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Emancipatie en duurzame ontwikkelingButter, Maureen Elisabeth

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Emancipatie en duurzameontwikkeling, een

probleemverkenning

Maureen E. Butter

Deel I: Emancipatie en milieu inmondiaal perspectief

Deel II: Emancipatie en milieu inNederland

BiologiewinkelRapport 44ISBN 90 367 0709 9Kerklaan 30/ postbus 149750 AA HarenTelefoon 050-3632385Telefax 050-3635205

Rijksuniversiteit Groningen

Emancipatie en duurzameontwikkeling, een

probleemverkenning

Deel I: Emancipatie en milieu in mondiaalperspectief

Deel II: Emancipatie en milieu inNederland

PROEFSCHRIFTter verkrijging van het doctoraat in de Wiskunde en

Natuurwetenschappen aan de Rijksuniversiteit Groningenop gezag van de Rector Magnificus,

Dr. F. van der Woude,in het openbaar te verdedigen op

vrijdag 23 mei 1997 des namiddags te 2.45 uur

doorMaureen Elisabeth Butter

geboren op 27 augustus 1949te Soemarorong

Promotores:Prof. Dr. J. van AndelProf. Dr. Ir. C.J. Weeda

Voor Jan en Ricardo

We would have reached feminist nirvana number 1 when:• The full-time labour-force participation rate of women reaches that of men.

• The wage rate is exactly the same for men and women of equal education, experienceand productivity.

• Men and women have exactly the same access to education and experience.

• The tax rate on individual men and women is exactly the same and no tax subsidies orfamily allowances encourage women to engage in non-market activities, such aschildrearing, that diminish their market experience.

• Children are cared for by the most efficient means.

Feminist nirvana number 2 would be reached if and when:• Men substantially increase their hours of unpaid work, devoting more time to home,

children and community. Their formal labour-force participation rate would decline tothe level now characteristic of women. Men and women would enjoy the same amountof leisure time.

• The wage rate is exactly the same for all individuals with the same levels of education,experience, and productivity, irrespective of differences in nation, race, class andgender.

• Public policies, including the tax and social welfare policies, recognise and rewardfamily labour and personal attention to the health, welfare and education of children,adults and the elderly - wherever these responsibilities are shared by men and women.

Nancy Folbre, 1992

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INHOUDSummary.................................................................................................................................v

Voorwoord....................................................................................................................... 11. Zijn emancipatie en duurzame ontwikkeling verenigbaar?Fout! Bladwijzer niet gedefinieerd.

1.1 Inleiding................................................................................................................ 71.2 Emancipatie .......................................................................................................... 81.3 Twee hoofdrichtingen.......................................................................................... 101.4 Probleemstelling.................................................................................................. 12

Deel I Emancipatie en milieu in mondiaal perspectief..........................................................172. Internationale kaders.................................................................................................. 19

2.1 Inleiding.............................................................................................................. 192.2 Nairobi: gelijkheid, ontwikkeling en vrede ......................................................... 202.3 Oeso: de actieve samenleving ............................................................................. 222.4 Brundtland-commissie: duurzame ontwikkeling................................................. 242.5 Agenda 21 en vrouwen ....................................................................................... 262.6 Conclusies........................................................................................................... 28

3. Vrouwen, economische ontwikkeling en milieu ........................................................ 313.1 Inleiding.............................................................................................................. 313.2 Feminisering van de armoede ............................................................................. 333.3 Milieu, bevolking en ontwikkeling ..................................................................... 353.4 Vrouwen in het zuiden ........................................................................................ 373.5 Bevolkingspolitiek .............................................................................................. 403.6 Kinderen en bejaarden in het zuiden ................................................................... 413.7 Vrouwen en milieu in het zuiden ........................................................................ 433.8 Vrouwenactivisme in het zuiden ......................................................................... 453.9 Vrouwen en milieu in het noorden ...................................................................... 463.10 Vrouwenactivisme in het noorden..................................................................... 493.11 Conclusies......................................................................................................... 50

4. Emancipatierichtingen ............................................................................................... 534.1 Inleiding.............................................................................................................. 534.2 Opvattingen over mannelijkheid en vrouwelijkheid............................................ 544.3 Mensbeeld, wereldbeeld en waarden .................................................................. 574.4 Het belang van wereldbeelden ............................................................................ 584.5 Gelijkheid versus ongelijkheid............................................................................ 614.6 Emancipatierichtingen ........................................................................................ 624.7 Conclusies........................................................................................................... 64

5. Menselijke behoeften en duurzame ontwikkeling...................................................... 675.1 Inleiding.............................................................................................................. 675.2 De oorsprong van ‘human needs’........................................................................ 695.3 Hoofdcategorieën van menselijke behoeften ....................................................... 725.4 Behoeften en duurzame ontwikkeling ................................................................. 775.5 Conclusies........................................................................................................... 80

6. Een ecofeministisch perspectief ................................................................................. 816.1 Inleiding.............................................................................................................. 816.2 De ecofeministische beweging............................................................................ 826.3 Het spirituele platform ........................................................................................ 84

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6.4 Het filosofisch platform....................................................................................... 866.5 Ecofeministische politiek .................................................................................... 896.6 Conclusies ........................................................................................................... 91

7. Een humaan-ecologisch perspectief ........................................................................... 937.1 Inleiding .............................................................................................................. 947.2 De individuele speelruimte.................................................................................. 957.3 Biologische theorieën over sekse-ongelijkheid.................................................... 987.4 Sekse-ongelijkheid in verschillende culturen .................................................... 1067.5 Sekse-ongelijkheid: sociale theorieën in gedragsecologisch perspectief ........... 1087.6 Modernisering en sekse-relaties ........................................................................ 1177.7 Economische ontwikkeling en bevolkingsgroei ................................................ 1197.8 Humane ecologie en ecofeminisme .................................................................. 1217.9 Conclusies ......................................................................................................... 123

8. Emancipatie en duurzaamheid: discussie en conclusies .......................................... 1258.1 Inleiding ............................................................................................................ 1268.2 Hoe geëmancipeerd zijn de milieubeleidsvoornemens en in hoeverre makenmilieudoelstellingen deel uit van emancipatiebeleidsvoornemens?......................... 1268.3 Wat betekent milieudegradatie voor vrouwen in noord en zuid?....................... 1278.4 Welke ideologische emancipatierichtingen zijn te onderscheiden hoe waarderendeze duurzaamheid? In hoeverre zijn zij inherent milieu(on)vriendelijk? ............... 1288.5 Hoe zijn emancipatiedoelstellingen theoretisch te integreren in de centraledoelstelling van duurzame ontwikkeling, zoals geformuleerd in ‘Our CommonFuture’? ................................................................................................................... 1298.6 Wat is ecofeminisme en wat is de ecofeministische visie op de relatie tussenvrouwen- en milieuproblematiek? ........................................................................... 1308.7 Zijn er verbanden tussen sociale processen, die de positie van de vrouwbeïnvloeden en processen, die tot milieuverslechtering leiden? In hoeverre is hierbijsprake van constraints? ........................................................................................... 1328.8 Welk van de twee nirwana's is uit oogpunt van duurzame ontwikkeling teverkiezen?................................................................................................................ 1338.9 Onder welke voorwaarden kan duurzame ontwikkeling bijdragen aan depositieverbetering van vrouwen en vice versa?........................................................ 134

Deel II Emancipatie en milieu in Nederland ..................................................................... 1399. Het sociale contract in Nederland ............................................................................ 141

9.1 Inleiding ............................................................................................................ 1419.2 Armoede, arbeid en inkomen ............................................................................ 1429.3 Onbetaalde arbeid en reproduktieve ongelijkheid ............................................. 1439.4 Maatschappelijke participatie ........................................................................... 1459.5 Conclusies ......................................................................................................... 145

10. De beleidsterreinen emancipatie en milieu ............................................................ 14710.1 Inleiding .......................................................................................................... 14710.2 Het milieubeleid .............................................................................................. 14910.3 Het emancipatiebeleid ..................................................................................... 15210.4 Overeenkomsten en verschillen....................................................................... 15510.5 Beleidsintegratie emancipatie en milieu.......................................................... 15710.6 Conclusies ....................................................................................................... 159

11. Milieu en emancipatie in Nederland...................................................................... 16111.1 Inleiding .......................................................................................................... 16111.2 Werkgelegenheid............................................................................................. 163

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11.3 Inkomen .......................................................................................................... 16311.4 Mobiliteit ........................................................................................................ 16411.5 Wonen en ruimtelijke ordening....................................................................... 16611.6 Volksgezondheid............................................................................................. 16811.7 Dialoog tussen milieu- en vrouwenbeweging ................................................. 17011.8 Conclusies....................................................................................................... 172

12. Vragen over vrouwen en milieu............................................................................ 17312.1 Inleiding.......................................................................................................... 17312.2 Belang van het thema ‘vrouwen en milieu’..................................................... 17512.3 Interessegebieden van de verschillende organisaties....................................... 17612.4 Aanwezige expertise ....................................................................................... 17612.5 De aard van de vragen..................................................................................... 17712.6 Enkele vragen nader belicht ............................................................................ 17812.7 Conclusies....................................................................................................... 181

13. Slotbeschouwing.................................................................................................... 18313.1 Inleiding.......................................................................................................... 18313.2 Emancipatie en milieu in Nederland ............................................................... 18313.3 Vervolgonderzoek ........................................................................................... 18513.4 Enkele beleidsopties........................................................................................ 186

Literatuur ..................................................................................................................... 189Bijlage 1: De vragen .................................................................................................... 209

Sectie 1: Vrouwenorganisaties................................................................................ 209Sectie 2: Milieuorganisaties .................................................................................... 211Sectie 3: Overige organisaties ................................................................................. 216

Bijlage 2: De enquête .................................................................................................. 219Bijlage 3: De Biologiewinkel....................................................................................... 223

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SUMMARYEmancipation and Sustainable Development: an Exploration.

Part One.Emancipation and the Environment in a Global Perspective

1. Prologue and IntroductionThis thesis originated from a pilot project which aimed to define problems suitable for furtherresearch in a science shop framework. Explorative inquiry into new social problems is part ofthe activities of the Science Shop for Biology, in addition to initiating research on applicationof action groups or non profit organisations. Science shops have been founded in the seventiesand eighties in all Dutch universities. They were meant as a tool for democratising the accessto academic research, enabling civil groups or organisations to obtain information by researchserving their, generally, emancipatory, aims. By mediation of the science shops, students canconduct research into the problems of the questioner as a part of their training.Discussion concerning women’s emancipation in relation to environmental policy is arelatively recent phenomenon in the Netherlands. It started with the critique from theEmancipation Council on the Dutch environmental policy plans, issued in 1989. Both thecritique and a report on interference between emancipation and environmental policy wereissued in 1990. Discussion and study following these publications concentrate on mobility,spatial organisation and the time constraints of task combiners. On the other hand, women areaddressed by the Environmental Ministry in their role as consumers. This has also been theusual approach to women by environmental organisations. Considering the Dutch discussionand the ad hoc character of the issues, a more systematic survey was thought necessary,including an inquiry into the research needs of both environmental and women’sorganisations. The fundamental question is, to what extent sustainability and emancipationare compatible. This study was limited to long term processes, interactions and constraints.This was done, bearing in mind, that the issue of ‘emancipation’ as such, is not a homogenousone. Following Nancy Folbre, a division is made into two main directions, Nirvana 1 andNirvana 2.‘In the first feminist nirvana, the trend towards a market in the services once provided in thefamily would continue. The very concept of production for one’s own personal use, for thesake of the process and the product itself, would become increasingly obsolete, even inchildrearing. Explicit contractual relationships with employers and the state would supersedeall forms of personal commitment to family, friends, neighbours and kin. Women’s life cyclewould closely resemble that now characteristic of men […….].A far better, if more remote, vision lies in the possibility that men and women may choose toretain their personal territory and continue to work for rewards that cannot be priced, sharingthe responsibilities of bringing up children and rejecting economic boundaries based onnation, race and ethnicity.’ This second nirvana requires that men reduce hours spent on paidwork and dedicate considerably more time to home, family, friends and community.During the project, which was supported by a grant from the Emancipation Fund of theUniversity of Groningen, I found that the field was not mature enough for science shopresearch. At this stage, a general overview and identification of issues for further research anddiscussion is needed. Such a report, accessibly written in the tradition of the science shops,may serve to stimulate both public discussion and academic research.

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The connection between gender and environment can be addressed at three levels at least,which correspond to three main categories of international literature on the topic.The first level is political. Connections are purely practical and concern the integration ofenvironmental and emancipatory policies.The second level focuses on the effects of trends and processes on both environment and theposition of women. There is a substantial body of literature addressing the interconnection ofdevelopment, environment and gender.The third level focuses on underlying mechanisms. Ecofeminism (a movement withinfeminism) as well as some feminist anthropologists often hold patriarchal society responsiblefor all misery: women’s suppression as well as environmental degradation.The first part of this general survey addresses, to a certain extent, all three levels from a globalperspective, and tries to provide answers for the following questions:1. To what extent are environmental and women’s issues integrated in global policy?2. What is the impact of environmental degradation on women in the North and the South?3. Which ideologies of emancipation are to be distinguished and how do they valueenvironmental issues?4. Is there a suitable theoretical framework to integrate emancipatory and environmental endsin a concept of sustainable development?5. What is ecofeminism and what is the ecofeminist view on gender and environment?6. What kind of interactions exist between social mechanisms and long term processesaffecting the position of women and mechanisms that cause environmental degradation? Whatkind of constraints?7. Which emancipation variants are beneficial, harmful or neutral in terms of environmentalimpact?8. Which preconditions of sustainable development also favour women’s position?

The second part of this thesis describes the debate and state of affairs in the Netherlands.Questions addressed in this part are:1. What is the position of women in the Netherlands?2. To what extent are environmental issues and emancipation integrated in Dutch policy?3. Which issues about emancipation and environment have already been identified and whatdo we know about them?4. To what extent are women’s organisations and environmental groups interested, expert andinvolved in problems of gender and environment? What are their research needs?This part concludes with a general discussion and some suggestions for further research andpolicy options.

2. Global PolicyGlobal policy was evaluated on the basis of two documents for each field. For women’s issuesThe Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies of the UN, and Shaping Structural Change. The roleof Women, of the OECD were studied. For environmental politics ‘Our Common Future’from UN’s WCED and Agenda 21.In the FLS’s equality, development and peace are the main issues, although they mentionenvironmental degradation as a problem. In terms of emancipation the emphasis is on paidlabour and economic independence. OECD presents not a global vision but a typical‘Northern’ perspective. The emphasis is on conditions favouring equal opportunities betweenmen and women, flexible careers and more professionalisation in the sector of services, easingthe problems of modern task combiners. At the same time they plead for revaluation of unpaid

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work in terms of valuable experience for paid jobs. No reference at all is made toenvironmental problems.‘Our Common Future’ pacifies conflicting demands on behalf of the environment with theneeds for economic development in the Southern part of the world by advocating a differentkind of economic growth: emphasis should shift from material needs and goals to immaterialneeds and goals. The document is largely ‘gender-neutral’. This can not be said from Agenda21, the elaboration of ‘Our Common Future, negotiated in Rio de Janeiro, 1992. From thisdocument emerge two views on women: a Southern and a Northern picture. Women’s issuesin the South are considered mainly a poverty problem. Women in the North are primarilyaddressed in their role as consumers. This twofold picture mirrors the North/South perspectivein the entire document, where Southern countries are supposed to develop and controlpopulation growth, while Northern countries need to control their consumption.

3. Women in the North and the South, and the environmentEconomic development is often accompanied with major negative impacts on both theposition of women and the environment. As to the position of women three main factorsemerge: 1) the sexual division of labour, 2) differences in mobility and 3) differences inpower. Differences in power stand at the root of ‘roll-off’ mechanisms burdening the poor, thewomen and the children disproportionately with the costs of modernisation. Roll-off, i.e.causing costs and making others pay them (in economical terms ‘externalities’) is a majormechanism in environmental degradation. Environmental costs are being rolled off oncitizens, government, ecosystems, other nations and future generations.All over the world women are primarily responsible for ‘survival tasks’: reproduction, childcare and the providing in and management of basic needs (shelter, clothing, food, water andenergy). Commercialisation detracts an increasing part of production factors (labour, naturalresources and capital) from the local subsistence economy. Scaling up and concentration ofeconomic activity favour mobility of labour, exploitation of natural resources andconcentration of economic power.These processes are responsible for environmental degradation and aggravation of socialinequality, marginalising the position of the least powerful. In the North, due to steadily risingprosperity and the activities of social movements, class and gender inequalities are generallyless severe than in the South. However, in many countries the social and economic prospectsof women are deteriorating again.Poverty and environmental degradation in the South form for a substantial part of the worldpopulation a direct survival problem. This is aggravated by power abuse, military andinstitutional violence and, for women, domestic violence. Survival tasks and basic needsfulfilment being the primary responsibility of women, many women occupy themselves withenvironmental action on a grass-root level.Southern women’s organisations conceptually link the western production system toenvironmental degradation, colonialism and the survival problems of women. They advocate adevelopment strategy preserving the local self support base and promoting social equality. Inthe South international networks on gender, environment and development, stem fromwomen’s activism, development and human rights organisations and from environmentalorganisations. In the beginning the main issue concerned the impact of development onwomen, later the environment became a prominent theme. Apart from the consequences ofenvironmental degradation for women, the role and expertise of women as environmentalmanagers is emphasized.Grassroots activism of women is primarily connected to survival issues, in terms of Moser ,‘practical gender needs’. For the Southern women’s movement, environmental degradation is

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only one of many problems, next to discrimination on account of race, class, ethnicity andgender and most of all poverty.Political approaches to the gender and environment issues favour the anti-poverty approach,with population control as a second best. These approaches contain emancipatorypossibilities, but also objectionable anti-emancipatory tendencies.Northern environmental problems have a much lower impact on survival level, the situation inEastern Europe being more serious than in the West. Pollution, environmental accidents andfood safety are the main issues. Where they occur, women turn to political action, often onbehalf of their children. Also many women, from their role as housewife, are active inenvironmental organisations, promoting ‘green’ consumption and production.Most Northern international political networks on gender and environment originate from theenvironmental movement, not from the women’s movement. This may explain why inNorthern organisations the environment seems to be the main issue, women perceivingthemselves as instrumental to the solution of it. In Southern organisations women’s problemsform the central issue.

4. Emancipation IdeologyThere is great variability in the notions of femininity and masculinity within, as well asbetween cultures, but there exist many similarities as well. Considerably larger divergenceoccurs as to the social implication of sex differences, due to their interpretation. Concepts offemininity and masculinity are well integrated with world views, values and attitudes, and,more often than not, implicit. In a rapidly changing world, the process of value revaluation isaccompanied by a vivid discussion on world view, metaphors and spirituality. This process isrelevant for both emancipation and environmental problems. Metaphor analysis can be of usein this field. Emancipation ideology subdivides into two currents, one viewing the sexes asequal, the other one viewing them as unequal, but equivalent.In the Third and Second World practical gender needs often take precedence over strategicalgender needs and ideological issues. A need for more autonomy, however, is a commonelement. Weeda, charting Western emancipation ideology distinguishes six directions, basedon feminine, androgynous and masculine ideal types and subdivided into either equality orequivalency variants. These six ideologies differ in inherent value characteristics concerningamong other things career, relationships, family and environment . The main directionscorrespond to Folbre’s two nirvana’s. Feminine ideologies (Nirvana 2) value co-operation,responsibility and environment more than masculine ones (Nirvana 1). It is, however,premature to characterise all feminine directions as ecologically sound on mere ideologicalgrounds. For such an evaluation it is best to translate emancipation ideologies into socialscenario’s and assess environmental impact following such a scenario. Folbre’scharacterisations are, in fact scenario’s, but they need more elaboration. A choice for eithernirvana has very different implications for the environmental policy needed.

5. Human Needs and Sustainable DevelopmentThis chapter elaborates on the notion of ‘needs’ from the WCED-definition of sustainabledevelopment:‘Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present withoutcompromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.’Human needs theory is a multidisciplinary field originating from the ‘basic needs’ approach indevelopment policy. Human dignity requires more than sheer material needs satisfaction.Even for material needs satisfaction, the common measure, gross national product, is a poorcriterion. The emphasis on physical needs in development policy partly stems from the fact

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that these needs are universal, irrespective of culture. For a major part, though, it follows froma western bias towards material needs and western economic order. Non-material needs oftenseem very specific with respect to culture, but it is possible to class them into a few maincategories.A universal theory of human need, like for example Doyal and Gough's, offers possibilities foran intercultural standard of needs satisfaction with respect to emancipatory and sustainabledevelopment.

In this study the following definitions apply:Need minimally required condition for life and human dignityPreference what individuals or groups desireSatisfier means or system to satisfy needs or preferences

Needs are individual, satisfiers not necessarily, they may be collective. Some individual needscan only be satisfied by collective satisfaction systems, some of which are cultural in nature,like a shared language and shared values. Also, man as a social being has fundamental socialneeds. These two phenomena plead against an all too individualistic systematisation of needsand measures of satisfaction. Authors differ considerably about the nature of needs. In thisstudy needs are supposed to stem from human nature. They are open to scientific inquiry, butneeds research should be broad and interdisciplinary in order to cover all aspects. Interculturalcomparison and metaphor dialogues can enrich the insight into immaterial needs, at the sametime contributing to social awareness of implicit assumptions and root metaphors. This isimportant, because especially immaterial needs and preferences within a culture are to a largeextent implicit. They are no subject for debate or critical reflection, and if deprivation occurs,it is not recognised.Doyal and Gough’s scheme, proposing autonomy and health as fundamental needs, fromwhich all other needs can be derived, seems to underestimate the meaning of relatedness. Forman as a fundamentally social being, the need for autonomy is matched, or complementary tothe need for meaningful social bonding. Apart from kinship, the universal mechanism toestablish and sustain relatedness, is informal reciprocity, which stresses the importance ofunpaid labour as a universal satisfier of meaningful social bonding.The three main categories of human needs, health, autonomy and meaningful social bonding,in combination with criteria of cost efficiency, regulatory efficiency and environmentalpreconditions, can provide direction to a process of emancipatory sustainable development. Inaddition to fundamental research into needs and systems of satisfaction, procedures of needsassessment will be helpful for policy integration and planning. In this matter democraticinteractive procedures are to be preferred over top down approaches.

6. An Ecofeminist PerspectiveEcofeminism is a movement within feminism linking feminism to environmentalism. Thereare as many ecofeminisms, it seems, as there are ecofeminists, but they all assume aconnection between environmental degradation and patriarchal society.Many ecofeminist arguments boil down to the proposition, that what good is for women, willbenefit nature as well. Nature, or the ecosystem is put on a par with the environment ingeneral. Female power is indispensable for a peaceful, non-discriminating and non-pollutingsociety, and feminism is supposed to promote such a society. Ecofeminist political utopia’spropagate small-scale, locally oriented communities and diversity, living in harmony witheach other and with nature. In this respect they do not differ from many green utopia’s,although women’s role and women’s rights are more emphasized.

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As a political and ideological movement, ecofeminism attempts to unite global women’sactivism in the field of women and environment under one umbrella. So far, they have onlypartially succeeded. International networks in the field of women and environment agree to alarge extent on practical objectives, corresponding in general as well as in detail to theNairobi Forward-Looking Strategies, namely peace, development and equality, withenvironmental quality as a fourth. All these belong to the ecofeminist programme as well.But the ideological discourse has a few bones of contention, especially spirituality andfeminist content. In consequence, ecofeminism as a common banner is unacceptable for manyparties involved. Apart from the politically active groups with common goals, which do notnecessarily identify with ecofeminism as a label, the ecofeminist discourse subdivides intotwo main camps.The first of these, the spiritual platform, is multicultural and very wide in scope. Implicitbehavioural codes in this debate include, that spiritual premises as such are not criticised.Points of recognition and identification in this field are acknowledged and praised. However,implicit values as well as practices are (sometimes severely) criticised and riposted.Participants in the spiritual discourse are active in political as well as in religious circles and,for that reason, are potentially important social actors.The philosophical platform connects feminist theory with green political theory andphilosophy. It is not multicultural, but mainly a white, middle class and academic affair. Theirpolitical significance seems restricted to the northern green political movements, to whichthey introduce feminist objectives and feminist points of view. Potentially they are strong inmetaphor analysis, and as such interesting contributors to the increasingly more multiculturalvalue discussion. A critical reflection on their own western bias and their idealisation ofnature and ecosystems as a social metaphor, would benefit the discussion.

7. A Perspective from Human EcologyHuman ecology studies behaviour from an evolutionary point of view. In this chapter insightsfrom evolutionary ecology are applied to the problems of emancipation and sustainability.According to biological theory, sex relations are shaped by differences in reproductiveinterests and ecological opportunities. Within this view, sexual equality is very much a matterof equality in reproductive costs and benefits for both sexes. Higher order social phenomena,like law, custom and economic order, together with other situational factors, define andmodify the costs and benefits for each sex and the space for individual decision making.Male reproductive strategies are directed to allocating investment primarily to fertilisation ofas many females as possible and leaving the costs of raising offspring to females. Thesestrategies often encourage sexual inequality. Female reproductive strategies aim for goodgenes and high quality offspring. Considering the extremely long childhood period in humans,parental effort of both sexes must have constituted a long part of our evolutionary history.There are arguments in support for the hypothesis, that primeval, supposedly non-sedentary,human communities were matrifocal.Cross-cultural research reveals a correlation between matrifocality, female power, social andeconomic equality, peacefulness and co-operation on the one hand and between patrifocality,male dominance, inequality, war and competition on the other. A survey of biological andanthropological literature suggests, that both density and (the nature of) available resourcesare important variables. Defensible resources of strategical importance encourage maledominance, inequality and exploitation, both in general and between the sexes. Thesecharacteristics depend on what is technologically feasible. In low-density non-sedentaryhunter/gatherer systems women’s freedom of action is greater, as in most systems the costs ofrestraint greatly outweigh any reproductive profits. In many traditional societies of low and

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intermediate density, habitual warfare and violence against women benefits male reproductivestrategies, inhibiting sexual equality. In high density agricultural systems parental investmentis largely directed to legal descendants and the acquisition of inheritable wealth and position.These systems often produce severe limitations to women's freedom of action.In modern society, education and new economic opportunity for the well educatedincreasingly supersedes the significance of inheritable wealth. As children are no longer aneconomic asset, the costs of rearing a child have increased tremendously.There is some support for the ecofeminist view that patriarchy is connected to environmentaldegradation, as males in general have more to gain from wealth beyond personal needs, butgender equality in itself provides no mechanism for sustainable environmental management.Neither is patriarchy in itself a cause of environmental degradation. Rapid economicexpansion might initially facilitate a shift towards male reproductive strategies, promotingsexual inequality. Modernisation, as a process of professionalisation, intensification (of land,energy and materials) and colonisation of low or zero-density regions has affected womenmainly by professionalisation and social stratification. It also caused environmentaldegradation, but mainly as a consequence of intensification and colonisation. As theseprocesses are interconnected in many ways, the relation between environmental deteriorationand gender inequality is rather complex.Historically speaking every rise in productive capacity has been converted to a considerableextent into reproductive gain. In the short term it raised the quantity of offspring, in the longterm, their quality, and also quality of life. There is no automatic, density-dependentregulation mechanism controlling population growth, nor any inherent mechanism in small-scale locally controlled communities, preventing over-exploitation. The so-called demographictransition as a consequence of a rise in prosperity seems more an effect of the costs of raisingdescendants with favourable prospects. As such, this is a result of factors not expected to beoperative forever.In environmental policy recommendations boiling down to a preservation of traditional waysof life will not suffice in the long term. New instruments have to be developed, regulatingindividual behaviour and allocating the gains of technological innovation to environmentalimprovement.

8. Emancipation and Sustainability: Discussion and Conclusions.This chapter provides some answers to the questions raised in the introduction.International policy has made a start to integrate environmental and emancipation issues.Insight in interactions and constraints, however, to a large extent has to be developed yet. Inthe south women's problems are closely related to modernisation and social change. In thenorth women are increasingly affected by constraints of time and mobility, the effects ofscaling up. Emancipation in the north tends to shape women's life style and consumptionaccording to men's patterns, contributing to environmental consumption. There are historicalparallels between North and South as to the effect of industrialisation on women.Modernisation carries costs with respect to fundamental social needs satisfaction. Socialnetworks of kin and friends, which are sustained by unpaid labour in the form of mutual helpand support, are of crucial importance. A second reason for special concern for the role ofwomen, unpaid labour and social networks is that, although needs are individual, manysatisfiers are not, including cultural systems of relatedness, shared beliefs, values andlanguage. Cultural disintegration as a consequence of too rapid modernisation can destroycollective systems of needs satisfaction, which are only partly replaced by new arrangements.Procedures of 'needs assessment' can be of help in policy and planning.

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Feminine emancipation ideology values co-operation, solidarity, social responsibility andenvironmental quality. Masculine directions are more individualistic and better fit in thecurrent trend towards more professionalisation and economic growth. Ecofeminismpresupposes a connection between patriarchate and environmental degradation: thisassumption is only partly supported by behavioural ecological theory. Even in traditionalsocieties, no direct relation exists between sustainable resource management and genderequality. The question, however, to what extent patriarchy promotes economic growth cannotbe answered without further research into the relation between individual processes, 'contestcompetition' on micro-, meso- and macro-level and economic growth. The political ideal ofsocial equality with respect to gender, race, ethnicity and class and peace is supported bybehavioural ecological theory.Cross-cultural research reveals a correlation between male dominance, competition andviolence, sexual egalitarian societies being more peaceful and co-operative. Behaviouralecology may explain these correlations as a consequence of conditions, favouring 'contestcompetition' and male reproductive strategies. For gender equality, equality in reproductivecosts between the sexes is required, a condition which in mammals is promoted by very highcosts per descendant. Costs, moreover, that cannot be rolled off to women or lower classes.These requirements constitute the main constraints for emancipation. Constraints forsustainability lie in the absence of density-dependant regulation mechanisms for populationgrowth and overexploitation. As such, emancipation and sustainability are not principally atodds. But the routes, measures and processes to reach the required preconditions very wellmay impede each other. Improvement of women's position should not generate populationgrowth and some emancipation directions may increase environmental consumption.Environmental policy, on the other hand, may constrain women 's social participation andeconomic opportunities, increasing gender inequality.In a modern framework, Nirvana 1 probably will promote deprivation of immaterial needs.This nirvana fits best in a moderately competitive, growth-oriented social framework.Integration of environmental and emancipation policies mainly concerns the equal share of thesexes in the costs of environmental policy. Redistribution of environmental consumptiondeserves political attention. Nirvana 2 has true potential for a shift from material consumptionto immaterial values. The route to this nirvana demands a radical shift, away from currenttrends towards more and more professionalisation and scaling up. Instead of this, men shouldbe given incentives to substitute unpaid labour for paid work, which implies that the realvalue of unpaid work must rise with respect to paid work..Some mutually benefiting measures for sustainability and emancipation are discussed withrespect to poverty, mobility and unpaid labour. As for poverty, some redistribution in order toequalise reproductive costs (both monetary and non-monetary) remains necessary, but not atthe cost of women’s autonomy. Economic opportunities favouring combination of care andcareer, and improving urban environmental quality support women’s interests. As womenprefer economic activity at or near home, research, knowledge transfer and education shouldbe directed to environmentally sound productive activities, which do not interfere with thedemands of residential activities and quality of housing.Economies of scale and increased mobility have benefited men disproportionally, at the sametime levelling out environmental impact over a larger area (‘roll-off’ to a larger scale). As aconsequence of the sexual division of labour, women are more home-bound and less mobilethan men. Restriction of mobility can benefit women, if and only if, it is closely tied withadvancement of local employment of sufficient quality and amelioration of local facilities.For unpaid labour a local orientation will be favourable, if not necessary. Networks ofrelatives, neighbours and friends in modern society rapidly undergo geographic dilation, both

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by geographic mobility and reduction in number of relatives. Contacts often occur within aprofessional framework (colleagues, paid services) or water down to low-cost social support.Restoring networks to an appropriate level of informal help and mutual care demands aradical shift, away from the current trend towards more and more professionalisation. Theidea of LETS (Local Exchange Trading System) in this respect is a promising approach.When directed at labour-intensive local essential needs, for example housing, maintenanceand repair, care and environmental care, there might be a gain, not only in terms of immaterialneeds satisfaction, but also efficiency, environmental quality and material needs satisfaction.A larger informal network also may enhance local economic activity and entrepreneurship, ifproperly supported by local authorities. One precondition is, that unpaid work is not equatedwith unskilled work.

Part TwoEmancipation and the Environment in The Netherlands

9. The Social Contract in The NetherlandsAlthough an ideology of equality prevails in the Netherlands, even extending to equal divisionof unpaid labour, the actual position of women leaves much to be desired for. Like in the restof the world, housekeeping and family care largely fall to the woman. In younger generationsequality in education, work and income is increasing, but reproductive costs are still veryunequal, both de facto and de jure.Predominantly women give up (part of) their paid work on behalf of child care. It is women,bearing the greatest burden, both physically and financially, to raise children.Spatial organisation and mobility have been the main themes up till now. Despite theproblems of combining paid and unpaid work, labour participation of mothers is increasing.This trend will continue, because resigning carries great social and financial risk, jobs beingscarce these days and cuts on welfare severe.Although family roles are still rather traditional, the so-called ‘power of the shopping bag’ isan overestimated stereotype. Doing the shopping at the most implies responsibility over alimited part of the budget, allocation of which is also influenced by other members of thehousehold.In the field of unpaid labour, informal mutual support and care, problems may rise, especiallyfor those combining paid and unpaid work. Quality of informal networks is deteriorating insuch a way, that many people may be deprived or will be in the near future, with respect to thefundamental need of ‘meaningful social bonding’.

10. Policies with respect to Emancipation and EnvironmentThis chapter reviews Dutch policies on emancipation and environment. Environmental policyis primarily directed at physical aims, cultural goals being very specific and directed atdesired environmental behaviour. Although there is a discourse on sustainable quality-centredculture within the environmentalist movement, this is not a topic in environmental policy.In many respects, environmental policy can be considered a success story. Policy makers havebeen mobilizing a lot of power and finance, realizing many concrete objectives. Yet policy isinadequate to tackle ‘the undercurrent’, namely the structural factors generating the problem.To control the undercurrent, a more fundamental approach is advocated, characterised as an‘environmental revolution’ by the Commission Long Term Environmental Policy, as acivilisation process by others. This vision has been hardly elaborated, however, with respect tosocial and cultural characteristics.

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In comparison with environmental policy, emancipation policy has scored poorly. It lacksresolution and purpose, both with respect to concrete goals and to the mobilisation ofresources. Reproductive equality (with respect to costs, roles and risks) was and still is notthe aim. The most successful part has been labour market policy.As far as Dutch emancipation policy implies a scenario, it is mostly Nirvana 1, even morethan the OECD-vision. As for the integration of the two fields, the environmental ministry hasmade a modest start, but the intents are rather vague.

11. Environment and Emancipation in The Netherlands‘Emancipation and environment’ is in the Netherlands a fairly recent topic, but interest isgrowing, both in environmentalist and women’s organisations. The main approach is apragmatic one: policy notes on the two fields are compared and screened for bottlenecks andopportunities. The following problem fields have been identified:

• bottlenecks with regard to time and mobility

• consequences of environmental policy for employment and income

• promotion of women’s political influence, both generally and in environmental policy

• consumption and sustainable lifestyles

• public healthWomen’s organisations are anxious about the negative impacts of environmental policy onmobility and income, environmentalists primary concern being the increase in automobile useby women.Apart from this current pragmatism, adhering to the Nirvana 1-view on emancipation, there isa second school, more ideological and critical of the social structure. Their emancipationideology corresponds more to Nirvana 2. In practice, a lifestyle in accordance with Nirvana 2is feasible only for a small minority. One must be willing and able to work according to veryunusual schedules (at night and during the weekend) and often content oneself with a lowerincome and lesser career prospects. Apart from this, the amount of affordable and suitablehousing locations for these care-oriented, emancipated task combiners is restricted.Combining paid work of reasonable quality with child care in many cases either results inasymmetric arrangements between parents, or in intensive automobile use. Housingpreferences of families with small children (quietude, space and safety) conflict with thelocation demands for task combiners (infrastructure, public transport, facilities andemployment).The urban environment is not experienced as congenial to children and familylife. In the dialogue between environmentalists and women’s organisation There is also someinterest in sustainable lifestyles and ‘green’ consumerism.

12. Questions about Women and the EnvironmentAn inquiry was held among NGO’s on environmental or women’s issues, to measure theirinterest in the field of women and the environment and to inventory their research needs. Thequestionnaire was modest in design and recorded order of priority, expertise and fields ofinterest, like emancipation, public health, Third World problems, household or any other fieldthey could conceive of. Also they were invited to phrase specific questions or research needs,if they had some. Of the 285 questionnaires mailed, 99 were responded to, non-responsebetween women’s organisations and environmental NGO’s being equal. More than 7% of allorganisations are of the opinion that the topic deserves at the least some attention, 35%considering it important or very important. About half of the women’s organisations and 60%of environmental organisations report having expertise on the topic. Fields of interest differ:women’s organisations are more interested in emancipation and job opportunities in the

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environmental sector, whilst environmental organisation are most interested in consumption,with emancipation as a second. One third of respondents (31) asked questions, 62 questionsin total. Most questions (29) pertained to emancipation (including mobility), 14 toconsumption or housekeeping, 8 to health, 7 to Third World problems and 4 to other issues.Many questions were very general in nature or corresponded to topics raised before. Somenew points were raised ,concerning for example gender differences in expenditure andconsumption, and the role of emancipation in technology. According to a report of theEmancipation Council, technology development is supply-side oriented and thereforeunattractive to women. A user-oriented technology which is conscious of social andenvironmental needs will appeal much more to women and contribute to a change of culturein the field of engineering. Questions on emancipation addressed mainly bottlenecks andconflicting interests, like time and automobility. In this the perspective of both environmentaland women’s organisations followed the pragmatic, Nirvana 1-line of thinking.

13. Final ReflectionIn view of long-term policy on sustainability and emancipation, society has to makefundamental choices. Current trends are in the direction of Nirvana 1, but unless reproductiveequality is advocated, social equality is probably unattainable. Perhaps an environmentallysound society can be achieved, based upon a high level of professionalisation of either sex, butit will be short in immaterial needs satisfaction. A change of direction towards Nirvana 2therefore deserves consideration. This implies a certain extent of deprofessionalisation,keeping up skills and technology, a primarily local orientation with respect to personalcontacts and work, and more political attention for social networks and unpaid labour.There are many options for further research, for example needs assessment. Also,investigators of sustainable lifestyles need to pay attention to reproductive consequences andtransgenerational effects of environmentally desirable lifestyles. Also, an inquiry into thepossibilities of effectuating local informal networks, at the same time stimulating localeconomic activity is worthwhile.As for policy, improving the quality of the urban environment will be helpful. Safety in andaround the home should be an environmental theme too. Long-term visions, preferably in theform of scenario’s are to be formulated, both for emancipation and the environment.Emancipation Impact Assessments would be desirable as an aid in decision making in thefield of spatial planning and urban design, but can only be effective after a clear vision onsustainable emancipated society has been formulated.

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VOORWOORDNietsvermoedend begon ik eind 1993 een vooronderzoekje over emancipatie en milieu. In hetvoorjaar had ik mijn tweede kind gekregen, anderhalf jaar na mijn eerste. Het was me bij diegelegenheid al opgevallen dat ik het thuis veel drukker had dan op het werk, hoewel niemanddat ooit scheen te merken. Mijn collega van de Chemiewinkel had me al heel attent eenrapport over de milieuvoordelen van katoenen luiers toegestuurd. Dat voordeel was in mijngeval betrekkelijk, omdat er in ons dorp geen luierwascentrale is en noch deweersomstandigheden, noch de boerderij berekend zijn op buiten aan de lijn drogen van dewas.Twee kinderen in de luierleeftijd bleken aanzienlijke problemen op te roepen voor de meesteenvoudige activiteiten en boodschappen. Òf ze moesten mee, òf ik moest iemand vinden, dieeven op ze wilde passen.Ik begon me af te vragen hoe anderen dat deden. Navraag bij andere ouders leverde op, dathet voor iedereen net even anders ligt, maar een hoop organisatie is het altijd. Sommigenslaagden er in, om toch een redelijk milieuvriendelijke levensstijl te handhaven, anderenabsoluut niet. Kortom, hier was vermoedelijk sprake van een maatschappelijk probleem. Hadik kunnen weten, want mijn collega en medecoördinator Attie Bos was enkele jaren geledenéén van de onderzoeksters, die meewerkten aan het rapport ‘Emancipatie en milieu: plussenen minnen op de raakvlakken1 Ik bestudeerde dat rapport met grote aandacht en begon mij allezende af te vragen, in hoeverre deze problematiek was opgepakt door milieu- envrouwenorganisaties. Ik besloot mij er verder in te verdiepen; vroeg of laat zouden er bestvragen kunnen komen over dit onderwerp.Uit dit eerste, zeer globale, vooronderzoek, dat zich beperkte tot de Nederlandse situatieconcludeerde ik, dat de problematiek uitermate belangrijk, maar ook behoorlijk complex wasen zeker nadere studie waard. Het leek mij verstandig om milieu- en vrouwenorganisaties tevragen, in hoeverre zij problemen zagen op het gebied ‘vrouwen en milieu’, en wat hunonderzoeksbehoefte was. Tevens wilde ik mij verdiepen in internationale literatuur over hetonderwerp (indien die er was). Aangezien dit waarschijnlijk veel tijd zou kosten, besloot iksubsidie aan te vragen bij de EEVA, een fonds van de universiteit voor emancipatoireprojecten. Mijn baas, Jelte van Andel, voorzitter van de Kontaktraad van de Biologiewinkel,steunde het project van harte, ondanks twijfels van sommige anderen over de relevantie vande problematiek voor de Biologiewinkel.Toen stierf ons dochtertje, zomaar, dood in haar bedje. Terwijl we ons verheugden over haarsnelle vorderingen met lopen, haar lieve, mooie gezichtje, haar zonnige karakter, haar eersteverjaardag over enkele weken en de intense genegenheid tussen haar en haar anderhalf jaaroudere broertje Ricardo. Met één verschrikkelijke slag lag de toekomst aan scherven en washet verleden van zijn betekenis ontdaan. Het is het rampzaligste dat ik ooit heb meegemaakten ik wil hier, op deze plaats mijn deelneming uitspreken aan alle ouders, die op welkemanier dan ook, op welke leeftijd dan ook, een kind hebben verloren. Tevens wil ik iedereenbedanken, die mij, mijn man en mijn kind hun steun, deelneming en troost hebben geboden.Het hielp niet, maar het maakte wel verschil.Van een vreugdevolle afwisseling van het drukke leven thuis werd het project ineens eenreddingboei, die voor enig houvast en structuur zorgde in een, gedurende lange tijd,

1 Gilden et al., 1990.

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betekenisloos universum. Ik diende het projectvoorstel in en ontving in juni 1994 bericht, datde gevraagde subsidie was toegekend.Het doel van het project (dat beslist geen promotie ten doel had) was een verkennende studieom tot een probleemafbakening te komen voor interdisciplinaire projecten voor b.v.combinaties van wetenschapswinkels op het gebied van duurzame ontwikkeling enemancipatie:

‘Doel van het onderzoek is ten eerste een nadere probleemdefinitie te geven van de relatietussen emancipatie en duurzame ontwikkeling. Hiertoe zal aanvullend literatuuronderzoekverricht worden, aangevuld met interviews met deskundigen op emancipatiegebied. Opgrond hiervan kunnen relevante onderzoeksterreinen voor de betrokken disciplines wordenafgebakend. Ten tweede, een inventarisatie van de belangstelling voor en deonderzoekswensen op het gebied van emancipatie en duurzaamheid. Hiertoe zijn reeds ca.250 milieu- en vrouwenorganisaties aangeschreven. Ten derde, het vertalen van hieruitvoortvloeiende vragen in onderzoeksprojecten, waar mogelijk in samenwerking metandere wetenschapswinkels. Het ligt in de bedoeling neer te leggen in een breed teverspreiden rapport.’ (Uit: onderzoeksvoorstel EEVA, 1994).

Tevens was ik, op grond van de randvoorwaarden van EEVA verplicht om aandacht tebesteden aan de mogelijkheden voor vrouwenstudies bij Biologie. Ik verstuurde nog watenquêtes, nam contact op met respondenten en, wanneer een vraag zich daartoe leende, metcollega’s wetenschapswinkeliers.De sceptici kregen gelijk: de enquête leverde nauwelijks onderzoeksvragen op voor deBiologiewinkel, in feite ook weinig voor andere wetenschapswinkels. Anderzijds gaven deantwoorden wel een beeld van de wijze waarop en de mate waarin respondenten problemenop het terrein van vrouwen en milieu percipieerden. Vanuit het oogpunt van een respondentzijn er grofweg drie typen vragen: behoefte aan achtergrondinformatie, om discussie uit telokken, of vragen waarop het antwoord bij kan dragen tot het verwezenlijken van dedoelstellingen van de organisatie. Betrekkelijk veel vragen behoorden tot het eerste of tweedetype.Wetenschapswinkels richten zich bij voorkeur op het derde type vragen (zie Bijlage 3). Vanuitde wetenschapswinkel kunnen vragen worden ingedeeld naar de mate vanbeantwoordbaarheid: vragen waarop het antwoord bekend is, dan wel onderzoekbaar, ofvragen waarvoor een onderzoekskader ontbreekt. In geval van het laatste, is het voor eenwetenschapswinkel vaak heel zinnig om een multidisciplinaire probleemverkenning uit tevoeren en de resultaten daarvan in brede kring kenbaar te maken. Hiermee krijgen zowel demaatschappelijke en de wetenschappelijke discussie nieuwe impulsen. Voor wat betreftemancipatie en duurzame ontwikkeling leek dit de aangewezen weg.Begin 1995 had ik een concept gereed voor een breed te verspreidenwetenschapswinkelrapport met achtergrondinformatie. Dit was in de eerste plaats gericht opde milieubeweging (het is moeilijk om op twee doelgroepen tegelijk gericht te zijn) en wasbedoeld om de problematiek van emancipatie en duurzame ontwikkeling zoveel mogelijk inzijn samenhang weer te geven. Het bleek dat er naar verhouding weinig literatuur bestond, diemilieu en emancipatie in onderlinge samenhang adresseerde. Wat ik vond laat zich indelen ineen drietal hoofdcategorieën: 1) politieke documenten, meestal afkomstig van devrouwenbeweging, waarbij ingehaakt werd op de besluitvorming rond Agenda 21, 2) studiesvan genderdeskundigen in de Derde Wereld, 3) ecofeministische publikaties. In de eerstecategorie bevinden zich vooral pogingen om vorm te geven aan de praktische raakvlakkentussen milieu- en emancipatiebeleid. Onder de laatste twee categorieën waren diverse auteurs,

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die een functioneel verband veronderstelden tussen processen van milieudegradatie en demaatschappelijke rol van vrouwen.Wat ontbreekt in de beleidsdiscussie (categorie 1) is een theoretisch kader, waarbinnenduurzaamheids- en mensenrechtendoelstellingen conceptueel aan elkaar gekoppeld kunnenworden. Zonder een dergelijk theoretisch kader, zal beleidsintegratie naar allewaarschijnlijkheid zijn ad hoc karakter houden. Een theoretisch kader stimuleert het denkenover strategische lange termijn doelstellingen, zowel in termen van fysieke als socialerandvoorwaarden.De WCED geeft in ‘Our Common Future’ wel een aanzet tot een bruikbaar concept: materiëlebehoeftenbevrediging dient te worden ingeperkt ten gunste van immateriële behoeften.‘Behoeften’ is hier het verbindende concept. De ‘human needs’-benadering leek mijmogelijkheden te bieden voor een intercultureel bruikbaar kader. In mijn rapport verwees ikdaarnaar, maar ging er niet verder op in.In de tweede categorie wordt veelvuldig gewezen op de gevolgen van milieudegradatie voorde positie van vrouwen. Het accent ligt hier, voor wat betreft de wetenschappelijke publikatiesop beschrijvende case studies en analyses in termen van machtsongelijkheid. In de derdecategorie wordt een dieperliggend functioneel verband verondersteld. Soms op basis vanwereldbeelden, soms op basis van wezenlijke verschillen tussen mannen en vrouwen. Is ereen functioneel verband tussen milieu- en emancipatieproblemen? In mijn rapport stelde ikdie vraag als wetenschappelijk belangrijk onderzoeksthema aan de orde en gaf de argumentenvan enkele auteurs, die dergelijke onderliggende mechanismen veronderstelden. Ik noemdehumane ecologie als een van de disciplines waarin deze vraag bestudeerd zou kunnen wordenen als mogelijkheid voor vrouwenstudies bij Biologie.Iteke Weeda, aan wie ik in haar kwaliteit van hoogleraar emancipatievraagstukken omcommentaar had gevraagd op mijn rapport, moedigde mij aan het materiaal te bewerken toteen proefschrift. Ik wil je bedanken, Iteke voor de cruciale en altijd stimulerende rol, die je bijhet tot stand komen van dit proefschrift hebt gespeeld. Zonder jou zou het niet geschrevenzijn.Niemand van Biologie, ook ik niet, had bij dit onderwerp aan een proefschrift gedacht, en hetkostte ons allemaal wat tijd om aan de gedachte te wennen. Jelte van Andel was ook nu weerbereid om aan het tot stand komen van een proefschrift mee te werken. Jelte, je steun, zowelin materieel als in immaterieel opzicht is van onschatbare waarde geweest. Zonder jouw steunen inzet had dit project op allerlei momenten een prematuur einde kunnen vinden. Ik wil jebedanken voor alles, wat je voor mij, voor de Biologiewinkel en voor dit project betekendhebt.Bij het bewerken van het rapport tot proefschrift ben ik er van uitgegaan, dat hetwetenschapswinkelkarakter niet verloren mocht gaan: het moest toegankelijk en leesbaarblijven, maatschappelijke en wetenschappelijke discussie stimuleren en toch ook eenpraktische inslag behouden. Voor wat betreft de praktische problematiek van beleidsintegratieheb ik daarom het begrip emancipatie en het begrip ‘behoeften’ nader uitgewerkt, dit laatsteaan de hand van de ‘human needs’-discussie. Voor wat betreft de analytische vraag naarfunctionele verbanden tussen emancipatie en milieu komen natuurlijk vele disciplines inaanmerking: economie, sociologie, geschiedenis, om maar enkele te noemen. Als bioloog leekhet mij het beste om mij in dit opzicht te beperken tot mijn eigen leest en een overzicht tegeven van wat het vakgebied humane ecologie mogelijk aan deze vraag zou kunnenbijdragen. Het eindresultaat is, nog steeds, een probleemverkenning, met veleonderzoeksmogelijkheden voor tal van disciplines. Ik hoop dat dit proefschrift een bijdragelevert aan een meer systematische benadering van de problematiek, vanuit een overzicht overhet geheel en meer gericht op lange termijn processen.

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Rest mij nog, al diegenen te bedanken, die een bijdrage hebben geleverd aan het tot standkomen van dit proefschrift. Jacqueline Cramer, Ton Schoot Uiterkamp, Jaap Koolhaas, KarinRee, Menno Gerkema, Geert van Oortmerssen, Hans Harbers en Henny van der Windt bedankik voor inhoudelijke kritiek. Michael McDonnell-Alexander bedank ik voor taalkundigeondersteuning. Attie Bos, mijn medecoördinator, jou wil ik bedanken voor je collegialiteit ende vele kleine en grote diensten die je mij bewezen hebt. Om maar niet te spreken van je inzetgedurende lange perioden wanneer ik door zwangerschaps- en ouderschapsverlof, oflangdurige ziekte niet aanwezig kon zijn en jij de tent grotendeels alleen runde. GerritHartman, jou wil ik bedanken voor de vindingrijkheid waarmee je de tijdelijkeformatieknelpunten van de Biologiewinkel telkens weer wist op te lossen. Dick Visser enHerman Hofman bedank ik voor technische ondersteuning, niet alleen voor dit proefschrift,maar voor alle Biologiewinkelrapporten, die in de loop der jaren zijn verschenen.Mijn paranimfen Latzi Fresco en Hetty Zuidema, jullie bedank ik voor de inzet en hetenthousiasme waarmee jullie mij terzijde staan.En dan Annie Geertsema, mijn lieve schoonmoeder, die mij de tijd verschaft heeft om ditproefschrift te realiseren. Zonder jouw belangeloze inzet, zou er niet alleen geen proefschriftzijn geweest, maar zelfs geen rapport. Het verlies van Valérie is voor ons gedeeld verdriet enik bewonder je om de manier waarop je je in de stormen des levens staande weet te houden.Ricardo heeft bij jou vanaf zijn geboorte een tweede, veilige basis gevonden, tot meerderevreugde van alle betrokkenen.Jan, mijn lieve echtgenoot en Ricardo, mijn dappere kleuter, jullie bedank ik niet. Jullie zijn ergewoon. Wij zijn drie handen op één buik. Aan jullie, mijn mede-overlevenden, is dit boekopgedragen.