Thursday, 10 October 1968,at 3 p.m.

8. With all this in mind, we are left with the impressionthat British duplicity is bottomless. Zambia has consistentlycalled for the use of force as the only measure and as theonly sure way of ending the rebellion. In this call we havebeen joined by our sister States in the rest of Africa andAsia. The Security Council, in its resolution 253 (1968) of29 May 1968, called on all States to render moral and

A/PV.l690

7. The survey of the situation in southern Africa revealsgross violations of the United Nations Charter committedby the white minority regimes. The vile rebellion inSouthern Rhodesia is almost three years old, and yet theso-called administering Power has deliberately resorted tothe most ineffective methods of dealing with it. Britain hascome to the United Nations with half-hearted measures tobring the rebellion to an end, while at the same timeopposing measures proposed by the peace-loving States asthe only means to crush the rebellion. Britain has, instead,continued its policy of double dealing in the matter, that is,condemning the rebellion and yet negotiating with therebels. We have witnessed with utter dismay the talks whichwere held between the Prime Minister of Britain,Mr. Harold Wilson, and the Rhodesian rebel leader, IanSmith, on board the toothless Tiger; British secrp-t envoysto Rhodesia, Mr. James Bottomley's recent visit to Rho­desia, and the present talks going on between the BritishPrime Minister and the Rhodesian rebel leader on board theFearless, a British ship currently cruising off Gibraltar.

6. The framework for achieving the objectives of theUnited Nations is basically sound; it is only that certaincountries or groups of people have tended and tend to workagainst the realization of those objectives.

NEW YORK

1690thPLENARY MEETING

5. The authors of the United Nations Charter conceived aframework within which the causes of war had to be foughton a multidimensional basi3: t}->rough debate of inter­national issues, as we are doing now; through a watchdoginstitution for the maintenance of internationa~ peace andsecurity, which is assigned to the Security Council; througheconomic and social machinery; and through the legalapproach. From this Assembly have emerged pronounce­ments of great international significance: the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on theGranting of Independence to Colonial Countries andPeoples, to mention only two.

4. The general debate is and has always been an occasionfor the leaders of delegations to review the state of theworld, assess the achievements and failures of the UnitedNations and rededicate themselves to the principles ofinternational peace and security and the pursuit of man'sprosperity, happiness and dignity, as well as the avoidanceof the scourge of war which, twice iu our lifetime, hascaused untold misery to mankind.

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President: Mr. Emilio ARENALES (Guatemala).

2. Let me also take this opportunity to tender mycongratulations to Mr. Manescu, the Foreign Minister ofRomania, who presided with outstanding skill over the longand complicated twenty-second session of the GeneralAssembly which ended last month. The Secretary-Generalof the United Nations, U Thant, deserves our congratu­lations and encouragement for the efficient and perseveringwork that he has rendered in the relentless effort to find~olutions 'to the conflicts which threaten world peace andsecurity.

Page

3. It was a proud occasion for my delegation wh~n itco-sponsored the resolution for and witnessed the ad­mission of the Kingdom of Swaziland to membership of theUnited Nations, not only because this brings us nearer tothe objective of universal membership of this Organizationbut :uso because the new Member is a young and sovereignState dedicated to the principles of democracy and humandignity, putting to shame its foreign-dominated neighbourswho are bent on the diabolical policies of apartheid andPortuguesism.

AGENDA ITEM 9

CONTENTS

General debate (continued)

Agenda item 9:General debate (continued)

Speech by Mr. Kamanga (Zambia) 1Speech by Mr. Pazhwak (Afghanistan) 5Speech by Mr. Mouknass (Mauritania) 9Speech by Mr. Caglayangil (Turkey) 13Statements by the representative of Pakistan 15Statements by the representative of Afghanistan . . . . . . 15Statement by the representative of India 17

1. Mr. KAMANGA (Zambia): Mr. President, first of all, Iam delighted to fulfil the pleasant duty entrusted to me bymy country of extending to you congratulations on yourunanimous and deserved election to the high office ofPresident of the current session of the General Assembly.The General Assembly was wise to entrust its work to sucha distinguished diplomat who has to his credit manyeminent qualities. My delegation attaches special impor­tance to your election in view of the contribution of theRepublic of Guatemala, the country which you so ablyrepresent, and the great Latin American peoples to theevolution and jurisprudence of the United Nations. Mydelegation has no doubt that you will conduct the businessof the twenty-third session of this Assembly to a successfulconclusion.

United Nations

GENERALASSEMBLYTWENTY-THIRD SESSION

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13. The question which we have to ask ourselves is: Arewe going to watch passively the violation of human rights inSouthern Rhodesia, the illegal hangings and the threat tointernational peace and security? Already the freedomfighters have resorted to armed struggle to liberate theircountry as they have been denied peaceful means to achievetheir ;egitimate objectives towards independence and self­determination. South African troops have entered the rebelcolony to bolster its military defences against freedomfighters; and yet the so-called administering Power has donenothing about it. We have called for the use of force notbecause we are blood-thirsty or because we hate Europeans.The President of the Republic of Zambia, Dr. Kaunda, hasmade it quite clear on innumerable occasions that the useof force in Southern Rhodesia at the beginning of therebellion or now wo,uld prevent a more violent and bloodyconflict that is sure to happen in that country in the future.

14. In the introduction to his annual report[A/7201/Add.l] the Secretary-General has stated that thesituation in South Africa constitutes a threat to worldpeace. In a statement to the Assembly of African Heads ofState and Governmen" of the Organization of African Unityheld in Algiers, the Secretary-General observed:

"The continuing enforcement by the South AfricanGovernment of its policies of apartheid, including recentattempts to extend the philosophy of racial discrimi­nation and segregation to neighbouring territories, hasgiven rise to a loss of faith in many quarters in thepossibility of peaceful evolution towards a society basedon justice and equality.".

10. We remain firmly convinced, now probably more thanever before, that no settlement can guarantee peace andstability unless it gives full expression to the wishes of themajority whose rights have for a long time been the subjectof a series of blatant violations by a racial minority for theirown selfish interests. The views of the representatives of thepeople cannot be ignored if it is considered that the resultsof the current talks are to be tbe basis for the establishme~lt

of a government which would be responsible for thedevelopment of Southern Rhodesia and its people as awhole. The abandonment of the fundamental principles offreedom and justice on the part of the British Governmentwould have dire consequences for everyone in SouthernRhodesia, and the" losers in the final analysis will be thewhite people. The responsibility for all this will lie with theBritish Labour Government.

material assistance to the liberation forces in their just Rhodesia should disavow the illegal Southern Rhodesianstruggle for freedom and independence. I should like to use regime's cause. No organizations are permitted to exist onthis rostrum to appeal to all the nations of the world to Zambian territory which encourage emigration to Southernadhere faithfully to this United Nations resolution. We have Rhodesia. The Government of the Republic of Zambia hasnow ans! again called for the release of the African leaders no trade or consular representation in Southern Rhodesiain Zimbabwe from detention and restriction so that they and does not permit such representation in Zambia. Thecan effectively participate in determining the destiny of Zambian Government stopped all flights to Rhodesia fromtheir indigenous land. 1 January 1968, well in advance of the United Nations

resolution, and does not permit other airlines to operate toSouthern Rhodesia from Zambian airports. This action hasbeen taken at considerable cost to the Zambian nationalairline, and to Zambia's national tourist industry.

11. Despite our belief that force is the only answer to therebellion in Rhodesia, we have participated in the imple­mentation of the Security Council resolutions on Rhodesia.In doing so, we have incurred damage to our economy, aseconomic sanctions have been more felt in our countrythan in the colony against which they are aimed. Our reportto the Secretary-General, l in terms of Security Councilresolution 253 (I968) of 29 May 1968, gives the fullpicture of the extent to which our economic well·being hasbeen damaged.

9. The majority of inhabitants of that ~ountry have beenrelegated to the role of spectators in a political dramawhose vicious theme and horrifying acts equal that mon­strous tragedy of malevolent South Africa. The state ofemergency which was enforced before ~he illegal decla­ration of independence has continued to be extended forthree monthly periods on grounds of insecurity on the partof the white minority regime, hence giving the rebels widepowers, including censorship, imprisonment without trialand economic control. It is clear to us that Britain ispreparing a sell-out to the rebels during the current talks onthe high seas. We have a genuine fear that the rights of thefour million people of Zimbabwe will be sacrificed on thealtar of expediency regardless of the consequences of suchregrettable action on the future of that country. Nosettlement, negotiated or otherwise, can be satisfactory orjust unless it recognizes in full the fundamental principlesof freedom and justice for every citizen in Rhodesia and theright to a decent life, the right to liberty and security for allpeople regardless of their race, colour or national origin.

12. In pursuance of that resoh~tion,Zambia has refused toallow persons using Southern Rhodesian passports entry toZambia, without particular humanitarian reasons, and hasinsisted that all persons entering Zambia from Southern

1 Official Records of the Security Council, Twenty-third Year,Supplement for October, November and Dece":lb,er 1968, document8/8786/Add.2.

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23. As we are gathered here, the situation in the MiddleEast continues to grow worse. It has been Zambia'sconsistent contention that the way to peace in that areawill not best be found by interference from big Powers, nor

22. Whatever happens after the current Nigerian-Biafranconfrontation~ we believe lasting peace will be possible onlyif achieved through mutual discussions and in just condi­tions. To that end, Zambia proposes that those supplyingarms to one or both sides should cease forthwith so thatmeaningful negotiations can be initiated. We feel that theUnited Nations, in fulfilment of its universal mission inaccordance with Articles 11, 12 and 3S of the Charter,should take up this vital question and play a positive role inbringing about peace in the area. This Organization cannotgo to Biafra at the invitation of Nigeria to witness passivelythe destruction of lives and property in Biafra.

Portuguese still really think that they can continue tosuppress the infinite desire of mankind to he free?

21. In West Africa, an arms war rages on. The conflictbetween Nigeria and Biafra deserves the attention of theworld tody because, instead of the conflict taking alocalized course, Britain and Russia-what a queer combina­tion of agents of bloodshed-have come in and thereforemade a peaceful solution very difficult. The situation inBiafra has taken on the character of genocide. We inZambia deplore the role of militarism in the conflict. Wehave recognized the Republic of Biafra because we knowthat real unity between peoples cannot be achieved throughmass and indiscriminate slaughter. My delegation would liketo make it abundantly clear that our recognition of Biafrawas not motivated by any imperialist tendencies, assuggested in certain quarters. Zambia condemned secessionin Katanga; it still condemns secessionist li.tlOvements in thatpart of the world. If Zambia had any imperialist designs onany part of Africa we would have been the first torecognize Katanga, but we did not do so because secessionthere was engineered by imperialist forces outside Africa.Our anti-imperialist stand cannot be doubted even by theimperialists themselves. We also know that by any defi­nition of a people Biafrans are highly qualified and capableof running their own affairs. Zambia is happy to note thatthe Organization of African Unity has at least called forpeace in the area-but it must be an honourable and justpeace. We believe that peaceful conditions are a necessaryprerequisite to any meaningful negotiations.

20. The United Nations has no doubt played no mean rolein the over-all decolonization process. We in Zambia stillhope that, as the indigenous victims of archaic Portuguesecolonialism rise increasingly to assert their rights toself-determination, this Organization will rise to what isexpected of it in championing those human rights. Zambia,therefore, calls upon this world body to join it and Africain condemning in no uncertain terms the retrogressive andoppressive Portuguese regime. Furthermore, Zambia wishesto renew its appeal to Portugal's NATO allies to giverenewed attention to the fact that Portugal is furtheringNATO's interests in a most inhuman but eventually fruitlessway. We hope that the new administration in Lisbon willdepart from this negative policy in order to bring aboutprogressive and just reforms in the administration of itscolonies to prepare them for independence.

17. We have watched with dismay the extension of theiniquitous apartheid policies to the Territory of South WestAfrica, now appropriately named Namibia. The intransi­gence of South Africa and its refusal to grant landing rightsto the United Nation~ Council for Namibia, on which mycountry is privileged to serve, is nothing but a continuationof its attitude of defiance of the United Nations authorityover Namibia. Zambia appreciates the action taken by theGeneral Assembly in establishing the Council for Namibiawith the purpose of taking over the administration of thatTerritory from the control of the illegal regime of Pretoria.My delegation hopes that the permanent members of theSecurity Council will play an ever-increasing role in the'legitimate efforts of the Council for Namibia, in itsendeavour to establish effective United Nations authorityover that Territory.

19. When we look at the history of Mozambique andAngola and the so-called Portuguese Guinea, we seeoppression of a barbarous nature. For here we have abackward nation in Europe still extolling the virtues ofimperialism in Africa under the most shameful slogan of'"Overseas Provinces". What could be more immoral andblind than pretending in the late twentieth century that asmall country in Europe, itself oppressed, has any moral orpolitical claim over so vast and far-away lands? Do the

18. My delegation wishes also to draw the attention of thisworld body to the acts of ag!5ression Portugal continues tocommit against Zambia's sovereignty and territorial integ­rity. Not only has Portugal bombed villages, but it has alsocold-bloodedly murdered our nationals in our areas bor­dering on Angola and Mozambique. Appropriate action isbeing taken by my Government to bring these acts ofaggression to justice.

16. The seriousness of the South African situation goes farbeyond national statistics. The menacing aspect of it isoften more traceable in its implications for world security.This regime is continually retreating more and more towardmilitarism as a means of guarding itself against peace-lovingneighbours. Thus, emboldened by its military might stem­ming from the NATO military arsenal, it has threatened toattack Zambia, which is not a threat to it but only a criticof its misguided political and economic policies. Mydelegation would like to assure the regime in Pretoria thatno amount of military blackmail or of threats will deter usfrom pursuing a course of justice and fair play. No amountof violence or threats of violence, either within or outsideSouth Africa, can extinguish the light of freedom or thequest for that freedom. Those NATO countries that havearmed South Africa to the teetl~, and continue to do so,should not be surprised if one day the whole of southernAfrica is set aflame in a military conflagration with direconsequences for the human race.

would be no earthly reason why Zambia and South Africacould not develop harmonious relations to their mutualadvantage. But as long as Vorster persists in his wickedapartheid policies there can be no compromise in Zambia'sstand aginst South Africa; nor can we compromise with aState where a white man's wage in the mining industry is atleast seventeen times that of his black counterpart, andwhere the latter pays taxes at an earlier age and continuesto do so late in life.

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32. The recent events in Czechoslovakia have shocked theconscience of mankind. The President of the Republic ofZambia roundly condemned Russian military interventionin Czechoslovakia. Permit me to quote from the speech Imade in the National Assembly of Zambia on 22 August1968-a speech which was circulated on 23 August as adocument of the Security Council:

"When today the whole world was stunned by the newsof Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, President Kaundadescribed this outrage as 'naked aggression'. Aggressionindeed: for it is unthinkable that the Soviet Union, whichhas not failed to condemn colonialist and imperialist actsof aggression against colonial peoples, should find herselfcommitting this monstrous act full of dire consequencesfor humanity and for the lovers of fundamental humanrights.

"What right has any nation, big or smal:, nuclear Poweror non-nuclear Power to impose its will on another nationby force of arms? ,,2

33. In our approach to the problem of intervention in thedomestic affairs of States and the protection of theirindependence and sovereignty, we shall always continue tobe gUided by resolution 2131 (XX) of 21 December 1965,in paragraph 1 of which the General Assembly solemnlydeclares:

"No State has the right to intervene, directly orindirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal orexternal affairs of any other State. Consequently, armedintervention and all other forms of interference orattempted threat~ against the personality of the State oragainst its political, economic and cultural elements arecondemned."

It is our hope that all States, and especially those whichinitiated resolution 2131 (XX), will take the lead inadhering to that solemn Declaration.

34. I said earlier that the United Nations has done somegood work for humanity. Yet one cannot help admittingthat some of the tension in the world is a direct result ofthe fact that the United Nations has, at times, tended to bean instrument of certain strong nations or groups of nationswhose interests are deemed to be defensible at all times.This divisive tendency cripples the smooth operation of theUnited Nations. There can be no logical, moral or otherjustification other th1n archaic nationalism for the con­tinued exclusion of the People's Republic of China frommembership of this body.

2 Ibid., Supplement for July, August and September 1968,document 8/8770.

will it be discovered with the tool or threat of war. Yet 31. Zambia is happy that peace talks have opened in Paris,almost all the variables in that situation are increasingly but we can never be complacent about their success untilpointing to a renewal of war. Zambia cannot rejoice at the we see a more serious and determined effort among thoseidea that ever since June last year the situation has attending the talks to move fast to eliminate the root causesremained tense. So long as Israel refuses to accept the fact of the war, which has already claimed a high toll ofthat there cannot be peace whil~ it occupies Arab territory innocent civilians. As things stand, we are saddened to notethrough aggression, the world will continue to rise to the that, as the talks go on, someone else iri power is sayingcrash of cannon fire. that his country's withdrawal would not be effected

without honour. Human history shows us that when leadersstart to talk in those terms the sentiments of nationalismand the elusive concept of power can dangerously overlookthe basic human feelings. There must therefore be renewedefforts to find a peaceful solution to the problem.

24. Zambia is fully aware that hollow victories can neverbe a substitute for permanent solutions in the field ofinternationai or indeed human relations. The basic consid­erations in the Middle East are and should be seen to behumanistic. It is the realization and acceptance of the factthat all the peoples of the Middle East have a right to existthat has made Zambia's stand remain as follows: first, thatloss of human life and damage to property must bedeplored; second, that Israel's withdrawal from Arabterritory occupied after the war of last June should berecognized as a prerequisite to any meaningful peace talks;third, that the plight of Palestinian refugees should be givenhumanistic consideration and action; fourth, that bigPowers should stop meddling in Middle Eastern affairs, tofacilitate the taking of independent steps by the peoples ofthe Middle East themselves.

26. The question of Viet-Nam casts a very dark shadow onthe history of mankind. In that situation the basic questionis one of self-determination for a people.

25. The Middle East problem is of great concern toZambia because it is basically human and also because itclearly illustrates gross big-Power interference in relationsamong smaller Powers. Thus, this problem cannot be amatter of indifference or disinterest to us.

27. Here we see one of the militarily and economicallybiggest Powers on our planet combating a young nation,whose resoluteness cannot be subdued through gun power.If only we mortals could one day realize that the humanquest for freedom cannot be extinguished through physicalinjury, then some of these problems would not arise.Zambia has always held and still holds that peace would bepossible in Viet-Nam if the invading forces realized andaccepted a number of facts.

28. First, the Viet-Namese have a right, like anybody else,to determine the course of their own history. Those whotell the world that they are in Viet-Nam to serve the causeof democracy should know that you cannot bring de­mocracy to a country if you are out there deciding thecontent of the democracy you would like to see there. It isa legitimate d.emocratic right for the Viet-Namese to choosetheir own sysiem. Herein lies the root of self-determination.

30. Third, a peaceful solution involving a democraticsounding of the thinking of the South Viet-Namese on theirfuture is a necessary step.

29. Second, the National Liberation Front is a legitimateforce in the South Viet-Namese political system and as suchthe world should not pretend to be oblivious of the factthat that organization will have a great impact on thecourse of the history of that country.

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35. Why do some countries insist that the People'sRepublic of China, with its 800 million people, an effectiveGovernment and super-Power, whose impact, not only onthe future of Asia but also of the world, will be felt evenmore strongly in future, should not be a Member, while avanishing satellite of another Power should not only begiven recognition in the General Assembly but also have apermanent seat in the Security Council? This situationsurely defies human reason; and the United Nations, by thestandards of human reason should reverse this situation andaccord the People's Republic of China its rightful place inthe chambers of this Organization. In order to be aneffective instrument for peace, the United Nations must, ofcourse, not deceive itself as being capable of operatingeffectively without the participation in its functions of oneof the most powerful nations on earth.

36. Zambia voted against the Treaty on the Non-Prolif­eration of Nuclear Weapons because we want general andcomplete dis::.lrmament. This is also a universal wish. Anymeaningful treaty must meet the very minimum require­ments of operative paragraph 2 of General Assemblyresolution 2028 (XX) of 19 November 1965. These re­quirements are:

"(aj The treaty should be void of any loop-holes whichmight permit nuclear or non-nuclear Powers to pro­liferate, directly or indirectly, nuclear weapons in anyform;

"(b j The treaty should embody an acceptable balanceof mutual responsibilities and obligations of the nuclearand non-nuclear Powers;

"(c j The treaty should be a step towards the achieve­ment of general and complete disarmament and, moreparticularly, nuclear disarmament;

"(dj There should be acceptable and workable provi­sions to ensure the effectiveness of the treaty;

"(ej Nothing in the treaty should adversely affect theright of any group of States to conclude regional treatiesin order to ensure the total absence of nuclear weapons intheir respective territories."

37. As far as Zambia is concerned, the Treaty did notmeet those very important requirements. "Non­proliferation" means preventing the spread of nuclearweapons to those who do not have them, and preventing anincrease in nuclear weapons among those who already havethem. Horizontal proliferation has been blocked, butvertical proliferation is still wide open.

38. In the 1963 Moscow Treaty, the nuclear Powersassumed a commitment to reach an early agreement onbanning all underground tests. Records show that since theMoscow partial test-ban treaty, undergroun(l nuclear testshave increased from thirty-six in 1964 to forty in 1965, andsixty in 1966.

39. The co-sponsors of Security Council resolution255 (1968) on security guarantees have undertaken to go tothe aid of a non-nuclear weapon State party to the treatywhich becomes a victim of an act or the object ofaggression. But the history of the United Nations is repletewith instances of inaction. And, in any case, what in factdefines aggression?

40. Furthermore, France has 110t participated in the workof the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee and hasabstained, both in the General Assembly and in theSecurity Council, on the relevant draft resolutions per­taining to the Treaty. The People's Republic of China is nota Member of the United Nations Organization and has notbeen associated with the Treaty. We consider this to be aserious disqualification of the Treaty. South Africa haswhat we prefer to call mercenary technical know-how andthe means to acquire nuclear weapons. It voted for theTreaty; but even then, what good reason do we have toassume that South Africa will strictly adhere to itsobligations under the Treaty, when it has consistentlydefied even the most elementary purposes and principles ofthe Charter?

41. While I have dealt mainly with the most obviousdangers that humanity has to recognize and act against, mydelegation is equally aware of the economic and socialsituation in the world. The second session of the UnitedNations Conference on Trade and Development, held inNew Delhi, the results of which, as the Secretary-Generalcorrectly pointed out, were far below our optimisticexpectations, should serve to remind us of the need tobridge the gap between the few rich nations and the manypoor nations of the world.

42. In conclusion, I wish to declare our uneqUivocalsupport for using the machinery of the United Nations forthe survival of mankind. Let us use this Human Rights Yearto rededicate ourselves to the principles and ideals of theCharter. Zambia believes in the United Nations, its special­ized agencies, and all its bodies, and our belief is motivatedsolely by a whole-hearted desire to co-operate with allpeace-loving nations to give this Organization our greatestsupport.

43. Mr. PAZHWAK (Afghanistan): This Assembly is not aphilosophical forum where we ask why baffling eventsoccur or· what reality is, but an institution made up ofhuman beings who ought to pay attention to realities.

44. Our· difficulties descend upon us as a torrent ofconfusion. We meet a universal puzzlement on (11' conti­nents irrespective of beliefs, ideologies or alliCi._.;es-anoverwhelming confusion on national and internationallevels. Some old illusions may have perished but most ofthem persist. The lost beliefs have not been replaced by anynew faith.

45. Something almost new has entered internationalaffairs. Many past fears are now ugly realities, while nohopes have developed into anticipated beauty. These uglyrealities are the deviations from law and morality, and theyare world-wide. Every moment is fraught with imperillinguncertainties. Never before has man's daily life beenattended by so .much fear. Man has never stood sofrustrated by what threatens him. History has shown thatno condition is more trying.

46. In this baffling position we are compelled to react inone way. We must withstand the winds of confusion andstrive to overcome the difficulties tending to disrupt civilityand morality. The only place to do this is in the UnitedNations. No one, so far, has been able to suggest a more

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Therefore, let us not speak about new doubts, newconcerns or new sources of trouble.Mr. Alvarado (Peru), Vice-President, took the Chair.

effective alternative. What drcumstances dictate now is a an ideological crusade". [1560th meeting, paras. 18 and"new departure" in ways of thinking, policies and positions 31-32Jaway from the old inconclusive ones.

47. Some statesmen and certain sectors of the world presshave called the twenty-third session of the GeneralAssembly a "gloom-ridden" gathering. They tell us of thefrustration surrounding diplomats. But we know that suchdissatisfaction is nothing compared to the despair all peoplethroughout the world will feel if we allow this Assembly tobe influenced by such an atmosphere.

48. The leadership in these circumstances has been en­trusted to our President. Fortunately, the Presidency of theAssembly has gone to a representative of a continent wherenations, while deeply attuned, are not participants in any ofthe disastrous involvements we see on every other conti­nent. We hope that understanding of this significcmce willaid in the full co-operation of the membership with him sothat he may successfully lead this Assembly. We furtherhope that he will be led personally by the spirit of the greatpeople of Latin America in the fulfilment of his responsi­bilities.

49. As I extend our congratulations to the President on hiselection, I should like to express, on behalf of thedelegation of Afghanistan, our appreciation of the accom­plishments of His Excellency Mr. Manescu, President of theGeneral Assembly at its twenty-second session, and pay awarm tribute to him for the statesmanship and wisdomwith which he demonstrated the qualities of his leadership.

50. We wish to convey, through the President, our'leartfelt congratulations to Swaziland on its admission tothe United Nations as a sovereign Member of this Organiza­tion. We wish the people of this new State prosperity andsuccess in the contribution they will make in the interna­tional sphere.

51. At each session of the General Assembly, one concernis more pressing than others. At this ses ion it seems to bethe breaking of the so-called detente and the renewal of thecold war. This, however, is no surprise to us. At thebeginning of the last session I said:

"In many areas and on many levels the psychology offorce has swept the minds of men and nations, and whereonce the virtues of peace were extolled today the efficacyof force is openly flaunted and even exalted.

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52. If we allow deviation from law and order to gounpunished in one place, we should not be surprised whenit happens with impunity elsewhere. Only the simple­minded would cry out separately for the same thing.Henceforth we must think in terms of future consequences.

53. Next to the rising international tensions and diffi­culties of war and instability, the greatest source of concernis the trend toward degrading this Organization, mostrecently described as a "trend of growing disenchantmentwith the United Nations". We must pause here and ponderwhether it is the faults or foibles of this Organization whichare being criticized or if the remarks cut in a differentdirection and open up reasons which have not yet beenpresented visibly.

54. There are a few examples for us to follow in thissearch. Each of us in his association with the UnitedNations has sensed that countries which have planned tocarry out their policies in the hope of securing in their ownself-interest that which they thought would be of concernto mankind are the ones which have foreseen the reactionto these selfish ploys and then expressed some sort of"disenchantment" with this Organization. Likewise, when­ever these countries have considered the United Nationsuseful in obtaining their desired purposes their attitude hasbeen different.

55. Most of the so-called "disenchantment" with theOrganization-and this may well be an indication of itsinternal strength-has come when some Powers havewrongly thought that they could take the United Nationsfor granted. This problem, therefore, should be seriouslypondered, particularly by the small nations-as it is mainlytheir problem.

56. The smaller countries of the world, which comprisethe majority, must register their dissatisfaction with themore-than-mythical zones of vital interest of the big Powerseven if they are_ unable to change the trend in thedelimitation of those areas. The uncertainty and insecuritythat this has caused and causes among small countries isvery great, because it is clear that its true meaning is thesubjugation of the powerless by the powerful. Even abeginner in the study of history can tell us that all thedangerous situati(;ms mankind has endured have emanatedfrom the actions of those who have been more powerful.

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" ... The cold war, we are told, is dead, but apparentlyits death has been somewhat exaggerated. To be sure, thecold war in the form of a nuclear confrontation andaggressive alliances, has greatly thawed, and this marksimportant progress.

But now we see a resurgence of rivalry in the more indirectforms of interventionism and in all manner of anti-Chartersophistry. We may appropriately ask: Has the cold war goneunderground? Has it shifted from the big bombs to thesmall nations?

"If this is so, then the world faces a new type of powerstruggle, this one without even the moral justification of

57. We should give particular thought to the responsi­bilities of the great Powers in the relationship of coexis­tence, for it is in their hands that the ultimate fate of theworld rests. Surely the Governments of these Powers owemankind a duty wider than their obligations to their owncountries' immediate interests.

58. The need for coexistence should be acknowledged as afact of survival, for today not even great Powers can actindependently of others-for the greater the power themore complex and widespread must be the meshing andinterlocking of interests in every sphere and in every area ofthe globe.

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59. Surely coexistence must contain a sense of justice asmuch as a sense of enlightened self-interest. Our awarenessthat justice should be the prerogative of the weak nation asmuch as of the strong nation is a relatively recentphenomenon and still requires careful nurturing.

60. It is important that the principle of equality of nationsshould be implemented and that the right of self-determina­tion be respected as a universal .ht of all nations not onlyfor achieving and maintaining their political independence,but also for attaining their free development.

61. In this International Year for Human Rights, we arepledged to pay special attention to human rights. We had anopportunity to speak our mind earlier this year in Teheran,and I personally had the honour to be there. I stated at thatConference that: "Any example of discord or of hatredbetween man and man can be traced to one cause: aviolation of the right of one by the other." At theInternational Conference on Human Rights, held inTeheran from 22 April to 13 May 1968, we were notdivided exactly into the "haves" and the "have-nots", as weare in ether international gatherings .. For in fun realizationof human rights and fundamental freedoms we are all"have-nots". We are all victims of deprivation.

62. Among so many blunders the most difficult to avoid,although it might sound totally startling, is the grossmistake we make when we forget that no single societyexists where all individuals enjoy what they are entitled toenjoy. I emphasize: not a single society. The challenge is nolonger to discover the intention of man or to define anddeclare his determination. His action in the direction of anew life in a new world must be assured.

63. Humanitarian work should not be subordinated tonational reluctance to implement internationally acknow­ledged principles. We should call on all countries tostrengthen the United Nations in this common humani­tarian task in the interest of mankind.

64. Constitutions, declarations, conventions and covenantshave been written. We should stop forgetting the fact thatall these instruments are meant to lead nations to act;, towake up men and women to their duties; to weave up man'sintentions and aspirations into vigorous actions. Possiblybecause of this, and despite more than twenty years of toil,much work remains for us to do in widening the protectionof human rights. We must remember that the UnitedNations has not succeeded even in adopting the measureswhich its own bodies had originally contemplated. Many astrong proposal has emerged years later as an old, weakenedshadow of principles. Scant attention has been paid to thesuggestions and recommendations of the non-governmentalorganizations and of devoted individuals. National tribunalshave paid little heed to or, in some cases, ignored even thelimited decisions of international institutions.

65. What is more important, therefore, is the implementa­tion of the principles through full ratification of theinstruments of human rights already adopted. And this isthe minimum.

66. Allow me to repeat what I stated at the third plt~nary

meeting of the Teheran Conference:

" ... Suppose all countries in the world were to ~ecome

politically free. Let us even conjure up a world in which

all countries become not only free, but economicallydeveloped. In that world let us suppose that internationalco-operation were to reach a peak, and all wars, cold andhot, were to cease. But suppose that in that highlydeveloped world the rights of the individual were notprotected? What kind of world would this be? Whatwould peace and wealth mean to the individual? It wouldbe a world of prosperity perhaps, but without dign.ity, aworld in which a man would remain a slave under thefalse flag of freedom and independence. And it would bea very fragile peace indeed."

67. The developing countries of the world expected that,with the initiation of the United Nations DevelopmentDecade, a new era of constructive co-operation would beginbetween the highly industrialized countries and thosewhich, owing to historical reasons and geographical factors,are actually in the early stages of their economic growth.But, regrettably, in the present decade the high hopesplaced in a global strategy of convergent measures have notbeen realized.

68. The disappointing results of the second Session of theUnited Nations Conference on Trade and Development,held in New Delhi in February and March 1968, empha­sized the shortcomings of the existing system of inter­national economic co-operation. Much to our dismay, thatsecond Session, which was convened to implement intopractical measures the aims of the first Session and wasexpected to become one of the highlights of the presentdecade, could not make a notable contribution in bridgingthe gap. The unwillingness to cope resolutely with theneeds of the developing countries and the urgent problemsof trade and development facing them was responsible forthe limited aCHievements of that international gathering.The Conference in New Delhi could not embark onprofitable negotiations and was soon handicapped byconfronting interests. This confrontation, which was cer­tainly contrary to the purposes of UNciAD, harmed theless-developed countries, while the affluent society seemeddetermined to hold to its privileged position. As long as thedeveloped countries do not adopt a fundamental, newapproach to the problems of development, the economicsituation of the developing countries will continue to fallapart.

69. In order to correct the present state of affairs, it isimperative that the rich countries should change theirtraditional attitude. The new international trade andeconomic structure must be based on justice and a betterunderstanding among nations.

70. The Secretary-General has warned us of the staggeringeffects it will have on the future of our world if somethingis not done about malnutrition-and this is only oneexample. As one writer records:

"The most serious crime of our time was brought tolight by the World Health Organization at the beginningof this year. This organization has recognized that todaythere are 300 million children whose brains are in dangerof not reaching their full development due to the lackof ... essential nourishment."

That one example should be sufficient.

71. Recently, Mr. Paul Hoffman spoke of "a rising tide ofcommon sense" for the promotion of one of the funda-

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8 General Assembly - Twenty-third Session - Plenary Meetings

80. We attach the ultimate importance to the inadmissi­bility of occupation or acquisition. of territory by conquest.One could challenge anyone here or elsewhere to come tothis rostrum and speak for its admissibility. I am sure thatnot a single country here or elsewhere could meet such achallenge. Nevertheless, this condition has been tolerated inthe Middle East. This is the most deplorable example ofwhat one could call the extreme degree to which the virtuesof tolerance and patience could be tried in our time.

79. In the Middle East, the basic dilemma persists. At notime have we thought a political solution impossible. Wehave constantly endorsed that path. The cornerstone ofsettlement is, first, the withdrawal of the occupation forcesfrom all Arab territories and then acceptance of theprinciple that all States have the right to be free from thethreat of belligerency.

81. In this connexion, we support the resolutions of theGeneral Assembly and Security Council. The possibility ofsettlement has remained remote only because those resolu­tions have not been implemented. We further support theefforts of Mr. Jarring and their continuation with a sense ofurgency-I repeat, with a sense of urgency-and hope thatthe goals of the United Nations resolutions will be achievedthrough the efforts of the Special Representative of theSecretary-General.

82. Unlike many other questions, the Middle East ques­tion has been the direct responsibility of the UnitedNations. Israel, unlike many other countries, is the creationof this Organization. The rejection of the resolutions of th~United Nations in such cases could be considered arejection of one's own raison d'etre. We have been given theimpression that the efforts of the Special Representative ofthe Secretary-General on behalf of the United Nations willnot be a complete failure. We hope it is true. We do nothave the impression, however, that the situation will notgrow worse. It is clear that another catastrophic war willfollow if the business of a finished war remains unfinished.

83. We must not forget or abandon the refugees andsimilar victims of the war and we must, through theworkings of the United Nations, bring our helpful attentionto their rights and needs.

'I Naturally, and rightly, the emphasis in disarmamenttalks should be put on eliminating nuclear armaments. But,while no one can deny the untold destruction which wouldresult from the use of nuclear weapons, we must not forgetthat conventional weapons are enough to bring aboutunbearable suffering.

74. The arms race and the flow of arms is most alarmingto us, as a small country. It is disturbing the balance ofpower in regions throughout the world and necessitatesexpenditures far beyond the means of all Governments.Resources stolen from high-priority economic and socialneeds are allocated to arms and to strengthening dispropor­tionately municipal and police departments.

76. In Europe, we profoundly deplore what has happenedin the East. Our regret naturally comes from our policy offriendship, based on principles of coexistence regardless ofdifferences in political and economic systems, with allsocialist countries. Our relationship has always been markedby constant co-operation and friendliness.

75. Our policies on all colonial issues, the standingproblems of Africa and elsewhere, are well known andunchanged. They are firmly based on the aspirations of thepeoples of that great continent, which have always had oursupport and sympathy. We firmly stand by them for thefulfilment of their legitimate demands and aspirations.

72. In the first months of the current year a positive andimportant step was taken on the road to disarmament bythe conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation ofNuclear Weapons and its endorsement by the GeneralAssembly. The Government of my country, in signing theTreaty, wanted to reaffirm its firm belief in the spirit andprinciple of this Treaty. However, in accepting it, theGovernment of Afghanistan did not intend to overlook theTreaty's imperfections. We, with a majority of non-nuclear­weapon States, agreed that it was necessary to find waysand means of improving the presel1t non-proliferationTreaty in order to render it universally acceptable.

mental objectives of the United Nations Charter, namely, importance but also because of the very close bonds of"promoting social progress and better standards of life in friendship we have with the European countries, Westernlarger freedoms". But, evidently, inequality in all respects and Eastern.continues to increase. I do not wish to go into the details ofthis spLJre of our work; I should like only to say that weshould not forget what Pope Paul VI rightly stated, that"development is the new name for peace".

77. We listened carefully and with full understanding tothe appeal made by the representative of Czechoslovakia inhis statement of 4 October f 1682nd meeting] to thisAssembly. We share his hope that, through understanding,the situation will be normalized, with full respect for theaspirations of the people of Czechoslovakia, who havedemonstrated the highest level of political wisdom-love forpeace and dignity during the most trying moments whichcould occur in the life of any nation. We hope the peacefulefforts for the withdrawal of foreign troops will meet withsuccess as soon as possible.

78. The situation in Europe and the great necessity fordetente and peaceful coexistence in that continent are ofgreat concern to us-not only because it is of world-wide

84. We deplore the situation in Viet-Nam, as we wouldany hot war. No situation has so continously impairedinternational relations as has this tragic and poir..tless war.For twenty centuries the Viet-Namese people have beendeprived of the opportunity of deciding their own fate,having been subjected to the interfering domination ofAsian, European and American Powers. In this twentiethcentury, it should be demanded that the pestilence of 2,000years be ended and the people of Viet-Nam be enabled todecide their own fate and determine their own future.

85. When the first direct contacts were made in Paris, allwho believe in the solution of problems through negotia­tion were greatly relieved. As long as these negotiationscontinue, we shall not allow ourselves to be discouraged. In

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1690th meeting - 10 October 1968 9

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the meantime, no effort should be spared to ensure thesuccess of the Paris talks.

86. Before the possibility of such talks was known viefavoured all suggestions which might lead to direct contactsbetween the parties concerned, including the suggestion ofthe Secretary-General to halt the bombing of the North. Wecontinue to favour such suggestions, if they will bring therestoration of peace on the basis of the Geneva Agreements.Let me add, with all humility and with full awareness of thecomplexities involved, that if the opportunity is once morelost, if lack of understanding results in the failure of theParis talks, then the result will be more bloodshed anduntold misery for the Viet-Namese people, consequentlygreater discord even on the restoration of such contacts andtherefore increased tension in the world and a prolongedhot war. If we are in earnest in our desire to seize everyavailable opportunity, we should take a further step with anew attitude while the preliminary talks are still going on.

87. I have taken it upon myself to speak on this issue andin the way that I will, with full awareness of all thecomplexities and the difficulties, as I said, and fully awareof how loosely the word "naive" has been used whensomebody has come with a sincere proposal. Therefore,there should not be any mistake about that.

88. For reasons known to all of us, the United Nations, inthe present circumstances, cannot exercise any authority inconnexion with the war in Viet-Nam. However, if it ispossible to deny the compp.tence or disregard the recom­mendations of the Organization for any reason, in anysituation, no one can deny the moral authority of theUnited Nations. Though it is true that no organization cantake effective steps' on a matter not on its agenda,particularly if all parties concerned are not members of thatorganization, it is equally true that a major problem of ahot war cannot be ignored by any individual nation or byany assembly of nations.

89. Though not on the agenda, the question of Viet-Namhas been mentioned in every statement made from thisro~trum. On the strength of the moral authority of thisassembly of nations-I repeat, of this assembly of nations;not this Assembly of the United Nations, but of thisassembly of nations-an appeal can be directed to all thosedirectly involved in the war to think of arranging acease-fire and to escalate the scope of the negotiations.

90. On certain occasions a temporary cease-fire has beenpossible in the case of Viet-Nam. I repeat again: with fullawareness of the practical difficulties and the complexitiesarising from the rigid positions, where a limited cease-fire ispossible it should not be impossible to hope for anunlimited cease-fire while at least some form of talks aregoing on. It is not necessary that such an appeal shouldhave the form of a resolution of the Assembly. And it is notdifficult for this Assembly to find the appropriate form.

91. It is our hope that this suggestion will be considered inthe diplomatic contacts at this session without any preju­dice to any positions hitherto taken by the partiesconcerned or any suggestions made by Governments orstatesmen anywhere, Ito be taken into consideration only asan expression of the conscience of the world to stop furtherbloodshed while negotiations are going on.

92. There are other serious situations of internationalconcern affecting the people of the Asian continent. Someof them are old, some new; aside from the ones discussedbefore this ,United Nations, others have not yet beenbrought here. All of these are capable of causing immensedisruption of stability and peace, so that the badly neededco-operation in international affairs in the area is severelyhampered. The welfare of hundreds of millions of Asianpeople is involved in these insufferable tensions. We aredeeply concerned about all of them and hope that apeaceful settlement of the disputes will be found in anamicable solution to the problems causing them.

93. On our own borders, the tensions between the peopleof Pakhtunistan and the Government of Pakistan have givenbirth to an alarming situation fraught with a dangerousfuture for the peace and security of that region. The fate ofa population and territory which far exceeds that ofKashmir in both respects is involved in this dispute.

94. The people of Pakhtunistan were the only communityoppressed by the British in that region of the world whofought for independence with all their tenacity of lifeagainst colonialism. Yet, ironically, they were the onlypeople deprived of the right of self-determination there.Afghanistan firmly supports the demands of the people ofPakhtunistan. Regretfully, our efforts to persuade Pakistanto seek a peaceful settlement and a negotiated solution tothe Pakhtunistan problem have failed.

95. We shall try to continue to hope that the Governmentof Pakistan will realize the gravity of this situation and dealwith it in accordance with the accepted internationalstandards for regulating such disputes, on the basis of theundeniable right of peoples and nations to self-determina­tion-I repeat, the right of self-determination.

96. I am at the end of my statement. If ! have not madereference to the many other meaningful items on theagenda of this session, it in no way indicates a lack ofinterest in those items. It is our expectation that we willhave the opportunity to speak on these matters at a futuretime ,when they are again before us. But I should like toconclude by saying that in all discussions we continue toseek and to offer full co-operation with all the Members ofthis A3sembly.

97. Mr. MOUKNASS (MaUritania) (translated fromFrench): The twenty-third session of the United NationsGeneral Assembly has opened and is pursuing its work at anespecially difficult moment in the development of relation­ships among peoples and nations. The international ciimatehas been made threatening for the maintenance of peace bythe hotbeds of war which imperialism is stubbornly fuellingin South-East Asia, the Middle East and southern Africa.Further attacks on the freedom of nations, on their right toself-determination, on respect for territorial integritYAtndon non-intervention in the domestic affairs of Stat4s' arebeing launched in various regions of our planet in d1fianceof the fundamental principles of the Charter. Added to thatsituation, fraught with alarming consequences, is thequickening social and economic deterioration of the greaterpart of mankind.

98. That picture indicates how important the Mauritaniandelegation considers the mission of the President of this

10 General Assembly - Twenty-third Session - Plenary Meetings

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107. In the face of the tragic situation in Nigeria, Africa isnot silent, inactive or indifferent. No African can remainunmoved by these events. When African blood is shed,every African must react.

3 Fourth session of the Assembly of Heads of State andGovernment of the Organization of African Unity, held from 11 to14 September 1967.

4 Fifth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Govern­ment of the Organization of African Unity, held from 13 to 16September 1968.

104. The Mauritanian people's deep devotion to thefundamental principles of our Organization's Charter arisesout of its acute sense of justice and dignity, one of the mostcharacteristic values of Mauritanian society. In other words,racial or religious prejudice is completely foreign to ourattitude towards the serious problems that trouble theworld in which we live.

108. We do not believe that the best way to find asolution to that serious and tragic conflict is to take a standin favour of one or the other party. We understand humanemotives and we support that international morality which isaroused by the war victims. However, we unhesitatinglycondemn the organizations and the press whose intention isto side with eastern Nigeria against the Federal Govern­ment, using those noble humane motives as a pretext, andthereby delaying the solution of that serious and painfulproblem. Africa is already balkanized; it cannot be furthersplit up with""'~jt the risk of perishing for ever. It is hard forus to accept the theses of those who justify secession byethnic origin, religion or, where need be, tribalism. After

106. Even more recently the African Heads of State,faithful to their decision made a year ago at Kinshasa,3convinced of the common destiny of the developingnations, and guided by the fundamental principle of respectfor the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States,condemned for the same reasons at Algiers, during the fifthOAU summit Conference,4 the odious aggression perpe­trated by the Israeli forces against the United ArabRepublic, the military occupation resulting from it, and theinsane undertaking of the secessionists whose actions,counter to African interests, are plunging a part of theNigerian people into ~ tragic situation.

1OS. As a small country, a non-aligned country and anactive member of the Organization of African Unity(OAU), the Islamic Republic of Mauritania is determined tostand firmly alongside peoples struggling against the forcesthat imperialism is hurling, with brutality or cunning,against those who are resisting the domination and enslave­ment of mankind. Once again we declare from this rostrumthat we unhesitatingly and actively support peoples strug­gling in defence of their dignity and freedom, theirterritorial integrity and their independence. That position isin keeping with the deepest hopes of the Mauritanianpeople. At the same time it is in complete accord with theprinciples enshrined in the Charter of the Organization ofAfrican Unity.

Assembly and how heavy his responsibilities. Nevertheless, and Arab, it is 'a link between white and black Africa.we are confident of his outstanding diplomatic qualities, Mauritania has never regarded its adherence to that dualand warmly welcome his unanimous election to the historical and cultural trad~tion as a choice, but rather aspresidency of the General Assembly. What we know of his a fulfilment."country, and the merited respect and admiration we cherishfor the sister countries of Latin America, encourage us tobelieve that under his enlightened leadership the labours ofthis General Assembly session will succeed. Together withour most sincere congratulations we assure the President ofour complete and faithful co-operatiun.

99. We would also express our deep gratitude to hispredecessor, Mr. Manescu, who presided over the work ofth(~ twenty-second session of the General Assembly withauthority, tact and a keen sense of justice. My delegationsees in President Manescu a great statesman distinguishedfor his pre-eminence as a diplomat and his effectiveness as aman of action.

102. My delegation enthusiastically welcomes EquatorialGuinea's impending accession to independence. We arepleased at the sincere co-operation the United Nations hasreceived from Spain, the administering Power, throughoutthe peaceful process that will in a few weeks raiseEquatorial Guinea to the rank of a sovereign State. TheSpanish Government and people have set a fine example ofrespect for the right of peoples to self-determination, onethat we are sure will be followed by other countries in thenear future.

103. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, a meeting-pointwhere all African races and philosophies fertilize and enrichone another, aspires to be a unifying force for agreementand understanding in Africa, thereby helping to draw mentogether and to maintain peace. That ambition was empha­sized by the Mauritanian Head of State in January 1968when he addressed the third Congress of the MauritanianPeople's Party in these words:

"Mauritania may be said to have the vocation of alabourer in the cause of African unity. Being both African

100. Once again my delegation wishes to emphasize howmuch the Mauritanian people and its leaders appreciate theadmirable way in which the Secretary-General, U Thant, isfulfilling his noble and difficult mission and therebycompelling the admiration of all peoples. Once more weshould like to renew to him the assurance that he willalways have the active support of the Mauritanian Govern­ment in the struggle that is being waged with courage andperseverance for respect for the fundamental principles ofthe United Nations Charter, for the maintenance of peaceand for harmony among nations.

101. One of my delegation's reasons for feeling gratified atthe outset of the work of the twenty-third GeneralAssembly session has been the admission of a new AfricanState, Swaziland, to membership in the great UnitedNations family. It is our pleasant task to extend thewarmest congratulations of the people and Government ofthe Islamic Republic of Mauritania to the people andleaders of that sister State. We are convinced that thepeople and Government of Swaziland will overcome everydifficulty and obstacle to make a valuable contribution tothe struggle that is being resolutely waged by our Africanbrothers for liberation from Portuguese colonialism, apart­heid and the illegal and racist Salisbury regime.

1690th meeting - 10 October 1968 11

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122. The unholy alliance of Portugal, the apartheid regimeand the illegal minority and racist Salisbury regime con-

121. My delegation desires to remind this Assembly thatcolonialism and its results continue to present problemsthat concern Africa.

120. Faithful to the principle of non-alignment, andholding respect for the principle of non-intervention in thedomestic affairs of States to be essential, the Governmentof the Islamic Republic of Mauritania is bound to deplorethe intervention and maintenance of foreign troops in theCzer;oslovak Socialist Republic. In the interests of peacemy Government expresses the hope of seeing that seriouscrisis resolved speedily and in conformity with the desiresand higher interests of the Czechoslovak people.

119. As for the Korean question, the Mauritanian delega­tion shares the opinion that foreign troops must bewithdrawn without delay. and the Korean people enabled toexercise its rights and to choose its own future.

117. We join the many delegations that have alreadyspoken in thinking that immediate and unconditionalcessation of the bombing of the Democratic Republic ofViet-Nam is the first indispensable step towards there-establishment of peace in that region. In any event, weare convinced that the just cause of the Vietnamese peoplewill triumph.

118. The delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritanianow wishes to reaffirm its conviction of the necessity ofproceeding without delay to restore the legitimate rights ofthe People's Republic of China in the United Nations. Infact the great Chinese nation, one and indivisible, grown toa nuclear Power, has earned for itself a place of primeimportance and growing support on the international scene.We reject the two-Chinas theory that some speakers areattempting to establish within our Organization.

116. The Mauritanian delegation hails with admir.1tion theheroic and successful resistance opposed by the courageouspeople of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and theNational Liberation Front to the immense resources thatthe world's largest Power is committing against a wholepeople's legitimate aspirations to freedom, independenceand sovereignty. The Viet-Nam war is one of the mostsavage examples of violation of the principle of non-inter­vention in the domestic affairs of States. The Americanaggression in Viet-Nam, in my delegation's view, is one ofthe most serious threats to the maintenance of world peace.

115. The serious crisis created in the Middle East by theIsraeli aggression of 5 June does not cause us to forget theserious situation in the Far East.

110. Now that the forces of violence are being increasinglyunleashed against the freedom, independence and progressof nations, the common destiny shared by the countries ofthe third world is taking on a deep significance.

Ill. Serious violations of the principles of sovereignty,the territorial integrity of every State and the right ofpeoples to self-determination are being committed inAfrica, in the Middle East and in South-East Asia.

112. With regard to the Middle East, the delegation of theIslamic Republic of Mauritania has already had the oppor­tunity during this Assembly's fifth emergency specialsession [1531st meetingJ and during its twenty-secondsession [1582nd meetingJ of stressing the serious concerncaused to the Mauritanian people and Government by theIsraeli aggression and its aftermath. That unequivocalposition remains unchanged. And now that all peace-lovingpeoples in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Europe arestupefied by their growing awareness of the vastness of theshameful conspiracy woven by international Zionism andits supporters against the freedom and territorial integrityof the United Arab Republic, the Hashemite Kingdom ofJordan and the Syrian Arab Republic, in flagrant contemptof United Nations Charter principles, we wonder withamazement how much longer the United Nations will allowitself to be kept impotent. Everyone is aware that theextortions of all sorts and the depredations that the Zionistleaders of reI Aviv have been practising with impunity formore than fifteen months in the occupied territories arecreating an intolerable situation in the region, full of threatto world peace and security.

113. In face of the arrogance and contempt with whichthe Zionist authorities are responding to the decisions ofthe General Assembly and the Security eouncil, it behovesthe Organization to take all the specific measures needed tocompel respect for its decisions.

114. During the twenty-second session the head of theMauritanian delegation said from this very rostrum:

"The friends of Israel ought to remind the Israeliauthorities that the human and material resources of the

109. We are aware that the concept of nationality is notyet as firmly fixed as we might wish in most Africancountries. How could it be, when the African continent isbarely emerging from a long colonial darknes~ and hasscarcely begun to be aware of its opportunities andresponsibilities? The Organization is in duty bound toassist and support those young and still fragile nations, notto help to sunder them. The developed countries, in theirown long-term interest, should want to have real partners inAfrica rather than to add to instability and to political andeconomic deterioration. In other words, my Governmentexpresses the hope of seeing the developed countries take asolid and sane view of their own interests and refrain fromfurther complicating the painful problem created for theGovernment of Nigeria by the insane attempts of thesecessionists, the problem to which the Federal Govern­ment and the Organization of African Unity are trying towork out a solution.

all, do the citizens of any nation hi the world all belong to Arab nation will enable it, though today deeply woundedthe same race or profess the same religion? Furthermore, as in its flesh and dignity, to rise again in power after manyboth past and recent history have shown, it is extremely defeats.dangerous to state problems in terms of race or religion. "Our analysis of the serious situation in the Middle East

leads us to state that the essential prerequisite for somechance for success in examination of the complexproblems of that region remains the unconditional with­drawal of Israeli forces from the Arab territories occupiedsince the aggression of 5 June." [1582nd meeting,paras. 52 and 53J

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12 General Assembly - T\Wnty-third Session - Plenary Meetings

tinues to commit desperate and criminal acts against thelegitimate desires of the African peoples of Angola,Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau) and Rhodesia. An urgentappeal should be made to all countries-in particular theNATO Powers-to refrain from providing Portugal with thefinancial and military assistance that enables it to massacreAfrican patriots.

123. In the Rhodesian affair the heaviest responsibilityfalls on the United Kingdom. My delegation considers thatthe United Nations ought to ensure that the United¥Jngdom fulftls its obligations to the Zimbabwe people,who are kept in inhuman and degrading conditions by theillegal racist regime of Ian Smith. The brother people ofZimbabwe, aware that they must first of all rely onthemselves, have already begun to free themselves. TheMauritanian Government and people intend to lend themtheir active and unreserved support within the AfricanLiberation Committee, an organ of the Organization ofAfrican Unity.

124. South Africa still disdainfully ignores United Nationsresolutions. Every Member of this Assembly is aware of itsillegal attitude towards Namibia.

115. In all those areas of the world where peace is beingthreatened, whether in the Middle East or in southernAfrica, our Organization must i~ order to restore securitybe able to compel respect for the principles of the Charterand to ensure that its decisions are carried out.

126. Moreover, the Mauritanian delegation is greatly con­cerned at the serious economic and social problems withwhich the developing countries are tragically being threat­ened.

127. In that area, which is vital to the maintenance ofpeace and harmony among nations, the necessary co-opera­tion" of the developed countries is sorely lacking. Theachievements of the second session of the United NationsConference on Trade and DevelopmentS are disappointingin many respects. The Secretary-General states as much inthe introduction to his annual report on the Organization'sactivities:

"The concerted effort necessary for any effective attackon the problems of under-development did not provepossible at New Delhi. Hence, the achievements of thesecond session of the Conference were very limited. Itsproceedings and decisions suggest that the political will towork towards concerted action, which constitutes themainspring of international economic co-operation, waslacking." [A/7201 /Add.l, para. 84J

128. The Mauritanian delegation is obliged once again topoint out that in social and economic development the gapsthat exist between the "haves" and the "have-nots" and arealready a disgrace are continuing to widen. It is to be hopedthat the competition among the great Powers may extendto the peaceful and ennobling area of scientific research forimproving man's lot, whoever and wherever he may be. Ourcentury should no longer tolerate the gigantic disparity thatexists between the astronomical sums devoted to mur-

5 The session was held at New Delhi from 1 February to 29 March1968.

derous weaponry, for immediate use or stockpiling, andthose spent on better conditions for the unjustly deprived.As we know, nearly $200,000 million is spent each year onweapons, while the transfer of capital from rich to poorcountries does not even amount to $10,000 million.

129. The delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritaniaventures to hope that all Member countries will act togetherto establish a real dialogue and true co-operation in socialand economic development, which is the essential conditionfor maintaining peace and harmony among nations.

130. With regard to our continent we Mauritanians feelthat, in order to respond to that need for economicdevelopment, action should be taken along three principlelines on the understanding that any action, to be successful,must be based on a very clear political determination togive first priority to Africa's benefit.

131. First and foremost, subregional or interregionaleconomic groups must be set up. We of Mauritania havejoined with our brothers of Guinea, Mali and Senegal toform the Union of Riverain States of the Senegal River. TheUnion's aim is to act jointly for navigation on the SenegalRiver, for control of the major endemic diseases, and forscience and culture. It will co-ordinate the national plan­ning of our four States to achieve as much industrialspecialization as possible in accordance with essentialeconomic criteria. Moreover, the flow of subregional tradewill be increased.

132. In January 1969 Mauritania, with its sister States ofAlgeria, Mali and Niger, will also initiate the Organizationof the Senegal Riparian States. Moreover, with its sistersMali, Senegal and Guinea and all the West African States, ithas helped to establish the West African Regional Group.We feel that that action, first subregional and then regional,is a positive contribution towards co-operation and theeconomic liberation of the continent.

133. Secondly, on the principle that Africa's economicliberation must be continent-wide; we are recommendingthat contacts be established among the continent's varioussub-groups and regional groups. That is our second pro­posal. For our part, it seems to us evident that ever closerand more frequenf contacts should be established amongthe continent's various regional groups within the Organiza­tion of African Unity. We therefore consider it essentialthat fruitful contacts should be established at the outsetamong those groups, both the Maghreb group and those ofWest and East Africa. Those contacts must be created toco-ordinate the action of the groups so that they may sharetheir experiences, and especially so that they may plancontinent-wide action towards our ultimate goal: Africaneconomic unification and consolidation.

134. Thirdly, we recommend the conclusion of tradeagreements among African States as a method, additional tothe two already mentioned, of freeing Africa's economy.

135. Lastly, it is necessary to co-ordinate the attitudes ofAfrica with those of Asia and Latin America. Mauritania istherefore pleased at the establishment of the Group ofSeventy-Seven, and has great hopes that it will do much tosettle the great questions with which the third world isrightfully concerned.

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136. In this International Year for Human Rights, the made towards that goal. However, that is not enough. Astwentieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration on we become a great family of independent countries, we areHuman Rights, the Government and people of Mauritania bound to ensure that its members learn to join forces infervently hope that the labours of the twenty-third session building an international order that will enable them to"liveof the General Assembly will reduce tension and lead to in security and to develop mutually advantageous relations.peace and a better life for mankind.

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137. Mr. CAGLAYANGIL (Turkey) (translated fromFrench): Mr. President, allow me at the outset to expressmy delegation's special pleasure at the election of theGuatemalan Minister for Foreign Relations, Mr. Arenales,to the presidency of the General Assembly. I should like toextend to him my heartiest congratulations on that tokenof esteem and confidence given him by the Members of thisOrganization. There is no doubt that the General Assemblywill need all Mr. Arenales's statesmanship to accomplish itswork and confront the challenge offered to it by thecomplexity of the various international problems. I assurehim of my delegation's support and co-operation in thefulfilment of his task.

138. I should also like to pay tribute to the outgoingPresident, Mr. Manescu, who led our deliberations with skilland distinction dUring the last session of the GeneralAssembly, which will surely have a special place in thehistory of our Organization. We are all beholden to him forthe untiring efforts he put forth in the cause of world peacethroughout the year of his presidency.

139. This year we are meeting with our thoughts deeplyconcerned by the serious, indeed grave, events that markthe development of international relations. Several of thespe'akers who have preceded me at this rostrum have rightlystressed their concern at the virulence that has beeninjected into the international political scene by thoseevents and those conflicts. We cannot overemphasize theireffect on international stability, which itself is all toodelicately balanced. We in the United Nations have themoral obligation to examine closely all the evil~ that arepoisoning the life of the international community in orderto isolate and begin to eradicate them from the realm ofhuman and international relations.

140. Today we are witnessing a series of distressing eventsand developments, ranging from the policy of apartheid tothe use of force for territorial conquest or the settlement ofdisputes. It is extremely painful to watch blows directedagainst human dignity and the universal principles thatgovern relationships between sovereign and independentcountries. We cannot be content with enunciating prin­ciples; we must also mobilize our efforts to ensure respectfor them by all countries and throughout the world. TheInternational Year for Human Rights affords us a goodopportunity to remind ourselves of the urgent need to acton principle. As we detest slavery, so we must take alarm atthe attempts that some are making to impose their will onot:lers by force or accomplished fact. The Organization hasalways attached prime importance to the eradication ofapartheid wherever it still exists; that is a noble task towhich my country has lent is wholehearted support.

141. The eradication of the last vestiges of colonialism isanother subject that has continued to occupy this Assem­bly's attention and has called for continual efforts by ourOrganization. It is true that enormous progress has been

142. That, indeed, is the reason why Member States haveundertaken by the United Nations Charter to act inconformity with certain fundamental principles, such as thesovereign equality of all countries, the settlement ofinternational disputes through peaceful means, and absten­tion from the threat or use of force.

143. It should also be noted that in 1965 the GeneralAssembly adopted a declaration on the inadmissibility ofintervention in the domestic affairs of States and theprotection of their independence and sovereignty [resolu­tion 2131 (XX)}. Unfortunately, deeds have not alwaysconformed to those principles. That poses a seriousproblem which must concern all State::., large and small,that have undertaken the duty to promote the purposes ofthe United Nations Charter.

144. After those general considerations, I would commenton the salient points of the current international situation.

145. I should like to begin with Europe. I believe that thesituation brought about by recent events in Czechoslovakiadeserves our special attention. I do not want to dwell onthe distressing nature of those events, since my Governmenthas already expressed its views on them. Nevertheless, Iwant to express my concern at their international effects.We all know that within twenty years European crisesbrought about two world wars that caused indescribablelosses and suffering. Yet the end of the Second World Wardid not mean the beginning of peace. Europe has sinceexperienced a long period of "cold wa~". Later, whencertain propitious factors generated and qUickened trendstowards reducing European tensions, we welcomed thosetrends with relief. Distrust began little by little to give wayto a better understanding among European countries owingto increased contacts in several areas. There was reason tohope that that happy change in East-West relations wouldin the end surely create an atmosphere of trust whichwould in turn facilitate the settlement of the majorunsolved problems by bringing about an era of peace andlasting security in Europe. The General Assembly, aware ofthe importance of increasing contacts and of developing aspirit of co-operation among all European countries, saw fitin 1965 to adopt a resolution [2129 (XX)} to further theimprovement of good-nei~bourrelations among EuropeanStates with different social and political regimes. However,the military intervention in Czechoslovakia seriously ·af­fected the trend towards dete;zte. Furthermore, there isreason to fear that deterioration of the European politicalclimate will render more difficult the, settlement of theproblems that are still a.waiting solution in other parts ofthe world.

146. Thus we express the firm hope that it will be possibleto promote understanding and relations based on fruitfulco-operation advantageous to all European countries andfurthering both regional and world peace. Otherwise dis­trust and discord will again prevail on the European sceneand increase the anxieties of a world already bent beneath

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"'154. I should also like to take this opportunity to expressour appreciation to the countries that are contributing tothe maintenance of the United Nations Force in Cyprus.

155. The situation in South-East Asia still gives rise toconcern because of the war in Viet-Nam. We continue to behopeful that the Paris talks will lead to a political solutionof that conflict in the spirit of the 1954 Geneva Accords, soas to restore peace and stability to that part of the world.

156. I feel that the problems now confronting the Africancontinent go beyond the borders of Africa and concern allmankind. For that reason the material and moral support ofthe international community is of vital importance insolVing those problems.

157. I am sorry to note that, since the twenty-secondsession of the General Assembly, no substantial progress hasbeen achieved in the question of Namibia, which continuesto be of serious concern to my delegation, especially sinceTurkey is a member of the United Nations Council forNamibia. The stubborn refusal of the South AfricanGovernment to co-operate with the Council in finding a justsolution to that problem represents a lamentable attitudeabout which the General Assembly expressed its deepconcern in a resolution [2372 (XXII)) adopted at thetwellty-second session. The Security Council must givepriority to study of that very threatening situation in orderto lay down the steps that must be taken.

158. Another matter, that of Southern Rhodesia, is stillcausing concern to my Government. In fact the illegalregime in Southern Rhodesia, under its inhuman policy ofracial discrimination, continues to oppress the majority ofthe country, deprives the Rhodesian people of its right toself-determination, and creates an extremely serious situa­tion that may threaten the peace and security of theAfrican continent. Turkey, which has always supported theresolutions adopted on the question of Southern Rhodesia,finds that attitude intolerable, and considers it necessary toenforce strictly the measures drawn up by the SecurityCouncil against Southern Rhodesia and always fully sup­ported by Turkey.

159. In the present international situation, with its seriousdisturbanc.es, the question of disarmament takes on specialimportance. The lack of progress towards general andcomplete disarmament must not discourage us in ourefforts. On the contrary, the concrete results achieved withregard to collateral measures should strengthen our determi­nation to continue the persuit of our goals.

160. I should like here to express my Government'ssatisfaction at the outcome of the work for the drafting ofa treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons[resolution 2373 (XXII)}. We are hopeful that that treatywill be followed by further constructive measures whichwill help us to advance towards tetal disarmament.

161. I should now like to express some ideas on theeconomic problems of developing countries.

the weight of various international conflicts and of an arms 153. Likewise, we sincerely believe that the effectiverace that is hard to check. presence of the United Nations Force in Cyprus is of special

importance. We should like here to pay tribute to theUnited Nations authorities for the efforts they have madeto maintain normal conditions in Cyprus.

147. Indeed, all too many conflicts seriously threateninternational peace and stability. Among those the situationcreated in the Middle East by the war of June 1967 is still amajor cause for concern. It is _our duty to increase ourefforts towards finding a solution to that conflict as soon aspossible, especially since opportunities to solve it bypeaceful means cannot be considered permanently avail­able. incidents along the cease-fire line reveal the explo­siveness of the present situation. The continuance of thecrisis, with the prolonged occupation of the Arab territoriesand the disregard of the General Assembly resolutionsconcerning Jerusalem, is a serious threat both to thestability of the region and to world peace.

148. The efforts of the Secretary-General's Special Repre­sentative, Mr. Jarring, and the concurrent steps taken by anumber of countries have not so far been crowned withsuccess. The main reason for that situation is the failure toenforce the Security Council resolution [242 (l967)J of 22November 1967, which nevertheless raised great hopeswhen it was adopted and is still, in my Government'sopinion, the most valuable instrument for settling theproblem. It must be noted, furthermore, that the modera­tion and understanding shown by the Arab countries didnot meet the positive response they deserved. We considerthat the prospect of a political solution still lies in thesuccess of Mr. Jarring's mission. His wisdom, tact andperseverance deserve all praise.

150. I come now to a question of direct concern to mycountry: that of Cyprus.

151. Since the serious crisis of the end of last year, arelative calm has been re-established in Cyprus. The TurkishGovernment, which welcomed the Secretary-General'sappeals and his offer of good offices to pacify the island, ishopeful that pacification will be speed'~d by his action.Turkey has also favoured bilateral contacts in Cyprus.Current talks between the two communities are aimed atexploring the conditions of a joint life for both com­munities. Turkey believes that they can achieve satisfactoryresults if they are based on recognition of the legitimaterights and interests of both the island's communities.

149. Turkey considers the maintenance of peace andstability in the region one of the basic goals of its policy,and is constantly working in that direction. The Assemblyhas many times heard statements reiterating our twofoldopposition to the use of force and to reliance on faitsaccomplis for the purpose of gaining territory and politicaladvantage. Thus we must do all in our power to ensureapplication of the Security Council resolution, to end theconflict in the Middle East, and thereby to create a stablestate of peace in the region.

152. We consider that the success of those exploratorytalks can open the way to a final, negotiated and jointsolution of the problem among all the parties. We are of theopinion that it is extremely important not to allow theopportunity open to us to slip by; for, if that peacefulinitiative were to fail, the remaining options would be verylimited.

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176. He referred to a referendum which took place in1947. On this also I think an examination of the standardof Pakistan in necessary. We must keep in mind its stand onthat referendum which he himself said was held under theauspices of a British Viceroy-I repeat, under the auspicesof a British Viceroy. But in another case, for instance, inthe case of Kashmir, they forget the four elections whichhave taken place, and they do not call that the expressionof the will of the people.

175. The fact that there are two standards on thesequestions is proved by the statement made by my Pakhtunbrother.

174. Mr. PAZHWAK (Afghanistan): I shall be very brief.The representative of Pakistan has exercised his right ofreply to what I said. That reply shows that, as I said, theGovernment of Pakistan denies the demand of the peopleof Pakhtunistan. That demand is, as I said, nothing but toexercise the right of self-determination. I think that themembers of this Assembly know that Pakistan sometimesdoes base its policy on the right of self-determination-butonly when that suits it: in one case.

172. I would ask for your indulgence to point out that adistinguished Pakhtun, Field Marshall Mohammed AyubKhan, today leads the country, and the Pakhtuns ofPakistan are solidly behind him. We Pakhtuns of Pakistando not need the pleadings of any other self-styled advocateof our right of self-determination, which we have exercisedfor a long time.

173. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): I call onthe representative of Afghanistan, who has asked toexercise his right of reply.

171. May I ask who authorized any representative ofAfghanistan to claim to speak on our behalf? There aremore Pakhtuns in Pakistan than there are in Afghanistan.This so-called Pakhtunistan is nothing more than a figmentof the imaginatici1 of a small coterie of the ruling clique ofAfghanistan. Our brother Afghans, we know, do notassociate themselves with it and have the friendliest feelingsfor the people ofPakistan as a whole and Pakhtuns living inPakistan in particular. We Pakhtuns have struggled for theachievement of Pakistan; we have fought for it; we havedefend6d its integrity; and we shall continue to do so.

170. We constitute an inalienable part of Pakistan. Thathas been brought about through our own volition. Wesignified our desire to join Pakistan in a referendum whichwas held in August 1947 under the auspices of the BritishViceroy, Loru Mountbatten, who was no great friend ofPakistan. In that referendum Pakhtuns from that area cast90 per cent of their votes in favour of Pakistan. That is howwe came to form part of Pakistan, and we shall ever remaina part of Pakistan. No force or threat of force can establishany other situation, come what may.

166. Before c,,~ J' .~ding I should like to express mydelegation's sincere welcome to two new Members of ourOrganization, Mauritius and Swaziland. My delegation'extends to them its heartfelt greetings and expresses itssatisfaction at this continued growth of our community ofindependent nations.

167. Whatever disappointment we feel from time to time,I prefer to conclude my statement on a more optimisticnote. This regular session of the General Assembly is thetwenty-third since our Organization was founded. We knowthat this Organization, which embodies the ideals of menwho desire universal peace and security, has not succeededin solving the problems that stand in the way of that goal.However, the fact that our eyes inevitably turn to theUnited Nations each time we face a complicated andthreatening situation proves our unbounded confidence inthe part the Organization is called to play in establishing ajust and lasting international order. We must exert all ourefforts to draw nearer to the day when all mankind willbegin to enjoy the blessings of that order.

165. On the eve of the second Development Decade, weconsider the .basic task still to be that 01-' Iormulating aworld development strategy based on each country'sindividual efforts and backed by converging measures andpolicies negotiated on the various levels of a more activeinternational co-operation. Only through such a policy canwe promote efforts aimed at solving the problems of thedeveloping world.

164. Some of the great economic problems confrontingdeveloping countries are of special urge..~,;y. I should likeparticularly to mention the concern created by rapidpopulation growth in relation to projected food produc­tion. Malnutrition is also raising serious problems, which wefeel that the United Nations must carefully examine. I amalso happy to express here our appreciation for the jointprogrammes of technical assistance and pre-investmentassistance organized as part of the United Nations Develop­ment Programme~ whose financial resources must be in­creased.

163. At present, United Nations organs are carrying outstudies of the various tasks involved in preparing theforthcoming Development Decade. The very modest resultsof the first Decade compel us to be more courageous andprecise in formulating the policies and measures -::0 beimplemented during that new period, which will doubtlessbe a decisive phase in the struggle of the less developedcountries against the evils of under-development.

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162. The first United Nations Development Decade is 169. Mr. HANEEF KHAN (Pakistan): The representativeending without substantially ~hanging them. The economic of Afghanistan has raised what he has called the question ofgrowth of the developing countries has not reached the Pakhtunistan and the right of the people of Pakhtunistan tohoped-for rate. The results of the second United Nations self-determination. I am a Pakhtun and a member of a partConference on Trade and Development have also been of the population of Pakistan.disappointing. The gap that separates rich and poor, insteadof decreasing, has continued to widen. In our opinion thelack of a world development strategy has been one of themain reasons for that situation.

168. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): Therepresentative of Pakistan has asked to exercise his right of'reply. I call on him.

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185. Now, it is true that Pakistan has espoused the right ofself-determination of peoples. We have done so for twentyyears. We shall continue to do so. The' representative ofAfghanistan accused us of adopting a double standard. Wedo not adopt a double standard. We believe that when thetime came for the British Indian Government to liquidateits responsibility for the government of the British Empireof India, it initiated a .process of negotiation with theleaders of the two major parties in India, the Congress andthe Muslim League. And as a result of the agreementreached between them, the process' of transfer of power waslaid down in an elaborate instrumenf enacted by the BritishParliament called, "The Indian Independence Act, 1947".

186. The representative of Afghanistan has taken ex­ception to the fact that the referendum in the NorthwestFrontier Province of the then British India was held underthe auspices of the British Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten. MayI point out to him that the power was then held by theBritish Governor·General and Viceroy,Lord Mountbatten,and it is a matter of record that he did his best to kill thevery idea of Pakistan. It was under the presidency of thatViceroy that the whole Indian Er.lpire was liqUidated andpower transferred to the Congress over the gr~ater part ofIndia, and to the leaders of the Muslim League over what isnow Pakistan. The entire process of self-determination ofIndia and Pakistan took place under the presidency of theBritish Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, who, subsequently, wasso much in the confidence of the leaders of the Govern­ment of India that they made him, that British Viceroy,their first Governor·General and Head of State.

177. Then he said that in that referendum 90 per cent of Pakhtunistan. Who is making this demand on behalf of thethe Pakhtuns voted for joining the Pakistan State. There are Pakhtuns? Not the Pakhtuns themselves, but the repre~

two questions which should be kept in mind. In the first sentative of Afghanistan.place, the referendum under the auspices of the BritishViceroy offered only one alternative to the people ofPakhtunistan: either to join India or to join Pakistan. Therewas no other alternative. At that time their claim was toexercise their right of self·determination for the inde­pendence of the State of Pakhtunistan. That alternative wasnot there. And because of that-and one can consult therecords of that time-SO per cent of the population ofPakhtunistan boycotted the referendum; they did not takepart. And to say "90 per cent of the remainder" is not true.

178. Then he said that he was a Pakhtun. There is nodoubt .about it. I am glad that he is. But I said that thequestion was a dispute between the people of Pakhtunistanand the Government of Pakistan, and he obviously is amember of the Government of Pakistan. He said that thePresident of Pakistan is a distinguished Pakhtun. I admitthat too. His Excellency General Ayub is a Pakhtun. Butthat does not mean that the right of the people ofPakhtunistan is not violated or denied under his Presidency.

179. Also we should not forget that, the other day, theForeign Minister of Pakistan was complaining to thisAssembly about the rights of Muslims in India. My friendforgets that a distinguished Muslim is the It:ader of India.Why does that not make any difference to Pakistan?

180. As I said, I shall be very brief. We do not interfere inthis matter. It is a dispute between the people ofPakhtunistan and the Government of Pakistan. It is basedon the right of self·determination , and we support the rightof self-determination in all parts of the world.

181. That is the main point that I should like to make.Afghanistan has no demand of territory or population. Thatshould be made clear. If all Pakhtuns like my friend whospoke here wish Pakhtunistan to be a part of Pakistan, wewill be the first country to recognize that-if a referendumis held now to ensure the right of self·determination ofthese people. We shall accept their joining with Pakistan, orany other decision they may make. We will be the first torecognize that. But of course we would like it to be underthe auspices of a different body-the United Nations-orthere could be some other arrangements. But the referen­dums that have taken place under the auspices of a BritishViceroy, with whom these people have fought for twocenturies, are not. referendums that we would go by.

182. I appeal to your good sense. It is only because we donot speak very much that our case is going to be ignored.All that I did in my statement was to give a warning. Thesituation is serious. I still try to hope that the Governmentof Pakistan will realize the gravity of the situation.Otherwise, I will at least have one excuse-that I have comebefore you and told you the facts.

183. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): Therepresentative of Pakistan has asked to speak again inexercise of his right of reply.

184. Mr. SHAHI (Pakistan): I shall be very brief. TheAmbassador of Afghanistan said first of all, in his right ofreply, that Pakistan denies the demand of the people of

187. Now, how can exception be taken to the fact that areferendum was held under the Government of India whichwas then controlled by the British Viceroy? Variousreferendums were held in other parts of India by the BritishGovernment of India, in the process of the self-determina­tion of the various parts of what is India and Pakistan,referendums or elections were held or the verdicts of theprovincial legislative assemblies elected by the people weregiven, and all these took place under the auspices of thatBritish Viceroy. How can you challenge the result of thereferendum in the area which is now Pakhtunistan, so­called, while accepting the result of the referendums heldunder the same auspices in other parts of India? We do notadopt double standards. We stand for the right of self­determination of the people of Jammu and Kashmh. Letme say that the question of Jammu and Kashmir is beforethe United Nations by virtue of an agreement betweenIndia and Pakistan to refer that issue to this Organization;and the right of self-determination to be exercised by thepeople of Jammu and Kashmir in specific, concrete terms,and the modalities of that exercise of the right ofself-determination, were embodied in agreements nego­tiated under the auspices of the Security Council betweenthe representatives of Pakistan and India. They wereembodied in that international instrument~ and when weraise the question of the self-determination of the people ofJammu and Kashmir, we refer to that international agree­ment, embodied in United Nations resolutions, as a basicdocument.

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194. Thus, there can be no comparison between the twosituations, and we think that it is really regrettable that therepresentative of Afghanistan should have tried to bring upthis issue, that he should have tried to make a case-whichshould be left rather to those more immediately con­cerned-to place before this Assembly.

192. I should like to make it clear that the representativeof Pakistan who spoke before me is not a member of theGovernmt:lll of Pakistan. He is an elected representative ofthe people of the area that is called Pakhtunistan and he is amember of the National Assembly of Pakistan.

199. But I want to clarify one point immediately. Therepresentative of Pakistan said that the question of Jammuand Kashmir is before the United Nations by virtue of someagreement between India and Pakistan. I should like toremind him that what was brought before the SecurityCouncil was the aggression of Pakistan against India. Thematter was brought by India and it is still there. Let therepresentative of Pakistan not forget it.

The meeting rose at 6.40 p. m.

193. I do not wish to enter into an argument with theAmbassador of Afghanistan about the treatment of theMuslims in India. Certainly we should like to know ifthousands of riots have taken place in the areas where thePakhtun people live in Pakistan as they have taken place inIndia; and if we have raised the question of the Muslimminority in India, it is again by virtue of an internationalagreement between India and Pakistan, signed at New Delhion 8 April 1950, known as the Liaquat-Nehru Pact, underwhich both Governments agreed that the treatment ofrr.inorities in either country is the concern of the other. It jsunder that international instrument that we have broughtup this matter and we have done so in pain and anguishbecause of the recurrence of those incidents. We hope thatthey will be ended.

197. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): I call onthe representative of India, who has asked to exercise hisright of reply.

198. Mr. PARTHASARATHI (India): I too shall be verybrief. The representative of Pakistan has once again talkedof the right to self-determination of the Indian State ofJammu and Kashmir. We shall examine his statement whenit is available in the verbatim record, and shall reply ifnecessary.

195. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): Therepresentative of Afghanistan wishes again to exercise hisright of reply. I call on him.

196. Mr. GHAUS (Afghanistan): The representative ofPakistan raised matters of detail to which we do not wish toreply at this stage. The hour is very late. We want to reserveour right to reply to his statement after a thoroughexamination of it in the verbatim record of the presentmeeting.

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188. That is quite a different matter from the so-calledright of self-determination of the people of Pakhtunistan,because they voted in a referendum and if, under theinfluence of certain leaders, some elements boycotted thereferendum, that did not invalidate the process.

190. There is a clear difference between a plebiscite or areferendum, and elections. The two ought not to beconfused. The point is that a referendum was held in thearea of Pakistan we are referring to on the specific issue ofwhether it should become part of Pakistan or part of India,and the overwhelming majority of the people who votedexpressed themselves for Pakistan. The representative ofAfghanistan maintained that no choice of independencewas given to the people of the area. It may be recalled thatthe entire process of negotiation between India andPakistan was on whether one or two states should becreated. The whole subcontinent of India compromisesmany ethnic groups, with peoples speaking diverselanguages. According to the authorities, there are over 220languages and dialects in India, and the people belong to 'practically all the ethnic strains and include a great majorityof the races of the world. When it came to the question ofthe future of this area~ it was considered that it should beon the basis of a single India or India and Pakistan,according to the wishes of the people.

189. May I say, too, that the Government in power in theso~called area of Pakhtunistan just before the referendumtook place was headed by Dr. Khan Sahib, whose brother isnow in Afghanistan, claiming to be the leader of thePakhtuns and carrying on propaganda and subversionagainst Pakistan. He has been doing this for twenty years,and now he has made the capital of Afghanistan his base. Itwas that man's brother, Dr. Khan Sahib, who was in power,and it is very interesting for this Assembly to know that atthat time, neither Or. Khan Sahib nor his bmther, AbdulZafar Khan, who is in Kabul, raised the question ofPakhtunistan or the self-determination of the Pakhtunpeople. They declared that they were for one India, aunited India. The.y said the two, Pakhtuns and Indians,were one nation, members of one united nation. It was onlyafterwards, ~hen the Pakistan movement gathered momen­tum, as was inevitable, and the British agreed, against theirwill, to transfer power, that they raised the question of aseparate identity for the so-called Pakhtun people. Beforethat, they had maintained that these people were part andparcel of the single nation of India.

191. Our State is based on the concept of nationhoodwhich transcends the barriers of race. We are not a racistState, we are not a linguistic State; we are a pluralisticState. In our country there are ::nany languages. There aretwo official languages, and there are many other languageswhich have considerable literatures of their own. Werecognize that our nationhood is based on a wider conceptthan that of race or linguistic unity. Therefore the peopleof this area we are speaking about, the area of the so-calledPakhtunistan, decided to join Pakistan.

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