic minorities as well.

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Meeting the legitimate economic andpolitical aspirations of ethnic minoritiesin Balochistan, Sindh and Saraiki regionof Punjab will go a long way insustaining Pakistan as a nation.Strengthening police is need of the hour.Systematic marginalization andsubordination of police by the armyover the years needs to be undone.Should the US and other donors diverttheir security-related expenditure tostrengthen the internal securityapparatus, rather than the army, thesituation can be salvaged to aconsiderable extent.

Foreign Friends: External factorprobably could, and would, play themost critical role in saving Pakistan.The US and the West will not like anuclearised Islamic country with a largearmy of jehadis to become a failed Stateand thus give a free hand to Islamistgroups. They will pour in funds, providematerial assistance, assist in

strengthening security apparatus andlend political support to maintainPakistan’s territorial integrity. However,there is a limit to success of theirmanoeuvres and much will ultimatelydepend on how Pakistan makes use offoreign support. Saudi Arabia and Chinaare two other important powers that canhelp Pakistan change its course andsettle down as a moderate Islamic State.They can also play a role in persuadingPakistan to abandon its confrontationistapproach towards India. However,doing this will require strong anddecisive internal leadership which does not seem to be anywhere near the horizon.

Ulemas’ United Denunciation ofJehadi Terrorists: A section ofPakistani ulemas has been trying topropagate moderate Islam. They have sofar met with little success. Differentreligious denominations still wieldconsiderable influence over Pakistanisociety and the jehadi groups, all ofwhich are affiliated to one or the other.A collective call by all of them toproscribe terrorism in all its forms as apermissible tool of Islam can have asalutary effect. It will, however, have tobe unconditional, comprehensive anduniversally applicable to have an affect.Any temptation to approve and patro-nise one form of violence while deno-uncing the other will have no impact.


Insight: Polity

Better governance withemphasis on growth anddevelopment, specially ofalienated masses, can helpsalvage the deterioratingsituation in Pakistan. Of late, thejudiciary has started takingproactive steps but it can cutboth ways.

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The negative forces are heavilyarrayed against the survival of Pakistanas it exists today. In this conflict, neither the jehadis nor the army is going to achieve an early or decisivevictory. Most likely, it will lead to aprotracted conflict, with both sidesbleeding each other.

Crystal gazing is difficult but in April1946, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad madesome prophetic forecasts to ShorishKashmiri, correspondent of a Lahore-based Urdu magazine Chattan. He said,

“I feel that it will not be possible for EastPakistan to stay with West Pakistan forany considerable period of time…. Themoment the creative warmth of Pakistancools down, the contradictions willemerge and will acquire assertiveovertones. These will be fuelled by the

clash of interests of international powersand consequently both wings willseparate.”

Part of Azad’s prophecy came truewith the birth of Bangladesh in 1971. If things don’t change, his otherprophecy may well be on its way of thebecoming true.

“After the separation of East Pakistanwhenever it happens, the West Pakistanwill become the battle ground of regionalcontradictions and disputes. Theassertion of sub-national identities ofPunjab, Sindh, Frontier and Baluchistanwill open the doors for outsideinterference. It will not be long beforethe international powers use the diverseelements of Pakistani political leadershipto break the country on the lines ofBalkan and Arab states.”

Will history prove him right again?


Insight: Polity

Historical Estimates of Agricultural Yields in India

Period Region Source Annual Yield Per Hectare900-1200 Thanjavur Inscriptions 15-18 tons of Paddy1100 South Arcot Inscriptions 14.5 tons of Paddy1325 Ramantha

puram Inscriptions 20 tons of Paddy1807 Coimbatore European 13.0 tons of Paddy

Observer1803 Allahabad European 7.5 tons of Wheat and

Observer another cereal crop1770 Chinnambedu British Survery 9 tons of Paddy

(Chengalpattu)1993 Ludhiana Government 4.3 tons of Wheat and

(Punjab) of India 5.5 tons of Paddy

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Interview

Dileep Padgaonkar on Changing Face of Media In Conversation with Makkhan Lal

In the last 50 years, journalism has undergone a sea change. On the one hand,we have traveled from the print and audio media to the visual media, but onthe other, there has been a growing concern regarding various issuesconcerning it. There was a time when newspapers carried a stamp of theireditors; no longer are editors held in a similar awe. The fine line dividingnews and views has got completely blurred. TV news has become not onlyrepetitive but also more entertainment than news. News has been trivializedand trivia has become news. Added to this is the widespread allegation ofcorruption in media and offer of packages by the print and visual media topolitical parties and corporate houses.In the present interview with Prof. Makkhan Lal, well-known journalist Mr.Dileep Padgaonkar talks on a wide range of problems/issues concerningmedia. Dr. Padgaonkar began his journalistic career at the age of 17 withPoona Herald. At the age of 20, he moved to Paris, where he studied Frenchand Political Science. He also pursued higher studies in cinema andgraduated in direction and scriptwriting. He also received a Doctorate inPhilosophy from the University of Paris. In May 1968, he was appointed theyoungest foreign correspondent of The Times of India in Paris, and in 1973,came to then Bombay as an Assistant Editor. Dr. Padgaonkar was appointedthe Resident Editor of the Delhi edition in 1974. In 1978, he joinedUNESCO and was transferred to Paris as Deputy Director of Office of PublicAffairs. He was subsequently appointed its Director. He was appointedEditor of Times of India group as Executive Editor in 1988 and its Director(Corporate) in 1998.Prof. Makkhan Lal is a well-known archaeologist and historian who ispresently Founder Director of Delhi Institute of Heritage Research andManagement. He has taught in Banaras Hindu University and AligarhMuslim University and was the first Charles Wallace Fellow in CambridgeUniversity and Senior Fellow at Clare Hall. Prof. Lal was an elected memberof World Archaeological Congress (WAC) Executive for eight years (1986-1994) and was also Academic Programme Coordinator and Treasurer ofWAC-3. Prof. Lal has published 16 books and over 150 research papers.

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Makkhan Lal (ML): Sir, you havebeen in the field of journalism now forwell over four decades. During thisperiod media has undergone a seachange. How do you see this period?Dileep Padgaonkar (DP): I started injournalism at very young age. I was 17years old when I got my first job. It wasa new English newspaper, called PoonaHerald, started by a very successful andvery bright Sindhi businessman. I wasthe youngest person to be hired there. Iwrote a daily column on internationalaffairs. So, at the age of 17, you canwell see what a conceited young man Iwas. I was paid a very handsome salaryof Rs 50 per month, which took care ofmy book purchases. I was subsequentlythrown out of that newspaper because ofmy radical politics. I was then verymuch a young Marxist. I had, in fact,wanted to formally join the CPI. Oneperson I shall forever be grateful, andwho told me that I was too young to jointhe party, was none other that theChairman of CPI, Comrade S.A. Dange.Had I joined the party, I would not havebeen here. But Mr Dange did somethingelse for me, for which I am trulygrateful to him. He introduced me toone of the most outstanding intellectualsthat India has produced – Prof. D.D.Kosambi. From D.D. Kosambi, onelearnt not just about political economybut many other things in which he took

a lot of interest, like numismatics andarcheology. He introduced me to greatmany authors and extraordinary wealthof Sanskrit literature.

So this was the background in which Ibegan my career. At that time, thenewspaper was run along very artisanallines. You could use the newspaper as aplatform to speak about problemsranging from the local to theinternational. But you also very quicklylearnt that newspapers are also abusiness proposition. And that learningcame to me in a very curious way. I hadonce written something, which myeditor wanted me to write. He liked it.But just as I was leaving, a man came toour office and started arguing with themanager. This visitor was a lawyer whowanted a legal notice to be published inthe newspaper the very next day. Themanager said he couldn’t; so this lawyeroffered double the amount. Themanager irritatingly asked him to leavethe notice with him, and promised to seewhat could be done. Once the man hadleft, the manager shouted to the manacross the room: yeh jo DileepPadgaonkar ne likha hai, use hata doaur yeh legal notice daal do (remove thewrite-up of Dileep Padgaonkar andinsert this legal notice in its place). Sothis way I had my first taste of howthings are run. He then offered me anexplanation, which I resented at that


Interview

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Interview

time. But in retrospect, I think he wasright. He said: Aap tou roz likh saktehain, par mujhe yeh double payment roznahi mil sakti (You can write wheneveryou like but I won’t get double the money daily). That was mybeginning in journalism.

The profession is rooted in one of thegreatest human virtues – curiosity. Ajournalist’s first job is to be curious. Heshould be curious about the society inwhich he or she lives, the trends thatshape the society, curious about history.I think, curiosity isat the heart of ourprofession; and, ofcourse, the abilityto communicate.These are the twomain things Ilearnt. Later, I wasextremely lucky towork under one of the finest editorsindependent India has ever produced –Sham Lal. He was, in many ways, notonly my editor but also my mentor. Atthe age of 24, he posted me as Times ofIndia correspondent in Paris. He hadthat much confidence in me.Subsequently, I worked with him againin Mumbai and Delhi. He was amongthe most curious intellectuals I havecome across. His range of interests wasphenomenal. I believe I have inherited abit of this trait from him, though my

primary interests are politics and foreign policy. I take a livelyinterest in culture.

We worked in an atmosphere wherethere was no competition as it is today.Also, the technology was not the sameas it is today. There was some degree ofbalance in revenue from advertisementsales and revenue from circulationsales. This balance was also reflectedbetween the editorial team and themanagement, with both on par. Amutual respect existed between the two.

But over theyears, technology-driven marketschanged the picturec o m p l e t e l y . The nature ofcompetition alsochanged. Thebalance within

media organizations tilted towards themanagement. Advertisements becamethe main source of income for mediaorganizations, whose priorities changed.This was reflected in celebrity-drivenrather than issue-based journalism. Butnow, I suspect, we are shifting back tothe balance in outlook. More and morenewspapers are now looking at variousissues. I find some of our languagenewspapers far better than our Englishnewspapers. I read Marathi newspaperseveryday. Recently, when one of the

The profession of journalism isrooted in one of the greatesthuman virtues – curiosity. Ajournalist’s first job is to be curious. Of course, the ability to communicate also hasto be there.

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leading harmonium players of our timesdied, Loksatta not only carried anobituary but also an editorial. There wasnot even a paragraph in othernewspapers.

Language newspapers are stilloperating very much in the older mode.Newspapers are recovering the balancenow. If you see 4-5 English newspapers,they tend to cover more ground ratherthan Page 3celebrities. Sobroadly, I haveseen the picturechange. You haveto see the changesin market andt e c h n o l o g y .Change in journa-lism has to be seenin conjunction with the change in thesetwo areas.

There was a period when there wasonly one radio station – All India Radio.When I was young, we used to tune intoRadio Ceylon on Wednesdays. Therewas Binaca Geet Mala. Then cameDoordarshan and other radio and TVchannels; then the Internet. Soon, therewas mobile phone in your hand, thatwould give you whatever you needed.So, technology has changed, theplatforms have changed, the market haschanged. Those are the kind of changesthat one has to try to adjust to.

ML: Can you talk a about these matterslittle bit more in detail. I have grown upreading newspapers where Edit pageand editor’s name was always giventremendous respect. I bought Times ofIndia because Dileep Padgaonkar wasthe Editor. I bought Indian Expressbecause Arun Shourie, S. Mulgaonkarwere there. The institution of editor hasnow been completely denigrated. I may

be wrong but thefact is that the auraof the editor hasd i s a p p e a r e d . Why has thishappened? Whatabout the prestigeof newspapers andthe aura of editorsthat are missing?

DP: We have to look at the institution ofthe editor very carefully. Even when theeditor was the public face of thenewspaper, he was the public face foronly a certain number of things. Forexample, he was the public face for hisanalysis, but he had very little tocontribute to other pages for otherreaders. I don’t know any other editor,including myself, who took a verylively interest in sports. Sports newsreadership is probably larger thanpolitical news. Similarly, there werepolitical editors who hardly tookinterest in economic or business


Interview

Even when the editor was thepublic face of the newspaper, hewas the public face for only acertain number of things. Forexample, he was the public facefor his analysis, but he had verylittle to contribute to other pagesfor other readers.

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matters. In any newspaper, an editor hadlimited interest and could not giveattention to every matter. As journalismbecame more and more specialized, itwas impossible for anyone to have anidea of specialization in so many areas.

Then, there was this old Anglo-Saxontradition of keeping news and opinionseparate, which we followed. Thatdivision began to break down. Thisbroke down when a lot of interpretationand analysis came into news columns.Therefore, at one point of time, them a n a g e m e n tdecided that youneeded specializedpeople for newssection andsomeone else torun the editorialsection. This is theAmerican model.

In the Britishmodel, we have a single editor. Wefollowed this model for a long time inIndia. In the American model, you hadexecutive editor and edit page editor;the nomenclatures may change tomanaging editor. Basically, these twodepartments were kept separately.

A reporter’s instincts are verydifferent from edit page person. Whileone is chasing individuals and events,the other is tracking trends andprocesses. The whole canvass is

different. Because of this high degree ofspecialization, use of technology camein. Technology had a major bearing onthe institution of the editor. The editorwas not completely fit to take on orembrace the new technology. Themanagement also thought it fit to have alook at editors who had larger-than-lifepersona outside the organization. Thefirst and foremost criterion for them wasto have an editor who commands awewithin the organization. We, asjournalists, are always bragging about

our contacts to theoutside world. Youmay be on first-name basis withthis minister,ambassador, andthat businessman.But how do youleverage that foryour newspaper.

So, at one point, there was a feeling inthe management – perhaps a correct one– that you first attend to what you aresupposed to do. You may be dining withthe US Ambassador, that is fine. Butwhat is there for the newspaper? So,there was no denigration of theinstitution of the editor but a breakingdown of the editors’ variousresponsibilities. The responses becamemore precise.

Obviously, the new system has helped


Interview

My position is that theprofession is corporate-ledenterprise than an individual-led enterprise. The corporateculture has installed itself rather than one dominatingpersonality, as was the case inthe past.

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the paper, whether you like it or not. Wehear that there is a dumping down of thenewspaper; that it has become frivolous.Even the editorials. These are the upsand downs of various professions. As ofnow, I can tell you, I am vastlyimpressed with the work of many youngjournalists. In certain areas, I wish theywere more comments. I wish there weremore comments on classical arts. Thiswill happen soon because when I go to a classical musicconcert, 90 per centof the audiencecomprises youngpeople.

Similarly, ourartists are doinge x t r a o r d i n a r i l ywell in India andabroad. I wishmore was written about them. Times ofIndia has started ‘Quest’ on Saturdays.There was a cover story on an Indianpainter and sculptor. My position is thatthe profession is corporate-ledenterprise than an individual-ledenterprise. The corporate culture hasinstalled itself rather than onedominating personality, as was the casein the past. Don’t forget that whateditors could do in the past was becausetheir owners had wide business interestsand newspapers were only one of them.So you needed managers to handle

many things and editors took on thatrole and did what they thought was best.

ML: There are newspaper supplementsthat do not go very well with the valuesof the joint families never. Certainnewspaper pages could supplysomething on literature and science etc.How to impress upon newspapermanagements that people are more interested in gaining

knowledge aboutscience, society,culture, music,painting, sculp-tures etc. ratherthan merelylooking at half-cladwomen’s photo-graphs. There is noline separating

upper and lower racks in newspapers in India as is the case in other parts of the world.DP: If there were 30 lakh people whothought like you, the newspapers woulddo as you say. The fact of the matter isthat when we take up these subjects – arts, science, technology etc.– individually, getting a sufficientlylarge readership interested is the key.Secondly, you also need advertisementsupport to sustain these pages. Forexample, many newspapers carry a lotof material on literature and culture.


Interview

There was a time when therewas a great craze fordevelopment journalism. Howmuch development journalismdo you get in newspapers today?Development journalism neverdrew any advertisementsupport.

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There is not a single ad in thosenewspapers. Managers have to accountfor every square centimeter in thenewspapers. They will certainly tell youthat this is not going to fetch you anyads. There was a time when there was agreat craze for development journalism.How much development journalism doyou get in newspapers today?Development journalism never drewany advertisement support. My answerto what you asked is that I agree withyou in principle. There should be muchmore of science,much of arts andmuch of culture.But unless youdevelop demandfor such kind of reading, also tobe supplemented by advertise-ment support, youcan’t go far; unless you settle forextremely low cost operations.

So, as I said, market determines thechoice and priorities of what gets intonewspapers. I am not at all pessimisticbecause if you see the huge number ofpeople who visit book fairs, there issome degree of interest in books. So,you see the revival of book reviewspages in newspapers.

ML: But Sir, There are certain

newspapers which are flourishing andeven replacing established ones despitenot having supplement of the kind weare talking about and have differentapproaches from others.DP: In a competitive world, you arebound to have such situations. Forexample, the neo-literates in any of ourlanguages. A first generation literatestarts reading Hindi or Marathi. Youcan’t make them immediately startreading extremely well-to-donewspapers. They will read newspapers

which thrive ongossips andscandals. In theUK, the US, andeven Europeancountries, the finestnewspapers are byno means therichest newspapersor even widely-

read newspapers. This is thephenomenon you find in India, wherecertain tabloid journalism is practiced.It has its clientele. To put it very bluntly,I have far more faith in the youngergeneration that they will pass this phaseof not looking at things seriously. Butthat is between the ages of 17, 18 and 25when they are busy passing the examsor entering IITs, IIMs and so on. But Iknow many youngsters who takeinterest in various things and issues.


Interview

I have far more faith in theyounger generation that they willpass this phase of not looking atthings seriously. I know manyyoungsters who take interest invarious things and issues. Nowthey want quality politics,quality analysis.

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Now they want quality politics, qualityanalysis. You will certainly find thatreflected in today’s newspapers.

ML: It is good that you took up theissue of tabloids. Recently, FridayTimes Editor Najam Sethi reacted ratherharshly that Indian mainstreamnewspapers are also behaving liketabloids. How do you react to that kindof blunt statement? DP: First of all, Najam Sethi is anextremely good editor. He is a fineperson. I happen to know him. Najam isprobably reacting not so much tonewspapers, but television coverage. Inthe past few months, there is a veritablecompetition for hype and hysteria. Inthe print media, whenever you expressyourself strongly, you arestraightforward and direct. You nolonger have literary flourishes. Thenyou think that is tabloidish. For me,tabloid journalism is simply badjournalism. But you can have a directstyle. The Economist has a very directstyle and makes its point very forcefullyand clearly and with a degree ofsophistication. There can be lapses oftaste here and there, but to say thatIndian journalism is tabloidish is wrong.It is tabloidish in everything related to‘Sex, Sensex and Spirituality’. In thesethree areas, it is certainly tablodish.

So, I would not agree with Najam. I

read many Pakistani newspapers on theInternet everyday. I must say I amimpressed with the quality of commentsin Pakistani newspapers. Similarly, inthe same spirit, you have good writers,sober writers in Indian newspapers aswell. Then you also see the context. Allthis hype gets heightened when thecontext goes in for the worse. Ourcontext has been very bad after theMumbai attacks. Our friends in Pakistansimply do not understand the India’sanger and frustration at the depth offailure of our neighbours to bring theguilty to book. Once they understandthe anger and frustration, probably theywill understand better.

ML: Let us move on to a very sensitiveaspects of journalism. There arewhispers about corruption injournalism. Reporters take money to filereports or even newspapersmanagements stopping publication ofstories due to money considerations. Doyou think there is truth in suchwhispers? Does such corruption and


Interview

Tabloid journalism is simply badjournalism. There can be lapsesof taste here and there, but tosay that Indian journalism istabloidish is wrong. It istabloidish in everything relatedto ‘Sex, Sensex and Spirituality’.

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patronage exist? Is it a matter ofconcern or it is just a passing phase?DP: Corruption in media is a matter ofdeep concern. We are talking about twodifferent things here. Firstly, reporterswho for a consideration tailor their storyto suit individual interest. Secondly,there is a corporate decision to chargepeople for news. Of course, it is a matterof great concern. There has to be awall/dividing line between paid matterand unpaid matter. Now, paid matter isadvertising. If you want to carry a wholearticle in consideration for money, Ihave no problem with that, provided it isclearly indicated. It becomes a matter ofconcern when the line that separates thepaid matter from unpaid matter isblurred. My feeling is that this problemis far more prevalent in smallerlanguage newspapers.

If newspaper is doing financially verywell, there is no need to do such things.

But never underestimate the reader. Forexample, people are sooner or latergoing to know that hanky-panky goingon if a local goon is getting positivecoverage. There was a long piece in TheHindu by P. Sainath as to how packageswere offered by local TV channels forthis or that candidate or party in therecent held elections. Now this is soobviously wrong. You are putting yourcredibility at stake. Once yourcredibility is at stake, it becomescounter-productive. A few crores ofrupees which you might gain will go towaste if people don’t believe in you.Bigger newspapers would be far, farmore careful. They are not justinterested to retain their readership butalso want to ensure that advertisersdon’t run away. You will find that manysmall newspapers do not get largeamounts of ads. Advertiser wants asound editorial environment. Once thissound editorial environment is notthere, you tend to lose.

ML: Let us now switch over to thevisual media. When you began yourjournalistic career there was only AllIndia Radio and Doordarshan. Now,there is a proliferation of audio-visualmedia. There are a number of newschannels, 24-hour news channels. Howdo you see this change in the audio-visual media since you


Interview

Once your credibility is at stake,it becomes counter-productive.A few crores of rupees which youmight gain will go to waste ifpeople don’t believe in you.Bigger newspapers are not justinterested to retain theirreadership but also want toensure that advertisers don’trun away.

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started your career?DP: Firstly, multiplication of channelsdoesn’t equal to multiplication ofchoices, because these news channelsare dealing with the same events, withsame individuals, asking more or lessthe same questions, and getting thesame answers and sound bites! Ifmultiplications of channels widenedyour choice, you would understand. Thekind of choice that has widened – I amgrateful to channels like Discovery,History, and Animal Planet andanimation channels – is that which givesyou respite. That is choice. If I want tolearn more about European historybetween the two wars, I know theparticular channel to switch to.Doordarshan is doing very well in thisregard. Since Doordarshan does notindulge in creating hype, it is the moresteady companion, so to speak,compared to very seductive channels.

What is happening in India hasalready happened in the West long ago.Even with a growth rate of 6 to 7 percent every year and high advertisementvolumes, there is no way that so manychannels can co-exist. Sooner or later,some of them are bound to go because itcosts a lot of money to sustain achannel. The easy way, of course, is tostop sending reporters out in the fieldand hold chat shows in studios whichare cheaper to organize. But at the end

of the day, how many chat shows canyou see in the course of the day? Theeconomics of these channels will forcesome of them to shut the shop unlessthey are kept going by people with deeppockets and but who have interest otherthan journalism. But who would like tosee a sponsored channel?

ML: We are at a stage where televisionreporting has become very fashionable.There is no discretion, as you said.News is getting trivialized. Reportersrush to report without verifying the factsjust to beat competition from rivalchannels. A lot of damage is being doneto truth and facts. That is not the casewith the print media, which is morecareful. Perhaps, they have time tocrosscheck information. What needs tobe done with these 24-hour channels?


Interview

There is no way that so manychannels can co-exist. Sooner orlater, some of them are bound togo. Television is a medium wherea sound bite matters. It is thenature of the medium, lack ofbackground knowledge on partof anchors and reporters and thecompetition that pushes you tomake announcements whichsometime can and often do turnout to be false.

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DP: There are two factors whichcondition news reporting. Firstly, thereis competition. You have to be ahead ofcompetitors at any price. Of course, ittakes a toll. Secondly, many of thereporters are very young. They don’thave the background to asksupplementary questions. The mediumitself does not lend itself to depth.Television is a medium where a soundbite matters. Someone who is quick atrepartee or can give a one-liner getsacross faster than one who is pedanticand slow. So, it is the nature of medium,lack of background knowledge on partof anchors and reporters and thecompetition that pushes you to makeannouncements which sometime canand often do turn out to be false.Obviously, this has an impact. I don’twatch too much television because, toput it bluntly, it was once said that thespeed of the BBC Radio reader washundred words per minute. With a newsbulletin of 15 minutes, it comes to 1500

words. For someone from the printmedia like me, it’s one-and-a-halfcolumns. In this space, you are coveringsix-seven different news. In television,the total footage you use is not even ofthree hours. Thus, in 24 hours, the newfootage is only of three hours. Theremaining is stock and repetition. Howmuch can you repeat? How much depthcan you bring in? There are many issuesto debate during elections. If the anchoris conversing with 20 people, one getsonly one minute to speak. The channelsjust have to show they are doing betterthan others. I don’t want to generalize. Ithink you have some excellent anchorsand fine reporters even on television. Iwon’t condemn all of them. I find thelevel of reporting pretty good in bothEnglish and Hindi channels. It is prettygood and sober. But sometime ithappens that circumstances demand,and then hype takes over.

ML: It is not to say that everything isbad. My concern is trivia becomingnews and trivialization of news. Duringearlier times, Indian newspapers couldbe compared to any foreign newspaper,be it The Times, Guardian or NewYorker. But this is not so with audio-visual media even 50 years aftertelevision. I seriously doubt if we canbeat BBC or CNN. I doubt we have ifany channel which can really command


Interview

When we talk of news channels,we are not talking of news at all.News has entered theentertainment mode. Once thishappens, the highest form ofentertainment is sport; nextcomes scandal; next comescrime; then comes accident.

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respect from the people?DP: My anxiety stems from the fact thatwhen we talk of news channels, we arenot talking of news at all. News hasentered the entertainment mode. Oncethis happens, the highest form ofentertainment is sport; next comesscandal; next comes crime; then comesaccident. If you have breaking news for six hours, there is something very seriously wrong with the definitionof news.

ML: Importunely what is happening insome news channel or other isbecoming a news for other channel. Forexample even at prime time, at 8 or 9o’clock news, what is happening in ‘BigBoss’ is becoming news item on mainnews channels? DP: They are emulating. On television,news has become entertainment. Eventhe names of certain programmes reflectthis. For example, ‘Big Fight’. You areexpected not only to have strongopinions, but also expected to expressthem strongly. The result is that, in theend, you ask yourself as to what youhave learnt. I have watched theprogramme for an hour and I have heardof the opinion of people I already know.Television is not a medium wherenuance is possible. You have to be veryupfront and direct. That is why theprinted word still has that huge

attraction. In print media, you can givea background and context. You canargue your ideas with a certain amountof subtlety. This is not possible ontelevision. In print, you ought to haveheadlines, which involve play of words.

That whole is again a part of theentertainment world. I hope it is apassing phase. As you tend to growolder, people tell you: look this is why ithas happened and these are the reasonsand consequences. Some people want toknow the happenings in brief.Therefore, news stories are gettingsmaller and smaller. But again, thingschange. The Wall Street Journal was thepioneer in very short stories. Now, thesame Wall Street Journal has some ofthe longest stories you can think of. Ifyou have a story 3,000-words long, theWall Street Journal would allow you tohave that story. It was not the case fiveyears ago.

ML: Do you think there is pressure on


Interview

Television is not a medium wherenuance is possible. You have tobe very upfront and direct. Thatis why the printed word still hasthat huge attraction. In printmedia, you can give abackground and context. Youcan argue your ideas with acertain amount of subtlety.

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24-hour news channels? If there arenews bulletins after every three-fourhours, will the quality improve?DP: I don’t think so; primarily becausechannels are not pouring in more moneyfor more reports. So, where is thequestion of improvement? Whetherthere are six bulletins in a day orbulletins on the hour, they have to put inmore money. But they are not willing toput in more money!

ML: Let’s move to the realm of self-responsibility, self-censorship and self-regulation, because media is sensitive toregulation by the government. It is quiteoften seen that media goes overboard inits behaviour. People do feel that astrong self-censorship has to be in-built.So far, it has not come up. What do youthink about the issue?DP: I have been saying all along thatyou will always have sections of mediaindulging in sensationalism. There isprecious little you can do. But, by and

large, newspaper establishments andjournalist are ill at ease withsensationalism. You want to be takenseriously. It doesn’t take you far if youtalk of ghosts or visits by Martians toearth. I am certainly opposed to anykind of government restriction onmedia, but in accordance with certainexceptions. These exceptions are speltout in Article 19 of the IndianConstitution. I keep these in mind as faras freedom of expression is concerned.

Secondly, we are faced with analtogether new and extremely hardsecurity problem. Therefore, a numberof restrictions on media are inevitablefor reasons of security. What happenedduring the Mumbai attacks should notbe taken lightly. Report exactly whathappens, but defer it by half an hour.Because it was (telecast) live,unfortunately it may have led toconsequences we saw. So, there shouldbe self-regulations keeping in mindArticle 19 of the Constitution andsecurity aspect.

ML: There is one more aspect thatbothers me and that is visuals on blood.That is not the case with any responsiblemedia in the West. So many terroristattacks took place in the west but noblood no mutilated bodies etc. wereshown on TV. In WTC more than 3500people lost their lives but people were


Interview

You will always have sections of media indulging insensationalism. There is preciouslittle you can do. But, by andlarge, newspaper establishmentsand journalist are ill at ease withsensationalism. You want to betaken seriously.

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spared of ghastly visuals. Don’t youthink that visual media has to care forthe sensitivities of the viewers? It has torealize the such visuals are repulsiveand affect people profoundly.DP: I am outraged when I am shownblood-soaked and mutilated bodies. Idon’t like it. But, on the other hand, Itell myself, there is much blood andgore in our films. The level of violencein our cinemas has grown substantially.Violence has become more and morecrude. Censors passes it. I remember amagazine carried gory pictures ofRajeev Gandhi’s assassination. Thosewere utterly appalling. In everyprofession, you need good taste.Secondly, there is a certain degree ofmoral sensitivity which you have toshow, not just vis-à-vis you readers butalso the victims. Just imagine seeing amutilated body. It is a question of goodtaste. A degree of moral sensitivity iswhat is required. In the West, there is adegree of consensus in the civil societyas to how far to go. You didn’t see anyblood-soaked bodies when the twintowers of World Trade Centre crumbled.Because there was a consensus in themedia. Here, you break the consensus.So, authorities here need to be alert. Iam shocked that media are allowed toroam about everywhere when a blasttakes place and even at places whereyou need forensic and fingerprint

experts to look into the matter. This isone area where Indian State and securityofficials need to be far more vigilant.You can’t allow people to roam aroundwith their cameras and hamper the reliefoperations and medical services. Itmakes investigations even much moredifficult.

ML: There is a lot of talk of foreigninvestment in media. A lot of concernwas expressed as to how it wouldimpact Indian media vis-à-vis Indianinterest. How do you see these things?DP: I am not at all afraid of foreigninvestment in the Indian media for tworeasons. Firstly, not much investmentwill come into media. Media is not ahighly profitable venture. If youconsider the investments in Indianmedia after policy was liberalized, youwill be surprised to know how littlemoney has come in. Secondly, theinvestment comes in largely in areaslike entertainment and sports. Ourconcern is primarily with the newssector. We have to be careful in the news


Interview

In every profession, you needgood taste. Secondly, there is acertain degree of moralsensitivity which you have toshow, not just vis-à-vis youreaders but also the victims.

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sector. There are ways and means totackle a news channel that is patentlydetrimental to our national interest. So,if foreigners want to come in theadvertisement business, entertainmentor sports, they are most welcome. Theyare primarily interested in makingmoney. I suspect, many would likenewspapers to be more conservativerather than radical because the former ismore paying. I have no problem withforeign investment. We had had foreigninvestment in the last five years. Isimply don’t see them as the mainculprits as far as anything wrong withIndian media is concerned.

ML: There is tremendous decline in ourmorals, values, accountability in oursociety and politics. Even judiciary hasnot remained unaffected. What do yousee in terms of future? DP: I am very pessimistic, because Ihave seen that the rule of law is beingviolated again and again. The rule oflaw is only on paper. It seems there isindifference to the rule of law in everyfield, starting from traffic rules to largescale corruption running into severalthousand crores of rupees. The secondthing that bothers me is the dent in theinstitutions which we thought wereabove board. It is a matter of absolutelygrave concern that the judiciary hascome under a cloud even at the highest

level. The other institution which we donot associate with corruption are theIndian armed forces. Mercifully, afterthe Bofors, there has not been a majorscandal in the establishment. On theother hand, when you see corruption inthe electoral process, it is utterly, utterlyappalling. There are figures as to howmuch money is spent at every stage ofelections. And, how much money isearned. One wants to find out what theElection Commission and Income Taxauthorities are doing. If it is in black andwhite that the average assets of an MLAduring the last Assembly’s term in Maharashtra increased by 343 per cent, then you know something isseriously wrong.

There are two things happeningsimultaneously on the larger scale. One,old order and values are crumbling. It ishappening across the globe. There is acentre within each of us, which hasbecome shaky. If you don’t haveinstitutions that lay down rules insociety, individuals and communitieswill go haywire.

So, you have this instant gratificationand wholesale consumerism and themorality and conduct that goes with it.On the other hand is the phenomenalrise in religious identities, may be as acounter-reaction. Religions areharvested for other purposes. Forexample, in the US, religions are


Interview

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Interview

harvested for commercial purposes.There are televengelists. Spiritualchannels in our country are doing wellfor themselves. What do you do aboutthem? There is only one way: to followa central teaching of Lord Buddha thatmind has to beopen, mind has tobe curious. Youhave to imbibe it inyoung people at avery early age forcurious, skepticalmind.

ML: What is yourmessage/advice toyoung generationas a whole and notonly to young journalists? DP: I would merely say that you oughtto realize how lucky you are to be bornin India. Most people are not aware oftheir extremely good fortune on thiscount. It means several things at the same time. You are heir to an extraordinarily sophisticatedcivilization. There should be anawareness of the unity and diversity ofthis country. Secondly, you have to lookat the challenges of future in terms ofthe finest things. I am not talking in

terms of military power or GDP but aculture or a civilization where everyIndian can flower. This is one countrywhere we have stories at every corner.Here, every corner, every Indian is astory. We are natural story-tellers. Since

earliest times, wewere awestruck by the mightyspectacle ofNature. Look at thefirst 6-7 verses ofRigveda. Fromthen onwards, weare a nation ofstory-tellers. So, beconscious of themultifarious wealththat you have; be

conscious of systemic flaws in oursystem. The one thing that strikes me ishow much, how wonderful thechallenges in front of us are. And howmuch talent that is still around. I amdeeply convinced that we need to belittle more responsible. Therefore, whatis the central idea in all this? I wouldsay it is culture. I said it is culturalvision that needs to guide you.

ML: Thank you, sir, for sparing yourinvaluable time.

You ought to realize how luckyyou are to be born in India. Mostpeople are not aware of theirextremely good fortune on thiscount. It means several things atthe same time. You are heir to anextraordinarily civilization.Therefore, what is the centralidea in all this? I would say it isculture. I said it is cultural visionthat needs to guide you.

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Insight: Media

Indian Media and The WorldK.G. Suresh*

There is urgent need to impart specialized training to Indian journalistscovering international developments. They should be made aware of thediplomatic nuances, the history of bilateral and multilateralrelationships and sensitivities involved/required, apart from the tradi-tions, customs, culture and heritage of the countries they are expected toor assigned to cover. Such training can be imparted by institutions likeIndian Institute of Mass Communication as well as voluntary mediaorganizations like Indian Media Centre and Centre for Media Studies.Media organizations would also do well to have a panel of specialists toensure fair and balanced coverage of international issues.

The Indian media is rated amongthe most vibrant, dynamic andfree Press across the world.

During the freedom movement, itplayed the role of a crusader andsubsequently of a catalyst for changeafter Independence. Except for theabject surrender by a section of themedia during the infamous Emergency,the Indian media by and large hasplayed a mature role as the voice of thevoiceless and a defender of cherishedvalues like freedom, liberty, humanrights, equality, democracy etc.

While this has been the case as far asdomestic issues are concerned, there

*K.G. Suresh is Editor, Media Critique and general secretary of Indian Media Centre, NewDelhi. He is also a visiting Professor at different media institutions, including IndianInstitute of Mass Communications.

has been widespread concern over the role played by a section of the mediaduring coverage of internationaldevelopments. Questions have beenraised as to whose interests they are orseem to be promoting. This is not tocast any doubt about their integrity orloyalty to the nation but maybe theirpriorities were misplaced; perhaps theywere ignorant or oblivious of therepercussions of the role they played; oras great believers in equality, they didnot differentiate between domestic andinternational news coverage and itsimplications.

Or was it that ‘news value’ and TRP

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rating mattered more to them thancliché terms such as national interests,psychological warfare and informationdiplomacy? Or did sheer lack ofexperience, education, training andresearch play a decisive role?

To begin with, one may recall howresponsibly or irresponsibly a section ofour media conducted itself after theassassination of the then King BirendraBir Bikram Shah Dev of Nepal.

Young boys and girls just out of journalism institutes were flown overnight to Kathmandu,parti-cularly bysome Indian tele-vision channels, tocover the massacrein the rulingfamily, which hadmajor implicationsnot only for theHimalayan kingdom but also India andthe entire South Asia.

Born and brought up in democraticIndia on a staple diet of contempt for the “feudal, medieval, obscurantist,oppressive, exploitative andextravagant” kings and princes, theyoung scribes began reporting on theincident and its aftermath just as theycover any sensational crime story inIndia. Habituated as they were toexaggerate, blow up and speculate on

such incidents, these journalistsremained insensitive to the sentimentsof the Nepalese who revered themonarch as an incarnation of LordVishnu. For the Nepalese, alreadyoverwhelmed by the Chinese-backedMaoist campaign against India’s ‘BigBrother’ attitude, the behaviour of theIndian journalists only confirmed thelurking suspicion.

Some Indian television channelsrepeatedly telecast shots of Royal NepalArmy soldiers patrolling the streets of

Kathmandu, muchafter they had beensent back to thebarracks. Therewere also frivolousreferences, when alarge section of theNepalese shavedoff their heads as amark of respect to

the departed souls. The result was the blackout of several Indian television channels and bashing up ofIndian journalists.

Coming to another neighbouringcountry Sri Lanka, the insensitivity of asection of Indian media towards the SriLankan Tamils even as the SinhaleseArmy butchered them under the guise ofanti-LTTE operations was not onlyshocking but also shameful. How is itthat the London Times wrote at length


Insight: Media

The insensitivity of a section ofIndian media towards the SriLankan Tamils was not onlyshocking but also shameful. Onegot a rather eerie feeling that wewere identifying the Tamils withthe LTTE, which was blatantlywrong and unjustified.

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about the plight of Tamil civilians inrefugee camps, while a section of Indianmedia remained focused on the antics ofTamil Nadu politicians, with a Vaikoshouting pro-LTTE slogan here and aKarunanidhi stage-managing a fastthere. This section was more obsessedwith the theatrics of Tamil politiciansand incidents such as the clash betweenlawyers and police in Chennai on the SriLankan issue.

These people also appeared to be acting more like the mouth-piece of Sri Lankan President MahindaRajapakse andwere apparentlybowled over by his outrageousstatements like “weare fighting India’swar”. How can theIndian media be soindifferent to people who look up toIndia as their mother country?

One got this rather eerie feeling thatwe were identifying the Tamils with theLTTE, which was blatantly wrong andunjustified. It sounded almost like thevirtual justification by a section of themedia of the Godhra train massacre onthe basis of specious argument that the‘Ram Sewaks’ were indulging in eve-teasing and not paying vendors at therailway station and hence deserved to beburnt to death.

Let us now move to Pakistan, where asection of media seems to be overtlyinfluenced by the goody- goody ‘LahoreClub’, comprising refugees from thatcountry still harbouring nostalgia aboutthe good old days and peaceniks, anassortment of social activists andcommunists. This section of the Indianmedia often forgets that anti-India tiradeconstitutes the very raison d’etre ofPakistan. It is a deeply feudal societywith scant regard for democratic norms. In interactions with Pakistani journalists, many Indian

journalists have often found thatthey were morePakistanis in theiropinions ratherthan objectivejournalists. Even asour top Editors had

no qualms in eating out of Gen PervezMusharraf’s hand on the sidelines of thefailed Agra Summit, ordinary reportersfrom Rawalpindi and Karachi areaggressive about their country’s claimover Kashmir. You cannot talk non-violence with a tiger, and if you ever dothat, ensure that it’s caged in a zoo.

Except for a sensational jezia demandfrom the Taliban or a massacre, theplight of minorities in Pakistan andBangladesh hardly finds mention in theIndian media, lest it offends our


Insight: Media

A section of the Indian mediaoften forgets that anti-Indiatirade constitutes the very raisond’etre of Pakistan. It is a deeplyfeudal society with scant regardfor democratic norms.

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neighbours and their friends in thiscountry. A single attack on a church ormosque in India is page one story inmany countries. Not that they shouldnot be reported, but why discriminate?Report all or none.

As for China, our communistinfluence ensures that we do not realizethe danger it poses to our national unityand territorial integrity. Those whoforget history are condemned to repeatit. We condemned poor GeorgeFernandes when he very correctly statedthat China wasIndia’s number oneadversary. He hadseen it happeningin Tibet and other places.

A section of themedia is verychoosy when itcomes to picking targets. When severalbrilliant techies from Andhra Pradeshwere killed in the United States, theynever referred to them as ‘racial attacks’but when it came to Australia, theyfound a favourite whipping boy. Notthat the issue should not have beenraised but then why shy away fromcalling a spade a spade just because weare dealing with a superpower?

Why can’t they also be talking aboutthe absence of religious freedom in theGulf countries, where millions of

Indians are working like bondedlabourers without any constitutional orlegal protection? Isn’t that religious andracial discrimination?

The same attitude holds true fordevelopments in other countries. Asizeable section of our media continuesto look at the world through the prism ofWestern media. Just because the USdecided to call its greed for capturingthe rich oil fields in Iraq as a ‘GlobalWar against Terror’, they too followedsuit. They also projected Saddam

Hussein as a tyrant,grave violator of human rightsand a coward, just because theWestern media wassaying so. Theyforgot that it wasthis very Saddam

Hussein who supported India’s stand on Kashmir even at the cost of antagonizing another Islamiccountry, Pakistan.

This section hyped Barack Obama’selection without bothering the leastabout his strong reservations aboutoutsourcing to India. When it came toAmerican interests, he had absolutelyno problem waiving off the conditionthat Pakistani soil should not be used foranti-India activities. But we wereoverwhelmed by his action of carrying a


Insight: Media

As for China, our communistinfluence ensures that we do notrealize the danger it poses to our national unity andterritorial integrity. Those whoforget history are condemned torepeat it.

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Hanuman-like figurine as a talisman.They forgot that international reportingis no monkey business.

A section of our media fell head overheels in its coverage of a visit by the USSecretary of State – what she ate, whatshe wore, where all did she go, but anyIndian Foreign Minister should thankhis stars if his visit finds even a passingreference in US media. These mediafriends went gaga and painted the townred when BobbyJindal won a stateGovernor’s race inthe US just becausehe had an Indiansounding name.They didn’t realizethat he doesn’thave supporterseven among theNRI communitythere as he hastotally severed allties with them andconsiders the Indian identity as excessbaggage. Yet, they celebrated his victories and mourned his losses.What a comedy!

Every fifth human being in the worldis an Indian. We have Indians spreadacross the world, which is a globalisedvillage today. Developments even infar-off Burkina Faso impact us. Ablockage in Nepal or Bhutan means loss

to Indian exporters. A downturn in theUS economy means joblessness inIndia. Our people are flying all over theworld. We need to know what’shappening but we need to know them from our perspective – the Indian perspective.

And while formulating ourperspective, national interests have tobe paramount. Even the highlyprofessional and “objective” American

and British mediakeep their nationalinterests above all,whether on theFalklands War orthe War againstTerrorism. Thisdoes not meanIndian mediabecome jingoist.No, just plainpatriotic. All thefreedom we enjoyis meaningless

if our own national interests are under assault.

During the Golden Jubileecelebrations of the Press Trust of India,India’s premier news agency, the thenPresident K.R. Narayanan had observedthat while we attained Independence in1947, independence of informationcame about with the establishment ofPTI. Even the government of the day


Insight: Media

While formulating ourperspective, national interestshave to be paramount. Even thehighly professional and“objective” American andBritish media keep theirnational interests above all,whether on the Falklands Waror the War against Terrorism.This does not mean Indianmedia become jingoist. No, justplain patriotic.

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helped PTI in its overseas activities asagency’s correspondent, posted inimportant capitals across the world,were able to give an Indian perspectiveto the developments.

Unfortunately, with the passage oftime and increasing costs of deployingforeign correspondents, PTI has woundup its bureaus in most world capitals,save for very important ones and relieson either stringers or feed fromtransnational wire services.

It is time the government strengthenseither existing Indian news agencies orfacilitates the establishment of a newinternational newsagency to cater tothe growingdemands of theIndian media forinformation from abroad.

There is urgent need to impartspecialized training to Indian journalistscovering international developments.They should be made aware of thediplomatic nuances, the history ofbilateral and multilateral relationshipsand sensitivities involved/required,apart from the traditions, customs,culture and heritage of the countriesthey are expected to or assigned tocover. Otherwise, it would tantamountto a kidney/heart implant withoutchecking the blood group, suitability oradaptability of the receiver. Such

training can be imparted by institutionslike Indian Institute of MassCommunication as well as voluntarymedia organizations like Indian MediaCentre and Centre for Media Studies.

Indian media should also abandon itssuperficial style of reporting, at leastwith reference to internationaldevelopments. One hardly finds anybackgrounders, as compared to reportsemanating from transnational mediaorganizations which have adequatebackground material. For example, one hardly finds an Associated Press or Reuters story on Indo-Pakistan

ties without abackgrounder onthe number oftimes the SouthAsian neighbours

have gone to war. We suddenly get tohear about India and China discussingthe border dispute or India and Pakistandiscussing the Wullar Barrage withoutknowing either the history or issuesinvolved therein.

Therefore, it is imperative that Indianmedia should spend some resources on providing research backup to their reporters on variousinternational issues.

Authorities do not issue a drivinglicence to even the smartest nursery orkindergarten student, till they turn 18.That should be the case with


Insight: Media

Indian media should abandon itssuperficial style of reporting, atleast with reference tointernational developments.

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Insight: Media

international reporting too: no reportershould be assigned to coverinternational events without adequateexposure in the field.

Our newspapers and other mediaorganizations should also encouragetheir employees to go in forinternational fellowships and trainingprogrammes to update themselves. Ofcourse, safeguards to prevent attritioncan always be put in place.

Media organizations would also dowell to have a panel of specialists toensure fair and balanced coverage ofinternational issues.

Though governmental interference inreporting is a strict no-no, there shouldbe cooperation between the media andthe External Affairs Ministry when itcomes to international coverage. Whilethe Indian missions abroad can facilitatethe requirements of the Indian mediaabroad, the latter can get acquaintedwith the national interests involved on a

case-to-case basis. Just one unsubstantiated, irres-

ponsible report of a possible terroristthreat to the World BadmintonChampionship in Hyderabad ensuredthe exit of the English team. Call it panic reaction but the damagewas done.

Last but not least, Indian mediashould dump both its Leftists andWestern hangover for good. We are oversix decades into Independence. We are an emerging superpower. Wehave our own nukes, satellites andsubmarines. It’s time we have our ownviewpoint also.

The need of the hour is an Indianperspective to global affairs. The worldshould know how India looks at adevelopment. Only then and then canwe aspire to become global player in thetrue sense of the term. And for this, theIndian media must play a more matureand responsible role.

Reading

To read well, that is, to read true books in a true spirit, is a noble exercise, and one thatwill task the reader more than any other exercise which the customs of the day esteem.It requires a training such as the athletes underwent, the steady intention almost of thewhole life to this object.

Henry David Thoreau

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Insight: Counter-Terror Strategy

Need to Revisit Anti-Terror LawsMaj. Gen. Vinod Saighal (Retd.)*

Humanitarian considerations have generally been allowed to fall by thewayside while framing laws internally in practically all countriesafflicted by terrorism. India remains the exception. The reason for othercountries having legislated far more draconian laws is not becausewestern democracies have turned their back on humanitarian concernsor that their Press and civil society have not been vociferous in theiropposition to the most draconian features. The reason is that all theseStates – almost without exception – put greater value on the lives of theirown countrymen; a prime sovereign responsibility of any government.The result is there for everyone to see. The US and western democracieshave been able to considerably curb or drastically reduce the potentialof perpetrators of terror after 9/11. In case of India, the less said thebetter. The blame for this sorry state of affairs rests directly with thepolitical class – with their perpetual goal-scoring against each other atthe cost of national security. The dilemma is compounded for India bythe fact that it has been exposed for the longest period of time to thescourge of terrorism but has the least severe laws as compared to otherpractising democracies.

Throughout recorded history,except for a brief interlude inthe 20th century, the only law

that prevailed during conflicts – internalor external – was the law of the jungle.It brought into the lexicon the well-usedaphorism “might is right”. Conflict has

*Maj. Gen. Vinod Saighal (Retd.) is the author of Third Millennium Equipoise,Restructuring South Asian Security, Restructuring Pakistan, Dealing with GlobalTerrorism: The Way Forward and Global Security Paradoxes 2000-2020. The present articleis based on the talk he delivered at India International Centre on August 22, 2009.

always been nasty and brutish, thoughnot always short. The law of Nature, orpure Darwinism:“nature red in toothand claw”. It was only towards the closeof the 19th century, when live reportingon war and photographs related tosuffering were brought home to the

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drawing rooms of London and Paris,capitals of the two world powers of thetime, that thought was given to theplight of civilians caught in turmoil andsoldiers during captivity. Before that,the motto generally followed was “noquarter expected or given”. The historyof the last few thousand years is repletewith tales of sacking of cities, layingwaste of the countryside, rapes andplunder and, added to that, the slaughterof hundreds of thousands of unarmedcivilians. It must be clearly understoodthat in the first half of the 20th centurybefore the colonial masters weredeprived of their colonies, thosehumanitarian norms were meantprimarily for the European or the whitepeople. European nations seldom caredto apply them to the natives of subjectnations in Asia. It was only later afterthe telegraph connected the world moreclosely and England and France broughtin soldiers from their colonies to fight inEuropean wars – mainly against theGermans – that humanitarian protocols

were extended globally.The changing nature of war, more so

after 9/11, has put paid, in practice, tothe humanitarian conventions on whichcountry-specific legislations are based.The humanitarian considerations havegenerally been allowed to fall by thewayside when framing laws internallyin practically all countries afflicted byterrorism. India remains an exception.The reason why other countries havelegislated far more draconian laws is notbecause western democracies haveturned their back on humanitarianconcerns or that their Press and civilsociety have not been vociferous in theiropposition to the most draconianfeatures. The reason is that all thesestates – almost without exception – putgreater value on the lives of their owncountrymen; a prime sovereignresponsibility of any government. Theyunderstand that security agencies whichhave to bear the brunt of fight againstterror to protect the State and its citizensmust not be so disadvantaged byhumanitarian concerns as to renderthem ineffective. The result of thisfundamental difference in perception isthere for all to see. The US and thewestern democracies have been able toconsiderably curb (as in the case of theUS) or drastically reduce the potentialof the perpetrators of terror after itbecame a global phenomenon after



Humanitarian considerationshave generally been allowed tofall by the wayside whenframing laws internally inpractically all countries afflictedby terrorism. India remains anexception.

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9/11. In the case of India, the less saidthe better. The blame for this sorry stateof affairs rests directly with the politicalclass – with their perpetual goal scoringagainst each other at the cost of securityof the nation. The judiciary too musttake a portion of the blame.Undoubtedly, every now and then,grave wrongs are committed in bringingthe terrorists and their supporters tobook. However, seeing the scale ofoperations in a country the size of India,added to its diversity, thesetransgressions represent a percentagethat is miniscule. An example willsuffice. Take the case of rapes attributedto the Indian Army. If the total numberof cases are taken in any calendar yearin a force that numbers well over amillion, and from that number arededucted the proven false allegations,often orchestrated by organisationssupporting the insurgents or terrorists, itwould be found that they are muchbelow the number of rapes committed inthe capital city of India in one month,which has the highest density of law andorder forces. Moreover, wherever rapeis proved, the Army acts speedily tobring the perpetrators to justice. Wereone to go by media hype and propaganda drummed up byinterested parties, the world is led tobelieve that the Indian Army is lax inpreventing rapes.

The media in India, instead ofpointing out the one-sidedness ofAmnesty International and other suchWestern organizations hell-bent onIndia-bashing and more purposefullyIndian Army-bashing, faithfullyreproduces these condemnations far andwide, providing wider internaldissemination than warranted by themostly ill-founded or one-sidedinvestigations.

Reducing the Dilemma to its Essentials

Simply put, the dilemma in enactinglaws dealing with terror is essentiallythe need to provide overriding securityto the citizens while ensuring thathuman rights are not violated. This is adilemma that will keep taxing the mindsof jurists, human rights activists, humanrights commissions and the statesthemselves. To put it plainly, theseexercises in jurisprudence for



The media in India, instead ofpointing out the one-sidedness of Amnesty International and other such Westernorganizations hell-bent on India-bashing and more purposefullyIndian Army-bashing, faithfullyreproduces their condemnationsfar and wide.

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safeguarding the fundamental freedomsare essentially limited to practisingdemocracies. Much larger number ofnations still function under totalitarianregimes maintaining a façade ofdemocracy. In all such cases wherethere is neither true freedom of theballot nor of Press or judiciary, theconcept of human rights and naturaljustice do not even enter intoconsideration in any meaningful way. Afew of these non-democratic states –take China for example – have beenable to keep a lid on their internal unrestby giving a go-by to the concept ofbasic freedoms of an individual andexercising extreme State violence. Ofcourse, no terrorism has taken place inTibet. In case of minorities, the problemin the long-term has been settled by theexpedience of demographic swampingas has happened in Tibet and Xinjiang.The dilemma is compounded for Indiaby the fact that the country exposed for

the longest period of time to the scourgeof terrorism has the least severe lawswhen compared to other practisingdemocracies like the US and westEuropean countries, including UK,France and Germany.

A news item in one of the dailies hadexpressed the frustration rather pithily:

“The key is the confidence with which asociety goes after those who assault it:today, as we have noted (above), wecannot investigate cells, we cannotpursue suspects: the hand of securityforces are tied in encounters; we can’tstem Bangladeshi infiltrators; we are notable to hang Afzal Guru even after theSupreme Court has confirmed the deathsentence for attacking Parliament. Thenature of discourse is such that the Stateapparatus is perpetually on thedefensive”.

The Press in western countries whileclamouring for greater respect forhuman rights is conscious of thedifficulties faced by security agencies inprotecting their country from terroristoutrages. The following excerpt is froma UK newspaper:

“Equally, however, let us not soar sohigh above the lethal ground upon whichour intelligence agencies have to operatethat we make their work impossible. Itmay satisfy some to watch the spookssquirm. But be careful what you wishfor. A nation which turns moodily onthose responsible for its security isactually practising nothing moresophisticated than self-harm.” (The



To put it plainly, these exercisesin jurisprudence forsafeguarding the fundamentalfreedoms are essentially limitedto practising democracies. Muchlarger number of nations stillfunction under totalitarianregimes maintaining a façade ofdemocracy.

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Spectator. Reproduced in The Asian Age,New Delhi, August 19, 2009 Page # 7).

How Other Countries Deal with Adversaries

“I am strongly in favour of usingpoisoned gas against uncivilized tribes.The moral effect should be good... and itwould spread a lively terror...” (WinstonChurchill commenting on the Britishuse of poison gas against the Iraqis afterthe First World War)

From this statement, attention isinvited to the words the moral effectshould be good and it would spread alively terror’. The words, uttered in thehalcyon days of the Empire, as theBritish ventured into Mesopotamia afterthe defeat of Turkey in the First WorldWar, provide a glimpse into the mind ofthe great English statesman, whosesentiment expressed over 80 years agohas apparently lingered. As envisionedby Churchill, the use of deadly,inhuman weapons – in the present case depleted uranium (DU) – didspread lively terror in Iraq, even if the rest of the world failed to see the‘moral effect.’

American pilots bombing andstrafing, with depleted uraniumweapons helpless retreating Iraqisoldiers, who had already surrendered,exclaimed:

“We toasted him…. we hit the jackpot….

a turkey shoot…. shooting fish in abarrel…. basically just sitting ducks….There’s just nothing like it. It’s thebiggest Fourth of July show you’ve everseen, and to see those tanks just ‘boom’,and more stuff just keeps spewing out ofthem…. they just become white hot. It’swonderful.” (LA Times and WashingtonPost, February 27, 1991).

In the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the USdropped 15,000 PGM, 7500 unguidedbombs and aimed 750 cruise missiles atIraq in about 21 days, plus a colossalamount of artillery, tanks and attackhelicopter fire, not to mention mortarsand small-arm fire.

US policies are being increasinglycondemned in practically every forumaround the world that is not linked insome way to the present USadministration, including all those whostand behind the US administration andbenefit from its policies. There is hardlyany global conference wheredenunciation of US policies does not



In the invasion of Iraq in 2003,the US dropped 15,000 PGM,7500 unguided bombs andaimed 750 cruise missiles at Iraqin about 21 days, plus a colossalamount of artillery, tanks andattack helicopter fire, not tomention mortars and small-armfire.

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take up much of the speaking anddiscussion time. Such universalopprobrium, which would have mademost countries wince, does not seem tohave made the slightest difference to themake-up of the people at the helm ofaffairs in Washington. If anything, theirresolve seems to have strengthened; theonly change has been a change intactics. For the US government, theoverriding concern is the protection ofits citizenry from further acts of terror.To that extent, it has to be conceded thatwhatever theencroachment oncivil liberties, theUS administrationshave successfullyensured that not asingle act of terrorhas taken place ontheir soil after 9/11, in spite of the factthat the US remains the most targetednation for jehadi forces worldwide.

Across the border, Canadian DefenceChief General Rick Hillier was said tohave declared of the Canadian Forces:

“We are not the Public Service ofCanada, we are not just anotherdepartment, we are the Canadian Forcesand our job is to be able to kill people.”This is a complete turnabout in militarydoctrine from the days when Canadianforces were sent abroad ostensibly toprevent the killing of people.”

The war on terror is leading to

domination of market forces on themilitary scene, blurring the distinctionbetween private and public armies, evencountries, as in Iraq and Afghanistan.Wherever there is a shortfall in regularsoldiers, private security agencies havebeen filling the gap. Nevertheless, theymay still fall short of expectations whenconfronting Stateless shadowy persons.Not being able to pin down the enemyor seize the initiative from the adversaryresults in more savage bombing anddestruction of infrastructure.

The shadowyaspects of warfarehave taken af r i g h t e n i n gd i m e n s i o n .According to avery senior Indiandiplomat, the

CIA publicly acknowledged, for aCanadian television documentary, thatthey trained the Khalistani bomberswho planted the bombs on Kanishkaand the second Air India flight to Japanat the request of Pakistan’s ISI. Thetraining was provided at an official CIAfacility in the US itself. Whenchallenged on its morality, theyretorted: “Some people’s terrorists areother people’s freedom fighters.” Thedocumentary was never actually shown,but the Government of India reportedlymanaged to acquire a copy. The



The war on terror is leading todomination of market forces onthe military scene, blurring thedistinction between private andpublic armies, even countries, asin Iraq and Afghanistan.

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Canadians had steadfastly declined tocooperate with India on the arrest of themass murderers, presumably at thebehest of the CIA, until 9/11. Until thatmoment, they constantly raisedtechnical objections, refusing to acceptwiretaps on the grounds that theyrequired prior judicial authorization.There are many who wonder whetherthe US clandestine agencies do not stillsupport somePakistani actions,including terror,murder and rape.

On January 25,2002, White Housecounsel AlbertoGonzales, who isnow the UnitedStates’ AttorneyGeneral, sent aMemorandum to the then PresidentBush in which he wrote,

“The nature of the new war places a highpremium on other factors, such as theability to quickly obtain informationfrom captured terrorists and theirsponsors in order to avoid furtheratrocities against American civilians.” The way the United States fights is alittle different from other people. Wehave this document called theConstitution, and it governs everythingwe do in the United States – includingthe way the military fights. (Maj. Gen.Thomas Fiscus, Judge Advocate Generalof the US Air Force in an interview with

the electronic edition of Stars & Stripes).Whereas Muslim States all over

almost never hesitate to enter mosquesto shoot terrorists hiding inside, be itSaudi Arabia, Pakistan or othercountries, security forces in India areobliged to get their own men killed sothat the courts do not pass stricturesagainst them. In fact, such is theextreme nature of what appears to be the

bias of courts thatseveral years agoin Kashmir whensecurity forces hadsurrounded amosque whereinsurgents wereholed up, the courtdirected that foodbe carried in forthem. The human

rights of security forces in India areinvariably sacrificed at the altar of‘appearing to be more fair than anyother nation in the world’. The result isthat known terrorists are routinelyreleased for want of insufficientevidence. The caption on the front pageof The Indian Express datelined NewDelhi, August 21, 2009 confirms the‘super fairness syndrome’. The captionreads: “Two years in prison, top Hizbulman walks free, red faces in J&K”. Thepoint is that courts have to take note thatin recapturing the individual, several



Whereas Muslim States all overalmost never hesitate to entermosques to shoot terroristshiding inside, be it Saudi Arabia,Pakistan or other countries,security forces in India areobliged to get their own menkilled so that the courts do notpass strictures against them.

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more security personnel may have to laydown their lives.

Even political leaders seem to beoblivious to the need to protect the livesof Indian soldiers. In Assam, ULFA wastwice brought to the verge of extinctionin ‘Operation Bajrang’ and ‘OperationRhino’. On both occasions, the IndianArmy was prevented from deliveringthe coup de grace so that politicianscould get into the act of showing to theworld their magnanimity andstatesmanship. More recently, when abattalion of ULFA was surrounded bythe Indian Army, a similar interventiontook place. ULFA was again givenbreathing space to regroup so that morecivilians could be killed; the Armywould again face a rearmed ULFA,which will take a heavier toll on Indian

soldiers. The question must be asked:whose side these leaders are on?

Dealing with TerrorismDisproportionality FactorThe thesis on the ‘Disproportionality

Factor’ was first unveiled a few yearsago in a keynote presentation at theTechnical University of Eindhoven inThe Netherlands. It was published andcirculated by the university (details onwww.vinodsaighal.com.)

In taped interviews to an Afghaninterrogator, two Afghans and threePakistanis who were among 21 peoplearrested earlier in 2006 described theirroles in attacks that killed at least 70people, most of them Afghan civiliansbut also included internationalpeacekeepers, a Canadian diplomat anda dozen Afghan police officers andsoldiers. In the tape, the men describeda fairly low-budget network that beginswith the recruitment of young bombersin the sprawling Pakistani port city ofKarachi. The bombers are moved to safehouses in the border towns of Quettaand Chaman, and then transferred toAfghanistan, where they are providedwith cars and explosives and sent out tofind target (HT World, Thursday,February 16, 2006, Page 12. The NewYork Times, Pak Blind Eye to AfghanBombings).

Disproportionality works against the



Even political leaders seem to beoblivious to the need to protectthe lives of Indian soldiers. InAssam, ULFA was twice broughtto the verge of extinction in‘Operation Bajrang’ and‘Operation Rhino’. On bothoccasions, the Indian Army wasprevented from delivering thecoup de grace so that politicianscould get into the act of showingto the world their magnanimityand statesmanship.

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forces tackling terrorism, especiallyterrorism by radical Islamists in severalcountries. By now, most people arefairly well acquainted with terror-breeding facilities set up in Pakistan andAfghanistan right up to the Alliedinvasion of Afghanistan, following theSeptember 11, 2001, attacks on the US.While the jehad factories might havecollapsed in Afghanistan after the fall ofKabul in October 2001, there washardly any let up in selected areas ofPakistan, which continue to churn outfanatical, zombie-like students in largenumbers in their madrasas. Thenumbers of potential jehadis can now bereckoned in hundreds of thousands, ifnot in millions, because theseinstitutions have since spread to many other parts of the subcontinentand beyond.

The streamlined production facilitiesfor churning out young and radicalized,possibly misanthropic, students in largenumbers is not a costly exercise in viewof the ready availability of youngrecruits from families that – althoughimpoverished – produce children inlarge numbers. The average size of suchfamilies is six or seven, and they areever ready to send one, two or morechildren to the madrasas where they areclothed, fed and taught elementarycounting besides writing in Urdu andArabic in order to learn the Quran by

rote. Not all those coming out of thesemadrasas would make high calibreterrorists. After a very strict weedingexercise, even if two or three were to befound fit for undertaking terroriststrikes, including suicide missions thatthe world has come to dread, the finalcount would still be impressive. Withvariations for time, place or countrywhere jehad factories are located, thecost of training one potential terrorist isnot likely to exceed 40,000 rupees,especially in the poorer districts ofPakistan. This works out to less than US$1000 per recruit at the production site.Thereafter, translocation to othercountries and providing proper kits forthe task could add to the cost by severalhundred or even a few thousand dollars.Except for very exceptional cases, thetotal cost would not exceed US $5000.

In case of countries involved in thebattle against global terrorism, it would



The streamlined productionfacilities for churning out youngand radicalized, possiblymisanthropic, students in largenumbers is not a costly exercisein view of the ready availabilityof young recruits from familiesthat – although impoverished –produce children in largenumbers.

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be seen that compared to training of anaverage jehadi for carrying out terroracts, the cost of training an averagesoldier to combat this menace would befar higher. In the case of armies of mostcountries in Asia, for example India,The Philippines or Indonesia, it couldbe a factor of 10 or 20. That is to say, ifthe cost of training an average jehadiworks out to $5000, the cost of trainingan average combatant in these countriescould work out to between 50,000 to100,000 US dollars. In case of the USand some western democracies,however, the cost increase could be afactor between 50 and 100, especially iftraining of Special Forces is taken intoaccount. These cost differentialscontinue even for persons rendered horsde combat. To elaborate, an injured

jehadi would be taken clandestinely tosome sympathetic medical practitionerand operated upon in the mostrudimentary fashion. In case of death,the burial costs would be minimal.Terminal benefits to the family of thedeceased would be a few hundredthousand rupees, equivalent to $4000approximately. For impoverishedPakistan families which offer theirchildren for such activities, even half this amount would be considered a windfall.

Compare the approximately $4,000given in case of injury or death of thejehadi with the cost that would beincurred for a US soldier who becomesa casualty. For serious injuries, the costof evacuation (normally by helicopter)to an advanced field hospital andsubsequently to a facility in Europe orthe US, plus the cost of treatment,would work out to a differential factorupward of 1,000. For serious injuries ordeath, pension and terminal benefitswould be higher than those in case of aninjured or killed jehadi.

The next issue is the cost ofmaintaining a jehadi in the field,compared to a US or western soldier.Taking the Afghanistan theatre intoaccount, the cost of maintaining ajehadi in the field for one year wouldseldom go beyond $1000, whereas thecost of maintaining a western soldier for



In case of countries involved inthe battle against globalterrorism, it would be seen thatcompared to training of anaverage jehadi for carrying outterror acts, the cost of trainingan average soldier to combat thismenace would be far higher.Another issue is the cost ofmaintaining a jehadi in the field,compared to a US or westernsoldier.

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the same period would go up by a factorof about 100 or so, depending uponlocation of the soldier or his unit. Hereagain, Special Forces come into aseparate category.

So far, the comparisons worked outrelated only to training and deploymentof adversaries. We now consider the cost differential relating to combatscenarios.

Combat ScenariosWe move next to the cost evaluation

disparities in ‘live’ engagementsbetween terrorist groups and US orNATO forces combating them. Thedisparity resulting from suicidemissions will be taken up separately atthe end.

Sporadic engagements betweenjehadi type elements and the US forcesand allies are taking place practicallyevery day in Afghanistan. A typicalincident could take any of the followingforms: an IED set off along a routewhere US or International SecurityAssistance Force (ISAF) teams are topass; a mortar attack at an installation orsmall-sized post; ambush; and hit-and-run operations launched from terrainthat would be difficult to negotiate byforeign forces. The difficulty in terrainnegotiation in the mountainous countrystems both from lack of familiaritywhich the locals have as also from the

type of equipment used by foreignforces. In a typical ambush or hit-and-run operation, a handful of jehadis fire afew rockets and mortar rounds on a USconvoy or position. The latter could be atemporary halting place or postoccupied by a platoon-sized force. Theinitiative almost invariably rests withthe attacker (the regrouped Taliban),opening shots from various types ofSmall Arms would be fired from well-selected positions on the mountainsideoverlooking the convoy or the post.With the retaliation procedure by nowperfected to a fine art by the US forces,the counter-attack is swift. There isimmediate fire in very heavy volumesfrom the post or the attacked convoywith integral weapons. Simultaneously,the call goes out for armed helicoptersand aircraft strikes. Without going intofurther details, tabulation can be madeof the cost of such exchange to the twosides. In case of attackers – as thesurprise element rests with them – theysuffer a few, if any, casualties, becauseafter letting off their initial volleys, theTaliban escape to a more shelteredposition or simply melt away. The costof attack on US forces to the Talibanwould not normally exceed $100. Itmust be noted here that there is nodearth of arms and ammunition of alltypes in Afghanistan. Weapons andmunitions have been dumped or sent in



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by the Russians, Americans, Iraniansand the Pakistanis in huge quantitiesover the years. Even now, the pipelineof manpower and war material fromPakistan is intact, Pakistan’s frontlinestatus in the war on terrorismnotwithstanding. The cost of response toeven the most elementary form of attackby a handful of Taliban fighters on a USconvoy or post could exceed severalmillion dollars.

The retaliatory US exchange wouldnormally include the following:thousands of rounds of automatic fire,dozens of rounds of rocket and mortarfire, several rounds of tank fire,hundreds of rounds of artillery fire, plusmunitions and missiles unleashed fromthe attack helicopters, and bombs andmunitions dropped from aircraft. To thisnot inconsiderable expended firepower

of all types has to be added the fuel costfor helicopters and aircraft called in forclose support. Even without taking intoconsideration personnel or vehiclecasualties that may result in the USforce – generally caught off guard, theinitiative being with the enemy – thecost disparity might work out to be inseveral million. It could become muchhigher, should some persons becomecasualties or if a tank or helicopter wereto be destroyed.

Suicide missions belong to a separatecategory for several reasons. To beginwith, retaliatory fire is neither possiblein most cases nor would it be requiredbecause the target self-destructs alongwith whatever other carnage that mighthave taken place by way of number ofpeople killed or wounded and the otherdamage resulting from detonationscaused by the suicide bomber.

The analysis given above clearlybrings out that over a period of time,elements indulging in terror attacksagainst US and western forces, andmore recently against Indian forces(especially 26/11), are able to extractphenomenal costs from theiradversaries, which purely in US dollarterms result in adverse ratios of one is toseveral million and often tens ofmillions. Of late, the number ofincidents, which were already high inIraq, increased in Afghanistan and India



There is no dearth of arms andammunition of all types inAfghanistan. Weapons andmunitions have been dumped orsent in by the Russians, Americans,Iranians and the Pakistanis in hugequantities over the years. Evennow, the pipeline of manpower andwar material from Pakistan isintact, Pakistan’s frontline status inthe war on terrorismnotwithstanding.

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as well. Besides manpower losseswhich western democracies can illafford, and their opponents afford adinfinitum, the financial bleeding issomething the US and its allies andIndia can ignore only at their own peril.It does not mean that technologicalsuperiority is given the go-by. Itindicates, however, a change in militaryas well as geopolitical strategy. At theoperational level, it requires a radicalre-think in local level initiatives andtactics adopted byUS forces and theirallies in the field inAfghanistan. Thesame is applicableto India.

It should not beforgotten thatevery time anAllied soldier iskilled, chances arethat he or she would have been the onlychild of his/her parents or one of the twosiblings. In case of the killed Talibanfighter, he is most likely to be one ofseveral children, possibly one of 6, 7, 8or even 10 or 12. Something similar ishappening with the Indian Army.Increasingly, officers killed in fightingintruders are the only child or one of thetwo siblings. Increasingly, soldiers inthe Indian Army come from nuclearfamilies. It is an aspect generally lost

sight of: the heightened emotionaldevastation of families of US andNATO forces back home whose wardsare killed in Afghanistan.

In examining disproportionality ratiosbetween the dispensers of global terrorand forces deployed to counter themworldwide, added security costs thathave gone up considerably in severaldomains have to be factored in. These relate to heightened surveillanceat airports, railways and bus

terminus, ports anddockyards, nuclearplants, vital bridgesand installations,water supplies andso many otherareas of enhancedvulnerability forcivilian popu-lations. Around theworld, increased

security has been provided to personsconsidered vulnerable to attacks byterrorists or their agents. Manybusinesses have seen their expenses goup considerably due to increasedinsurance costs. The case of airlines andshipping lines has been welldocumented. If all the costs that havegone up due to terror strikes, especiallyafter 9/11 and 26/11 are taken together,the total cost worldwide couldconceivably run into tens of billions of



In examining disproportionalityratios between the dispensers ofglobal terror and forcesdeployed to counter themworldwide, added security coststhat have gone up considerablyin several domains have to befactored in.

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dollars, possibly exceeding hundredbillion dollars annually. It has also to benoted that these are recurring costs thatare likely to continue till well into thefuture. Putting it all together, theadverse ratios that were already veryhigh for governments and securityforces dealing with terrorists go up byseveral notches ifthe entire spectrumof enhanced globalsecurity is takeninto account.Terrorists win ontwo counts:massive damage tocivilians andproperty by theacts of terror aswell as thedisproportionalityalluded to in theearlier paragraphs.

Breaking the Definitional ImpasseInhumanity will henceforth become

the order of the day. The advent ofmachine on one hand and fanaticizedjehadi-type terrorists on the other havemade it possible to evade reciprocityand responsibility. Collateral damage isbeing increasingly accepted as aconsequence. A feature that is becomingcommon to both terrorism and counter-terrorism is increased violence.

Violence in the new wave terrorism, andits riposte in the form of counter-terrorism, is marked by recourse tomethods that enhance the lethality ofvectors to increase casualties. Violenceinflicted upon unsuspecting people byterrorists may appear to be random innature – as throwing of a grenade in a

market place. It is,however, precise tothe extent that theterrorist is able todecide on whereand when to cause the explosionfor maximumeffect. Precision is, in fact, the hallmark ofmost sophisticatedterrorist opera-tions. The targeting

of the World Trade Centre and thePentagon are testimony to it. Theprecision of the attack based entirely onhuman aptitude, devoid of any precisionguided munitions, was no lesssophisticated than the super precisionaids available to most technicallyadvanced nation in the world. The USretaliation in Afghanistan was alsobased on precision targeting,notwithstanding the collateral damagein the initial phase of retaliation.Therefore, if precision is to become the



Collateral damage is beingincreasingly accepted as aconsequence. A feature that isbecoming common to bothterrorism and counter-terrorism is increased violence.Violence in the new waveterrorism, and its riposte in theform of counter-terrorism, ismarked by recourse to methodsthat enhance the lethality ofvectors to increase casualties.

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hallmark, including when the terroristschoose the precision mode of attack, it could have an important bearing on the fight against terrorism in theyears ahead.

People around the world werehorrified at the collateral damage in thewake of American intervention inAfghanistan; and which continues totake place each time Israeli punitivethrusts are launched into Gaza and theWest Bank. Regardless of the concernexpressed around the world by ordinarypeople not directly involved in theconflict, the fact remains that heavycollateral damage will hereafter becomethe norm in dealing with shadowyorganisations that send suicide bombersto cause terror and mayhem amongstinnocent civilians. Their veryanonymity and ability to merge into thecrowd from which they emerge to visitdeath and destruction on the targetedcommunities makes it inevitable thatwhatever the form of retaliation,collateral damage becomes an operativecondition when dealing withorganisations that train people for suchoperations. It is the latter who areequally responsible for the collateraldamage visited upon their communitiesdue to the retaliation carried out by theother side. Some would go so far as tosay that they bear prime responsibilityto the extent that it could constitute

deliberate provocation for inducingmassive retaliation of a type that wouldfurther alienate the population against astrong foe.

There are as many dimensions toterrorism as there are for causes ofterrorism. Like in the case of nationalsecurity where dimensions other thanthe military – like economic strength,internal cohesion, governance modes,regional and international environmentand so on – have to be taken intoaccount. Similarly, the term terrorismhas loosely come to embrace in people’sminds other forms like State terrorismand economic terrorism. The latter, it issaid, is being perpetrated by the haveson the have-nots and, more importantly,by western nations on developingnations. There is merit in thesearguments but in accepting such merit,care has to be taken that it does not



Regardless of the concernexpressed around the world byordinary people not directlyinvolved in the conflict, the factremains that heavy collateraldamage will hereafter becomethe norm in dealing withshadowy organisations that sendsuicide bombers to cause terrorand mayhem amongst innocentcivilians.

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obfuscate the issue to the extent that thefight against global terrorism – asmanifested in the September 11 attacksor the attacks on Indian Parliament inNew Delhi on December 13, 2001 andMumbai on November 26, 2008 – iscompromised thereby.

There is no doubt that millions aroundthe world have died of starvation andhunger due to natural calamities as alsomanmade economic policies at thenational and global levels, resulting inmany more deaths and retarded growththan all acts of terrorism put together. Itis, however, not thesame thing aswanton violenceagainst innocentcivilians forpursuing politicalends. Direct,palpable violenceleading to death and destruction due tothe wantonness and callousness of theact attributable to a set of individualscannot be bracketed with the sufferingendured by deprived sections of societydue to policy decisions taken bygovernments over a period of time,especially if the governments happen tobe elected ones functioning underdemocratic dispensations. Such policiesmay become the cause of social unrest,which in turn could lead to terrorism asthe means to effecting changes in these

policies. Nevertheless, they do notjustify terror induced through acts ofviolence on civilians and innocentbystanders.

While enacting legislation to dealwith acts of terrorism, an insuperableproblem to date has been the lack ofacceptability of common definition ofterrorism at the national and globallevels. This writer had attempted toovercome this lacuna by constructing ashunt around the definitional impassebecause it would be virtually impossibleto get unanimity on this count, not only

at the internationallevel but within thecountry as well.How does oneexplain that while acertain type oflegislation to dealwith security

threats has been enacted in one state andsanctioned by the government andsigned into law by the President, itcontinues to be rejected when sent to theCentre for ratification by another state(Gujarat). How can the Supreme Courtremain a silent bystander to suchobvious political discord betweenparties as they lose sight of theoverriding concern for national security.The book Dealing with GlobalTerrorism: The Way Forward has achapter ‘Finding a Way Through the



While enacting legislation todeal with acts of terrorism, aninsuperable problem to date hasbeen the lack of acceptability ofcommon definition of terrorismat the national and global levels.

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Definitional Labyrinth’, which could beexamined by legislative bodies in thecountry to give greater teeth to lawenforcement agencies to deal with amenace that seems to grow worse witheach passing year.

The Judicial PerspectiveOne can begin by posing a simple

question to eminent justices of theSupreme Court and the High Courts.The Maoists in the red belt have been usingIEDs and plantingland mines to blow up vehicles. They have beenindulging in otheracts of terror.Similarly, jehadisfrom across theborder and theiraffiliates within thecountry haveindulged in equally gruesome acts.While the laws of the land do notdifferentiate between the first andsecond category of ultras, should theyardstick for dealing with them be thesame? This is a question that meritsconsideration. When laws are applied tothe perpetrators of these crimes, theremay not be any great differentiation onthe face of it. However, there is afundamental difference. The Maoists in

the red belt are homegrown opponentswho have an alternative vision for thedevelopment of adivasis and backwardclasses on whose behalf they have takenup an armed struggle against the State,essentially the government of the day.They would like to bring about a changein government through the bullet, ifnecessary. They are not anti-India perse. They do not have any desire to seeIndia destroyed. In the case of jehadis,their motto has been ‘death

to the Hindus and non-believers’,i.e., Jews andChristians. Theyseek destruction ordiminishment ofIndia. Therefore,when dealing with these twocategories ofviolators, differ-ence in their

motivation should not be lost sight of.There can be grounds for leniency in thecategory falling under the Maoistumbrella. The aspect of human rightsmight find some favour in this category.On the other hand, human rights cannot be a major consideration forelements whose raison d’etre is the killing of kafirs and destruction ofthe Indian State.

Inaction, passive resistance, or



The Maoists have been usingIEDs and planting land mines toblow up vehicles. Similarly,jehadis and their affiliates haveindulged in equally gruesomeacts. While the laws of the landdo not differentiate between thefirst and second category ofultras, should the yardstick fordealing with them be the same?

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waiting for something to happen beforeretaliating, even when sufficientinstances of the deadly nature of theperil have already come to light, allowsenemies of society to choose theirmoment, i.e. time, place and target. It istantamount to perpetually ceding theinitiative. When the former have all thetime in the world to choose their target,time and place for a strike, chances arethat they would succeed, irrespective ofsecurity measures adopted.

Therefore, the call for preventiveaction will become more persistent inone state after another which have beensubjected to terrorist attacks, especiallywhen these attacks are motivated byreligious differences on a global scale,as opposed to limited actions confinedto a particular region or between onestate and its neighbouring State.

Concluding RemarksWhatever the transformation in recent

years and regardless of polarizationbetween religions and ethnic dividesthat is taking place, humaneness as thedeeper instinct prevails more in Indian

society than in many other societies. Forexample, mass exterminations carriedout during the Muslim invasions inmany parts of Asia and during Christiancolonization of the world have neverbeen attributed to Indian expansionism.Even atrocities attributed to Indiansecurity forces pale in comparison whencompared to atrocities committed by thearmed forces of other nations. Anynumber of examples can be given:Pakistan in East Bengal where thePakistan Army slaughtered over amillion people and raped half a millionwomen, all of them Pakistani citizenssince East Bengal was still a province ofPakistan when these atrocities were committed; US excesses inVietnam; Chinese excesses in Xinjiangand Tibet; and so on. Legislators andjudiciary in India would be well advisedto keep in mind that enactment of laws and their implementation should not impair the effectiveness ofthe very instruments of the State whose primary function is to safeguardthe security of the country and its people.



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Insight: Economy

The Indian Economy: Today and TomorrowT.C.A. Srinivasa-Raghavan*

The global financial crisis is now beginning to end. But the globalsituation is not yet clear. Recessionary conditions continue to persist in2009, but there are some indications of a global economic recoverybecoming visible. As far as India is concerned, there are some areas ofconcern. The world and India have now reached the point where theyhave to decide whether additional stimulus is needed or whether thetime has come to withdraw. Whatever the world does or not, theproblem is stark for India: the government has already spent too much.

The global financial crisis is nowbeginning to end. What causedit was over-consumption by the

US, financed by China and otherdeveloping countries, over the previousdecade. Thus by 2008, the US wasimporting around US$1 trillion everyyear to finance its deficits. That comesto about US$4 billion for every workingday! This was obviously unsustainable.By early 2004, the US monetaryauthorities were beginning to getworried. So, between June 2004 andJune 2006, they raised interest rates 17times, from 1 per cent to 5.25 per cent.This, however, resulted in a sharpincrease in the default rate on housingloans – the sub-prime crisis – whicheventually led, after the Lehmanepisode of September 15, 2008, to a

*T.C.A. Srinivasa-Raghavan is Associate Editor, The Hindu Business Line.

near collapse of the US and Europeanbanking systems.

As Andrew Sheng, a leading experton the crisis, has pointed out, “….Banks in the US and Europe were partlynationalized and investment banksdisappeared as a separate unit in the US.An estimated US$27 trillion or over40% was wiped from global stockmarkets in the year to October 15.”

The Impact on India Initially, it was believed in India that

because it was not fully globalised, theimpact of the crisis would not be much.But that belief proved wrong. India wasmore globalised than it thought. It wasbecause exports and imports takentogether now accounted for nearly athird of the GDP. The collapse of

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on exports and the withdrawal of onexports and the withdrawal of funds byForeign Institutional Investors from theIndian stock market had a major impacton our financial sector. The moodturned negative, industrial output beganto dip and credit growth slowed down.The real estate sector was especiallybadly hit.

But as was pointed out recently by theGovernor of the Reserve Bank of India,“India’s integration into the worldeconomy over the last decade has beenremarkably rapid. Integration into theworld implies more than just exports.Going by thecommon measureof globalization,India’s two-waytrade (merchandizeexports plusimports), as a proportion of GDP,increased from 21.2 per cent in 1997-98, the year of the Asian crisis, to 34.7per cent in 2007-08.”

He also explained how financialintegration had proceeded faster thaneveryone thought: “India’s financialintegration with the world has been asdeep as India’s trade globalization, ifnot deeper. If we take an expandedmeasure of globalization, that is theratio of total external transactions (grosscurrent account flows plus gross capitalflows) to GDP, this ratio has more than

doubled from 46.8 per cent in 1997-98to 117.4 per cent in 2007-08.”

In a sense, the key to the crisis in Indiaalso lay in the extent to which Indianfirms were accessing foreign funds.Between 2003 and 2008, it increasedfive times. During 2003-08, Indiareceived capital inflows amounting toover 9 per cent of the GDP as against acurrent account deficit in balance ofpayments of just 1.5 per cent of theGDP. The importance of foreignfunding is clear from this. India wasthus hit through the financial, real, andconfidence channel.

At first, theIndian governmentdidn’t know how torespond. But by themiddle of October2008, it had

worked out a strategy. Basically, thisconsisted of flooding the system withmoney to compensate for what had beentaken out by the FIIs. The CRR was cutfrom 9 per cent to 5.5 per cent, thusinjecting almost Rs 1,50,000 crore ofprimary liquidity in less than a month.The SLR was reduced, effectively, to21.5 per cent (from 25 per cent), with1.5 per cent points of the reductionearmarked for liquidity support bybanks to mutual funds and Non-Banking Financial Comapanies. TheRepo policy rate was reduced. The RBI


Insight: Economy

India’s integration into theworld economy over the lastdecade has been remarkablyrapid. Integration into the worldimplies more than just exports.

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also announced several other measuresto enhance liquidity, liberalise terms forNRI deposits and external commercialborrowings, augment export creditrefinance and reduce banks’provisioning norms which had beentightened during the earlier upswing inthe credit cycle for loans for housing, real estate, personal loans,credit card receivables and capitalmarket exposure.

The Current Situation The global situation is not yet clear.

Recessionary conditions continue topersist in 2009, butthere are someindications of aglobal economicrecovery becomingvisible. Mean-while, for India,the InternationalMonetary Fund hasupwardly revised the growth projectionfrom 4.5 per cent to 5.4 per cent for2009. The Index of IndustrialProduction has begun to climb. Formost of the indicators like production,order book position, capacity utilisationand financial situation, the decline insentiment has been arrested andreversed. The cumulative industrialgrowth for the first four months of thecurrent fiscal works out to 4.6 per cent.

However, there are some areas ofconcern such as capital goodsproduction, which increased onlyslightly by 2 per cent in July comparedto 17.9 per cent in the same month oflast year. What this means is that eventhough the signs of an industrial pick-upare there, it is not translating intoinvestment in fresh capacities becausecorporates are adopting a wait-and-watch approach before committingthemselves to new capital expenditureplans. So, as of now, the best one can expect is a restart of alreadyapproved projects that were kept on

hold during theacute crisis period.

The ReserveBank’s indus-trial outlook survey suggested aturn-around ingeneral economicsentiments during

the first two quarters of 2009-10. Theprofessional forecasters’ surveyconducted by the Reserve Bank in June2009 also shows an upward revision inthe median GDP growth forecast for2009-10.

The Sensex has gone from a low of 8,800 eight months ago to over16,000 now, reflecting a revival of confidence.

But inflation, which is negative at


Insight: Economy

The global situation is not yetclear. Recessionary conditionscontinue to persist in 2009, butthere are some indications of aglobal economic recoverybecoming visible. In India, thereare some areas of concern, suchas capital goods production.

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present, could increase very soon.Mainly, the massive increase inliquidity and money supply and the poormonsoon, which will reduce the kharifoutput by about 20 per cent, will beresponsible. Last year, the country’skharif rice production was estimated at84.58 million tonnes on a total acreageof 406.43 lakh hectares, translating intoa yield of 2.08 tonnes per hectare. Evenassuming that the yields remain thesame, a reduction in cultivated area by40-50 lakh hectares would pull back thisyear’s kharifoutput by 8-10million tonnes.

Thus, accordingto the UnionAgriculture Minis-try’s latest CropWeather WatchReport, farmershad planted 308.72lakh hectares underpaddy, down 62.35lakh hectares from the 371.07 lakhhectares covered during this time lastyear. In most States – barring AndhraPradesh, West Bengal, Orissa andChhattisgarh – planting is virtually overand it looks that the current season willend up with a paddy area shortfall ofaround 60 lakh hectares. The stateswhere acreages are currently laggingbehind last year’s corresponding levels

include Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh and WestBengal. The shortfalls are less in thecase of Punjab, Orissa, Chhattisgarh,Assam, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradeshand Haryana.

Heavy rains are normally not veryconducive to paddy, while it is in thegrain-filling stage. The seasonwitnessing rains is quite conducive tothe spread of bacterial and fungaldiseases like leaf blight and sheathblight on paddy. It could also result in

foot rot disease,especially in thePusa-1121 basmativarieties grown inPunjab andHaryana. Jowar(sorghum), bajra(pearl millet) andgroundnut are theother major cropsin which sowinghas been either

significantly below normal or less thanlast year’s levels. In all other crops –cotton, soybean and pulses – sowing hasbeen fairly good and one could expect amore or less decent harvest.

As far as inflation is concerned, thelow base effect caused by last year’shigher inflation rate during this periodwill disappear next month. It isreasonable to expect an upturn in the


Insight: Economy

The Reserve Bank’s industrialoutlook survey suggested aturnaround in general economicsentiments during the first twoquarters of 2009-10. Theprofessional forecasters’ surveyconducted by the RBI in June2009 also showed an upwardrevision in the median GDPgrowth forecast for 2009-10.

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Wholesale Price Index by the end ofOctober. But the real problem is theConsumer Price Index rising at wellover 12 per cent. Thus the CPI-basedinflation in India remains high and thedivergence between WPI inflation andCPI inflation continues to persist. Thisis a major cause for worry and to whichthe government seems to have noanswer. It has resorted to imports on alarge scale, but nothing is helping.International sugar prices haveincreased since December 2008 by 40per cent, following a sharp decline inIndia’s sugar output in 2008-09 andexpectations oflower crops in theEU, the US, Chinaand Australia.World cotton priceshave increased by19 per cent since March 2009. Oil priceshave also started to climb back.

It is useful in this context to quote theRBI’s ‘Annual Policy Statement’ for2009-10. “Unlike WPI inflation whichturned negative in June 2009, the CPIinflation continues to remain high in therange of 8.6 to 11.5 per cent duringMay/June 2009. We had highlightedthat WPI inflation and CPI inflation thatby and large moved in tandem till April2007, have tended to diverge since then.The divergence in the recent period hasbeen unusually high reflecting the

volatilities in commodity prices likefuel and metals which have a higherweight in WPI.”

The real cause for acute worry,though, is that India is slowly movingtowards massive food price inflation.The poor will have more moneybecause of various governmentschemes, but there won’t be enoughfood to buy. So prices will rise and theywill eat only as much as they eat now, ifnot less. Both rapid economic growthand half-baked programmes such as theNREGA are responsible. If supplydoesn’t keep pace, prices will go up, as

indeed they havedone. In short, highfood prices areleaving peoplepoorer, eventhough they have

more money to spend now. In spite ofall the growth in the last 10 years, theyare actually eating less. This isespecially true of the last two-and-a-halfyears because the average increase infood prices has been 50 per cent while wages for unskilled and semi-skilled labour have remained more-or-less constant.

The number of those who buy theirfood instead of growing it includesmillions of landless who also vote. Sodo urban food buyers. Taken together,their number is now about the same as


Insight: Economy

The CPI-based inflation in Indiaremains high and the divergencebetween WPI inflation and CPIinflation continues to persist.This is a major cause for worry.

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the number of those who grow food andtake care of their own needs. Indeed, itis possible that the number of net-buyers of food is now higher than thenumber of net-sellers. This is becausenot all those who grow food have asurplus to sell in the market becausethey can’t even grow enough for theirown needs. However, the politicalestablishment in India tends to see thefood prices problem more as a producerissue than a consumer issue. That is whyit will not increase supply via free orvirtually free imports.

It will, instead, try to trap domesticsupplies at home by banning exports.Indeed, this is why the UPA-I pumpedin Rs 87,000 crore into farmers’ pocketslast year through increase in MinimumSupport Prices. It won the election as aresult. But if the politicians continue tosee it this way – and do nothing aboutrising food prices – we could have foodriots soon. The time has come to stopworrying only – note, only – about theproducer and start worrying about the

consumer also. About 70 per cent of netbuyers of food are abjectly poor and livein rural areas; so there is a moraldimension as well.

The government thinks food subsidiesare an answer. In a limited way, theyare. But the final answer lies inincreasing supply now, and not waitingfor productivity to increase at somedistant date. And there is only one wayto do this: import. In a way, therefore,the Prime Minister has to do what aBritish Prime Minister, Robert Peel, didexactly 150 years ago – he repealed thatinfamous corn laws that had beenenacted in 1815 to protect British cornprices against cheap imports fromAmerica.

This import ban had caused millionsto become poorer even as their incomesrose because of industrialisation. In theyears after the repeal of the corn laws,that is, between 1850 and 1900, foodprices in Britain fell continuously, as didthe land under corn. Import dependencewent from only 2 per cent in 1830 to 75per cent by the end of the century. Thathad other adverse consequences, mainlyfor India and China, but food in Britainbecame cheap.

What Next?The world and India have now

reached the point where they have todecide whether additional stimulus is


Insight: Economy

The government thinks foodsubsidies are an answer. In alimited way, they are. But thefinal answer lies in increasingsupply now, and not waiting forproductivity to increase at somedistant date.

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needed or whether the time has come towithdraw. Whatever the world does ordoes not do, the problem is a stark onefor India: the government has alreadyspent too much. Last month, it voted thelargest-ever supplementary demand forgrants of Rs 2,37,286 crore. This is anincrease of 33 per cent over the budgetestimates, the largest ever. The bulk ofthis money has gone to pay forgovernment pay increases, fertilisersubsidy, NREGA, oil subsidy, fertilisersubsidy and the farm loan waiver. Allthis has raised the fiscal deficit to wellover 8 per cent for the Centre alone, andwhen combined with the deficit of thestates, to over 10 per cent. So thequestion is: has the time come to stop?

There is an influential view that thiswould be the wrong time to stop andthat an expansionary policy shouldcontinue for some more time. That is,the low interest rate regime shouldcontinue as should the lending ofenormous sums to the government. ForIndia, the question is if such an exit ispossible or desirable. This view holdsthat “even if it is conceded that thereversal of India’s monetary policystance would be coordinated with othercentral banks globally, it is necessary toask how much elbow room the RBI hasin raising rates and reducing lending tothe government. This also has to beviewed in the context of what the

Finance Secretary has said about therebeing no question yet of ending the lowinterest regime, and the fact that thereisn’t much borrowing even at low rates.If the focus has to shift from financingconsumption to investment, the RBIwould be well advised to maintain thestatus quo for another quarter”. The opposite view is that India can illafford further fiscal stimulus in thepresent year.

Little wonder, then, that Dr. Subbaraohedged himself by saying, “We need totake measured and timely action, andmake a balanced judgement – not to betoo benign, but also not go overboardwith excessive or prematuretightening.” He also added somethingthat New Delhi must note, namely, thattensions between fiscal and monetarypolicies could affect financial stability.

On the food side, as distinct from theagriculture side, we need to augment


Insight: Economy

The world and India have nowreached the point where theyhave to decide whetheradditional stimulus is needed orwhether the time has come towithdraw. Whatever the worlddoes or does not do, the problemis a stark one for India: thegovernment has already spenttoo much.

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supply through imports. As I havewritten elsewhere: “In the past whenforeign exchange was a problem, weneeded charity. But today, with enoughforex reserves, we can buy grains fromthe US and Australia because they aresubsidising their farmers. We can, andshould, buy this cheap food. It is wrongnot to do so. What holds for industrialgoods holds for agriculture also. Thechoice before the government is thusclear: high import dependence or highfood prices. It is a political decision. Itneeds not just courage but also thewisdom to see that the buyer-sellerbalance in food has changed.”

This change in the buyer-sellerbalance in the food economy has deepstructural roots, not the least of which isthe increasing fragmentation and sub-division of land. Of the 140 millionfarm holdings today, 90 million are oftwo or less-than-two hectares. We canimagine what will happen to theseholdings when the present owner diesand the holding is divided between hissons. There is a huge problem here that

the state governments refuse toacknowledge. Eventually, the Indianfarmer will not be able to use hightechnology at all because of far-too-small holding. We will go back tosubsistence farming. But that is in thefuture. For the moment, the real causefor concern is that 60 per cent of Indians– 610 million people – live off the landand contribute only about 20 per cent tothe GDP. That means the remaining 40per cent have to look after them.

On the industrial side also, we have aproblem. The issue that India needs toresolve before it starts to tackle thecrisis meaningfully is to decide whetherthe first cut should be political oreconomic.

My view is that taking a simpleeconocratic approach – ever-increasinginvestment a la China – will not helpbecause even the best policies and theresulting outcomes are not going to helpbeyond a certain point. The sheernumbers of people involved makes it apolitical problem primarily, rather thanan economic one alone. In rural India,about 25 per cent of the population islandless. Evidence shows that netoutput growth and employmentelasticity of output in agriculture havedeclined very sharply. In Bihar, Orissa,West Bengal, and Andhra Pradesh, thereis growing unrest. It will spread to otherparts of India if we don’t watch out.


Insight: Economy

We need to take measured andtimely action, and make abalanced judgement – not to betoo benign, but also not gooverboard with excessive orpremature tightening.

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What is the order of employment thatwe are going to create, given that thenew investment will be highlytechnology – and capital –intensive?

If about 7,00,000 people are joiningthe ranks of the unemployed educatedevery year, how are they going to beaccommodated? And the sobering factremains: even China where employmentin manufacturing has grown so rapidlysince 1985, does not expect to employmore than 120 million (up from thecurrent 95 million) in manufacturing

over the next decade and a half. Onlyaround a quarter of them are expected tohave lifetime employment, and wagesare likely to remain at the current levelsin real terms. It is hard to see Indiaescaping this outcome, because it iswell nigh impossible to provide aworkforce of 330 million with gainfulemployment on a permanent basis, foreight hours a day, for 30 years.

As former Prime Minister Atal BihariVajpayee used to say about manythings, this is not good.


Insight: Economy

The Largest Cultivable Area in the World

India is blessed with extraordinary fertility within its relatively compact landmass. Interms of cultivable area, India is in fact the best-endowed country of the world. Three-fifth of our geographical area is cultivable. In most other valuable regions of the world,no more than one-fifth of the lands are cultivable. And the average for the world is onlyone-tenth.

Measured in terms of cultivable area, India is the richest region of the world. TheIndian sub-continent has 190 million hectares of cultivable land, of which 160 millionhectares are in the Indian Union. Cultivable area of the USA is 177 million hectares,that of the Russian Federation 126, China 124, Western Europe 77, Australia 56, andBrazil 53 million hectares.

India not only has a larger cultivable area than all other great regions of the world;Indian lands are also the most fertile. And the compact geography of India has always

been described in superlative terms.

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Insight: Religion and Polity

Religious and Cultural Transformation of Bangladesh

Bimal Pramanik*

The possibility of a shift from Pakistani ideals to the Bengali culture inthe eastern part of Pakistan – now Bangladesh – was bright during thestudent movements from 1968 to 1970 as well as the liberation war in1971. But post- independence, negative events in the country adverselyaffected the newly introduced cultural phenomenon in the BengaliMuslim society. The anti-liberation war and pro-Pakistani culturalethos were also major factors in this process.

Immediately after Bangladeshbecame independent, a process wasundertaken to align the country

with the Islamic block, though theAwami League had tried to imbue thefreedom struggle with a nationalisticfervour. Throughout the anti-Pakistanmovement from 1968 to 1970, anationalistic spirit spread at least amonga greater section of the studentcommunity. Nationalistic movementspread even in villages after thenational elections of December 1970and continued till the mass massacre ofMarch 25, 1971 by Pakistan forces. Thespirit among the students and the youthwas full of euphoric nationalism. Butthis was not based on overall floweringof the Bengali culture. Anti-Pakistan

*Bimal Pramanik is Director of Centre for Research in Indo-Bangladesh Relations, Kolkata.

feeling was dominant. There was notransition from a Muslim psyche to aBengali nationalistic psyche. This truthwas established in the events thatfollowed in 1975.

In the freedom struggle against theBritish rule, the historic events of EastBengal have glorified Indian history,but the Muslim community did notaccept this heritage. Even the youthrevolution of Chattagram and thelooting of Chattagram armory did notinspire them. The Muslim discoveredtheir past in the Arab desert or in thevictory of Turks, Mughals and Pathans,in which there was no tradition ofbondage through blood. This was theglory of ‘Two-Nation’ theory. Just afterthe conditional recognition of

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Bangladesh as a sovereign country byPakistan on February 22, 1974, SheikhMujibur Rahman went to Lahore toattend the Islamic conference. Hisprimary object was to get help from theIslamic block. But Sheikh Mujib could not gain acceptance from SaudiArabia, which Bangladesh earned justafter his death.

I clearly remember the ceremonialatmosphere in Rajshahi Universityhostels when Pakistan accordedrecognition to Bangladesh. It seemedBangladesh had earned her freedom onthat very day only. The studentcommunity is the most enlightened one,but I could not accept this euphoriaamong them for a country that killedthree million people during theBangladesh freedom struggle, rapedtwo lakh women, destroyed propertyworth crores of Takas and put itself onthe brink of disaster. The recognitionactually deserved to be treated withanger and insult. If Pakistan hadallowed Mujib to form the governmentas per the people’s mandate, therewould have been no freedom struggle inthe first place! It is quite relevant to askas to whether the question of anindependent Bangladesh would havearisen in the given situation.

Participation of varsity students in thefreedom struggle was minimal. Thoughthey endured an adverse situation for

nine long months, they were able tocontinue their studies uninterrupted.Since they held no allurement, trust andrespect for India from the verybeginning of Pakistan rule, they soonbecame anti-India. No sense ofgratitude was seen among them forIndia which fought for their freedom byhelping them with soldiers, supply ofarms and training of Mukti Fauj, as wellas giving shelter and food to one crorerefugees for nine long months. Thestudent community, considered to be thevanguard of the nationalist movement,underwent a sea change within justthree years. Some were lost in the blindalleys of revolution whereas a greatersection among them became part ofopportunistic politics. Chhatra Leaguewas divided into pro-Mujib andscientific socialist groups. Both heldgeneral meetings, one in the RaceCourse area of Dhaka and the other inthe Paltan Maidan. Mujib addressed the



If Pakistan had allowed Mujibto form the government as perthe people’s mandate, therewould have been no freedomstruggle in the first place! It isquite relevant to ask as towhether the question of anindependent Bangladesh wouldhave arisen in such situation.

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Race Course meeting. Though themeeting to be held at Paltan Maidan wasproperly organized, Mujib was absent.The Mujib Bahini cadres were divided.The training of Mujib Bahini organizedat Chakrata in Dehradun was very muchinfluenced by the socialistic ideology asBengali training officers like HasanulHaque Inu and AFM Mahabubul Haque– apart from imparting military training– used to narrate to them stories ofguerilla warfare of Cuba and Vietnamand the glory of socialist system whichthey dreamt of establishing in aliberated Bangladesh. This had aprofound impact on the Mujib Bahinicadres. After the division of Pakistan, alarge number of students went under theleadership of ASM Abdur Rab. Amongthem, many belonged to the MujibBahini cadres. Consequently, in thedistricts, great enmity was createdbetween these two groups. In the clashthat followed between them, many losttheir lives. After the formation of Jatiya

Samajtantrik Dal (JSD or NationalistSocialist Party) on October 23, 1972,the hatred between Awami League andJSD grew to such extent that many JSDworkers were killed by security forces.Those who pledged their lives for thefreedom struggle now became victimsof nasty politics. It was simply sheerlack of political farsightedness.

As public pressure mounted, Mujibcould not try people who had opposedthe freedom struggle and even indulgedin murders, rapes, looting and arson. Onthe other hand, he declared a generalamnesty for them, apart from 195 warcriminals among 93,000 Pakistansoldiers who had to be granted amnestyat the behest of Pakistan, Saudi Arabiaand the Islamic lobby. To sum up, itmarked the end of any trial of the warcriminals. During 1974-75, the peopleof Bangladesh became subjects of “no-nation”. More than a lakh died ofstarvation. Gradually, Bangladeshis lostfaith in the Awami League and Mujib’spopularity waned.

Law and order worsened so muchamidst floods and near-famines in thecountry that even police stations andoutposts were looted. Paramilitaryforces had to be deployed in policestations. In the given situation, not onlythe cadres of ‘Naxalite-downtrodden’but those of defeated pro-PakistaniRazakars and Al-Badr took to an armed

Mujib could not try people whohad opposed the freedomstruggle and even indulged inmurders, rapes, looting andarson. On the other hand, hedeclared a general amnesty forthem, which marked the end ofany trial of the war criminals.

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struggle against the government and theAwami League. In this struggle between1972 and 1975, nearly 5,000 trainedfreedom fighters and Awami Leagueleaders were killed. Many commonpeople were also killed by securityforces. It was proclaimed that RakshiBahini (security force) comprisedfreedom fighters, but they exhibited nohuman face.

On the other hand, when ChhatraUnion held a procession on January 1,1973, to protest the Vietnam war infront of the USIS, two students werekilled and sixinjured in policefiring. A callfor bandh thenext day inB a n g l a d e s hagainst thekillings wasgiven. As aresult, cracks appeared between theAwami League and the NAP,Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB)which otherwise had fought in tandemduring the liberation war. In the firstweek of January, most offices of NAPand Chhatra Union were set afire byLeague cadres. Before the formation ofBangladesh Krishak Sramik AwamiLeague (BAKSAL), many Communistand NAP leaders were killed by AwamiLeague cadres. In this connection, the

name of Sri Rupnarayan Roy deserves aspecial mention. He was killed in thecourtyard of his own house on March24, 1974, by a rifle bayonet but theincident was not probed.

From the very beginning of 1972,Jamaat-e- Islam, Muslim League andpro-Pakistani elements startedpropaganda against Bangladesh inmadrasas and mosques in villages.Along with this began the anti-Indiamovement. Using Maulana Bhasani asthe main prop, ‘Farakka March’ wasorganized. The anti-India propaganda

reached such feverishpitch that newspaperHak Katha (TrueWords) was banned onSeptember 27, 1972.During the Pakistanrule, the AwamiLeague was not able tobuild up any

progressive cultural movement and didnot make any noticeable effort to inspirevillagers with Bengali nationalism andculture. Though there was someawareness about language andnationalism among students, primarilyanti-Pakistan sentiment prevailed.Gradually, fundamentalist-nationalisticpolitics led to constraints on the Bengalipsyche. This vacuum in Bengalipeople’s psyche was fully exploited byIslamic forces. Though there was an



During the Pakistan rule, theAwami League was not able tobuild up any progressivecultural movement and did notmake any noticeable effort toinspire villagers with Bengalinationalism and culture.

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attempt to propagate a culturalprogramme through Udichi under theauspices of NAP-CPB, it did not spreadmuch. After the killing of Mujib,Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and othermiddle-east Islamic countriesvigorously tried to establish an IslamicBangladesh through financial and otherhelp to the successive regimes of ZiaurRahman, H.M. Ershad and, above all,Begum Khaleda Zia. With the blessingsof these leaders, Jamaat-e-Islam andother Islamic organizations startedcultivating Islamic fundamentalist ideason Bangladeshis soil in a plannedmanner. What could not be achieved inPakistan during 1947-1970 wasachieved with the very birth ofBangladesh: the start of process ofIslamization. After Mujib’s death, thisIslamization process completelyovershadowed Bangladesh.

A few questions always haunt me. Itcannot be denied that Mujib had longpolitical experience. Also, during hisimprisonment, he came across many

wise leaders from the Communist Partyand other political outfits and got anopportunity to exchange ideas andexperience with them. In 1970, when hebecame the undisputed leader of EastPakistan and negotiations for transfer ofpolitical power had failed, he tried in hisfamous address of March 7 to givedirection to his people. He left behind amessage of independence and peopleresponded.

The questions that come to my mindare: 1. Whether Awami League had any plan

to take on military power ofPakistan?

2. Whether there was any advance ideaor calculation about the fallout of thedeclaration of independence?

3. Whether there was any pact or secretunderstanding with India in thisregard?

4. Whether it was possible forBangladeshi Muslims to think offreedom struggle while dependingentirely on India’s help?

5. Whether there was any planning toavoid disaster that may grip thenation if there was a militarycrackdown and mass killing?

6. Whether there was any preparation tocontinue guerilla warfare, if needed?

Now, 38 years after that historicalevent, our experience based on facts andhistorical evidence emphatically points



What could not be achieved inPakistan during 1947-1970 wasachieved with the very birth ofBangladesh: the start of processof Islamization. After Mujib’sdeath, this Islamization processcompletely overshadowedBangladesh.

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outs that neither the Awami Leagueleaders nor Mujib were prepared todeclare a war of independence againstPakistan. The results of this war wereabundantly clear. Three million peoplewere killed, two lakh women wereraped or abused, properties worthhundreds of crore were destroyed andone crore people were forced to seekshelter in India. Last, but not the least,the surrender of the Pakistan army to theIndian army, though it was depicted onpaper as surrender to the joint commandof Mukti Bahini and the Indian forces.Can leaders of such a freedom strugglebe called farsighted and wise? Does theblood of three million Bengalis smearthe hands of Pakistan army only? Attimes, it seems that the massacre ofMujib and his family was theculmination of a historical consequence.Are Bengalis really self- destructive?

Another important development wasthe problems that cropped up inChittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) during thefreedom struggle itself. Raja Tridib Royexpressed his loyalty to Pakistan fromsecurity point of view. WhenBangladesh was liberated, the Bengalisstarted to view Chakma and other tribalpeople a bit differently. On February 13,1973, Mujib (as Prime Minister)declared that all people in his countrywould be considered as Bengalis. As aresult, there was some unrest among the

Chakmas and other tribes, since theirracial identity was in crisis.Consequently, an armed struggle raisedits ugly head in the hill tracts ofChattagram. Many people died in theguerilla war, which lasted for a longtime. Right from that time onwards,landless farmers and agriculturallabourers from plains were rehabilitatedthere on government initiative so as toreduce the tribals to a minority. Muchblood has been shed during the lastthree decades. This hilly region is alsowitness to many mass killings. Today,the percentage of tribal people has comedown from 98 per cent to 48 per cent. Apeace treaty vis-à-vis CHT was signedin 1998 during the Awami League rule,though some problems still remain.

Just as Pakistan government forcedthe Hindus to leave Pakistan in order toalter the demographic composition ofwestern and eastern Pakistan,successive Bangladesh governmentsresorted to different tactics to bringdemographic parity between Bengalis



Now, 38 years after thathistorical event, our experiencebased on facts and historicalevidence emphatically pointsouts that neither the AwamiLeague leaders nor Mujib wereprepared to declare a war ofindependence against Pakistan.

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and hilly people. The Bangladeshisationeffort of Mujib was a pointer towardsthe creation of a cultural-linguisticmonolithic State.

After capturing power, Ziaur Rahmanstarted the process to convertBangladesh into another Pakistan. Thefirst step was to Islamize theBangladesh Constitution by jettisoningthe ideals of Muktijuddha, rehabilitatingIslamic and pro-Pakistan elements inpolitics, eliminating pro-Muktijuddhaofficers from military, distorting history,Islamization of Bengali culture, andinducting Pakistan-oriented Islamicvalues in academics and administration.He did this to establish Bangladeshinationalism. Many progressive leaders,parties and people supported his 19-point agenda. Some became ministersor advisers of equal rank. Reputedpersonalities like Abul Fazal, Dr.Mujaffar Ahmed and Prof. MujaffarAhmed (NAP) were in this group. As aresult, Ziaur Rahman could establish a

foothold among the intelligentsia andBangladesh society as a whole. Underthe cover of Bangladeshi nationalism,the process to introduce Pakistanithought flourished smoothly. This process also engulfed the student community.

H.M. Ershad came to power on March24, 1982, after the killing of ZiaurRahman on May 30, 1981. Followingthe footsteps of Zia, Ershad acceleratedthe Islamization process further byintroducing and enacting a law on June7, 1988, declaring Islam as Statereligion. Ershad made it legal forsupporters of fundamentalist Islam toflourish on Bangladesh soil withouthindrance. There was a rush to establishmosques, madrasas, and orphanages.This Islamic zeal gradually sucked inGod-fearing people and the youth.There were two parts in the 8th

amendment to the Constitution. Onewas about State religion and other aboutdecentralization of the High Court. Avoice of protest was raised against theDecentralization Bill and even a suitfiled in the court of law. Though one ortwo political parties protested againstthe State Religion Bill verbally, no suitwas file against it. All parties, includingthe Awami League, accepted thisamendment because the Bangladeshiswere eager for a new identity. Theslough of Bengali identity thrust upon



H.M Ershad accelerated theIslamization process further byintroducing and enacting a lawon June 7, 1988, declaring Islamas State religion. Ershad made itlegal for supporters offundamentalist Islam to flourishon Bangladesh soil withouthindrance.

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them gradually disappeared and theyrushed towards their real identity. Thosewho became anti- Pakistan under theinfluence of Muktijuddha could notembrace the Bengali identity any longerand swerved toward Pakistani thought,and those who were overtly pro-Pakistani remained so.

After assuming power, Ershad visitedPirs and cultivated Islam. Almost everyFriday, he participated in prayers indifferent mosques. When holder of thehighest post in the country fomentsreligious feeling, fundamentalist/religious people like Pirs, Maulanasand common God-fearing peopleautomatically get swayed by religiousexuberance. As a result, growingreligious culture in Bangladeshi societyattained such heights that it becamedifficult for politicians as well as thecommon people to go against it.Consequently, a democratic and liberalparty like the Awami League was forcedto advise its followers to participate inJuma Namaz (Friday prayers) and sign afive-point agreement on religiosity withfundamentalist ‘Islamic Oikya Jote’ tohold on to its Muslim vote bank.

Till 1970, the Pakistan governmentdid not attach much importance toIslamization of the Bengali Muslims,because Pakistan itself was an IslamicState. Pakistani rulers, by any stretch ofimagination, could not think that the

Bengali Muslims were capable ofshaking the very base of Pakistan asthey too believed in the Two-Nationtheory. Now, looking at the changedBangladesh, we feel it was not withoutreason.

Since 1960, I have seen that first ofBaisakh was observed by the Hindubusiness community only by way ofopening new cash books and observingsome religious ceremonies and fairs. Nocelebrations of the Bengali New Yearcould be seen among the Muslims. In1967, Wahidul Haque-Sanjida Khatunfirst organized an open air musicalfunction at Ramna Park in Dhaka onthis auspicious first of Baisakh throughtheir musical group Chhayanat. Thisevent gradually became popular as acultural one among the intelligentsiaand the student community, though itwas at the fag end of time whenPakistan broke up. Consequently, therulers in Pakistan had no time to payattention to this issue. Moreover, it wasDhaka-centric and was limited to the



When holder of the highest post inthe country foments religiousfeeling, fundamentalist/religiouspeople like Pirs, Maulanas andcommon God-fearing peopleautomatically get swayed byreligious exuberance.

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intelligentsia and the studentcommunity. During 1968-69, when astrong anti-Pakistan movementlaunched by students in East Bengalwas afoot, no enthusiasm wasdiscernable in the country about theBengali culture. Even the observation ofLanguage Day or Sahid Divas wasconfined to anti-Pakistan sentiments.Language movement could not fit in thecultural ambience of the MuslimBengalis. The common Muslims did notcare for the Bengali culture during thePakistan rule, since they perceived it asHindu culture.

On March 7, 1971, Mujib through hishistorical address inspired the Bengaliswith a dream of freedom. But whenPakistani soldiers cracked down onDhaka on March 25 and indulged inmass killings, which later spread toother parts of the country, it was notpossible to resist the process with thehelp of a few hundred policemen andEast Pakistan Rifles. The BengaliMuslims had two options: one, to hoist

the Pakistani flag in order to save theirlives and property, and second, to jumpin favour of Muktijuddha. Most BengaliMuslim opted for the first option. Thesecond option was very uncertain andcomplicated, because without the helpof India it was quite impossible. Theyhad considered India as an enemycountry for so long. Many unansweredquestions like these confronted them.Moreover, the Awami League neverspelt it out to Bangladeshi people thatthey had contemplated fighting thePakistan army with India’s help.Consequently, people were not mentallyprepared for such an eventuality. Evenafter so much killing, destruction andrape by the Pakistan army, theyexpressed solidarity with Pakistan. TheMuslim League, along with Jamaat-e-Islam and other Islamic parties formedan Islamic militia and stood behind thePakistan army.

On the other hand, with the massacre,looting and rape of Hindu women by thePak army along with Bengali Muslims,it became obvious that the only optionleft to the victims was to take shelter inIndia. The Pakistan government alsocame down heavily to reduce the Hindupopulation in East Bengal. It was seenthat out of one crore refuges in India,the Hindus comprised 93 lakh. Famous Bangladeshi researcher GolamKabir wrote:



The language movement couldnot fit in the cultural ambienceof the Muslim Bengalis. Thecommon Muslims did not carefor the Bengali culture duringthe Pakistan rule, since theyperceived it as Hindu culture.

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“In order to crush the nationalistmovement, the Pakistan army started acampaign of genocide in Bangladesh onMarch 25, 1971. The Hindus inparticular were targets of the army. In thefew days of the Pakistan army’soperations, their targets were thestudents’ dormitories, Bengali police andEast Pakistan Rifles Headquarters andthe Hindu populated areas of Dacca. Inother cities too, Hindus became primetargets of the army crackdown.Prominent Hindu politicians, lawyers,doctors, businessmen, and teachers,whenever found, were killed by thearmy. During the entire period of thecivil war, they were discriminatedagainst by the Pakistan army. Theirhouses were burnt, property looted,women raped and temples destroyed.Under such circumstances, they eitherhad to cross the border and take shelterin India, or else had to flee to the remotevillages where there were no armycamps. Later their lives in the villageswere also made insecure when thePakistan army recruited 1,00,000Razakars, a Bengali collaboratormilitary force.”

On the advice of India, Muktijuddhawas dubbed non-communal only onpaper, but the reality was otherwise. Therefugees started returning to Bangladeshbut relations between the twocommunities soured. The Hindusbelieved that Bangladesh had wonfreedom by discarding the Two-Nationtheory and since India had helpedBangladesh in all possible ways in the

liberation war, they would be able tolive in the new country as free citizenswith self-respect. But rumours werespread just after liberation that theHindus were planning to return toBangladesh to retrieve their soldproperties, and that the Awami Leaguegovernment had sold out Bangladesh toIndia. Muslims were not at all safe sofar as their lives and properties wereconcerned. It may be mentioned herethat all properties of Hindus whobecame refugees or were ousted fromtheir houses or had left behind old menor women to guard their houses wereeither forcibly occupied or looted. Afew exceptions were, of course, there infar-flung areas. Consequently, theBangladesh government issued a noticein 1972 regarding the return ofproperties occupied during theliberation war to the refugees. This wasone of the main reasons for thedeterioration in relations between thetwo communities. The Awami Leaguegovernment did not take effective



On the advice of India,Muktijuddha was dubbed non-communal only on paper, but the reality was otherwise. The refugees started returningto Bangladesh but relationsbetween the two communitiessoured.

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measures to improve the condition ofminority Hindus. No permission wasgiven to repair ravaged temples ormaths. In 1972, during Durga Puja,deities’ idols were vandalized all overBangladesh but no arrests were made.In 1974, the Enemy Property Act wasredefined as Vested Property Act. Butall methods to harass the minoritycommunity remained intact. Though theConstitution of Bangladesh adoptedDemocracy, Nationalism, Secularismand Socialism as its important tenets,their spirit was never seen amongLeague cadres or party, which weremore or less present in NAP and CPB.Consequently, there was no concern inthe Awami League to spread awarenessabout idealism or culture among thepeople. Power-capture politics becamethe order of the day in the party. Byconstituting BAKSAL, an effort was

made to raise a workforce at district andpolice station levels with NAP andCPB. But before this workforce couldbe organized, came the dreadful night ofAugust 15, 1975.

After the assassination of Mujib, theConstitution of Bangladesh wascompletely overhauled. The conceptand idealism of Muktijuddha underwentsea change. The Pakistani concept wasagain established. From these facts, itcan be concluded that most BengaliMuslims were never free from thePakistani concept and idealism evenafter going through a nine-month longliberation war. It was because they werenot influenced by Bengali culture andits nurture. In their daily life, everythingwas dark except religious culture. TheMuktijuddha could not leave behind anypermanent impression. The present-dayrise of fundamentalist Islamic terrorismcan be explained from the aboveperspective. The seed sown during thePakistani rule has now become agigantic tree.

An analysis of Bengali culture duringthe last three decades can now be made.After the liberation of Bangladesh,parties like the Awami League, NAPand CPB set their sights on the Bengaliculture. Some independentorganizations also came forward.Except Udichi, all other institutionswere Dhaka-centric. The Jatra culture,



The Bangladesh governmentissued a notice in 1972 regardingthe return of propertiesoccupied during the liberationwar to the refugees. This was oneof the main reasons for thedeterioration in relationsbetween the two communities.The Awami League governmentdid not take effective measuresto improve the condition ofminority Hindus.

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a folk culture that dominated theentertainment sector across villages, isnow on the verge of extinction due tothe onslaught of fundamental Islamicterrorism after 1975. Since the politicalsituation in towns and villages ofBangladesh was never stable, Bengaliculture could not bloom. Above all, afundamentalist Islamic culture took upan aggressive role in stopping theadvancement of Bengali culture. The crisis created by the Bengalicultural vacuum in Bangladesh villageshas been fully exploited by Islamiccultural forces at the behest offundamentalists who have filled theempty space.

One-third of students in universitiesand colleges come from madrasas andgrow up amidst Islamic culture. The restcome from villages of Bangladesh.

During the last two decades, they haveexperienced the Islamic culturalatmosphere. Consequently, it hasbecome difficult for students who havegot modern education to come out ofthis influence. Its effect is quitediscernable in the Bangladeshi socialmilieu and politics. The excessescommitted by ‘Islamic Chhatra Shibir’(Islamic Student Forum) during the lastthree decades in the universities ofSylhet, Rajshahi, Chattagram andMymensingh are the outcome of thisprocess. After the declaration ofmadrasa teaching as equivalent togeneral education (in various subjects), this has become morepronounced. It is difficult to return to the earlier situation becausepolitics and votes are interlinked with the issue.

The Uniqueness of Indian Culture

India’s long geographical isolation explains the uniqueness of Indian culture. Indianideas and institutions, taken as a whole, resemble those of no other people. They havea peculiar shape and flavour of their. own. They have tended to transform and absorbany foreign element that trickled into the region; for India, though politically conqueredby outsiders, was never culturally conquered. But neither the geographical nor thesocial barriers inside the subcontinent have been sufficient to prevent the widespreaddiffusion of a common, basic culture, which despite great variation, is peculiarly India.

Kingsely Davis (1951)

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Insight: Energy

India’s Energy Security: Issues and ConcernsRajeev Srinivasan*

The story of India’s search for energy security may be summarised as:a late start, lot of catching up to do. India’s planners have realised thatrapid economic growth, which the public has begun to take for granted,depends on the availability of energy. Coupled with single-minded andsuccessful efforts of the other big emerging nation, China, in locking upenergy supplies, the realisation has dawned that India needs to redoubleits own efforts. The result has been a number of efforts to tie up supplierrelationships around the globe in a variety of areas: oil, natural gas,nuclear, and also hydroelectric power, from neighbours. Unfortunately,these efforts have not been as successful as China’s.

In the medium term, it still appearsas though India is going to bedependent on external sources of

hydrocarbons for its energy needs.There is perhaps a lack of strategicintent1. There is no clearly articulatedidea that energy is something thatIndian fully intends to capture,whatever the cost. Therefore, India’senergy security does not look veryassured whereas the Chinese areconsiderably more successful in theirquest for energy. If there are no majoroil and gas finds in Indian territorialwaters, India may be forced down a

*Rajeev Srinivasan has taught at the Indian Institutes of Management in Ahmedabad,Bangalore and Kozhikode. He is a management consultant and a journalist. A graduate fromthe Stanford Business School and Indian Institute of Technology, Madras, Srinivasan was aFellow of the Salzburg Global Seminar on the Global Energy Fulcrum.

perilous path that includes a massiveincrease in the use of coal – with theattendant environmental issues – aswell as increasing dependence onnuclear power. On the other hand, if there are some technologicalbreakthroughs in alternative energy, India may be rescued from its predicament.While the actual cost atthe wellhead of oil may be much lower(there are reports that it only costsSaudi Arabia $1-$2 per barrel to dig thestuff out of ground), the budgetary pricethat Oil Producing & ExportingCountries live by is much higher, and

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they will not be able to sustain theirspending below a certain minimumprice. Thus production quotas will beobserved by OPEC until the desiredpricing level is reached.

Observers in the know suggest thatthe “natural” price of oil is around $85-$100 in 2009 dollars, and that priceswill reach this equilibrium level. Theextreme volatility in prices, accordingto them, is acting as an inhibitor toinvestment in OPEC countries, andtherefore most likely will lead to supplyreductions in the long-run, as existingoil wells get exhausted.

But it is argued that the era of peak-oilhas not arrived, contrary to Cassandra-like predictions (“Hubbard’s Peak”).OPEC dismisses these concerns bysaying that “resources are plentiful”. Oilcompany officials suggest that new oilsupplies will continue to come online.Therefore, they do not see afundamental constraint to oilavailability from the supply side,although actual future capacity todeliver petroleum may be affected infuture by failure to make investmentstoday. The world is not running short ofoil or gas just yet, they say reassuringly,although there have been manywarnings about the coming oil bust. Theargument is that there is still asignificant amount of recoverable oil,including extra-heavy oil, oil sands and

oil shales, although the cost of recovery– and thus the cost of products derivedfrom them – may be high. However, theInternational Energy Agency (IEA)does agree that field-by-field declines inoil production are accelerating and thatbarriers to upstream investment couldconstrain global supply. This is one ofthe arguments made about theultimately harmful effects of oil pricesbeing “too low”. Apparently, majorprojects are being cancelled or put onhold. The projections by the IEA, OPECand others are remarkably consistent:their reference cases are similar. Theyexpect that despite large increases inenergy consumption going forward, theshare of both oil and natural gas willremain more or less stable. However,they project, gloomily, that the share ofcoal will shoot up. This is taken as aninevitable phenomenon, given thatseveral major users of energy –including the US, China and India –


Insight: Energy

The projections by the IEA,OPEC and others areremarkably consistent: theirreference cases are similar. Theyexpect that despite largeincreases in energy consumptiongoing forward, the share of bothoil and natural gas will remainmore or less stable.

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have very large coal deposits which areobviously under their own control.

Given the compulsions of energysecurity, it is likely that many nationswith large coal deposits will attempt toexploit them, despite concerns aboutglobal warming. In fact, China hasalready embarked on a programme tobuild a large number of coal-firedelectricity plants, which is almostcertainly contributing to acid rain andthe so-called ‘Asian Brown Cloud’ thathovers over the continent.

That brings up the question: exactlywhat does energy security consist of? Agood working definition is that a nationshould have guaranteed supplies ofenergy sufficient for its needs. This is afamiliar dilemma in corporate strategy:nobody wants to be a consumer ofsomething that is controlled bysomebody else. The more a nation hasinvested in energy mechanisms where it is at the mercy of third parties, themore likely it is to find itself heldhostage by them.

A recent example has been theRussian use of its natural gas monopoly

to hold the European Union to ransom.Russia’s energy giant Gazprom supplies25 per cent of the total gas supplied tothe European Union, which is used forheating purposes. Given the largeinvestment in gas-related infrastructure(co-specialised assets) already made bythe consuming countries, they wouldface tremendous switching costs if theywere to try to use a different supplier, orto move to an alternative source ofenergy. Taking advantage of this,Gazprom, in January 2009, suddenly cutoff supplies to the EU, ostensibly overan argument over pricing and transitfees with Ukraine, through which thepipelines run. Regardless of the meritsof the Russian versus the Ukrainianpositions, there was a crisis in the EUand other parts of Europe as citizensshivered during a cold winter, andauthorities scrambled to try and findalternatives. This is the essence ofenergy non-security, where the actionsof another country can havecatastrophic effects on the citizens, orthe economy, of the country underconsideration.

The most familiar instance of energyinsecurity was the “oil shock” of the1970s, and perhaps the more recentcommodity price shock of 2008. Manycountries put in place efforts to reducetheir dependence on OPEC oil as resultof the huge expenses they incurred as a


Insight: Energy

What does energy securityconsist of? A good workingdefinition is that a nation shouldhave guaranteed supplies ofenergy sufficient for its needs.

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result of the sharp rise in oil prices in1973. In particular, some Scandinaviancountries have been successful inincreasing their national energy securityby utilising other forms of energy. India,however, has not learned any lessonsfrom this. It is true that India’sconsumption of oil in the 1970s wasrelatively low, because of the low levelof economic activity that was thanks tosocialist policies. However, in therecent past, especially afterliberalisation and the strong growth inGDP, the nation has becomedangerously dependent on imported oil.This is a matter of deep insecurity.

The persistent current account deficitthat India runs can mostly be attributedto its large purchases of hydrocarbons,since the country is critically short ofthese. IEA estimates suggest that Indiacurrently imports almost 80 per cent ofits oil. By 2030, India will be importingmore than 90 per cent of its oil.

Moving Forward, With orWithout Hydrocarbons

China is the second biggest and Indiathe sixth biggest consumer of energy inthe world. China’s oil imports grew by33 per cent in 2005 as compared toIndia’s 11 per cent. India was theworld’s fifth largest consumer of energyin 2006. India is already importing two-third of its oil and this may continue to

rise to 90 per cent of its oil needs and 40per cent of its gas needs by 2030.Furthermore, China has proven oilreserves of 18 billion barrels while Indiahas only 5.5 billion barrels in itsBombay High, Cambay, Upper Assam,Krishna-Godavari and Kaveri basins.China also has known reserves of 53trillion cubic feet (tcf) of natural gas,compared to India’s roughly 30 tcf,although discoveries in the Bay ofBengal may increase this total. Thus,China is relatively better off, eventhough its appetite is more ravenous.

“Oil is the world’s vital source ofenergy and will remain so for manyyears to come, even under the mostoptimistic of assumptions about thepace of development and deployment ofalternative technologies.” This is the


Insight: Energy

Some Scandinavian countrieshave been successful inincreasing their national energysecurity by utilising other formsof energy. India, however, hasnot learned any lessons fromthis. However, in the recent past,especially after liberalisationand the strong growth in GDP,the nation has becomedangerously dependent onimported oil. This is a matter ofdeep insecurity.

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view of the authoritative World EnergyOutlook 2008, produced by theOrganisation of Economic Cooperationand Development and the InternationalEnergy Agency in November last year.Correspondingly, they see the energymix for developing Asia as remainingrelatively unchanged from 2005 to2030, with the major change being thatcoal more or less grabs market sharefrom biomass.

The effective substitution ofrenewable biomass by coal in India isprobably bad news on two fronts –global warmingand CO2 emissionand energy self-sufficiency. This islikely to affectIndia particularlyhard, as a largefraction of theenergy being consumed by itshouseholds – especially the rural andlower-income households – is based onrenewable and locally producedbiomass and waste.

This is similar to the changes thathave been observed already in therelatively prosperous state of Kerala. Ageneration ago, most households usedwood-burning stoves where wastebiomass from the ubiquitous coconuttree like leaves, husks, inflorescences,and shells accounted for much of the

fuel used for cooking. However, thearrival of bottled cooking gas has speltthe end of the wood-burning stoves andhas left the state vulnerable to pricefluctuations in the global market fornatural gas. In addition, the biomassfrom the trees has now become a wasteproduct which needs disposal.

There are two ways India can dealwith this apparently inevitable movetowards more and more reliance onhydrocarbons. The first is to redoubleefforts to ensure that both Indian andoffshore sources of fossil fuels are

available on long-term contracts. Thesecond would be topursue alternatives,especially thosethat do not involvedependence onsuppliers. In other

words, use locally available sources likesolar and wind energy and bio-fuels.

There are problems with bothapproaches. The first approach carrieswith it the risk that offshore and remotesupplies are not particularly secureunless India has the military might toensure that its investments areprotected. For instance, varioussuppliers have asked for price re-negotiations when market prices wentup, thus negating the very idea of long-term contracts. Iran is an example, with


Insight: Energy

The effective substitution ofrenewable biomass by coal inIndia is probably bad news ontwo fronts – global warming andCO2 emission and energy self-sufficiency. This is likely toaffect India particularly hard

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its insistence that India now pay higherprices for the large amount of gaswhich, under a much-praised deal, Indiahad signed with them. In extreme cases,it is also possible that countries maynationalise any investments made byIndia in their countries.

The problem with the secondapproach is that alternative energysources are not quite ready for primetime. Both wind and solar energy,despite the tremendous advantage oflocal availability,have problemswith storage andtransmission. Windenergy needs to betransmitted longdistances from thehilly, windylocations wherethere is enough of asteady wind, all theway to the citieswhere there is demand. Besides, sincewind does not blow steadily, it isnecessary to capture the electricitywhen the wind is blowing, store it, andthen use it when needed.

Similarly, solar energy, although it hasthe potential to transform India’s energypicture utterly – with 300 days ofsunshine, India is very rich in sunshine– has a few problems. One is that theefficiency of photo-voltaic solar panels

is low, perhaps 15 per cent, and they areexpensive, produced using asemiconductor-like process. The goodnews is that there are newertechnologies such as thin films, whichare far cheaper to make, but which,unfortunately, are even lower inefficiency. In addition, batterytechnology and capacitive storage are intheir infancy. A couple of technologicalbreakthroughs, coupled with economiesof scale, are required to make solar

p h o t o - v o l t a i cpanels truly viable.

The other type ofsolar energy,thermal solar,involves theheating up of afluid by using anarray of mirrorsthat track the sunand focus it on acontainer which

holds the fluid. A lot of land is needed toinstall the mirrors, as also a good deal ofcapital expenditure. This also meansthat wasteland, for instance deserts orsemi-arid areas, need to be identified.These are usually far from the cities,once again making transmission aproblem, as with wind.

Although there have been a number ofexperiments with bio-fuels, such as thejatropha plant that grows well on


Insight: Energy

Both wind and solar energy,despite the tremendousadvantage of local availability,have problems with storage andtransmission. Wind energyneeds to be transmitted longdistances from the hilly, windylocations where there is enoughof a steady wind, all the way tothe cities where there is demand.

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surplus or marginal land, it is notentirely clear that it is cost-effective.There have been instances where non-edible vegetable oils (such as jatropha)have been combined with diesel to runrailroad locomotives. However, thereare concerns that:a) Crops cultivated for bio-fuels may

displace food crops (as has been thecase in the US where corn wasdiverted to make ethanol, driving upthe price of corn as well as other foodcrops which were competing for thesame acreage, and led to steep pricesincreases for end-consumers such aspeasants in Mexico)

b) More rainforests may be destroyed(as has been the case in Malaysiawhere palm-oil cultivation has led toclearing of endangered tropicalforests), and

c) The economics of land-use for bio-fuels may be unacceptable.

A study by CSTEP suggests that theproduction of bio-fuels leads tounacceptably low output of energy fromthe same acreage as compared to, saysolar, although the latter is much more

expensive. There are similar problemswith nuclear energy and hydroelectricpower.

Sources and Uses of India’s EnergyWhere do India’s energy supplies

come from? And how is it used? A studyby CSTEP and the Lawrence LivermoreLaboratories analyzed in detail the flowof energy commodities from bothinternal and imported sources. Thestudy also considered how much energyis converted to electricity, and howmuch is used for transportation, and bywhich sector.

The biomass includes firewood, dungand other forms of energy used forresidential purposes. Traditionally, thisis a huge source of energy forresidential uses, and the data suggeststhat it still constitutes the majority ofresidential energy used especially forcooking. However, urban householdsare moving to more modern forms ofenergy.

A remarkable fact that should benoted is that 50 per cent or more energyis simply ‘lost’ than what ends up as‘useful’ energy. Let us note that this isnot even ‘stolen’ electricity, and it doesnot include the energy wasted due to,say, traffic congestion or poorlydesigned buildings. So the overallamount of leakage and wastage is veryhigh. These leakages lead to the


Insight: Energy

Fifty per cent or more energy issimply ‘lost’ than what ends upas ‘useful’ energy. Let us notethat this is not even ‘stolen’ orwasted electricity.

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conclusion that one of the bestmechanisms for India to improve itsenergy security would be energyconservation.

Most of the oil – and the natural gas –in the world is concentrated in a fewproducer nations, which hasimplications for consuming nations.There is, as of now, no particularsubstitute for oil for transportation.Since almost the entire transportationindustry – and that is not only peopletransport, but also shipping on the high seas –depends totallyon petroleumderivatives and the internalcombustionengine,the chances of usweaning ourselvesoff oil are quitesmall, bio-fuels notwithstanding.Renewables have an increasing role inelectricity generation, but thedominance of hydrocarbons, and inparticular that of coal, is not going awayvery soon.

If coal and renewables are set asidefor a moment, India’s energy suppliesare almost entirely supplied fromoverseas. India’s domestic explorationhas produced relatively little by way oflarge oil and gas finds. The ones that arecurrently being exploited, Bombay

High offshore and oil fields in Assam,are ageing. Despite hopes that largeamounts of Krishna-Godavari basin gasmay become available, there are noimmediate prospects for India tobecome less dependent on imported oiland gas.

CoalThe projections are that the proportion

of coal usage will increase, based on theissue of energy security and ease ofaccess, despite its environmental costs.

As can be seenbelow, India does have largedeposits of coal.U n f o r t u n a t e l y,Indian coal tends tohave high ashcontent, andtherefore some

thermal power plants have chosen toimport coal especially from Australia.

Since India has large coal reserves,coal is likely to become a larger part ofIndia’s future energy mix. As of now,India is not exploiting its thermal powerplant capability anywhere near asenergetically as, say, China, which hasembarked on a crash programme tobuild many coal-fired electric plants.

Coal consumption patterns in 2007,also from BP’s Statistical Review ofWorld Energy, 2008, show the impact of


Insight: Energy

If coal and renewables are setaside for a moment, India’senergy supplies are almostentirely supplied from overseas.India’s domestic exploration hasproduced relatively little by wayof large oil and gas finds.

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China’s thermal power plant activity.

OilIndia and China will be increasingly

dependent on oil imports, according tothe ADB, quoting IEA, World EnergyOutlook 2007.

It is important for India to ensure thatit has unhindered access to oil, as it willbe forced to import almost all of its oilby 2030. According to OPEC, most ofthe world’s oil in 2030 will continue tocome from OPEC, and they are alsolikely to increase their production ofnon-conventional liquids, includingNGL (natural gas liquids). Non-OPECoil producers like Russia and theCentral Asian states are not going toincrease their production quite as much as OPEC will. Therefore India’sability to enter into long-term contractswith OPEC members may well becritical for India’s energy security in thereference case, viz. assuming there are

no market-distorting breakthroughs inrenewables.

Natural GasJust as in the case of oil, India’s lack

of large local deposits of natural gas is amajor factor in energy insecurity. Inaddition, Bangladesh, which hasdiscovered significant gas fields,refuses to sell the gas to India and evento permit a pipeline from Myanmar toIndia on its territory. Other deals withIran are bogged down in controversy.However, India has built a few LNG(liquefied natural gas) terminals, andthe first shipments of LNG to these ports from Qatar have startedarriving. India needs to pursue both additional exploration as well as the building of more LNG ports.

Nuclear EnergyAfter a contentious debate, the Indo-

US Nuclear agreement was signed in2008. It is believed by many Indiansthat this will release India from thenuclear apartheid it has laboured underever since it conducted Pokhran-I testsin the 70s. Some strategic expertsbelieve that India made too manyconcessions in the negotiations and thatthe overall value of nuclear fission isquestionable, especially given theextraordinary amount of cleanup and


Insight: Energy

Non-OPEC oil producers likeRussia and the Central Asianstates are not going to increasetheir production quite as muchas OPEC will. Therefore India’sability to enter into long-termcontracts with OPEC membersmay well be critical for India’senergy security.

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waste processing that needs to be doneduring the decommissioning of anuclear reactor.

The opposing camp, those who arepleased with the nuclear deal, suggestthat this is a sensible solution for theshort term, and one that does notinvolve too many greenhouse gases.Wherever the truth of the matter lies, itis clear that it will be an expensiveproposition for India to increase itselectricity production from nuclearfission. Indeed,even thegovernment admitsas such when itsuggests that in thebest case scenario,nuclear fusion isonly going toaccount for 7 percent of India’selectricity needs.

France’s Areva has signed anagreement to supply two nuclearreactors for an approximate outlay of$10 billion. A number of India’s civilianreactors (thus marked under theagreement) are currently working atvery low capacity because of the lack ofenriched uranium fuel, which has beenrefused to India by the small group ofnuclear suppliers, who have their ownOPEC-equivalent cartel, the NSG(Nuclear Suppliers’ Group). The NSG

was set up expressly to punish Indiaafter the Pokhran-II tests in 1998.

At least one prominent member of theNSG, Australia, has flat-out refused tosell India uranium unless India signs theNuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as anon-nuclear-weapons state, whichwould automatically put all of India’snuclear capability under the control ofthe IAEA. In effect, India will lose itsnuclear weapons capability, and willhave signed up to, in perpetuity, be a

nuclear have-not.There is someconcern that theNSG members willpressure India tosign a blatantlyunfair treaty andcreate long-termproblems just toget around theshort-term problem

of not enough fuel for reactors.Data from Wikipedia shows how

uranium mining is concentrated in thehands of a small number of countries,who effectively have veto power overthe running of a power plant. Indiaknows this beause it has faced thisproblem from the supplier cartel before.

The supplier issue makes nuclearenergy possibly a generator of energysecurity because India’s uranium stocksare very limited. On the other hand,


Insight: Energy

At least one prominent memberof the NSG, Australia, has flat-out refused to sell India uraniumunless India signs the NuclearNon-Proliferation Treaty as anon-nuclear-weapons state,which would automatically putall of India’s nuclear capabilityunder the control of the IAEA.

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India has 31 per cent of the world’sreserves of thorium, so that a possiblethorium-based fast-breeder technologycould change this drastically.Unfortunately, the technology is notready for large-scale or commercial use,and it has to be surmised that Indiannuclear scientists do not see it becomingviable in the immediate future.

Thus nuclear power presents acomplex scenario:there is relativelylittle energysecurity today, butin the long run itcould lead to self-s u f f i c i e n c yassuming certaint e c h n o l o g i c a lbreakthroughs.

Renewables: Solar, Wind and Hydropower

India has established itself as a powerin wind energy, and has a technologicalleadership position therein, especiallybased on the strengths of companies likeSuzlon. India is one of the top windenergy generating countries in the worldalong with Germany, the US, China,Denmark and Spain.

If solar-electric technology were toever become economical, India wouldbe highly advantaged, because much ofthe nation is in the tropics with

significant numbers of sunny days. Butat current cost, solar energy is not cost-competitive. There are also experimentswith bio-fuels, for example bio-dieselwhich mixes non-edible vegetable oilswith diesel, but these are not yetcommercially viable.

Hydroelectric power is somethingIndia has been striving to develop,although the long-terms effects of large

dam projects havenot necessarilybeen positive inmany cases. Theseries of damsbeing built on theNarmada River inIndia has beenplagued by

environmental concerns. The proposedBaglihar dam is the subject of acrimonybetween India and Pakistan. There ishowever, an opportunity for India togain access to Nepalese and Bhutanesehydro-electricity, as the Himalayankingdoms have high potential andlimited demand.

Energy DiplomacyThe search for energy and military

power go hand in hand. America’sinterest in Afghanistan may well bepartly predicated on the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI)natural gas pipeline (long sought by


Insight: Energy

If solar-electric technology wereto ever become economical,India would be highlyadvantaged, because much ofthe nation is in the tropics withsignificant numbers of sunnydays. But at current cost, solarenergy is not cost-competitive.

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Unocal) to bring Central Asian gas viaAfghanistan to Karachi, Pakistan. Iraq’sand Iran’s large reserves may be theprincipal reasons for American interest.

On a smaller scale, China hasembarked on a similar tack, with its‘string of pearls’ approach: a series ofnaval facilities in friendly ports allaround India, in the Indian Ocean andthe Bay of Bengal. The newest is theChinese-financed port of Gwadar inBalochistan which sits close to theStraits of Hormuz, through which 40 percent of the world’soil passes. Gwadarhas multipleadvantages forChina, includingpotential vetopower over theflow of West Asian oil through Hormuz.

The recent instances of Somali piracy– including the hijacking of a VeryLarge Crude Carrier carrying $100million worth of Saudi oil – off the Hornof Africa points out the risks run inshipping oil across the open ocean. Thetwo main choke points are Hormuz andMalacca, and virtually all large tradingnations are now forced to keep somesort of naval force in place off the Gulfof Aden and in the Arabian Sea.

China has observed with unease thegrowing co-operation between the USand Indian navies in the southern Indian

Ocean and the Straits of Malacca, whichis a virtual choke point, as 80 per cent ofChina’s oil imports flow through thesestraits; an embargo would bring theChinese and Japanese economies totheir knees. As a result of all this, Chinahas embarked on an acceleratedprogramme to build up a blue-waternavy, capable of projecting Chinesepower far and wide.

Many powers have also establishedstrategic footholds in Central Asia. Thisregion has large reserves of oil and gas,

so the interest isnot coincidental. Infact, after theR u s s i a ndifferences ofopinion with theUkraine, and its

invasion of Georgia more recently,Europeans are beginning to get alarmed.One of the reasons for Russian muscleflexing may well have been theproposed pipelines to ship Central Asianand Caspian Basin oil and gas toWestern Europe after bypassing Russia.Russia is loath to let its strangleholdover Western Europe’s energy bediluted.

India has a military facility inTajikistan; the US has a militarypresence in Afghanistan, Tajikistan,Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. China hascreated the Shanghai grouping to gain


Insight: Energy

India faces larger challenges. Onthe one hand, it is beingsystematically encircled andcontained by China, on theother, it faces hostile neighboursin Pakistan and Bangladesh.

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support for its products, policies and ideas in the region. Russia has a military presence in Tajikistan and in Kyrgyzstan.

India faces larger challenges. On theone hand, it is being systematicallyencircled and contained by China, onthe other, it faces hostile neighbours inPakistan and Bangladesh. For instance,Bangladesh has proven resources of 38 tcf of natural gas, but is loath to sellit to India.

Some Indian analysts have a pipedream of building natural gas pipelinesfrom Myanmar via Bangladesh, andfrom Turkmenistan or Iran via Pakistan(the Iran-Pakistan-India andTurkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India or TAPI and IPI pipelines). Butthe proposed gas pipeline fromMyanmar’s Shwe offshore field toKolkata was bogged down indisagreements with Bangladesh, andfinally it was lost because the

Myanmarese announced they would sellthe gas to China. The proposed gaspipeline from the South Pars field inIran to India is under a cloud because700 kilometers of that traverses restiveBalochistan, and because of generaldistrust of Pakistani intent and the riskof terrorist sabotage. Iran is also seekinga renegotiation of the price.

Deep-sea pipelines bypassingPakistan and Bangladesh, while moreexpensive in the short run, may berequired as insurance against disruption.A better choice may be liquefied naturalgas (LNG) imported by ship: this hasbecome a viable alternative. With rapidreductions in liquefaction andtransportation costs, the economics ofLNG now compares favorably with thecost of piped gas, not to mention theadvantage of LNG terminals being ableto deal with gas shipped from anywherein the world.

The Indian establishment has beenattempting for about a decade to get afoothold in the markets for oil and gas.Indians have been considerably lesssuccessful than the Chinese in gettingguaranteed long-term supply contracts,for a variety of reasons. One is the headstart (and the clear strategic intent) thatthe Chinese have had. Another is theirwillingness to pay premium prices. Inhead-to-head competition, the Chinesewillingness to utilize their $2 trillion


Insight: Energy

Deep-sea pipelines bypassingPakistan and Bangladesh, whilemore expensive in the short run,may be required as insuranceagainst disruption. A betterchoice may be liquefied naturalgas (LNG) imported by ship:this has become a viablealternative.

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trove of reserves sometimes bestsIndian negotiators. In a number ofcases, the Chinese have outbid theIndian national oil and gas companies.

In addition, China has the advantageof being willing to deal with and evensponsor dubious regimes. An example isChina’s long-standing support of Sudan,despite serious concerns about its warcrimes in the Darfur region. China hasalso prevented this issue from beingtaken up in the UN Security Council (asit has indicated it would veto anycensure of Sudan). Besides, China hasbeen willing to give out goodies –weapons, for instance – to dictators insome of these nations. In the process,China has also become a major donor ofdevelopment aid, although, predictably,most of that goes hand-in-hand with theobjectives of energy extraction.

There is good reason for China’sobsession with Africa. West Africa is amajor source of new energy, and by2010 will account for 33 per cent of allnew oil pumped worldwide. China isactive there, and is wooing otherproducers such as Angola, Sudan andthe Congo. In particular, Angola hasbecome a focus for Chinese interest,and it has replaced Saudi Arabia as thelargest supplier to the Chinese. In turn, China has announced over $5billion in development aid andinvestment in Angola.

India is beginning to promote its ownenergy diplomacy, although this is stillconfined to foreign policy and notmilitary policy. For instance, despiteAmerican apprehensions, India ispursuing ties with Iran, with which ithas traditionally had good relations. Inearly 2005, India completed a $40billion, 25-year deal on LNG from Pars,the largest gas field in the world,although Iran is now asking torenegotiate the deal. India also hasstakes in Iran’s Yahavaran and Jufeiroilfields. India is also developing theIranian port of Chabahar as well as thehighway from there to Afghanistan and Central Asia, also strategically as away of getting to Central Asiabypassing Pakistan.

India and China are co-operating andcompeting in Iran: the Yahavaranoilfield is a joint Indo-Iranian-Chineseeffort. In the event of an Americanattack on Iran, Chinese analysts worry


Insight: Energy

India and China are co-operating and competing inIran: the Yahavaran oilfield is ajoint Indo-Iranian-Chineseeffort. China has the advantageover India in terms ofgeography, as it has access toCentral Asia and to energy-richRussian Siberia.

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that there will be a major disruption intheir supplies.

China has the advantage over India interms of geography, as it has access toCentral Asia and to energy-rich RussianSiberia. China is building pipelinesfrom Central Asia via restive Xinjiang,and has a major charm offensive aimed at the ex-Soviet Central Asianstates. The Chinese are in the process ofbuilding a very expensive gas pipeline from Lunnan in Xinjiang toShanghai, and there is talk of another to bring Kazakh oil to Dushanzi in Xinjiang.

Lingering tensions between China andVietnam have affected exploration inthe Gulf of Tonkin, but a thaw betweenthe traditional rivals may result inadditional assets being developed there.

Given the large amounts of energyavailable in Russia, both China andIndia are pursuing alliances there.Given traditionally warm strategicrelations between India and Russia,even though they are not neighbours,there have been a number of Indianinvestments in Russian assets. India’s ONGC holds stakes in Sakhalin,for instance.

The recession has not stopped thediplomacy and high finance in theenergy sector. China is opening itswallet in a big way. In just one week inFebruary, China has announced a

number of major investments: An investment of $10 billion inBrazil’s Petrobras in exchange for along-term commitment to provide oilto China 160,000 barrels a day atmarket prices

An investment in the Russian oilpipeline through Siberia ($25 billionin loans to Rosneft and the pipelinecompany Transneft in return for 15million tons of crude oil a year for 20years)

A $6 billion investment in Venezuela(which brings the loan total to $12billion)

India is unable to match these big-ticket items, which makes it fall furtherbehind China in the energy race.

ConclusionsThere are a few concerns about

India’s energy future. One is that Indiais likely to continue to be dependent onexternal suppliers, whether in oil, gas,or nuclear power. Unless newtechnologies are proven to becommercially viable in the near future,India looks to have relatively littleenergy security. It is vulnerable topricing shocks as well as to supplyshocks. India’s attempts to gainguaranteed supply lines have notsucceeded as well as those of theChinese. The chances that energy will become a bottleneck for


Insight: Energy

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Insight: Energy

industrial growth are fairly high. Theonly alternative is coal, but thewidespread use of that will attract much criticism from around the globe, and will create pollution and

global warming. Therefore, it is not realistic to depend on coal alone. Until renewables come along in abig way, India will simply be energy-insecure.

References1. Rajeev Srinivasan, ‘Beware of Energy’sRobber Barons’, livemint.com, February2009, http://www.livemint.com/2009/02/08221218/Beware-o f -energy8217s-robbe.html?h=B2. International Energy Agency, ‘CountryAnalysis Briefs India’, January 2007;http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/India/Full.html3. ‘India’s energy security’, Tata EnergyResearch Institute, New Delhi, 2000.4. Chietigj Bajpaee, ‘India Recovers LostGround in the International Energy Game’,

Power and Interest News Report, March 16,2005, http://www.pinr.com/report.php?ac=view_report&report_id=279&language_id=15. International Energy Agency, ‘ExecutiveSummary, World Energy Outlook 2008’,OECD/IEA, Head of Communication andInformation Office, Paris.6. British Petroleum: ‘Statistical Survey ofWorld Energy, 2008’.7. Rajeev Srinivasan, ‘The New AsianDrama: The Great Game of Energy”,Eternal India, January 2009.

Quest for knowledge

There's a theory, one I find persuasive, that the quest for knowledge is, at bottom, thesearch for the answer to the question: "Where was I before I was born." In thebeginning was what? Perhaps, in the beginning, there was a curious room, a roomlike this one, crammed with wonders; and now the room and all it contains areforbidden you, although it was made just for you, had been prepared for you sincetime began, and you will spend all your life trying to remember it.

Angela Carter

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Insight: Minority Appeasement

Andhra Pradesh Government and Minority Fever

T. H. Chowdary*

The Indian Constitution was amended to characterize the State as‘secular’ and ‘socialist’ but the meaning/definition of either term wasleft undefined. This led successive governments to give – whatever theywanted – to some religious groups/castes/communities for the sake ofvotes. The government of Andhra Pradesh too in the past has beenfollowing glaring communal programmes. It has been misusing publicmoney for communal purposes. Some of its ‘anti-secular’ actionsinclude subsidy to Christians for pilgrimage to Jerusalam, givingmoney/grants for securing Wakf properties, and deploying non-Hindusfor the administration of Hindu temples. The state government is also using budget funds for the construction ofUrdu ghars and shadikhanas for Muslims. Even opposition leaders havesupported the demands of Christians at one or the other point of time.What really saddens is that not even a single non-Christian Hinduminister in the southern state has protested the assault on secularism inAndhra Pradesh.

On August 14, 1947,Bharatvarsha was divided andan Islamic State created in the

region where Sanatana Dharma hadevolved and flourished for thousands ofyears. It was only on the next day, i.e.,August 15, that Bharat becomeindependent. Mohammed Ali Jinnah,who demanded of the British rulers to

*Dr T.H. Chowdary is Director, Centre for Telecom Management and Studies. He is aformer information technology adviser to the Andhra Pradesh government and chairman andmanaging director of Videsh Sanchar Nigam Limited.

‘divide and quit’, won whereasMahatma Gandhi and the Congressunder his tutelage, which asked theBritish to quit India, lost. Under thedomineering leadership of JawaharlalNehru, the Constituent Assembly wascoaxed into describing the country as ‘India’, a term no Indian language has. As eyewash, the Nehru-

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led leadership condescended to refertothe newly independent country as‘India, that is Bharat’. This is in contrastto what not only politically but mentallyindependent people discarded theformer ruler-given names and restoredtheir historic names: Sri Lanka(Ceylon), Myanmar (Burma), Ghana(Gold Coast), Malagasy (Madagascar),Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), etc.

The Nehruvian Constitution providedfor the perpetuation of “minorities” andseparation of minorities from the rest ofthe nation by giving them rights (Article29, 30; the Right topropagate one’sreligion, which hasover a period oftime become theright to convert).During the fascistEmergency ruleimposed by Mrs. Indira Gandhi during1975-77, the Constitution was amendedto characterize the State as “secular”and “socialist” but the meaning ordefinition of either term was leftundefined, leaving successivegovernments free to give whatever theywanted to some religious groups andsections of people, in order to garnertheir votes.

India’s Parliament has members fromabout 40 political parties; and hundredsmore are registered with the Election

Commission. Some have their leaders inState legislatures. As the Congress cameto be captured by a ‘dynasty’ and is usedto the protection and promotion of theinterests of that dynasty, regional parties– mostly casteist and centered aroundproprietary leaders – emerged tochallenge the Congress. The Congressand the regional parties (SamajwadiParty and BSP in UP, RJD and JD (U) inBihar; the BJD in Orissa, NCP inMaharashtra, TDP and lately PRP inAndhra Pradesh, DMK, AIDMK andPMK etc. in Tamil Nadu, JD (S) in

Karnataka, the TCin West Bengal, theUDP in Assam,JMM in Jharkhand,the PDP and NC inJ&K etc.) arecompeting to getMuslim votes and

so are conceding almost everycommunal, anti-national, anti-Hindudemands of Muslims and nowChristians.

The governments in Andhra Pradeshand Tamil Nadu are already captured byHindu-inimical, minority-pamperingand promoting parties. The Congress’Christian Chief Minister of AndhraPradesh, the late Dr Y. SamuelRajasekhara Reddy had triumphantly,boldly and publicly declared inFebruary 2006 that his was a



Different Parties are competingto get Muslim votes and so areconceding almost everycommunal, anti-national, anti-Hindu demands of Muslims andnow Christians.

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government of the minorities. Following are the record of the most

glaring communal programmes of thegovernment of Andhra Pradesh, mostlysince the strident and unchallenged ruleof a Christian Chief Minister since May2004, when he captured power andbecame the largest sustainer of Mrs.Sonia Maino’s dynastic rule.

Misuse of tax monies from the budget for communal purposes

Ours is a democratic, socialist, secular republic, as enshrined in our Constitution.Secularism shouldeither mean thatthe State and the governmentswill not concernthemselves withthe administrationand management of places of worshipand such institutions of any religion orthat they should apply the same policiesand equality as between every religion.Unfortunately, the government ofAndhra Pradesh has been straying fromthese principles of secularism by givinglarge sums of money from its budgetaryresources for construction, repair andextension of churches and mosques andsubsidies for Christian and Muslimpilgrimages and grants for marriages of Christians and Muslims but not

for Hindu temples, pilgrimages and marriages.

Some of its anti-secular actions are:The government of Andhra Pradeshstarted to subsidize the pilgrimage ofChristians to Jerusalem. It did notextend such subsidy to Hindus. Onrepresentation, it said that it will givesome assistance to Hindu pilgrimsproceeding to Mansarovar. Meanwhile,those who are truly secular, filed a PILin the High Court of Andhra Pradeshwhich put a stay on all subsidies for religious pilgrimages after two years

of such subsidiesfor Christians. (The Haj subsidy is administered by the Uniongovernment, whichis another instanceof government’s

subversion of the Constitution.) The government of Andhra Pradesh is

giving crores of rupees for theconstruction of churches and mosquesand for cemeteries for the people ofthese two religions. No such moneyfrom the budget (government resources)is given for the construction of places ofworship for Hindus.

The government of Andhra Pradesh isgiving from the budget monies as grantsfor securing wakf properties which arepurely and totally utilized for the people

The government of AndhraPradesh is giving from thebudget monies as grants forsecuring wakf properties whichare purely and totally utilizedfor the people of one religion –Islam.

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of one religion – Islam. The state government has been

managing and administering thetemples, places of worship of Hindusalone and not the places of worship ofMuslims or Christians.

It is also deploying non-Hindus forthe administration of Hindu temples, inthe Endowment Board, in the TirumalaTirupati Devasthanam (TTD) and in theRevenue Department in the Secretariatconcerned with the EndowmentDepartment. The management andadministration of the places of worshipand otherproperties ofChristians andMuslims are leftalone. This ishighly discri-minatory. Not onlythis, some of thesenon-Hindus are colluding with thepredators on Hinduism, namelyevangelists and missionaries, to alienatethe properties of temples and are alsofacilitating evangelism in and aroundthe temples of Hindus. This amounts todirect assault on Hindus.

From the amounts Hindu devoteesoffer to the temples, especially TTD andother famous temples, a certainpercentage is collected by the stategovernment as Common Good Fund(CGF). Not much money from this is

given for reconstruction or renovationof old temples. To whom how much isgiven, and for what purpose, is non-transparent. It is learned that moneyfrom this fund is being given for otherreligions.

The government of Andhra Pradesh isusing the budget funds for theconstructing ‘Urdu ghars’ andshadikhanas meant for Muslims even asthere are so many function halls whichare not unavailable to Muslims. Thegovernment is not giving any budgetmoney for the construction of

Kalyanamandap-ams of Hindus justlike shadikhanas ofMuslims.

The stategovernment isgiving Rs. 15,000during Christian

and Muslim marriages but not forHindus. The TTD has put in place ascheme known as ‘Kalyanamastu’.Hindus offer money to LordVenkateswara, some of which the TTDspends on marriages of Hindus. Thisprogramme is not funded from thebudget. Therefore, it cannot be likenedto what the government of AndhraPradesh is giving from the budget to thefollowers of Islam and Christianity.

It is clear that the Andhra governmentis indulging in non-secular, anti- Hindu



The government of AndhraPradesh is using the budgetfunds for the constructing Urdughars and shadikhanas meantfor Muslims even as there are somany function halls which arenot unavailable to Muslims.

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activities in the sense that the taxes paidby the Hindus (95 per cent of the budgetrevenue for the state government isunderstood to come from Hindus) areutilized to support and extend Islam andChristianity, the two religions engagedin inveigling and converting Hindus. Inother words, Hindus are taxed tosupport religions engaged in finishingoff Hindus by converting them to various brands of Christianity and Islam.

The government of Andhra Pradesh ismanaging andadministering theTTD and othertemples in thestate. The public,especially Hindus,are not aware, noteven the people’srepresentat ives ,about revenuescollected from all these temples by thegovernment, how much is spent onsalaries, the staff strength, how muchgoes into the Common Good Fund(from which the Chief Ministerdistributes the money at his solediscretion), how much is spent on pujasand propagation of Hindu dharma andin what manner etc.

Until the Andhra governmentdisengages itself from the templeadministration, it must prepare and

present a separate budget for Hindutemples’ incomes and expenses to theState Assembly. This is like theGovernment of India presenting aseparate budget for the Railways.

Also, TTD and the EndowmentCommissioner should prepare andpublish an Annual Report on theiractivities, revenues, expenses,maintenance, repair and renovation oftemples etc.

A public interest litigation was filed inSeptember 2009 by this writer in the

Andhra HighCourt, which isunder adjudication.Earlier, in responseto another PIL, theAndhra High Courtstayed the statesubsidies forC h r i s t i a npilgrimages. Yet

another PIL to free the TirumalaTirupati Devasthanam Board from theclutches of Congress/ruling partypoliticians and Marxists is pending inthe High Court. The Andhra Pradeshgovernment’s reservation for Muslimsin professional colleges was stayed bythe High Court; the government thenmoved the Supreme Court. By somesubterfuge, the state government inbrazen disregard of the Court iscontinuing with the reservations for



The Andhra government isindulging in non-secular, anti-Hindu activities. Hindus are being taxed to supportreligions engaged in finishing offHindus by converting them tovarious brands of Christianityand Islam.

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Muslims. The state government hasbeen paying tuition fees of all Muslimand Christian students in professionalcolleges from 2007-08. The results arespectacular. For example, the number ofMuslim students in engineering collegeswent up from 6,000 in 2007 to 18,000 in2008!

Once the benefits are given toMuslims, they will demand theirretention, laws or Constitutionnotwithstanding. We have the exampleof Shah Banobefore us. Theywill even resort toviolence. Theseprivileges, benefitsand subsidies arethen extended toChristians underthe simple logicthat if admissibleto Muslims, ourerstwhile rulers and oppressors, they aremore justified for Christians, Dalits andpoor converts to Christianity. Thus, thegovernment of Andhra Pradeshintroduced an official resolution in theAssembly that recommended to theUnion government the extension ofreservation meant for Scheduled CasteHindus to Scheduled Castes whoconverted to Christianity. The TDP andPRP enthusiastically supported theresolution. The lone Loksatta MLA, Dr

Jayaprakash, moved an amendmentwhich was defeated. He was, however,not for the resolution as it is worded.The BJP members protested againstthis, saying it is subversion of thesecular nature of the State andencouraged conversion of ScheduledCaste Hindus to Christianity.

The greatest virtue of the then AndhraPradesh Chief Minister YSR Reddy wasthat he fulfilled all the promises hemade and, in his own words, fulfilled

even the promiseshe had not made.Mr. Reddy veryboldly and publiclyannounced twoyears ago that hiswas a governmentof the minorities,i.e., Muslims andChristians. Veryboldly and without

any reference to the Constitution, hestarted giving a subsidy of Rs 20,000 toChristians for pilgrimages to Bethlehemand Jerusalem and assistance of Rs15,000 to Muslims and Christians fortheir marriages. These pilgrimageassistances and marriage gifts are notextended to Hindus. Mr. Reddy had,despite the court’s disapproval andpendency of cases in courts, has beengiving 4 per cent reservation to Muslimsfor admissions to educational



The government of AndhraPradesh introduced an officialresolution in the Assembly thatrecommended to the Uniongovernment the extension ofreservation meant for ScheduledCaste Hindus to ScheduledCastes who converted toChristianity.

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institutions and for government jobs.Several Government Orders have beenissued for giving government money forthe construction of churches andmosques and other bounties for theinstitutions related to these tworeligions. In 2008-09, the UrduAcademy was given Rs 34 crore, theTelugu Academy Rs 7 lakh, the SanskritAcademy nothing and the TeluguUniversity about Rs. 8 crore. All thesesteps have been very boldlyimplemented without any concern forsecularism that the Congress professes,or which the state government isenjoined to observe under theConstitution. But it must be said to thecredit of Mr. Reddy that he did not actsurreptitiously but by giving adequatenotice to the public. On a demand fromChristians, the then Andhra ChiefMinister created a separate Welfare

Department for them and another state-owned finance corporation for them,separating them from the state MinorityDepartment. Hereafter, Christians willget special attention and they will not beclubbed with Muslims. He hadconsultations with Union Law MinisterVeerappa Moily and on return fromDelhi announced that Dalit Christianswould very soon get reservation meantfor Dalit Hindus under the Constitution.In order to facilitate that process, he hadthe state Assembly pass the resolution.

At the time of framing of the IndianConstitution was, its architects madespecial provisions for Scheduled Castesamong Hindus on the ground that theywere socially discriminated against forhundreds of years; that they had becomeuntouchables; that entry to Hindutemples was denied to them; and thatthey had been kept poor and illiteratethrough deliberate intent. In order toquickly remove all these inhumandisabilities imposed upon this particularsection of Hindus, the Constitutionprohibited untouchability and providedfor reservation for 10 years, i.e., till1960, for entry into government serviceand educational institutions and so on.Special laws were made to severelypunish discrimination and atrocitiesagainst them. The reservation wereextended time and again without anysunset date for them. These are in the



On a demand from Christians,the then Andhra Chief Ministercreated a separate WelfareDepartment for them andanother state-owned financecorporation for them, separatingthem from the state MinorityDepartment. Hereafter,Christians will get specialattention and they will not beclubbed with Muslims.

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nature of absolution and reparations forthe discriminations inflicted upon theScheduled Castes over the centuries.That is why Hindus did not object,despite realizing that the children,grandchildren and even greatgrandchildren of those who first got thebenefit of reservation would inherit thefacility, thus leaving less chance forthose not yet benefited to avail ofreservation. That is a different matter.

About 75 per cent Christians in thiscountry are converts from ScheduledCastes amongHindus. They hadbeen told that ifthey converted toC h r i s t i a n i t y ,disabilities likeu n t o u c h a b i l i t y,casteism, illiteracy,poverty and lowlyprofessions would go. Christians inIndia assert that Christianity in thiscountry is as old as 2,000 years. It iscurious as to how even after 2,000 yearsof Christianity’s great humanizingministry, the Hindu Scheduled Casteconverts still remain Dalits,discriminated against, depressed anddisadvantaged. Christians have set uphundreds of educational institutions andhospitals, besides having positions likeBishops and Cardinals in their Church.While Hindu temples are managed by

secular government, churches andmosques are not. Their colleges andother institutions are autonomous, notsubject to rules and laws generallyapplicable to non-minority institutions.If Christianity and Christian leaders areso eager to rapidly bring up Dalitconverts and remove the stigma ofuntouchability and other disadvantages,they ought to provide reservation forDalit converts and make them Bishops and what not. There are noreservation for Dalit converts in

any Christiani n s t i t u t i o n ,including theirchurches. At thesame time,missionaries andc o n v e r s i o nenterprises andChristian leaders

are demanding extension of reservationmeant for Hindu Scheduled Castes toDalit converts since, they argue, thereare castes and caste discriminations inChristianity (and Islam) also. Thisshows the mendacity of the convertersbecause one of the main attractionsdangled before SCs to get them toconvert is that there will be no castes inthe new religion, and hence nodiscrimination and that there is socialequality among Christians.

In order to still enjoy the benefit of



It is curious as to how even after2,000 years of Christianity’sgreat humanizing ministry, theHindu Scheduled Caste convertsstill remain Dalits, who continueto be discriminated against,depressed and disadvantaged.

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reservation after conversion, theconversion enterprises have been tellingSC converts to enumerate themselves asHindu SCs. That this falsehoodamounting to perjury is encouraged andorganizationally instructed is evidentfrom the declining proportion ofChristians to the total population ofAndhra Pradesh, census after census asgiven below.

Religion and caste are not noted inany census enumeration on their ownbut strictly as per the declaration ofcitizens themselves. Therefore, it isevident that these false declarations aregot effected by the conversionenterprises. After YSR Reddy becamethe Chief Minister, Christianorganizations in Andhra Pradesh hadbeen stridently asserting through pressconferences and meetings that the actualpopulation of Christians in the state wasbetween 10 and 12 per cent and thatevery political party must set up itscandidates in 10 to 12 per cent electivebodies from among Christians only. In atelevision debate, Mr. Jupudi PrabhakarRao, an SC MLC of the Congress,

asserted that this percentage is right,notwithstanding what the Governmentof India census may say. This was notcontradicted by another ScheduledCaste MLA Sri Rajayya of the Congressfrom Station Ghanapur. Afterretirement, a former General Managerof the South Central Railway, who had atell-tale Christian name, and certain IASand IPS officers are in the forefront ofthe movement in Andhra Pradesh forextension of reservation to their ilk. Allthese Christians had obtainedgovernment jobs and promotions bydeclaring that they were ScheduledCaste Hindus. The extent of organizedfraud can be guessed. In order toremove every hesitation from aprospective SC Hindu to convert toChristianity, the movement for securingreservation for Dalit Christians is beingintensified and extended with the helpof Andhra government.

It is significant to note that while suchdemand has been made by Christians inseveral parts of the country for the lastseveral decades, it was only after aChristian became the Chief Minister of



Year1971 1981 1991 2001

Total Population (millions) 43.5 53.6 66.5 76.2Christians (millions) 1.8 1.43 1.2 1.1Percentage of ChristianPopulation

4.19 2.68 1.83 1.44

Christian Population in Andhra Pradesh

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Andhra Pradesh and the Congress wastaken over by a Christian (of foreignbirth, becoming a citizenship accordingto some rules, after remaining aforeigner for more than a decade andnot giving out whether that person’sforeign citizenship and foreign passportare surrendered), have the practicalsteps for the realization of what is notpermissible according to theConstitution have been launched. It islikely that some other state governmentsunder the direction of the ‘I’ Commandof the Congress may move suchresolutions as the Andhra Pradeshlegislature. The movement for theChristianization of India is thus beingtaken to a higher level.

What is disgusting is that the so-calledsecular parties which ought to beopposed to reservation based on religionhave joined the bandwagon. The TDPand PRP in AP have supported thisresolution. Their chiefs, Mr.Chandrababu Naidu and Mr. Chiranjivi,were invited to a congregation ofChristians during celebration of its 75thanniversary whereat these two worthiesagreed and promised to supportChristian’s demand not only forextension of reservation to convertedDalits but also for the withdrawal ofgovernment orders prohibitingevangelism and propaganda byChristian conversion gangs in and

around Hindu temples. They ought torealize that while Mr. RajasekharaReddy had been delivering on everypromise he made to Christians andMuslims, Mr. Naidu did nothingextraordinary for Christians whereasMr. Chiranjivi got no opportunity tofulfill any promises, except support tothe government resolution. Theseworthies ought to remember – at leastMr. Naidu ought to –that in spite of thesecular TDP government spendingcrores of rupees on the construction ofUrdu ghars, shadikhanas and Haj housefor Muslims, no Muslim candidate ofhis party could win even a single wardagainst rival MIM Muslim candidates inHyderabad Municipal Corporationelections. They forget – or they do notknow – that despite the fact thatMahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehruand Maulana Abul Kalam Azadconceded not only separate electorate



Mr. Chandrababu Naidu andMr. Chiranjivi promised tosupport Christian’s demand notonly for extension of reservationto converted Dalits but also forthe withdrawal of governmentorders prohibiting evangelismand propaganda by Christianconversion gangs in and aroundHindu temples.

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but also 33 per cent seats for Muslims inCentral Legislative Assembly, not asingle so-called secular nationalistMuslim Congressman could win againstMuslim League candidates. Thishistoric experience ought to enlightenthem that 12 per cent Christians inAndhra Pradesh (and 12 per centMuslims) will solidly vote for theCongress and not for any other partydespite the latter acquiescing tominorities’ every demand. In biddingfor minority votes, none can equal theCongress which holds the record forappeasing minorities to the extent that itonce led to the division of our country.Old habits die hard. Casteists, so-calledsecular, regional parties may try tocompete and out-bid the Congress to getfavours of minorities but they will neversucceed as the Congress alone has theproven track record of granting what the

minorities want. For example, Hajsubsidy, finance corporations andeducational institutions for minorities,Muslim First Programmes followed byMuslims and Christians FirstProgrammes and so on).

Protagonists of extension ofreservation to Dalit Christians as well asCongressmen are asserting that theIndian Parliament is supreme and evenif the present Constitution does notallow reservation for Christians on thebasis of religion, they could amend thestatute. They are wrong. The SupremeCourt has ruled that the basic features ofour Constitution cannot be amended.Even if Parliament amends them, theCourt will strike them down. Perhapsthese people want such a confrontation.If it comes about, then the courts may beso stuffed with judges of a particularbent of mind who would uphold the amendments that seek to destroy the basic features of the Constitution,like secularism.

When the US Supreme Court wascoming in way, the then PresidentRoosevelt resorted to such a step. Withfascist tendencies once again becomingevident in the leadership of the largestand oldest party in India, possibility ofan assault on the Constitution, as was done during the Emergency, maynot be imaginary.

What is perplexing and sad is that not



What is perplexing and sad isthat not a single non-ChristianHindu minister (and there weremore than 30 in the Reddy’sCabinet) ever raised even theirlittle finger against the assaulton secularism whenever anti-Hindu and pro-minoritiesdecisions were taken by the stateCabinet and even outside thelegislature and government.

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a single non-Christian Hindu minister(and there were more than 30 in theReddy’s Cabinet) ever raised even theirlittle finger against the assault onsecularism whenever anti-Hindu andpro-minorities decisions were taken bythe state Cabinet and even outside thelegislature and government. No secularparty, or even a Hindu organization,seems to be concerned about the assaulton Hinduism through measures thatfacilitate entrapment of people inforeign-origin religions. It appears that like the infamous Jayachand and other betrayers of Bharat, we nowhave many more.

The secular nature of the State and itsgovernment are under assault.Hinduism is in peril. Hindus are beingdivided on the basis of castes. “DivideHindus by caste, unite the minorities byreligion and finish off Hinduism”appears to be the strategy to once againsubject Hindus to foreign rule. This wasthe exact warning of Dr. B.R. Ambedkarin his speech in the last session of theConstituent Assembly. We thought we

gained Independence 62 years ago. Itlooks as if independence and power areonce again slipping out of our hands andpassing into the hands of persons offoreign faiths and ideologies. Hinducivilization is the only ancientcivilization surviving on earth. It is notmerely Hinduism but the survival ofIndian civilization is at stake. Incountries following one faith, no otherreligion can be practiced. Noevangelism is allowed. It is only in thiscountry, where 85 per cent peoplebelong to one culture and way of life,they have to act and live at the mercy ofpeople of two other faiths and oneideologue, all of foreign origin and all inthe name of secularism. The resolutionpassed by the Andhra Pradesh Assembly is a wake-up call for theBharatiyas. If those for whom the belltolls do not wake up, they are destinedto be dhimmis (Jazia and poll-taxpaying and suppressed subjects) onceagain, as they were during the long foreign rule from the 13th century onwards.

DreamsDreams surely are difficult, confusing, and not everything in them is brought to pass

for mankind. For fleeting dreams have two gates: one is fashioned of horn and one ofivory. Those which pass through the one of sawn ivory are deceptive, bringing tidingswhich come to naught, but those which issue from the one of polished horn bring trueresults when a mortal sees them.

Homer, Greek epic poet (800 BC - 700 BC), The Odyssey

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Book Review

Caste System in India –Befitting Challenge to Various Postulates

A. Surya Prakash*

INDIA – Caste, Culture and Traditions; By B.B. Kumar; YashPublications, pages X+909, Rs 2100.

Those who have grown up on astaple western diet whilelearning about the caste system

in Hindu society and have come toaccept and even appreciate the western,Christian and communist perception ofthis complex template for socialrelations in India will have to sit up andtake note of Dr. B.B. Kumar’s India –Caste, Culture and Traditions, whichseeks to challenge many of thepostulates that emanate from thesequarters.

Challenging the western view that thecaste system is exploitative and the rootcause of all the social evils that plagueIndian society, Dr. Kumar raisesquestions about the motives behindsuch conclusions. Backed by extensiveresearch and valuable data, Dr. Kumarmakes out a strong case against westernscholars and their “racial interpretation”of Indian society and the caste system.

*A. Surya Prakash is an author and columnist. He is the author of What Ails IndianParliament, published by Indus, an imprint of Harper Collins.

The author explains that in much ofthe western scholarship, the villain ofthe piece is the Brahmin, who is at thetop of the varna hierarchy. TheBrahmin was targeted both by thecolonialist and the Christian missionarybecause both saw him as “the greatesthurdle” to the realization of their plans.The colonizer was determined toenslave the colonized, whereas theChristian missionary had come to Indiato harvest souls and to give Christianitya demographic and geographic boost.The biggest stumbling block was theBrahmin and Brahminism. As part ofthis “mischievous” colonial andChristian design, Dr. Kumar says,Hinduism was labeled as“Brahminism”.

The other conspirators, according tothe author, were Muslim scholars andcommunists. Muslim scholars distortedIndia’s social arrangements to explain

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away the atrocities committed byMuslim rulers to convert sections of Hindus to Islam. They argued that theconversion of Hindus to Islam was theresult of the oppressive caste system.The communists, eager to acquirefollowers and constituencies, sought toequate “caste” and “class” and tothereby draw away those down thesocial order.

Dr. Kumar argues that this led to aconvergence of vested interests thatwere determined to misinterpret thecaste system to suit their vestedinterests.

In his view, the caste system – as wesee it today in India – is a post-Turkphenomenon. “Hindus were cut offfrom their knowledge system due toburning of libraries and destruction oftemples, which were also the centres oflearning”. The British plan post-1857,according to the author, was to depictIndia as “a divided and confused entityconsisting of diverse castes, tribes,races, languages, dialects, regions,religions, sects, cultures, rituals, foodhabits and dresses etc.” and that theBritish empire was the only unitingfactor. The British conspiracy and grandplan is best explained by MonierWilliams, a Sanskrit scholar. Dr. Kumarproves the point by reproducing thefollowing quote from Williams:

“Brahminism, therefore, must die out….

Christianity must inevitably in the endsap its foundations…. When the walls ofthe mighty fortress of Brahminism areencircled, undermined, and finallystormed by the soldiers of the Cross, thevictory of Christianity must be signaland complete”.

Dr. Kumar makes no bones about hisintentions. He offers substantiveevidence in this work to not onlydemolish this view that India was adiffused entity but presents evidenceand data that establishes the strong yetsubterranean bond that exists amongthousands of caste and sub-caste groupsacross the length and breadth of India.He also presents material thatsubstantially establishes connectivityacross communities all over the countryand the social amalgam and unity ofpurpose that prevailed centuries ago andcontinues to prevail unto this day allover the country.

This, in a sense, is the central themeof Dr. Kumar’s work and is therefore of


Book Review

Dr. B.B. Kumar offerssubstantive evidence to not onlydemolish the view that India wasa diffused entity but presentsevidence and data to establishthe strong yet subterraneanbond that exists amongthousands of caste and sub-castegroups.

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Book Review

value to those who conduct studies oncaste. It also raises questions about theintentions of western governments andinstitutions, which set apart to falsifyour history and to prepare the groundfor the pursuit of their political orreligious agendas. As regards thepersistence of these trends in regard toour understanding of the caste system,he attributes it to “the colonial mindsetof our educated class”.

While Dr. Kumar offers sufficientreasons to question the intentions ofwestern scholars, a major failing on hispart is his reluctance to come face toface with the dreadful aspects of thecaste system like untouchability, whichhave come to dominate not just thesocial but political discourse in India.Whatever be the intentions of theChristian proselytizers and westerncolonialists, the fact is that Hindusociety failed to recognize and remove

some of the dehumanizing features ofthe caste system. These features, whichhave given the caste system a badname, persist to this day despite theefforts of many social reformers andthe launch of several social movementsover the last five centuries.

As the problem persisted even afterindependence and the advent ofdemocracy over six decades ago, itinevitably permeated electoral politics,spawned many political parties and hada major impact on public policy. Once itbecame a political issue and more andmore castes down the social hierarchybegan asserting their right to equity andequality, caste became a key factor inelections.

In all likelihood, caste is unlikely tolose its political importance so long asdifferent communities believe thatinequalities persist in Hindu society andthat political power is central to theirsocial, educational and economicemancipation.

Dr. Kumar makes a reference in thebook to the negative aspects of caste.One only wishes there had been greaterelaboration of this theme as well.However, as I said earlier, this shouldnot detract from the value of this workvis-à-vis the author’s central thesis about the intentions of thecolonial rulers.

The book also throws light on many

Dr. Kumar offers sufficientreasons to question theintentions of western scholars,but a major failing on his part ishis reluctance to come face toface with the dreadful aspects ofthe caste system likeuntouchability, which have cometo dominate not just the socialbut political discourse in India.

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complex social rules. While the generalrule among Hindus is caste endogamyand gotra exogamy, there are somecommunities belonging to the Kashyapgotra which practice gotra endogamybut avoid marriage up to certain degreesof kinship. The author also argues thatdownward mobility of the Brahmins,Kshatriyas and Vaishyas and theirmerger into the fourth varna “resultedin a swelling of its ranks”.

Dr. Kumar saysthe division oflabour was thebasis of the varnasystem and societyhad only foure n d o g a m o u scategories. “Thenumerous artisangroups did notform separateendogamous castesat that early stageand therefore, the varna did not splitinto numerous castes. However at alater stage, especially after the Turkinvasion, marriage at a distant place toan unknown person was discouraged.The same thing happened with thegroups pursuing different callings andprofessions. This is the reason, says Dr.Kumar, for the emergence ofinnumerable castes and sub-castes allover the country.

“It resulted into split of varnas intonumerous castes. The process of fissiondid not stop at this stage and thedeveloping specializations resulted intothe formation of endogamous sub-castes”. He says the number ofendogamous units were few in Hindusociety when Al-Baruni came to India.However, Muslim invasion andaggressive advocacy of Islam created acommunication gap “leading to

suspicion andparochialism” andpeople begana v o i d i n gm a t r i m o n i a lrelations at distantplaces. This gavebirth to regional,local and othercaste groupings.Electoral politicshas helped reversethis process to

some extent, he says. The author offers extensive examples

from different regions of the country tobuttress his arguments regarding manyof these issues and chapters dealingwith caste, clan and marriage, foodtaboos and commensality, socio-religious practices, caste panchayatsand on the relationship between jati,professions and mobility give thereader rare glimpses into the intricacies


Book Review

He says the number ofendogamous units were few inHindu society when Al-Barunicame to India. However, Musliminvasion and aggressiveadvocacy of Islam created acommunication gap “leading tosuspicion and parochialism” and people began avoidingmatrimonial relations at distant places.

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of complex social network called castein Hindu society.

Apart from Dr. Kumar’s critique ofthe works of many western sociologistsand some indigenous scholars who haveblindly followed the former andregurgitated many of the highlyquestionable and subjective conclusionsdrawn by them, the annexures to themain text could prove to be of immensevalue to sociologists andanthropologists alike. Readers oftentend to skip annexures in books, eitherbecause there areimpatient orbecause annexurescontain primarysources andinformation thathas already beendiscussed in themain body of thework. Those reading Dr. Kumar’s bookwould be depriving themselves of a lotof valuable inputs if they do so. Thefourteen annexures have loads ofinformation on caste groups on a rangeof subjects from titles, sub-castes andsepts; gotras and surnames; samskaras– birth and pre- and post-natal rituals;pollution rules followed by casteswhenever there is a child birth orbereavement in a family; disposal of thedead; caste panchayats; food taboos;status claims and castes of mixed

origins. It adds great value to the bookbecause of the effort that has gone intothe aggregation and classification of allthis data.

Annexure Two carries lists of titles,sub-castes, sections and septs of somecastes and tribes. The lists seem fairlyexhaustive in respect of Brahminsresiding in different regions, BhumiharBrahmins, Rajputs, Kayasthas, Khatris,several castes which are now within theclassification of ‘Other BackwardClasses’ (OBCs) like Yadavs and

Kurmis and tribesof eastern andn o r t h - e a s t e r nregion.

Annexure Threehas gotras, septsand surnames ofsome castes. Thisexhaustive list

provides the reader some insight intothe interplay between gotras, surnamesand clan names. Sociologists would seemuch value in these lists and theclassification of castes under gotras andclan names, but lay readers would findthe plurality of Indian society mind-boggling.

Annexure Six lists the samskaras(birth and pre- and post-natal rituals) ofsome castes. It is interesting to see thevariations in pre- and post-natal ritualsand in the periods of birth pollution but


Book Review

The annexures to the main textcould prove to be of immensevalue to sociologists andanthropologists alike. The 14annexures have loads ofinformation on caste groups on arange of subjects

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what is obvious is the common threadthat runs across the land in regard tothese traditions. By and large, everycaste group has some ritual pertaining tothe first pregnancy. These rituals andceremonies go by different names indifferent regions:

Bayake Oota (which, in Kannada,means the food that you crave for),Sadbhakshaham, Sreemantha, Kupsa orGodbharna. All these rituals are aimedat ensuring that the pregnant woman isin a happy state, both in physical andemotional sense. In many caste groups,the woman is showered with gifts andmore often than not, a green saree ismandatory. Rituals on the lines ofBayake Oota is common to most castegroups. This ritual encourages thepregnant women’s near relations toprepare or bring her food that she mostdesires. Often this goes beyond the feastthat is cooked on the day of theceremony. Relatives gift her withpickles, morabbas and marmalades thathave a longer shelf-life (long enough tolast till the delivery of the baby).

The nearest equivalent of theSreemantha or Bayake Oota in thewestern world is the ‘Baby Showers’that are held a couple of months prior tothe expected delivery date in Europeand the US. In this ceremony, friendsand relatives are invited by the pregnantwoman’s family for a party over wine

and eats, to celebrate the prospectiveaddition to the family. The onlydifference is that in the Americanversion of Sreemantha, most guestsbring gifts for the baby.

However, in the post-child birthscenario, there is very little in commonbetween western and Indian society. Dr.Kumar’s tables in Annexure Six showthat almost every caste observes birthpollution and confinement. Post-childbirth, there is always a period ofpollution observed by communities,although the period varies from caste tocaste and region to region. However,there is usually a purificatory bath tosignify the end of the period ofpollution. Similarly, while there is acommon thread running through Indiansociety in regard to other post-childbirth rituals, the time at which theserituals are performed varies from casteto caste. The most important rituals afterchild birth include Namakarana(naming ceremony), Annaprashana(first feed of solid food for the baby)and Mundan or Chowla (tonsuring orfirst hair cut). Aksharabhyasa (firstintroduction to learning) is anotherimportant event in a child’s life. Itcomes later.

While urbanites in India aredisconnected from many of these socialcustoms, those who have or care toretain their rural connections are aware


Book Review

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of the commonalities across castes andregions in regard to these ceremonies. Itis truly amazing to find that suchcommon rituals have prevailed acrossthe length and breadth of India formillennia.

Annexure Seven which deals withmarriage and divorce rules amongHindu castes is equally useful. Thistable provides an insight into endogamyand exogamy practices within castesand sub-castes, the prevalence ofmonogamy or polygamy, the rules invogue in regard to widow remarriage,age of marriage, customs related tobridal-price and dowry.

Annexure Eight talks of the ritualspertaining to death. While most castegroups cremate their dead, there aremany that prefer burial of the dead tocremation. A death in the family isinvariably followed by a period of

pollution, which imposes severerestrictions in regard to social contact aswell as food that can be cooked andconsumed. Here again, while the periodof pollution and the duration of theShraddh ceremonies varies, it is usuallybetween 10 to 13 days. In castes thatcremate their dead, immersion of ashesin a sacred water body on a fixed dayafter death is a common practice.Ancestor worship and purification ritesare also common.

Annexure Nine talks of castepanchayats and the key role they play inensuring a continuum in regard to age-old customs. The caste headman, calledChoudhary, Mukhiya, Yajamana orKulapedda often has the final say insettling disputes. The panchayats settleintra-community disputes and lay downthe law in regard to social norms andcustoms. They also settle marriage-related disputes and matters likedivorce, property disputes and adultery.Members of a caste who violate thedecisions of the panchayat areexcommunicated. In some states likeHaryana, caste panchayats tend toruthlessly ensure caste endogamy andgotra exogamy. Those who violate thepanchayat’s diktats (young persons whofall in love and marry within a gotra)are subjected to abject cruelty. In recentyears, there have been instances wherecaste panchayat members have hunted


Book Review

Annexure Nine talks of castepanchayats and the key role theyplay in ensuring a continuum inregard to age-old customs. Thepanchayats settle intra-community disputes and laydown the law in regard to socialnorms and customs. They alsosettle marriage-related disputesand matters like divorce,property disputes and adultery.

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Book Review

down and killed those who violated thepanchayat decisions. Those seekinginformation on the power and reach ofsuch panchayats will find it in this table.

There is also an annexure that outlinescastes of mixed origin as outlined byManu and Yagnavalkya. This is acomplex subject because of the fitmentissues that such inter-caste unions throwup. But, Manu the Hindu law-giver, haslaid down some basic rules. Forexample, a marriage between a Brahminman and a Kshatriya woman is ahypergamous union and where such aunion takes places between personsbelonging to immediate varnas, theoffspring take on the varna of the man,but are deemed to be of inferior statuswithin that varna. Similarly, there arerules applying to hypogamous unions as in the case of a Kshatriya manand a Brahmin woman. Dr. Kumar also provides some basic information in regard to the scheduled castes,includ-ing population data in different regions of the country inAnnexure Four.

Annexure One provides a glimpse ofthe sacred and classical books whichhave been referred to and often cited inthis work. This lengthy list provides a

glimpse of the wide canvas which Dr.Kumar has traversed to produce thiswork. It also suggests reading of ourclassical and literary texts, whichconstitute the primary sources for ourunderstanding of the caste system.

At the end of it all, it must be said thatthis is Dr. Kumar’s labour of love. Hesays the caste system has both positiveand negative aspects. The systemmainly had behavioural, social andmoral basis. However, it is difficult to agree with him when he says that “the elements of cooperation,interdependence and the cohesion madeits (caste system) functioning smooth”.

As stated earlier, one only wishes thatthe negative aspects of the caste systemhad also been dwelt upon in adequatemeasure. He is of the view that oursocial sciences must be “rid of the all-pervasive colonial hangover” and that“we need to develop the macroperception of caste in India”. Whilethere cannot be any disagreement onthese issues, one looks forward to theday when we will have a holistic andmore balanced view of a system that hasbrought about some deep and seeminglyunbridgeable political chasms withinHindu society.


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Book Review

Retelling A Classical Literature: The Case of Ramayana

Beloo Mehra*

Review of Hindi Novel Abhyuday (Volume I & II) written by Dr.Narendra Kohli; Published by Diamond Books, Pages 702 & 592, Rs.275 each.

Classical literature is a lastingtranscription of thesupraphysical and spiritual, and

has the power to awaken an individualor a nation by its uplifting and inspiringimpulse; nay, it can even sustain an agethrough the changing vicissitudes of lifeby its psychic and spiritual character. –V. Madhusudan Reddy, Towards aGlobal Future: Agenda of the ThirdMillennium, p. 22.

Written from a true Aurobindonianperspective, this book presents aforward-looking and futuristic outlookof the individual and collectiveaspirations of humanity. Inspired by theauthor’s discussion on the role ofLiterature in the evolution ofconsciousness, I will present in thispaper an interpretive reading of thetwo-volume contemporary Hindi noveltitled Abhyuday written by esteemedauthor Dr. Narendra Kohli. The titlepage of these voluminous works,

*Dr. Beloo Mehra is associated with Sri Aurobindo Centre for Advanced Research.

Abhyuday I and II, clearly mention“Ram-katha par aadharit upanyas” (anovel based on the tales of Rama).Upon reading the novel, one certainlygets the sense that this is a verycontemporary humanistic telling ofRam-katha, fit for our modern times.Abhyuday’s basic storyline comes fromthe cultural tradition of India andtherefore it portrays the higher values oflife, shows the potential greatness ofhuman kind and the boundlessness oflife, while at the same time as a novel, itis contemporary, progressive, modern,logical, and relies on the reader’s senseof reason for its validity.

This twentieth century rendition ofRamayana is an apt example ofclassical literature fit for our moderntimes, for the present age of Reason. Insuch times when the young minds oftoday refuse to accept the status quowithout questioning, when the rampantcommercialism and meaningless and

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purposeless individualism have left noideals intact for the youth to hold on to,there is an even greater need forliterature that speaks of the high valuesand ideals but without alluding to the‘golden’ times gone by. Instead, theneed is for literature that captures theseyoung minds by showing them thechallenges of their times, the problemsfaced by their generations, and revealsfor them as to how a true hero, aninspiring leader, faces the challenges ofthe time and stands up for that which istrue, right and just. Because, presently,we are goingthrough a mentalage, we needliterature thatspeaks to thatwhich is thehighest in us — theability to reason,and a calm intellect. But moreimportantly, because as a collective, thehighest aspiration in humanity atpresent is more concerned with thewelfare of the entire humanity beyondthe barrier of any social creed or casteor community, signified by the “religionof humanity”, to use an expressiongiven by Sri Aurobindo, even though itmay be more of a mental religion ofhumanity instead of a spiritualizedreligion of humanity; in that sense tooAbhyuday stands as a good example of

capturing the state of consciousness weas a collective represent.

For my presentation, I have selected afew key examples from Kohli’sAbhyuday to demonstrate how theauthor has successfully exemplifiedRama as a committed humanist and akarmayogi who deeply believes andworks toward creating a society on thetrue basis of equality, liberty andfraternity (again to borrow SriAurobindo’s formula for The Ideal ofHuman Unity). This Rama is arevolutionary thinker who in his search

for truth and fightfor justicequestions each andevery stuck-in-timeand deadconvention of histime and place, isan idealist dreamer

and a meticulous planner who is alsopowerful and capable of building autopian society in actuality.

In modern times, when selfish politicsand sensationalist mass media havedone their full share in making amockery of the message of the centralcharacter of one of India’s greatestpieces of classical literature, Rama ofAbhyuday comes to us as an avant-gardeyet thoughtful social activist, arevolutionary yet contemplative warriorwho is always ready to fight for justice


Book Review

The author has successfullyexemplified Rama as acommitted humanist and akarmayogi who deeply believesand works toward creating asociety on the true basis ofequality, liberty and fraternity.

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Book Review

and truth, as a leader who also exhibitsand articulates forcefully that one’s self-centred and selfish interest should notbe the motivation for such a fight. ThisRama is a compassionate andrevolutionary leader who understandsboth the limitations and potential ofhuman nature and leads by his exampleto reveal how we may transcend ourown limitations and realize ourpotential. This is the Rama for today.

Through my presentation, I hope todemonstrate how a modern re-telling ofa classical literature can serve animportant role ingiving our youngergenerations a newinsight into an epicthat many mayhave grown upwith but without fully grasping thesignificance of such literature incollective consciousness of a society. Iwill also argue that a creative andthoughtful re-telling and a carefullysketched portrayal of a hero such asRama can give him a new birth for thereaders of our times.

On a personal note, getting to knowKohli’s Rama had been quite a radicaland much appreciated shift for me.Ram-bhakti was a key part of thereligious and spiritual environment inmy immediate as well as extendedfamily. For several years during my

childhood, my entire family used togather around every night when myfather would read for us a few pagesfrom Tulsidas’s Ramcharitmanas. Iremember, often we used to have longdiscussions about various events fromthe epic, about the choices made byvarious characters, about the intricateand complex meanings of selectedportions of the text, and about Tulsidas’bhakti-bhava which made Rama into apurushottama, the Supreme Being.

Narendra Kohli’s Rama in Abhyuday,on the other hand, is not a perfected God

who doesn’t needto deal withpersonal dilemmasand inner conflicts,but is a yogi who isable to grasp

reality with a deep yogic insight andwith a calm, detached and disinterestedreason and a keen intuitive perceptioncan transcend his dilemmas and doubtsto plunge into action. I believe modernminds of today can more easily havetrue and meaningful reverence for sucha Rama. I can see that such a Rama willmake many more devotees among thepresent generation Indians than theRama of Tulsidas or Rama of thefamous TV serial by Ramanand Sagar.

What is most interesting is that whileDr. Kohli’ story is certainly based in thetimes from long, long ago, yet his Rama

A creative and thoughtful re-telling and a carefully sketchedportrayal of a hero such asRama can give him a new birthfor the readers of our times.

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seems to have taken a new birth for ourtimes. His Rama comes to us withmodern, updated sensibilities andsensitivities, whose values, beliefs andactions are not stuck in the times goneby but are guiding lights for how to bein our present-day times. This Rama’sviews on gender and jati equality,individual freedom, societal progress,uplift of the weakest sections of society,nation-building, international and inter-regional cooperation based onprinciples of mutual respect andpeaceful co-existence are aspects of thenovel that will certainly speak to mostof the informed and socially awarereaders of modern times. Afterknowing such a Rama, we may nolonger need to rely on what politiciansand mass media may say about thesignificance of Rama for today. Instead,as conscious readers, we may be able todiscover for ourselves the role playedby this hero of one of our greatest epics in the evolutionary path of our individual and collectivepsychological journeys.

A Few ExamplesRama finds his mission and purpose

in life when he goes to the forest withViswamitra to protect his maha-yagnafrom being disrupted and destroyed bythe band of rakshasas who had causedmany such problems in the past.

Viswamitra explains to Rama thedifficulties rishis and other sections ofsociety are facing at the hands ofrakshasas who are becoming more andmore powerful because of thecooperation and support they are gettingfrom corrupt and power-hungry kingsand rulers who are least interested toknow or care about the cruelties beingunleashed on the ordinary people.Wherever Rama travels withViswamitra, in villages and forests, hesees an absence of will among thepeople who are too afraid to speak upand have completely lost any strength tofight even for their self-preservation.But as he interacts more with people,hears the facts from Viswamitra andlearns more about the extreme crueltyand oppression being faced bypowerless and weaker populace, hefinds that it is not the courage or senseof justice that is lacking among peoplebut that they have lost self-confidenceto fight for themselves, fight for thejustice. Once they are able to trust thatthey are not alone in their struggle and


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What is most interesting is thatwhile Dr. Kohli’ story iscertainly based in the times fromlong, long ago, yet his Ramaseems to have taken a new birthfor our times.

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that they have the support andleadership of an upright and honestleader who is ready to fight with themand for them they are ready to do all thatis needed to raise voice for the truth, forthe right. As the story unfolds in thisrendition of Ramayana, we see thatpeople begin to find such a leader inRama. And Rama finds an aim for hislife – to fight against injustice anduntruth, to help people become strongand self-confident so that they will havethe courage to fight for justice, to not stay as meek victims of oppression, to worktowards establishingRama Rajya, akingdom of peace andharmony, truth andjustice.

In one situation, wefind Rama asking Viswamitra that sincehe and his disciples in the ashram hadbeen facing torture and cruelty becauseof the rakshas for a long time, whydidn’t the enlightened sage who washimself an expert in the most rare andadvanced weaponry did something forthe protection of the ashram, to protectthe villages surrounding the ashram.Viswamitra replies:

“Prakriti or Nature has a strangesense of justice. She doesn’t give anyone individual all her powers. Thepower and ability to think and to act are

two different aspects of the personality.To some individuals, Nature gives theability to think and contemplate, toothers she gives the power to act. Thethinker who thinks about what is justand what is unjust, who reflects uponthe welfare of society, develops histhinking and contemplative ability andpower but may lose out on the aspect ofaction. The thinker knows what is rightand what is wrong, what is in theinterest of society and nation, but maynot generally be able to convert histhought into action. On the other side,

there are otherswho don’tspend timethinking orreflecting uponthese thingssuch as justice,

truth and social upliftment but maycontinue to perform actions solelydriven by their self-interest. Actionwithout knowledge, action withoutreflection has the potential todowngrade a human being into arakshasa, contemplation andknowledge of justice and injustice, truthand falsehood can transform a humanbeing into a rishi. Extremely rare arethose individuals who have both theseaspects – inherent, complete andunprejudiced knowledge of justice andinjustice, truth and falsehood, right and


Book Review

The thinker knows what is rightand what is wrong, what is in theinterest of society and nation,but may not generally be able toconvert his thought into action.

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wrong, good and evil, and also thepower to convert their knowledge intoaction so they become the dedicated andcompletely selfless leaders of the peoplein their fight for justice and truth. Andordinary people begin to revere suchindividuals as avatars, as incarnationsof the divine.”

Thus, we see that Narendra Kohli hasgiven readers a new way to reflect uponwhat or who may be considered anavatar in our modern times, what is therole an avatar plays in the societalconsciousness and what characteristicsand capabilities should such an avatardemonstrate. Asthe reader learnsmore about thestory of Rama inthis novel, he or she begins to appreciatethe various nuances in the author’sargument.

Rama as a warrior for truth and justiceis the most unselfish and unprejudicedleader, one who sacrifices all for thewelfare of others, who is extremelysensitive to the layers and complexitiesof relativity of all truth and yet doesn’tdeter from plunging into the rightfulaction and that is why he is eligible foravatarhood. In present times, whensocial work, raising voice againstinjustice and corruption, andchampioning for a “cause” (any cause!)

have become fashionable fads and itemsfor Page 3 in newspapers, we have to belot more aware and conscious so that weare not sucked in by the publicitygimmicks of all those self-centeredindividuals who would like us to viewthem as warriors for truth and justice.Times indeed have changed but thestory of Rama, as told in Abhyuday,reminds us of the ideal, of the path, atrue leader and fighter for justice mustwalk on.

The author presents several instancesin sufficient detail and depth to bringout for the readers a clear picture of

Rama’s innercourage anddetermination tostand up for truthand justice. One

significant story that is told is aboutAhalya, the wife of highly revered andenlightened Rishi Gautam, the kulpatior President of the famous ashram-gurukulam of Mithila. Many of us knowthe story of how Ahalya was abandonedby her husband Gautam because hesuspected her of having an illicitrelationship with Devraj Indra, eventhough it was Indra who disguised asher husband had seduced her under falsepretence. As per this popular legend, anangry Gautam curses his wife so thatshe is turned into a stone that could bebrought back to life only when in her


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Action without knowledge,action without reflection has thepotential to downgrade a humanbeing into a rakshasa.

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stone-form she receives the almightytouch of benevolent Lord Vishnuincarnated as Rama in Treta yuga. Andso, the long wait begins for Ahalya, transformed into a stone, as perthis story.

In Abhyuday, we are given a veryreasoned and logical rendition of thisstory. We are presented with a much-nuanced understanding of the situationand we are told that Gautam did notconsider Ahalya guilty nor did he eversuspect or doubt her fidelity. He was themost supportive husband one can expectwho is trying to grapple with the tragiccircumstance of his wife’s rape. Henever even thinks of abandoningAhalya; in fact, he gives up his positionand status as the kulpati of the ashrambecause the influential acharyas andrishis of the ashram would not accepthis wife. Readers get a detaileddescription of how the highly educatedelites of society do not have the courageto stand up against the powerful Indra,and instead find it so easy to target thepoor victim Ahalya. They even declarethat the ashram has been pollutedbecause of her presence. She is unableto bear this kind of humiliation and isextremely sad that because of her,Gautam’s career and their son’s futureprospects are being ruined. She is theone who convinces and persuades herhusband to leave her and take up the

position of the new ashram being builtelsewhere. Gautam is most reluctant togo, but eventually agrees to do sobecause of their son’s future.

More than 25 years pass. And Ahalyacontinues to live in complete isolation,as an outcaste, like a piece of deadmatter, like a stone. Now Rama hasheard the story of Gautam and Ahalyafrom Viswamitra. Rama is deeplyanguished at learning about the extremeinjustice and humiliation that Ahalyahas been facing for all these years, andfor no fault of hers. He is pained to hearthat the whole Rishi community,including Rishi Viswamitra has not beenable to do anything or speak against thiskind of injustice. He is saddened to seehow the dead and rigid codes of conductwhich have completely lost their truespirit and relevance are being used tooppress, humiliate and torture women,to keep them weak so that theygradually lose their self-confidence andsense of self-worth. Ahalya bears allthis with grace and patience, in herisolation. For 25 years, she has had nocontact with any human being. UntilRama, Lakshmana and Viswamitracome to her door. Rama touches her feetand says: “Devi, I, son of Kausalya andDashrath Rama do my pranams to you.With me is my younger brother,Lakshman, son of Sumitra.”

And upon hearing this simple


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introduction, these simple words spokenfrom a true heart and with utmostsincerity and humility, Ahalya knowsthat she is no longer an outcaste, nolonger a blot on society’s honour. Sheknows that Rama, with his one simpleaction of coming to her home andtouching her feet, has revolted againstthe dead social convention and falsecode of honour, and given back her truehonour and self-respect. She knows thatnow nobody in society can say anythingagainst her, now that she has theprotection of Rama. A new life has beenbreathed into her; she has become aliveafter all these years of being dead as astone. Rama has challenged the statusquo and ushered in a new light of truthand justice. Ahalya’s honour has beenrestored; the stuck-in-time rishicommunity has been rudely awakenedto accept what is true and right; and thepowerless have been shown a glimpse of their own inner power and self-worth.

A third example I would like tomention here pertains to the situationwhen Rama is thinking about thepossibility of marrying Sita. He hasbeen told by Viswamitra how becauseshe is an adopted daughter of KingSeerdhwaj, there have been manydifficulties in finding a suitable husbandfor her because the princes and kingshad serious objections to her being from

an unknown clan and jati by birth. Wesee that Rama is deeply pained andupset to hear this and finds thisextremely unjust and oppressive.Viswamitra assures him that because ofher background and upbringing, Sitawill prove to be the best life partner forRama, and will also be an equal partnerin his life’s work and mission. He hasalso been assured that Viswamitra willshow him how he can activate themassive Shiv-dhanush, therebyfulfilling the pre-nuptial condition tomarry Sita. We find Rama in reflectivemood, thinking through various anglesof this situation. And one of the angleshe is reflecting upon is Sita’s approval.He wonders if anyone has asked Sitawhether she considers Rama anappropriate life partner for her. He isasking himself if he is being toopresumptuous in thinking that he alonehas to approve Sita as the best choice ashis wife and partner in his life’s work.What about Sita’s aspiration andmission in life? What about herpreference? Who is he to presume that itis he, the almighty man, who will helpredeem Sita’s honour by marrying her?Is he marrying her out of pity so he cando “justice” toward her? What rightdoes he have to become a saviour forSita even though she herself hasn’tasked him to “save” her? What makeshim presume that Sita even needs such


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saving? Such questions are goingthrough Rama’s mind, and along withRama the readers too begin to reflectupon the rightness of things. Readerssee their Rama not as an idealizedsuper-human who doesn’t need to thinkthrough things but knows instantly whatis to be done. Instead, they are able toconnect more deeply with a Rama whotakes time to understand hismotivations, dig through the layers ofhis mind to clarify his choices, reflectupon a situation from as many differentangles as possible, gain as muchobjectivity as possible by transcendinghis own personal biases and preferencesbefore deciding upon a course of actionwhich will be on the side of truth andjustice. Such a Rama has the potential tobe the true inspiration and a true herothat is badly needed for the youth oftoday’s India.

Finally, I also wish to point out thatRama of Abhyuday is shown not assomeone who is beyond the frailties ofhuman nature. After the kidnapping ofSita by Ravana, in his profound painand sorrow, this Rama is seen in hisweak moments becoming a victim to adeep sense of self-doubt and dilemma.He finds himself unprepared and weakto bear the personal pain of losing hiswife to the enemy. He is asking himselfwhile all along he has been fighting theforces sent by Ravana, the forces ofinjustice and oppression: why is it that itnever occurred to him that someday theenemy forces might also take theirrevenge. And now that they have doneso, and given him a deep personal blowby abducting his wife, why is he unableto face the consequence. Why didn’t itoccur to him before now that no one canfight the fight for truth and justicewithout bearing personal pain andpaying a high price? When he took thevow of becoming a warrior for truth,justice and social uplift, did he neverrealize that someday he may have tosuffer a huge consequence of somemajor difficulty in his personal life?Why did he think he was beyond anysuch law of nature? Should he give uphis fight so that he and his loved onescan be safe, or should he now redirecthis war in a way that hits at the sourceof all oppression? These types of


Book Review

We find Rama reflecting uponSita’s approval. He wonders ifanyone has asked Sita if sheconsiders Rama an appropriatelife partner. He asks himself if heis being too presumptuous inthinking that he alone has toapprove Sita as the best choiceas his wife and partner. Whatabout Sita’s aspiration andmission in life?

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questions occupy Rama in thesemoments.

We eventually do find Ramaovercome these doubts and dilemmasand come out as a stronger, morefocused and better prepared to continuehis war against terror of Ravana. But thevery fact that we as readers are given apeak into the mind and heart of Rama isan important source of knowledge thateven an incarnation of the Divine ishuman, and thus not unfamiliar with allthat is human. Rama becomes a humandivine with whom the young, modernminds of today can relate to, andthrough whose example they can findinner strength and moral courage towork out their own dilemmas inpersonal life.

Final ThoughtsRama’s and Krishna’s characters and

personalities are available forinterpretation. Their kathas are meant tobe retold for each generation, by eachgeneration. I remember a line from abeautiful Hindi movie Pinjar – based onthe novel by the same title written byAmrita Pritam. A character in the movie(set in pre-Partition India) translatesKalidasa’s Shakuntala in Urdu andGhalibs poetry in Sanskrit. When askedby another character if he is onlychanging the language, not the authors’religious affiliations, this character

responds very calmly, “In my opinionthey both – Kalidasa and Ghalib – weretelling the truth of their respectivetimes.” I believe that’s what thisRamkatha of Abhyuday is.

If it is a reinterpretation of Rama’scharacter in the light of author’s ownexperience – personal, imagined, or hisunderstanding of what the avatar ofRama represents – it is an exercise intruth-telling for the times in which thisstory is being created and told. Perhapsthe authenticity of Rama’s avatar is inthe renewed realization that in order tocreate a perfected, spiritualized societybased on the principles of oneness ofhumanity, equality, fraternity andliberty, there is a need to stronglyquestion the status quo. WhatRamayana’s Rama did in that time, hasto be re-learned and re-understood inthe light of the current situations facedby society.

Perhaps the author of Abhyuday seeshis Rama in this way – as arevolutionary leader who by his actionsand stand for truth and justice becomes


Book Review

Rama of Abhyuday is shown notas someone who is beyond thefrailties of human nature. Buteventually, we do find Ramaovercome these doubts anddilemmas and come out as astronger, more focused person.

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divine. Unlike, say, how mygrandmother saw him – as a God andtherefore divine. Or unlike how myfather sees Rama – as MaryadaPurushotamma, the Supreme Beingwho is the most perfectly ethical andidealized divine incarnation – someonewho lived and breathed his dharma – asa son, brother, husband, warrior, king.Perhaps all these are authenticinterpretations by these threeindividuals. Perhaps two of them seetheir Rama through the eyes of adevotee, a bhakta, and the third (authorNarendra Kohli) sees his Rama with aneye of a storyteller who through his pengives himself the ability and privilege tosee inside the heart of his Rama andeven give a new purpose to hisexistence. Perhaps the author’sexperience is that of someone who has akeen sense of social justice and progressfor all. On his website, it is mentionedthat he was inspired to tell thisRamkatha because he realized that “justportraying society, or ridiculing itsflaws and dilemmas, was not going to

satisfy him. He wanted to fix a lot ofthis. He realized that literature cannotreach its ultimate completeness just by anarrow, partial and limited display ofsociety, nor can society benefit fromsuch literature. The demonstration ofpoor human qualities will onlyencourage the evil and the foul.Therefore, it must be the goal ofliterature to demonstrate the great,honorable and moral aspect of life”.

So, I would say that the author’sexperience as a thoughtful, sociallyconscious and socially responsiblewriter played a big role in how he istelling his Ramkatha.

According to Sri Aurobindo, “Rama was the avatar of the sattwicmind – mental, emotional, moral – andhe followed the Dharma of the age andrace.”

He further described Rama’s purposein these words:

“[Rama’s] business was to destroyRavana and to establish the Rama-rajya -in other words, to fix for the future thepossibility of an order proper to thesattwic civilised human being whogoverns his life by the reason, the fineremotions, morality, or at least moralideals, such as truth, obedience, co-operation and harmony, the sense ofdomestic and public order, - to establishthis in a world still occupied by anarchicforces, the Animal mind and the powersof the vital Ego making its ownsatisfaction the rule of life, in otherwords, the Vanara and Rakshasa. ....It


Book Review

The story is a reinterpretation ofRama’s character in the light ofauthor’s own experiences. It isan exercise in truth-telling forthe times in which this story isbeing created and told.

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was not his business to be necessarily aperfect, but a largely representativesattwic man, a faithful husband and alover, a loving and obedient son, a tenderand perfect brother, father, friend - he isfriend of all kinds of people... But mostof all, it was his business to typify andestablish the things on which the socialidea and its stability depend, truth andhonour, the sense of Dharma, publicspirit and the sense of order. ...Finally, itwas Rama’s business to make the worldsafe for the ideal of the sattwic humanbeing by destroying the sovereignty ofRavana, the Rakshasa menace.”

These words of Sri Aurobindo help usto more clearly understand Abhyuday’sRama in the light of the role that Ramaplays in the planetary evolution ofconsciousness. Like Ramayana’s Rama,this Rama of Abhyuday is also workingtirelessly to establish the supremacy ofethical-aesthetic-moral mentalconsciousness over physical andvitalistic. Abhyuday’s Rama, like Ramaas seen by Sri Aurobindo, is also awareof and carries in him imperfections butstill lives by his swadharma, kuladharma, jati dharma, dharma of histime and age, and works to establish asociety based on this idea of Dharma.Because the times and contexts have

changed, so the author of Abhyudaywriting in the 20th century perhaps feelsthe need to recreate his Rama in a wayso that he speaks the language of today;when one is not simply revered becauseof the ideals one holds but because ofthe way one lives one’s ideals. Modernmind is lot more skeptical and critical -perhaps the result of scientific bent ofknowledge and thought – and Rama ofAbhyuday pre-empts some of thesequestions and sense of skepticism andaddresses that through his works. In thatway, it is a recreation of Rama.

And now to conclude, I go back to thebeginning of this paper. The idea that“[c]lassical literature…has the power toawaken an individual or a nation by itsuplifting and inspiring impulse.” Iwould like to bring up a question for allof us to reflect upon – is Abhyuday thetype of literature that the author of thisquote, Prof. Madhusudan Reddy, has inmind when he says that true literatureshould be able to “sustain an agethrough the changing vicissitudes of lifeby its psychic and spiritual character”?Personally, I believe Abhyuday will passthe test! But I encourage other readersof Abhyuday to decide for themselves.


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References1. Radhakrishnan, S.; 1990, RadhakrishnanReader: An Anthology, pp. 504-505,Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay. 2. Chandogya Upanishad.3. Jacques Delors, 1996, Learning: TheTreasure Within, p. 94, UNESCO, Paris. 4. Swami Vivekananda, The CompleteWorks of; Published by Advaita Ashram,1962 and afterwards, II – 15; II – 490. 5. Mahatma Gandhi, The Collected Works,p. 295 or NCTE, 1999, Gandhi onEducation, p. 17; New Delhi.6. NCTE, 1999; Gandhi on Education, p.19; Harijan, May 8, 1937, p. 104.

7. NCTE, 1999, Gandhi on Education; p.03; The Making of the Mahatma, p. 97.8.Jacques Delors; 1996, Learning the Treas-ure Within, pp. 78-79, UNESCO, Paris.9. N.A. Palkhivala, 1990, (reprinted 2003),Essential Unity of All Religions; BhartiVidya Bhavan, Mumbai.10. Quotes from Tagore, 2005, Rupa andCompany, New Delhi; pp. 32-33.11. National Curriculum Framework forSchool Education; NCERT, New Delhi.12. Narayana Murthy, N.R., A Better India:A Better World, 2009; Penguin BooksIndia; p. 44.

Letter from a Concentration Camp Survivor

Dear Teacher,I am a survivor of a concentration camp. My eyes saw what no manshould witness: Gas chambers built by LEARNED engineers. Children poisoned by EDUCATED physicians. Infants killed by TRAINED nurses. Women and babies shot and burned by HIGH SCHOOL and COLLEGE

graduates.So I am suspicious of education.My request is: Help your students become human. Your efforts must never producelearned monsters, skilled psychopaths, educated Eichmanns. Reading, writing and

arithmetic are important only if they serve to make our children more human.

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Maulana Abul Kalam Azad on The Future of Pakistan

The resolution for an independent State for Muslims of India was passedon March 23, 1940, by the Muslim League in its Lahore session. Fromthat day till Pakistan was created, a number of opinions were expressedby leading political leaders and thinkers regarding the feasibility of andsurvival of Pakistan. These included C. Rajagopalachari, B.R.Ambedkar, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, besides, of course, Gandhiji. In April1946, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad's interview was published in a Lahore-based Urdu magazine Chattan. The interview was conducted by Mr.Shorish Kashmiri. In this interview, Maulana Azad made a number ofprophetic announcements regarding the survival of Pakistan as asovereign State. It is remarkable that Maulana could see into the futureof Pakistan like someone reading a horoscope. We are grateful to Mr.Arif Mohd. Khan for making this interview available to us in English.

Shorish Kashmiri (SK): The Hindu-Muslim dispute has become so acutethat it has foreclosed any possibility ofreconciliation. Don’t you think that inthis situation, the birth of Pakistan hasbecome inevitable? Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (MA):If Pakistan were the solution of theHindu-Muslim problem, I would haveextended my support to it. A section ofHindu opinion is now turning in itsfavour. By conceding the NWFP, Sindh,Baluchistan and half of Punjab on oneside and half of Bengal on the other,they think they will get rest of India – ahuge country that would be free fromany claims of communal nature. If weuse the Muslim League terminology,

this new India will be a Hindu State,both practically and temperamentally.This will not happen as a result of anyconscious decision, but shall be alogical consequence of its socialrealities. How can you expect a societythat consists 90 per cent of Hindus, whohave lived with their ethos and valuessince prehistoric times, to growdifferently? The factors that laid thefoundation of Islam in Indian societyand created a powerful following havebecome victim of the politics ofPartition. The communal hatred it hasgenerated has completely extinguishedall possibilities of spreading andpreaching of Islam.

The communal politics has hurt

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religion beyond measure. The Muslimshave turned away from the Quran. Onlyif they had taken their lessons fromQuran and the life of Holy Prophet andhad not forged communal politics in thename of religion, then Islam’s growthwould not have halted. By the time ofthe decline of the Mughal rule, theMuslims in India were little over 22.5million, that is about 65 per cent ofpresent numbers. Since then, thenumbers kept increasing. Only if theMuslim politicians had not used theoffensive language that embitteredc o m m u n a lrelations and theother section actingas agents of Britishinterests had notworked to widenthe Hindu-Muslimbreach, the numberof Muslims in India would still havegrown higher? The political disputes wecreated in the name of religion haveprojected Islam as an instrument ofpolitical power and not what it is – avalue system meant for thetransformation of human soul. Underthe British influence, we turned Islaminto a confined system and followingthe footsteps of other communities likeJews, Parsis and Hindus; wetransformed ourselves into a hereditarycommunity. The Indian Muslims have

frozen Islam and its message anddivided themselves into many sects.Some sects were clearly born at theinstance of the colonial power.Consequently, these sects becamedevoid of all movement and dynamismand lost faith in Islamic values. Thehallmark of Muslim existence wasstriving and now the very term isstrange to them. Surely they areMuslims, but they follow their ownwhims and desires. In fact, now theyeasily submit to political power, not to Islamic values. They prefer the

religion of politics,not the religion of Quran. Pakistan is apolitical stand-point. Regardlessof the fact whetherit is the right

solution of the problems of IndianMuslims, it is being demanded in thename of Islam. The question is whenand where Islam provided for divisionof territories to settle populations on thebasis of belief and unbelief. Does thisfind any sanction in the Quran or thetraditions of the Holy Prophet? Whoamong the scholars of Islam has dividedthe dominion of God on this basis? Ifwe accept this division in principle, howshall we reconcile it with Islam as auniversal system? How shall we explain


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The political disputes we createdin the name of religion haveprojected Islam as aninstrument of political powerand not what it is – a valuesystem meant for thetransformation of human soul.

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the ever growing Muslim presence innon-Muslim lands, including India. Dothey realize that if Islam had approvedthis principle, then it would not havepermitted its followers to go to non-Muslim lands and many ancestors of thesupporters of Pakistan would not havehad even entered the fold of Islam?Division ofterritories on thebasis of religion isa contraptiondevised by MuslimLeague. They canpursue it as theirpolitical agendabut it finds no sanction in Islam orQuran. What is the cherished goal of adevout Muslim? Spreading light ofIslam or dividing territories along linesof religion to pursue political ambitions.The demand for Pakistan has notbenefitted Muslims in any manner. HowPakistan can benefit Islam is a mootquestion and will largely depend on thekind of leadership it gets. The impact ofwestern thought and philosophy hasmade the crisis more serious. The waythe leadership of Muslim League isconducting itself will ensure that Islamwill become a rare commodity inPakistan and Muslims in India. This is asurmise and God alone knows what is inthe womb of future. Pakistan – when itcomes into existence – will face

conflicts of religious nature. As far as Ican see, the people who will hold thereins of power will cause seriousdamage to Islam. Their behaviour mayresult in total alienation of Pakistaniyouth who may become a part of non-religious movements. Today, inMuslim-minority states, the Muslim

youth are moreattached to religionthan in Muslim-majority states.You will see thatdespite theincreased role ofUlema, the religion

will lose its sheen in Pakistan.

SK: But many Ulema are with Qaid-e-Azam (M.A. Jinnah)... MA: Many Ulema were with Akbar-e-Azam too; they invented a new religionfor him. Do not discuss individuals. Ourhistory is replete with the doings ofUlema who have brought humiliationand disgrace to Islam in every age andperiod. The upholders of truth areexceptions. How many of Ulema findan honorable mention in the Muslimhistory of the last 1,300 years. Therewas one Imam Hanbal, one IbnTaimiyya. In India, we remember noiexcept Shah Waliullah and his family.The courage of Alf Sani is beyonddoubt, but those who filled the royal


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Division of territories on thebasis of religion is a contraptiondevised by Muslim League. Theycan pursue it as their politicalagenda but it finds no sanctionin Islam or Quran.

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office with complaints against him andgot him imprisoned were also Ulema.Where are they now? Does anybodyshow any respect for them?

SK: Maulana, what is wrong if Pakistanbecomes a reality? After all, ‘Islam’ isbeing used to pursue and protect theunity of the community. MA: You are using the name of Islamfor a cause that is not right by Islamicstandards. The Muslim history bearstestimony to many such enormities. Inthe battle of Jamal (fought betweenImam Ali and Hadrat Aisha, the widow of HolyProphet), Quranswere displayed on lances. Was that right? InKarbala, the familymembers of the Holy Prophet weremartyred by those Muslims whoclaimed companionship of the Prophet.Was that right? Hajjaj was a MuslimGeneral and he subjected the HolyMosque at Makka to brutal attack. Wasthat right? No sacred words can justifyor sanctify a false motive. If Pakistanwere right for Muslims, then I wouldhave supported it. But I see clearly thedangers inherent in the demand. I do notexpect people to follow me, but it is notpossible for me to go against the call ofmy conscience. People generally submit

either to coercion orto the lessons of their experience. The

Muslims will not hear anything againstPakistan unless they experience it.Today, they can call white black butthey will not give up Pakistan. The onlyway it can be stopped now is either forthe government not to concede it or forMr. Jinnah himself, if he agrees to somenew proposal. Now, as I gather from theattitude of my own colleagues in theworking committee, the division ofIndia appears to be certain. But I mustwarn that the evil consequences ofPartition will not affect India alone,

Pakistan will beequally haunted bythem. The partitionwill be based onthe religion of thepopulation and not

based on any natural barrier likemountain, desert or river. A line will bedrawn; it is difficult to say how durableit would be.

We must remember that an entityconceived in hatred shall last only aslong as that hatred lasts. This hatredshall overwhelm the relations betweenIndia and Pakistan. In this situation, itwill not be possible for India andPakistan to become friends and liveamicably unless some catastrophicevent takes place. The politics ofPartition itself shall act as a barrier


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If Pakistan were right forMuslims, then I would havesupported it. But I see clearlythe dangers inherent in thedemand.

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between the two countries. It will not bepossible for Pakistan to accommodateall the Muslims of India, a task beyondher territorial capability. On the otherhand, it will not be possible for theHindus to stay especially in WestPakistan. They will be thrown out orleave on their own. This will have itsrepercussions in India and the IndianMuslims will have three options beforethem:

1. They become victims of loot andbrutalities and migrate to Pakistan buthow many Muslims can find shelterthere.

2. They become subject to murder andother excesses. Asubstantial numberof Muslims willpass through thisordeal until thebitter memories of Partition are for-gotten and the generation that had livedthrough it completes its natural term.

3. A good number of Muslims hauntedby poverty, political wilderness andregional depredation decide to renounceIslam. The prominent Muslims who aresupporters of Muslim League shallleave for Pakistan. The wealthyMuslims will take over the industry andbusiness and monopolize the economyof Pakistan. But more than 30 millionMuslims will be left behind in India.What promise Pakistan holds for them?

The situation that will arise after theexpulsion of Hindus and Sikhs fromPakistan will be still more dangerous forthem. Pakistan itself will be afflictedwith many serious problems. Thegreatest danger will come frominternational powers who will seek tocontrol the new country and with thepassage of time this control will becometight. India will have no problem withthis outside interference as it will sensedanger and hostility from Pakistan. Theother important point that has escapedMr. Jinnah’s attention is Bengal. Hedoes not know that Bengal disdainsoutside leadership and rejects it sooner

or later. During theSecond World War,Mr. Fazlul Haqrevolted against Mr.Jinnah and was

thrown out of the Muslim League. Mr.H.S. Suharwardy does not hold Mr.Jinnah in high esteem. Why only theMuslim League, look at the history ofthe Congress. The revolt of SubhashChandra Bose is known to all. Gandhijiwas not happy with the Presidentship ofBose and turned the tide against him bygoing on a fast-unto-death at Rajkot.Subhash Bose rose against Gandhiji anddisassociated himself from theCongress. The environment of Bengal issuch that it disfavours leadership fromoutside and rises in revolt when it


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But I must warn that the evilconsequences of Partition willnot affect India alone, Pakistanwill be equally haunted by them.

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senses danger to its rights and interests.The confidence of East Pakistan shallnot erode as long as Mr. Jinnah and Mr.Liaqat Ali are alive. But after them, anysmall incident will create resentmentand disaffection. I feel that it will not bepossible for East Pakistan to stay withWest Pakistan for any considerableperiod of time. There is nothingcommon between the two regions,except that they call themselvesMuslims. But the fact of being Muslimhas never createddurable politicalunity anywhere inthe world. TheArab world isbefore us; theysubscribe to acommon religion, ac o m m o ncivilization andculture and speak acommon language. In fact, theyacknowledge even territorial unity. Butthere is no political unity among them.Their systems of government aredifferent and they are often engaged inmutual recrimination and hostility. Onthe other hand, the language, customsand way of life of East Pakistan aretotally different from West Pakistan.The moment the creative warmth ofPakistan cools down, the contradictionswill emerge and will acquire assertive

overtones. These will be fuelled by theclash of interests of internationalpowers and consequently, both wingswill separate. After the separation ofEast Pakistan, whenever it happens, theWest Pakistan will become the battleground of regional contradictions anddisputes. The assertion of sub-nationalidentities of Punjab, Sindh, Frontier andBaluchistan will open the doors foroutside interference. It will not be longbefore the international powers use the

diverse elements ofPakistani politicalleadership to breakthe country on thelines of Balkan andArab States. Maybe, at that stage, wewill ask ourselves:what have wegained and whathave we lost. The

real issue is economic development andprogress; it certainly is not religion.

The Muslim business leaders havedoubts about their own ability andcompetitive spirit. They are so used toofficial patronage and favours that theyfear new freedom and liberty. Theyadvocate the two-nation theory toconceal their fears and want to have aMuslim State where they have themonopoly to control the economywithout any competition from


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The confidence of East Pakistanshall not erode as long as Mr.Jinnah and Mr. Liaqat Ali arealive. But after them, any smallincident will create resentmentand disaffection. I feel that it willnot be possible for East Pakistanto stay with West Pakistan forany considerable period of time.

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competent rivals. It will be interestingto watch how long they can keep thisdeception alive. I feel that right from itsinception, Pakistan will face some veryserious problems: 1. The incompetent political leadership

will pave the way for militarydictatorship as it has happened inmany Muslim countries.

2. The heavy burden of foreign debt.3. Absence of friendly relationship with

neighbours and the possibility ofarmed conflict.

4. The internal unrest and regionalconflicts.

5. The loot of national wealth by theneo-rich and industrialists ofPakistan.

6. The apprehension of class war as aresult of exploitation by the neo-rich.

7. The dissatisfaction and alienation ofthe youth from religion and collapseof theory of Pakistan.

8. The conspiracies of the internationalpowers to control Pakistan.

In this situation, the stability ofPakistan will be under strain and theMuslim countries will be in no positionto provide any worthwhile help. Theassistance from other sources will notcome without strings, and it will forceboth ideological and territorialcompromises.

SK: But the question is how the

Muslims can keep their communityidentity intact and how can theyinculcate the attributes of the citizens ofa Muslim State?MA: Hollow words cannot falsify thebasic realities nor slanted questions canmake the answers deficient. It amountsto distortion of the discourse. What ismeant by community identity? If thiscommunity identity has remained intactduring the British slavery, how will itcome under threat in free India in whoseaffairs Muslims shall be equalparticipants? What attributes of theMuslim State you wish to cultivate? Thereal issue is the freedom of faith andworship and who can put a cap on thatfreedom. Will independence reduce theninety million Muslims into such ahelpless state that they will feelconstrained in enjoying their religiousfreedom? If the British, who as a worldpower could not snatch this liberty, whatmagic or power the Hindus have to denythis freedom of religion? Thesequestions have been raised by those,who under the influence of western


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What is meant by communityidentity? If this communityidentity has remained intactduring the British slavery, howwill it come under threat in freeIndia in whose affairs Muslimsshall be equal participants?

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culture, have renounced their ownheritage and are now raising the dustthrough political gimmickry. Muslimhistory is an important part of Indianhistory. Do you think Muslim kingswere serving the cause of Islam? Theyhad a nominal relationship with Islam,they were not Islamic preachers.Muslims of India owe gratitude to Sufis,and many of these divines were treatedby the kings very cruelly. Most of thekings created a large band of Ulemawho were an obstacle in the path ofpropagation of Islamic ethos and values.

Islam in its pristine form had atremendous appeal and in the firstcentury won the hearts and minds of alarge number of people living in andaround Hejaz. But the Islam that cameto India was different; the carriers werenon-Arabs and the real spirit wasmissing. Still, the imprint of Muslimperiod is writ large on the culture,music, art, architecture and languages ofIndia. The cultural centers of India likeDelhi and Lucknow represent what?The underlying Muslim spirit is all tooobvious. If the Muslims still feel underthreat and believe that they will bereduced to slavery in free India, then Ican only pray for their faith and hearts.If a man becomes disenchanted withlife, he can be helped to revival, but ifsomeone is timid and lacks courage thenit is not possible to help him become

brave and gutsy. The Muslims as acommunity have become cowards.They have no fear of God; instead theyfear men. This explains why they are soobsessed with threats to their existence– a figment of their imagination. Afterthe British takeover, the governmentcommitted all possible excesses againstMuslims. But Muslims did not cease toexist. On the contrary, they registered agrowth that was more than average. TheMuslim cultural ethos and values havetheir own charm. Then, India has largeMuslim neighbours on three sides. Whyon earth the majority in this country willbe interested to wipe out the Muslims?How will it promote their self-interests?Is it so easy to finish 90 million people?In fact, the Muslim culture has suchattraction that I shall not be surprised ifit comes to have the largest following infree India. The world needs both, adurable peace and a philosophy of life.If the Hindus can run after Marx andundertake scholarly studies of thephilosophy and wisdom of the West,


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The Muslims as a communityhave become cowards. Theyhave no fear of God; insteadthey fear men. This explains whythey are so obsessed with threatsto their existence – a figment oftheir imagination.

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they do not disdain Islam and shall behappy to benefit from its principles. Infact, they are more familiar with Islamand acknowledge that Islam does notmean parochialism of a hereditarycommunity or a despotic system ofgovernance.

Islam is a universal call to establishpeace on the basis of human equality.They know that Islam is theproclamation of a Messenger who callsto the worship of God and not his own worship. Islam means freedomfrom all social and economicdiscriminations and reorganization ofsociety on three basic principles of God-consciousness, righteous action andknowledge. In fact, it is we Muslimsand our extremist behaviour that hascreated an aversion among non-Muslims for Islam. If we had notallowed our selfish ambitions to soil thepurity of Islam, then many seekers oftruth would have found comfort in thebosom of Islam. Pakistan has nothing todo with Islam; it is a political demand

that is projected by the Muslim Leagueas the national goal of Indian Muslims.I feel it is no solution of the problemsMuslims are facing. In fact, it is boundto create more problems. The holyProphet has said: “God has made thewhole earth a mosque for me”. Now donot ask me to support the idea of thepartition of a mosque. If the nine croreMuslims were thinly scattered all overIndia, and demand was made toreorganize the states in a manner toensure their majority in one or tworegions, that was understandable.Again, such a demand would not havebeen right from an Islamic viewpoint,but justifiable on administrativegrounds. But the situation, as it exists, isdrastically different. All the borderstates of India have Muslim majoritysharing borders with Muslim countries.Tell me, who can eliminate thesepopulations? By demanding Pakistan,we are turning our eyes away from thehistory of the last 1,000 years, and if Imay use the League terminology, thenthrowing more than 30 million Muslimsinto the lap of ‘Hindu Raj’.

The Hindu-Muslim problem that hascreated political tension between theCongress and the League will become asource of dispute between the twoStates and with the aid of internationalpowers, this may erupt into a full-scalewar anytime in future. The question is


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The Hindu-Muslim problemthat has created political tensionbetween the Congress and theLeague will become a source ofdispute between the two Statesand with the aid of internationalpowers, this may erupt into afull-scale war anytime in future.

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often raised that if the idea of Pakistanis so fraught with dangers for theMuslims, why is it being opposed by theHindus? I feel that the opposition to thedemand is coming from two quarters.One is represented by those whogenuinely feel concerned

about imperial machinations andstrongly believe that a free, united Indiawill be in a better position to defenditself. On the other hand, there is asection which opposes Pakistan with themotive to provokeMuslims tobecome moredetermined in theirdemand and thusget rid of them.Muslims haveevery right tod e m a n dc o n s t i t u t i o n a lsafeguards, butPartition of Indiacannot promote their interests. Thedemand is politically incorrect solutionof a communal problem.

In future, India will be faced withclass problems, not communal disputes;the conflict will be between capital andlabour. The communist and socialistmovements are growing and it is notpossible to ignore them. Thesemovements will increasingly fight forthe protection of the interest of the

underclass. The Muslim capitalists andthe feudal classes are apprehensive ofthis impending threat. Now, they havegiven this whole issue a communalcolour and have turned the economicissue into a religious dispute. ButMuslims alone are not responsible for it.This strategy was first adopted by theBritish government and then endorsedby the political minds of Aligarh. Later,the Hindu shortsightedness made thematters worse and now the freedom has

become contingenton the Partition ofIndia.

Jinnah himselfwas an ambassadorof Hindu-Muslimunity. In oneCongress session,Sarojini Naidu hadcommended himwith this title. Hewas a disciple of

Dadabhai Noroji. He had refused to jointhe 1906 deputation of Muslims thatinitiated the communal politics in India.In 1919, he stood firmly as a nationalistand opposed Muslim demands beforethe Joint Select Committee. On October3, 1925, in a letter to Times of India, herubbished the suggestion that theCongress is a Hindu outfit. In the AllParties Conferences of 1925 and 1928,he strongly favoured joint electorate.


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The communist and socialistmovements are growing and it isnot possible to ignore them.These movements willincreasingly fight for theprotection of the interest of theunderclass. The Muslimcapitalists and the feudal classesare apprehensive of thisimpending threat.

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While speaking in the NationalAssembly in 1925, he said: “I am anationalist first and a nationalist last”and exhorted his colleagues, be theyHindus or Muslims, “not to raisecommunal issues in the House and helpmake the Assembly a nationalinstitution in the truest sense of theterm”. In 1928, Jinnah supported theCongress call to boycott SimonCommission. Till 1937, he favoured notthe demand to partition India. In hismessage to various student bodies, hestressed the need to work for Hindu-Muslim unity. But he felt aggrievedwhen the Congress formed governmentsin seven states and ignored the MuslimLeague. In 1940, he determined topursue the Partition demand to checkthe Muslim political decline. In short,the demand for Pakistan is his responseto his own political experiences. Mr.Jinnah has every right to his opinion

about me, but I have no doubts about hisintelligence. As a politician, he hasworked overtime to fortify Muslimcommunalism and the demand forPakistan. Now, it has become a matterof prestige for him and he will not giveit up at any cost.

SK: It is clear that Muslims are notgoing to turn away from their demandfor Pakistan. Why have they become soimpervious to all reason and logic ofarguments?MA: It is difficult, rather impossible, tofight against the misplaced enthusiasmof a mob but to suppress one’sconscience is worse than death. Today,the Muslims are not walking; they areflowing. The problem is that Muslimshave not learnt to walk steady; theyeither run or flow with the tide. When agroup of people lose confidence andself-respect, they are surrounded byimaginary doubts and dangers and failto make distinction between right andwrong. The true meaning of life isrealized not through numerical strengthbut through firm faith and righteousaction. The British politics has sownmany seeds of fear and distrust in themental field of Muslims. Now they arein a frightful state, bemoaning thedeparture of British and demandingPartition before the foreign mastersleave. Do they believe that Partition will


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British politics has sown manyseeds of fear and distrust in themental field of Muslims. Nowthey are in a frightful state,bemoaning the departure ofBritish and demanding Partitionbefore the foreign masters leave.Do they believe that Partitionwill avert all the dangers to theirlives and bodies?

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avert all the dangers to their lives andbodies? If these dangers are real, thenthey will still haunt their borders andany armed conflict will result in muchgreater loss of lives and possessions.

SK: But Hindus and Muslims are twodifferent nations with different anddisparate inclinations. How unitybetween the two can be achieved? MA: This is an obsolete debate. I haveseen the correspondence betweenAllama Iqbal and Maulana HusainAhmad Madni on the subject. In Quran,the term qaum has been used not onlyfor the community of believers, but hasalso been used for distinct humangroupings generally. What we wish toachieve by raising this debate about theetymological scope of terms like millat(community), qaum (nation) and ummat(group). In religious terms, India ishome to many people – the Hindus,Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs etc.The differences between Hindu religionand Islam are vast in scope. But thesedifferences cannot be allowed tobecome an obstacle in the path of Indiagaining her freedom, nor do the twodistinct and different systems of faithnegate the idea of unity of India. Theissue is of our national independenceand how can we secure it. The freedomis blessing and is the right of everyhuman being. It cannot be divided on

the basis of religion. Muslims mustrealize that they are bearers of auniversal message. They are not a racialor regional grouping in whose territoryothers cannot enter. Strictly speaking,Muslims in India are not onecommunity; they are divided amongmany well entrenched sects. You canunite them by arousing their anti-Hindusentiment but you cannot unite them inthe name of Islam. To them, Islammeans undiluted loyalty to their ownsect. Apart from Wahabi, Sunni andShia, there are innumerable groups whoowe allegiance to different saints anddivines. Small issues like raising handsduring the prayer and saying amenloudly have created disputes that defysolution. The Ulema have used theinstrument of takfeer (fatwas declaringsomeone as infidel) liberally. Earlier,they used to take Islam to thedisbelievers; now they take away Islamfrom the believers. Islamic history is


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Muslims must realize that theyare bearers of a universalmessage. They are not a racial orregional grouping in whoseterritory others cannot enter.Strictly speaking, Muslims inIndia are not one community;they are divided among manywell entrenched sects.

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full of instances how good and piousMuslims were branded as kafirs.Prophets alone had the capability tocope with these mindbogglingsituations. Even they had to passthrough times of afflictions and trials.The fact is that when reason andintelligence are abandoned and attitudesbecome fossilized, then the job of thereformer becomes very difficult. Buttoday, the situation is worse than ever.The Muslims have become firm in theircommunalism; they prefer politics toreligion and follow their worldlyambitions as commands of religion.History bears testimony to the fact thatin every age, we ridiculed those whopursued good with consistency, snuffedout the brilliant examples of sacrificeand tore the flags of selfless service.Who are we, the ordinary mortals; evenhigh-ranking Prophets were not spared by these custodians of traditionsand customs.

SK: You closed down your journal Al-Hilal long time back. Was it due to yourdisappointment with Muslims who werewallowing in intellectual desolation, oryou felt like proclaiming azan (call toprayer) in a barren desert. MA: I abandoned Al-Hilal not because Ihad lost faith in its truth. This journalcreated great awareness among a largesection of Muslims. They renewed their

faith in Islam, in human freedom and inconsistent pursuit of righteous goals. Infact, my own life was greatly enrichedby this experience and I felt like thosewho had the privilege of learning underthe companionship of the Messenger ofGod. My own voice entranced me andunder its impact, I burnt out like aphoenix. The Al-Hilal had served itspurpose and a new age was dawning.Based on my experiences, I made areappraisal of the situation and decidedto devote all my time and energy for the attainment of our nationalfreedom. I was firm in my belief thatfreedom of Asia and Africa largelydepended on India’s freedom and Hindu Muslim unity is key to India’s freedom. Even before the First World War, I hadrealized that India is destined to attainfreedom and no power on earth will beable to deny it. I was also clear in mymind about the role of the Muslims. Iardently wished that Muslims mustlearn to walk together with theircountrymen and give not an opportunityto history to say that when Indians werefighting for their independence, the Muslims were looking on asspectators. Let nobody say that insteadof fighting the waves, they werestanding on the banks and showingmirth on the drowning of boats carryingthe freedom fighters.


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General

Elections in Maharashtra, Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh

One more round of elections areover. This was in three states –Maharashtra, Haryana and ArunachalPradesh. In two states Congress

government are already in place.However, in Maharashtra governmentstill was not in place even after 10 days

of the declaration of results and evenafter Governor’s warning to theclaimants to form a government earliestor face the President’s rule.

On the face of it Congress is back inpower in all the three states and thecommentators would argue that in the

Seats Won Percentage of VotesCongress 82 20.97NCP 62 16.34Siv Sena 44 16.34BJP 46 14.13MNS 13 5.74BSP 01 2.43Ind+Others 41 24.28

INC+NCP SS/BJP+MNS OthersSeat Won Votes Seat Votes Seat Vote

1. Mumbai 20 15.84 15 25.17 1 4.072. Thane 6 8.15 11 15.00 7 9.683. Khandesh1 5 20.21 14 21.16 6 11.59

4. Vidarbha 28 34.86 27 34.49 7 24.495. Marathwada 30 32.52 10 26.98 6 16.616. Western

Marathwada 38 48.46 20 33.00 11 37.537. Konkan 07 8.99 05 07.16 03 06.03

144 169.43 103 163.05 41 110.00Average Vote perwinning seat 1.17600 1.58300 2.68200

Party Positions in Maharashtra

Region Wise Patterns

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end what matters is who touches thefinishing line first. But a closer lookgives very interesting pictures and onceagain explores the flaws in the system.It also shows how the minisculeminority rules over vast majority.

Let us first take the case ofMaharashtra. Maharashtra has 288 andeach party’s position after electionresults in given in the Table-1 alongwith the percentage of votes they got.But this table does not give the realistic


General

Won byCong/NCP SS/BJP+MNSVotes % Votes %

1. Chopda 69,636(43%) 74,0496(47%)2. Jalgaon Rural 71,556(45%) 80,564(51%)3. Sindkhed Raja 81,808(47%) 82,491(48%)4. Wani 55,666(32%) 56,546(33%)5. Hingoli 58,755(37%) 60,429(39%)6. Bhokardan 67,480(41%) 71,842(45%)7. Phulambri 63,236(40%) 72,628(45%)8. Paithan 64,179(40%) 75,295(49%)9. Igatpuri 29,155(23%) 44,839(37%)10. Murbad 55,830(31%) 62,338(36%)11. Mira- Bhayander 62, 013(42%) 78,629(54%)12. Belapur 59,685(41%) 66,381(46%)13. Dindoshi 46,278(34%) 80,000(60%)14. Kandivali (East) 50,138(43%) 62,923(55%15. Andheri East 55,990(41%) 75,889(56%)16. Vila Parle 44,338(34%) 77,790(62%)17. Anushakti Nagar 38,928(35%) 48,840(45%)18. Chembur 47,431(38%) 51,220(43%)19. Kurla 41,891(35%) 68,887(58%)20. Kalina 51,205(44%) 52,278(45%)21. Sion Koliwada 45,638(39%) 48,442(42%)22. Worli 52,398(38%) 79,646(68%)23. Colaba 39,779(40%) 54,478(56%)24. Karjot 41,727(29%) 42,793(30%)25. Shivaji Nagar 50,910(39%) 56,531(44%)26. Patan 87,917(48%) 89,398(50%)

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picture. For example MNS got 5.74% ofvotes but the fact is that of 288 seats ithad contested only 113 seats and,therefore, to know its real strengths weneed to break down this pollingstatistics regionwise. A closure look atthe voting pattern shows that MNS hasvirtually replaced Siv Sena getting10.84 lakhs (23.75%) votes in Bombay.Siv Sena got only 8.88 lakhs (19.46%)only. In Thane also MNS got 4.82 lakhs(14.47%) of the votes. At other places ithas remained well below 3% of thevotes polled.

However, besides the general

analysis what is most interesting is lookat the way MNS has damaged SivSena/BJP alliance. It is importantbecause till yesterday MNS was part ofSiv Sena and Raj Thakare was analtered ago of Bal Thakare. Besideswinning 13 seats, MNS factor defeatedat least 26 BJP/Siv Sena candidates.Table-3 shows constituencies in which

MNS factor worked to the advantage ofCongress/NCP. In the constituencieslisted in the table all the seats have beenwon by the congress/NCP and BJP/SivSena came second. But if we add MNSvotes to the defeated BJP/Siv Senavotes we see that in all theCongress/NCP would have lost verydecisively 26 seats.

So the Congress/NCP must enjoy thefruit of division within the member ofthe family and party votes. Had BJP/SivSena and MNS fought together theCongress/NCP would have beenreduced to below 100 seats.

Now let us have a look at Haryana.Here also Congress returned to powerwith reduced number of seats from 67 to40. Earlier BJP and INLD foughtelections together. Had they foughttogether this time they would havereturned to power. There are at least 7seats which they would have certainlysnatched away from the Congress,


General

Congress INLD+BJPWon

1.Panchkula 29,192 (35%) 32,649(40%)2.Shahbad (SC) 30,843(33%) 37,695(41%)3.Pehowa 35,429(33%) 50,609(48%)4. Panipat City 36,294(38%) 46,084(50%)5.Tohana 46,752(34%) 54,487(40%)6. Ateli 24,103(22%) 45,530(43%)7. Mahendragarh 42,286(38%) 46,681(42%)

Haryana: Votes Constituencies Wise

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reducing its tally to 33 seats or evenless.

It is now high time that we startlooking for some reforms in our electionsystem. In the present system, a partygetting 33 per cent or even 25 per centof the polled votes forms thegovernment. It has been seen thatsometimes a candidate getting 18-20 percent of the votes becomes an MP or anMLA. But the situation is much moredisconcerting when we translate this in

terms of the total electorate. In therecent elections, polling was just around50 per cent. In this situation, when wethink of a government in terms of totalelectorate, we find to our horror that aparty has come to power just bygarnering votes of a mere 12-15 per centof the total electorate. Often, MPs andMLAs are elected on the basis of votesof only 10-12 per cent of the totalelectorate. Surely, something needs tobe done on this count.


General

Seats Won Votes Polled PercentageCongress 40 33.30 35.08INLD 30 24.47 25.79BJP 04 8.58 09.04HJ 06 7.03 7.40BSP 01 6.39 6.73SAD 01 0.93 0.98Independent/Others 10 14.21 14.97

Haryana Party Positions

The nobles and householders of this country have founded hospitals within the city,to which the poor of all countries, the destitute, cripples and the diseased, may repair.They receive every kind of requisite help gratuitously. Physicians inspect their diseases,and according to their cases, order them food and drink, medicine decoctions,everything in fact that may contribute to their ease. When cured they depart at theirease.

Fa-Hian on Magadha, 400 AD

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For the last few years, there hasbeen speculation in certain quar-ters that China and India will

become global economic powers by2030. Also, it is speculated that by thattime India would also catch up withChina’s economic development.

It may be mentioned here that Chinadiscovered just in 30 years of its newavatar that socialistic path of economyleads only to disaster and began liberalization in 1978 with DengXiaoping at the helm of affairs. Indiatook almost 45 years to learn the

same lesson and free the economy fromthe shackles of socialism and garibihatao.

We are giving below the economicachievements of India and China, just to show what has been achieved in 31 years in China and 17 years in India.The tables and graphs given below have been taken from Chasing theDragon: Will India Catch Up withChina?, written by Mohan Guruswamyand Zorawar Daulet Singh and pub-lished by Dorling Kindersley (India)Pvt. Ltd..

General


Country GDP(US$ bn)

Per capitalGDP(US$)

Country GDP(US$ bn)

Per capitalGDP(US$)

China 1,454 1,130 France 2,540 41,550

India 508 490 India 1,132 1,020

Table 2.1 Top 12 Countries (Nominal GDP) of the World, 2002 and 2007

Source: The Economic Intelligece Unit, 2007

Economic Development in China and India

Table 2.4 Human Development Index1970 2005

Country HDI Value Rank HDI Value RankChina 0.372 64 0.777 81India 0.254 82 0.619 128Source: Statistical Outline of India, 2007-08, TATA Economic Services

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General


Description India ChinaElectricity production(bn kWh) 667.8 2199.6Eletricity consumption Per capita(kWh) 457.0 1,585.0Rail route(km) 63,465.0 62,200.0Road network(km) 33,19,644.0 14,02,698.0Air passenger carried(‘000) 27,528.0 136,722.0

Million tons/year India ChinaSteel production 29 163Cement production 109 650Food grain production 210 418Crude oil production 40 160Coal production 300 1300

Table 2.6 Infrastructure Indicators

Table 2.8 Agriculture and Industrial Production

Source: Statistical Outline of India, 2007-08, TATA Economic Services

Source: Statistical Outline of India, 2004-05, TATA Economic Services

Table 2.5 Social Sector IndicatorsDescription India ChinaGross enrolment ration in primary schools(%) 116.0 118.0Adult literacy(%) 61 91Labour cost per worker in manufacturing (US$ peryear)

1,192 729

Public education expenditure (% of Govt. expendi-ture)

10.7 12.8*

Physician per1,000 population 0.6 1.5Physicians expenditure (% of GDP) 5.0 4.7Health expediture per capita(US$) 31.0 71.0Health expenditure per capita(PPP US$,2003) 82.0 278.0Contraceptive prevalence rate(%) 47.0 87.0Soruce: Statistical Outline of India, 2007-08, TATA Economic Services

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General


Per cent of GDP India ChinaAgro value added 22 15Industry value added 27 52Exports of goods and services 14 34Imports of good and services 16 32Gross capital formation 24 44

Table 2.9 Economic Highlights, 2003

Source: World Development Indicators, 2005

Table 2.10 External Sector Comparison, End-2008

Source: CIA World Factbook, World Bank

US$ Billion India ChinaExports 176 1465Imports 287 1156Current account -38 416Foreign reserves 250 1951

Table 2.13 Growth Rates(Per Cent)China India

Perform period 5.52 5.7Post reform period(First 10years)

10.1 5.9

Source:Calculated from World Development Indicators

Table 2.15 Sector Break-up of GDP(Per Cent)

1980 1990 2003 2006AgricultureChina 30.1 27.1 15 11.8India 42.8 31 23 18.5IndustryChina 48.5 41.6 53 48.7India 21.9 28 26 26.4ServicesChina 21.4 31.3 32 39.5India 35.3 41 52 55.1Source: China Statistical Yearbook, 2001; Satistical Outline of India, 2004-05, TATAEconomic Services; and World Development Indicators, 2006; 2006 figures - India datafrom RBI Annual Report 2007, China data from China Economic Quaterly, 2007 Q2

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General


Description India China

% of GDP 2.3 1.9

Real Exp.(US$ bn)* 11.9 26.6

Military Press.(M) 2.61 3.75

Table 2.23 Defence Expediture, 2004

Source: World Development Indicators, 2006 * Figure Pertains to 2000

Table 2.24 Defence Expenditure Projections (US$ billion)

Country 2000 2020 2050India 11.95 37.40 215.17China 26.65 96.60 774.47Source: World Development Indicators, 2005

Table: 2.26 Youth IIIiteracy Rate in India and ChinaAge 15-24 (Male %) Age 15-24 (Female %)

Country 1990 2002 1990 2002India 27 16 46 32China 3 1 7 1

Source: World Development Indicators, 2006

Table: 2.27 Population in Production Cohort(M)2000 2020 2050

China 812 921 824India 599 824 962

Source: United Nations;World Bank

Table 2.16 Sector Growth Rates, 1980-20041980s 1990s 2000-05China India China India China India

Agricluture 5.9 3.1 4 3 3.9 2.5Industry 11.1 6.9 13.1 6.1 10.9 7.5Services 13.5 6.9 8.9 7.9 10.0 8.5Source: World Development Indicators, 2006 and Statistical Outline of India 2007-08,TATA Economic Services

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Wisdom

Eternal India, October 2009 171

Wisdom

Nature has always been given prime importance in the Indian way of life.Rivers, forests, lakes, birds, animals, insects etc. have all been venerated.In the recent past a lot of concern has been shown regarding thedestruction of nature by human being. Given below are two verses fromRigVeda to show the importance that was given to river Saraswati as lifegiver, as deity and as mother goddess.

ekachetat Saraswati nadinam suchir yati giribhya a samudrat Irayaschetanti bhuvansya bhureghitam payo duduhe Nahusaya II

RgVeda 7.9.2

[Purest among all rivers and vibrant, the Saraswati moves on from themountains to the ocean; manifesting immense riches of the world, she hasprovided milk and ghee to Nahusa.]

Saraswati sadhyanti dhiyam na Ila devi Bharati visvaturtih Itisro devih svadhaya barhiredamachchhidram pantu saranam nisadya II

RgVeda 2.3.8

[Saraswati who prompts our intellect towards higher thoughts, divine Ila,and Bharati who is all-surpassing, may all the three goddesses, on theirown volition, sit on the sacrificial grass and protect.]

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