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thics, Medicine and Public Health (2019) 8, 74—96

Available online at

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TUDIES

nderstanding terrorism: A behavioralevelopmental approachomprendre le terrorisme : perspective de développement comportemental

M.L. Commons (PhD)a,∗, T.Q. Duongb

a Department of Psychiatry, Harvard Medical School, 234 Huron Ave, 02138 Cambridge, MA,USAb Caldwell University, NJ, USA

Received 3 August 2018; accepted 28 February 2019

KEYWORDSInternational politics;Model of HierarchicalComplexity;Terrorism

Summary Countries, governments, and cultures must move through each of the behavioral-developmental stages of human development sequentially. It is hypothesized that eachbehavioral-developmental stage must be achieved, and failure to recognize this may be a majorcontributing factor to the rise of terrorism and crime in a society. In a war-like situation, anoccupying country’s attempts to have the conquered country skip behavioral-developmentalstages will fail more often than not. This will possibly result in negative sentiment and terroristbehavior among those in the occupied country. Terrorism is an omnipresent condition world-wide. It is common for non-scholarly observers to not know that terrorist attack lethality is nowextremely low. Terrorist attacks are often constituted by suicide bombings, which makes themrelatively difficult and costly to perform. Remote controlled detonators already exist but theyare not used in the Middle East. In the future, terrorists likely have access to not only biologicalweapons, but also small and easily transportable nuclear weapons which can be smuggled acrossthe world. It is for these reasons that this article was written, to address these problems froman adult developmental perspective. An adult developmental perspective is useful for severalreasons. One of the problems is that terrorists are not the same as conventional armies. They donot have a central location so conventional wars against them do not show the same promise.
With the Internet and its successors, the difficulty to organize terrorist activities worldwidehas decreased drastically. At the moment, many of the attacks are suicidal, but there is noreason to believe that is necessary given remote detonation devices are widely available. Thisarticle addresses the larger issue of how to manage and reduce conflict between terrorists andtheir targets. The approaches for the most part are based on adult behavioral-developmental
∗ Corresponding author.E-mail address: [email protected] (M.L. Commons).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jemep.2019.02.003352-5525/© 2019 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.

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Understanding terrorism: A behavioral developmental approach 75

stage theories. The history of the behavioral-developmental stage theory harks back to Piagetas well as Kohlberg and his students such as Kegan, Selman and Commons. The article providesa systematic framework for viewing many present suggestions that abound in the policy area.What is different is these authors provide a behavioral-developmental-stage diagnostic meansfor deciding what actions are appropriate for a society and a terrorist group at a given time.© 2019 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.

MOTS CLÉSPolitiqueinternationale ;Modèle decomplexitéhiérarchique ;Terrorisme

Résumé Les pays, les gouvernements et les cultures doivent passer par chacune des étapesde développement comportementale de la personne de facon séquentielle. L’hypothèse poséeest que chaque stade de développement comportemental doit être atteint et l’incapacité àreconnaître cela pourrait être un facteur majeur contribuant à la montée du terrorisme etdu crime dans une société. En situation de guerre, les tentatives de la puissance occupantepour forcer le pays conquis à sauter certains stades ont tendance à échouer. Il est possible quecela donne suite à des sentiments négatifs et un comportement terroriste parmi les habitantsdu pays occupé. Le terrorisme est une condition omniprésente dans le monde. Désormais, lalétalité des attaques terroristes est très basse. Ce sont souvent des attentats-suicides, quisont relativement difficiles et coûteux à réaliser. Les détonateurs télécommandés existent,mais ils ne sont pas utilisés au Moyen-Orient. À l’avenir, il est probable que les terroristesauront non seulement des armes biologiques, mais aussi de petites armes nucléaires facilesà transporter pouvant être passées en contrebande à travers le monde. Cet article aborderadonc ces problèmes dans la perspective du développement de l’adulte. Une telle approcheest utile pour plusieurs raisons. Un problème majeur est le fait que les terroristes ne sont pascomme des armées conventionnelles. Ils n’ont pas un emplacement central, donc les techniquesde guerre conventionnelle ne sont pas efficaces. Cet article examine de facon plus généralecomment les conflits entre terroristes et cibles peuvent être gérés et réduits. L’histoire dela théorie du développement comportemental remonte à Piaget, ainsi qu’à Kohlberg et à sesélèves. Cet article se distingue des autres en fournissant une méthode diagnostique basée surle développement comportemental pour décider quelles actions sont convenables pour unesociété et un groupe terroriste à un moment donné.© 2019 Elsevier Masson SAS. Tous droits reserves.

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The importance of understandingterrorism to public health

The occurrence of terrorist attacks often causes severedamage and death, as well as interruption to the centerof attack and to surrounding health-care delivery sys-tems. In response to such attacks, hospitals and medicalcenters are forced to attend to an overwhelming num-ber of casualties and panic-stricken patients, who areoften in critical condition [1]. Frequently, these facilitiesare not sufficient to provide enough aid to their peo-ple, therefore in need for aid from other avenues, suchas neighboring states and countries, prompting aid fromother avenues such as through neighboring states and coun-tries.

Most victims of acts of terrorism require immediate medi-cal attention. Unfortunately, even with immense resourcesfrom surrounding areas, some injuries may leave individuals
disabled for life. In addition to treatment for physical symp-toms, survivors often require external psychiatric help toovercome post-traumatic stress. In some instances, familieswho have lost loved ones to terrorist attacks may receive
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upport from both the community and/or medical profes-ionals.

ervasiveness of terrorism

errorism has appeared on the lands of the most developedations in the world but its cause has not been identifiedrecisely or communicated clearly to the general public.fter 9/11, the United States made terrorism a nationalnd political focus by passing the Patriot Act, identifying theocal point of being an American in this time and age as tossist the eradication of every single terroristic entity thatoses threat to the American people. A side effect of thatnthralled enthusiasm stemming from a national wound was

division in the American people. Each group holds theirwn political belief of ‘‘who’’, ‘‘what’’, ‘‘when’’, ‘‘why’’
nd ‘‘how’’ terrorism should be dealt with. Race, immi-rants, even video games were drawn under the spotlight forhe public’s thirst of a scapegoat, a reason to explain terror-sm, in due process fueling more separations and disputes.

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But underneath all those assumptions lies the public’searning desire to know more. At the core of every heatedrgument about terrorism, people are trying to defend forheir sources of knowledge and the effort they have putn forming such opinions. Such motivation of learning isxactly what informational articles ,such as this one, aimt by providing a rich, logical, global, objective and scien-ific analysis. The public has been searching for a deepernderstanding; yet the logical systematical knowledge hasot reached them yet. It is the duty of the researchers toommunicate their knowledge for the benefit of the generalociety. Especially on the topic of terrorism, public knowl-dge and opinions possess crucial power. Only when theeople understand terrorism at the causality level, couldhey be in a better position to fulfill their civic duty at theoting booth, consequently guiding their political represen-atives in the system. Once the gunpoint is well-aimed anderrorism is tackled with systematic and psychosocial under-tanding, the battle could become more promising and aeaceful future might be closer in sight. The sake of pub-ic health, or simply, people’s lives, actually depend on thisge-old process of democracy.

Terrorism is one of the most pervasive threats toumankind. It may be executed using weapons of massestruction such as nuclear devices in the future, or anthraxpores (bioterrorism), in the recent past. These attacks andossible attacks have had a rampant effect on public healthnd policy in both the United States of America and world-ide [2,3]. According to a Stimson Center study between002 and 2017, the United States of America spent a total of2.8 trillion to fund their counterterrorism efforts [4]. Thisncluded government-wide homeland security, internationalunding programs, and wars in Afghanistan, Iraq.

According to Calkin, the rate of terrorism has reducedince the 1970s [5]. Although acts of terror are less fre-uent, the casualties from each attack remain large, andach attack is highly prominent across global media. It is notlear yet how to deal with the terrorists who pose inflictionf death by deploying weapons of mass destruction. Fail-re to reduce and prevent terrorism is an ethical issue. Its inexcusable to use ineffective approaches to better dealith the issue when more effective means are known. At theoment, most of the interventions do not directly engagearticipants or leaders of terrorist activities.

Responding successfully to terrorism first requires annderstanding of the conflicts among the parties involved.t is true that the existing conflict may be due to oppos-ng ideologies and belief systems. Ideologies are present athe Metasystematic stage because they present a system ofules.

Belief systems are a-stage, social science metaphorshat have a different definition for each stage. Ideolo-ies are deceptively effective at the Systematic stage. Thetrict father model would be an example of the abstractehavioral-developmental stage because it is normative andonsists of only one rule [6]. At the formal stage, withouthe father making the decision, the person would state thathere is either chaos and conflict. At the systematic stage
here can be multiple rules in the ideology.
It can be argued that such ideological explanationsave been exaggerated in the public discourse. It cane observed, however, that some societies with whom

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M.L. Commons, T.Q. Duong

eveloped nations, such as the US, are allied, share the ter-orists’ religious and economic beliefs and ideologies (e.g.,audi Arabia). Note that the ideologies and beliefs in Saudirabia has led to a terrorist population, but that the coun-ry as a whole is anti-terrorist even with its forays intoemen. Many members of the ruling family have also sup-orted terrorist activities by ISIS and Al-Qaeda. With that,e pose the following questions to better understand whye reject the idea of belief systems in accordance withdult behavioral-development: What allows any society toet along with the US and Western Europe in the absence of

common ideology or belief system? Moreover, what causesocieties who adhere to certain belief systems to becomeerrorist in nature, while others do not? This question sug-ests that ideology and belief systems may be useful, butnsufficient, to account for the choices made by membersf terrorist subcultures. This thus raises the question: onhich other factors might we focus our attention? Our pilotnalysis shows that the participants of these conflicts, both‘terrorists’’ and those who oppose terrorism, operate atifferent behavioral-developmental stages. Understandinghese differences in behavioral-developmental stage makest possible to design effective strategies for policy devel-pment, communications among parties, the creation ofeneficial joint enterprises, and possibly, the decrease oferrorism.

In order to understand why terrorist attacks take place,t is necessary to learn how the terrorists and the organi-ations that oppose them operate. For example, the Unitedtates and other modern societies have developed weaponshat terrorists often use, and do not respect the peopleho become terrorists and use those weapons against theS. We, as a society, do not respect the ideologies. Due tohe fact that the technology for biological, chemical, andven nuclear weapons is relatively simple, it is likely thateople will be able to construct and possess weapons ofass destruction. Therefore, attempts to control behaviory military means alone seem rather unlikely to succeed.

This article will address six questions:What is our developmental approach to terrorism?What are the institutional forces that contribute to ter-rorism?What is the difference between International Conflicts,Terrorists, Civil War Insurgents and Gangs?What developmental progression makes a society more orless likely to generate terrorists?What are the institutional and social factors that supportor block those sorts of developments?How do the above tie into public health?

In order to understand the development of countries andovernments, we need to first understand the developmentf societies within a country. Developmental notions canelp us understand how a society successfully binds peo-le together, and why societies that do not attempt to doo might generate terrorists. In order to examine the devel-pmental underpinnings of a particular group, one may usehe Model of Hierarchical Complexity of Development (MHC)
7—9]. This model provides a way to characterize the hier-rchical complexity involved in reasoning and taking action.t is based on an a-priori mathematical model, determininghe difficulty of tasks. Though these tasks are performed by


Table 1 Stages described in the model of hierarchical complexity (adapted from Commons et al. [22]).Étapes décrites dans le modèle de hiérarchie complexe (adaptée de Commons et al. [22]).

Order orstage

What they do How they do it End result

0—Calculatory Exact computationonly, no generalization

Human-made programsmanipulate 0, 1, not 2or 3

None

1—Automatic Engage in a single‘‘hard-wired’’ action ata time, no respondentconditioning

Respond, as a simplemechanism, to a singleenvironmental stimulus

Single celled organisms respond toa single stimulus in a wayanalogous to this stage

2—Sensoryor motor

Discriminate in a rotefashion,stimuligeneralization,move

Move limbs, lips, toes,eyes, elbows, head;view objects or move

Discriminative establishing andconditioned reinforcing stimuli

3—Circularsensory-motor

Form open-endedproper classes

Reach, touch, grab,shake objects, circularbabble

Open ended proper classes,phonemes, archiphonemes

4—Sensory-motor

Form concepts Respond to stimuli in aclass successfully andnon-stochastically

Morphemes, concepts

5—Nominal Find relations amongconcepts

Use names for objectsand other utterances assuccessful commands

Single words: ejaculatives &exclamations, verbs, nouns,number names, letter names

6—Sentential Imitate and acquiresequences; follow shortsequential acts

Generalizematch-dependent taskactions; chain words

Various forms of pronouns: subject(I), object (me), possessiveadjective (my), possessive pronoun(mine), and reflexive (myself) forvarious persons (I, you, he, she, it,we, y’all, they)

7—Preoperational Make simpledeductions; follow listsof sequential acts; tellstories

Count event roughlyevents and objects;connect the dots;combine numbers andsimple propositions

Connectives: as, when, then, why,before; products of simpleoperations

8—Primary Simple logicaldeduction andempiricalrules involvingtime sequence; simplearithmetic

Adds, subtracts,multiplies, divides,counts, proves, doesseries of tasks on own

Times, places, counts acts, actors,arithmetic outcome, sequencefrom calculation

9—Concrete Carry out fullarithmetic, formcliques, plan deals

Does long division,short division, followscomplex social rules,ignores simple socialrules, takes andcoordinatesperspective of otherand self

Interrelations, social events, whathappened among others,reasonable deals, history,geography

10—Abstract Discriminate variablessuch as stereotypes;logical quantification;(none, some, all)

Form variables out offinite classes; make andquantify propositions

Variable time, place, act, actor,state, type; quantifiers (all, none,some); categorical assertions (e.g.,‘‘We all die’’)

11—Formal Argue using empiricalor logical evidence;logic is linear,1-dimensional

Solve problems withone unknown usingalgebra, logic andempiricism

Relationships (for example:causality) are formed out ofvariables; words: linear, logical,one-dimensional, if then, thus,therefore, because; correctscientific solutions

78 M.L. Commons, T.Q. Duong

Table 1 (Continued)

Order orstage

What they do How they do it End result

12—Systematic Construct multivariatesystems and matrices

Coordinate more thanone variable as input;consider relationshipsin contexts.

Events and concepts situated in amultivariate context; systems areformed out of relations; systems:legal, societal, corporate,economic, national

13—Metasystematic Constructmulti-systems andmetasystems out ofdisparate systems

Create metasystemsout of systems;compare systems andperspectives; nameproperties of systems:e.g. homomorphic,isomorphic, complete,consistent (such astested by consistencyproofs),commensurable

Metasystems and supersystems areformed out of systems ofrelationships, e.g. contracts andpromises

14—Paradigmatic Fit metasystemstogether to form newparadigms; show‘‘incomplete’’ or‘‘inconsistent’’ aspectsof metasystems

Synthesizemetasystems

Paradigms are formed out ofmultiple metasystems

15—Cross-paradigmatic

Fit paradigms togetherto form new fields

Form new fields bycrossing paradigms,e.g. evolutionary biol-ogy + developmentalbiology = evolutionarydevelopmental biology

New fields are formed out ofmultiple paradigms

16—Meta-cross-paradigmatic(performative-recursive)

Reflect on variousproperties ofcross-paradigmaticoperations

Explicate the dynamicsof, and limitations of,cross-paradigmaticthinking

The dynamics and limitations ofcross-paradigmatic thinking areexplained as they are recursivelyenacted

17—Ultrahuman

Not yet known Not yet known Not yet known

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ndividuals, the stage of development can also be appliedo the various social and institutional atmospheres in whichhey function. As such, it allows for a highly preciseharacterization of interactive processes among individualsithin groups. It also provides a measure of the sensitiv-

ty of individuals to complex relationships among eventsnd people. The analyses that are made as to behavioral-evelopmental stages of development throughout the arti-le are based on the Hierarchical Complexity Scoring System10] (Table 1).

arly theories of cultural development

rom the 1930s to the 1960s, there was a predominantotion of cultural and economic development, in which cul-
ures and economies advanced in a progression in responseo the cultural relativists. In regard to economic progres-ion, one example is the Rostow theory of economic growth
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hich guided US aid during this time [11]. Anthropologistsid not use the words ‘‘behavioral-developmental stages ofevelopment’’ but they did create sequences for such devel-pment. However, no evidence has been provided for thisevelopment based on a systematic mathematical model.n this discussion, we apply the behavioral-developmentaliew of behavioral-developmental stage progression to theroblem of cultural development. It may be a view that isncreasingly becoming the consensus.

We also discuss why cultures, countries, and sub-ultures that function at less hierarchically complexolitical behavioral-developmental stages fail to respondo ‘‘rational arguments.’’ We use the term rational tondicate logical and utility-based arguments. The west-rn world ideology is usually an inconsistent system oftated logical causal relationships. For example, without
apitalism, one gets slower economic rates of growth. Weould rather use the difference between pre-formal andtility-based, systematic stage arguments. Pre-formal-stage

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Understanding terrorism: A behavioral developmental appro

arguments do not use logic with variables or evidence.Formal-stage arguments only use one variable, logical orempirical arguments. In assessing the utility of an ideology,there would only be risk or value but not the product of thetwo, which would occur at the systematic stage. The taskof understanding these arguments is several developmen-tal behavioral-developmental stages above where many ofthese leaders or cultures perform in the political and attach-ment arena. We provide examples from the developed worldof politics, and military pressure and intervention.

Countries, cultures, subcultures, and individuals mustmove through each of the developmental behavioral-developmental stages sequentially. This is because a morecomplex behavioral-developmental stage is defined by andbuilt up with the behaviors of the previous less complexbehavioral-developmental stage. Therefore, a society orgroup must achieve each behavioral-developmental stagebefore tackling the next. Attempts by developed countriesto encourage cultures and subcultures to skip more than onebehavioral-developmental stage will fail, no matter whattheir initial behavioral-developmental stage of functioning.This is the thesis of this article. The US is considered effec-tive by many at winning small wars such as those againstPanama, Grenada, etc. However, it fails at making andmaintaining peace. This is because its government fails torecognize that behavioral-developmental stages exist, nordoes it understand that countries need to transition throughthe behavioral-developmental stages. Its efforts to buildinstitutional infrastructure are therefore misplaced. We willaddress some behavioral-developmental stages of tasks ofgoverning.

We will also address some of the means by which govern-ment activities move up in behavioral-developmental stage,and how larger political communities may speed up thischange. Finally, we will address reasons why the US has hadits various successes and failures, and why governments ingeneral operate at increasingly more complex behavioral-developmental stages in political and economic arenas. Inthese introductory remarks, it might be useful to mentionthat the political domain is quite broad. It contains the legaldomain, the economic domain and the military domain, aswell as other domains of infrastructure. Governments canvary widely not only across these domains, but also withinthem. For example, the US may have a great deal of freespeech, but have rather draconian laws on association asembodied in the Patriot Act. It might support most civilrights, but continue to incarcerate rather than treat largenumber of drug addicts. The best examples can be seenin China, which is developing a relatively high behavioral-developmental stage economy, but continues an oppressivelow behavioral-developmental stage political system.

Difference between terrorists and cults,international conflicts, civil warinsurgents and gangs

Some terrorist organizations are confused with otherorganizations such as cults, gangs, tribes, extreme-left(anarchists) and other kinds of groups. For example, the‘‘terrorists’’ in East Congo belong to tribes rather than cults.

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errorists share some common qualities with ‘‘cult’’ mem-ers, and may be considered true believers in the teachingsnd practices of their organizations. However, the two cane distinguished by their behavior. Cult members do notggress outside their groups, but terrorists do. There arelso other groups considered terrorist organizations but areifferent in nature. They engage in a civil war rather thanerrorism. The difference between rival forces during civilars and terrorism needs clarification and recognition. Theoal of the majority of terrorists is to convert people andave the world. They are not confined to a single coun-ry by their ideology and ‘‘magical thinking’’. They fightnd often expect to die for the reward that they wereromised. Some examples of terrorist groups include al-aeda in Afghanistan, ISIS, Hitler and the German Nazis.l-Qaeda is now reduced to that of online armies, focusingn inspiring acts rather than executing. Inspiring acts consistf influencing people to behave in particular ways.

In contrast, insurgencies during civil wars operate onifferent terms. They are more military oriented, morerganized and fight with military tactics in comparison toerrorists. In battle, the insurgent fighter expects to sur-ive. Their goal lies in power, in ruling a certain area thathey claim territorial, not changing the world. On thoseerms, groups such as the Taliban are civil war insurgen-ies rather than terrorists. Another example could be Northietnam during the Vietnam War. In essence, the war in Viet-am was a civil war between North and South Vietnam withhe support of foreign forces fueled by tensions during theold War. North Vietnam engaged in acts of terror, usingany weapons, secret bombings and heavy raids; they were

ever called terrorists because it occurred during civil war.heir goal was to gain power over the territory, not fulfill-

ng a world-domination role, thus distinguishing them fromerrorists. Additionally, the North Vietnam forces invadedambodia, but left before they could occupy it. Terroris-ic groups would never invade a country and leave becauseheir goal is to influence groups of people. In our presentay, the African War in Nauru is another example of the civilar type.

Another different category than‘terrorists’’/insurgencies in civil wars are gangs. Specif-cally, gangs such as MS-13 and Hell’s Angels use violencend terror for business purposes. They exert control overerritories to extract money from its illegal activities suchs drugs and prostitution. In contradistinction, civil warsnd insurrections aim to claim civil control over a territory.oreover, most of the civilian deaths in gangs are oftenue to crossfire during conflicts between gangs and/orndividuals, which is not the case with terrorism. Gangslso do not inflict terror in order to keep people in lineith their doctrines and ideology unlike what USSR or Maoze-Tung of China did. Gangs induce terror to claim powerver other gangs. A similar construct could be found inafias as well. Except for those in Chicago and Los Angeles,

he gangs do not usually run the civil government. Gangsn New York only run the part of the government that aremportant to them, such as the police, out of insurance for
heir business. In general, their goals are strictly monetary,ot political.
Gang members have significantly shorter life-xpectancies than non-gang members. In addition, unlike

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errorists, gang members may not look forward to death.ith such a dangerous life, if there is a way to steer

hem from terrorist activities then there is a high chancehey will stop being terrorists. With the presence of stableovernments, the incidence of terrorism goes down. Actionsuch as co-opting in Los Angeles, where gang membersnd terrorists are invited to join legal committees, couldncrease transparency and reduces the gang’s activitieshich inflict terror. Two things that bother police aboutang warfare: gangs engage in illegal activity and theovernment does not like to recognize that they are not inontrol of those territories, and the fact that police haveo spy on gangs, involving undercover missions that puthe police in danger. The problem persists even when gangembers are imprisoned because gangs are still able to

ctively operate when they are in the prisons. Gangs areimilar to terrorist organizations in that they too functionutside of the government, and the government has greatifficulty in giving them control over the activities they arelready running. As a result, the government is living in asnrealistic of a world as the terrorists are, because theyail to recognize who is really in control.

Loner attacks, which typically consist of white maleiolence against schools, women, youth, gays etc., are con-idered terroristic in nature, but the perpetrators are notlassified as terrorists. This is because their acts are notnspired by terrorist organizations (e.g., Ted Kaczynski), butre usually the result of their mental capacity. These actsre excluded from our discussion because there is no solutiono dealing with these individuals. In practice, other forms oferrorist activity, but not terrorism, include attacks that arelanned, and/or designed to make headlines, etc.

hat conditions may generate terrorism?

hat an organization is and how one form of the organiza-ion changes into another, is a long-standing controversy.raditionally it has been addressed in the morphing ofuthoritarian organizations into democratic ones. Develop-ent of organizations requires completion of sequential

asks to progress from one behavioral-developmental stageo the next. For example, entities such as individuals,roups, organizations, subcultures, cultures, and coun-ries, must successfully accomplish tasks at each Order ofierarchical Complexity (OHC) to acquire the componentsecessary to undertake more complex tasks in the nextrder. This approach could supply rigor to inform and per-aps transcend key debates about democratization between‘sequentialists,’’ ‘‘gradualists’’ [12], ‘‘preconditionists’’nd ‘‘universalists’’ [13], among others. Efforts that ignorer attempt to force the process of development increaseocial, political, and economic instability, even when theffort is to spread democracy [14,15]. The purpose of a gov-rnment is to provide members of society with stability androtection, but if there is no ruling government, then every-ody is in danger. For example, the war in Iraq, a time ofovernment instability, resulted in anarchy (i.e., ISIS). Theailure to recognize the role of behavioral-developmentaltages, may be major influences contributing to the rise of
errorism and insurgency [16]. t

volutionary behavioral scienceerspective

n alternative concept in making sense of terrorism isow groups are formed at different stages, and the rela-ionship between group membership and the stage of therganization. From an evolutionary behavioral science per-pective, terrorism can be considered a conflict betweenwo evolutionary forces: assortativeness and affiliativeness.ssortativeness is showing preference for membership in aroup whose members share a large number of characteris-ics. One characteristic of assortativeness is to defend one’swn group and aggress against other groups that do not shareheir values. Assortativeness might lead to the formationf actual and virtual terrorist groups (i.e., one that com-unicates by electronic means as opposed to face-to-faceeans). Individuals, even when living within a seeminglyenign culture, may still feel a strong affiliation with aifferent group, while having shifting levels of affiliationith the relatively benign groups around them. On thether hand, affiliativeness promotes social cohesion by beingnclusive. The way to fight terrorism is to move from assor-ativeness to affiliativeness.

In addition to terrorist-like behaviors, terrorism can alsoe understood as a historical phenomenon that implicatesnvolvement in conflicts. To better understand terroristctions, one should study the history of the places whichhe terrorists come from, what the conflicts were, and howeople acted in these conflicts. This can help one understandhy terrorism might appear to be a good solution to them. Tonderstand terrorist behaviors, one must consider their per-pective. Their perspective includes everything they haveeen indirectly exposed to, through reading, media, andccounts from others within their group. People may be trau-atized by learning about and witnessing the mistreatment

f ‘‘their people’’ (i.e., the terrorists’ in-group) even with-ut directly experiencing those events. There is a long chainf events that forms the conflicts in which terrorists act,ncluding contemporary issues and concerns. The chain ofvents is reflected in outcomes of many years, and evenenturies, of actions, reactions, and interactions.

A great deal of terrorism is generated by wars and theirftermath, specifically as the result of collapsing archaicocieties. These collapsing societies, which can result fromeriods of anarchy, may promote the success of terror-st organizations. If authoritarian governments are able tonhance societal stability, it is likely government-opposingorces such as terrorist groups are suppressed. Specifically,mpoverished countries experiencing little economic devel-pment seem to remain among the most stable societies.his may be attributed to the presence of authoritarianulers. There are very few of them today, but historically,uthoritarian rule in ancient China is a concrete example ofocietal stability.

In contrast, countries where there has been develop-ent under terrorists include the Soviet Union under Joseph

talin and China under Mao Tse-Tung. After serious militaryefeats by western allies in Afghanistan under the Taliban,

hose authoritarian governments. They also had to take over

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the functions of that government if they were to becomedemocracies. Unfortunately, this does not always happen ina smooth manner, which may leave room for anarchy.

During a state of anarchy, the lack of governmental con-trol allows for a number of contenders who could potentiallytake control or gain power. For example, in Russia, WorldWar I gave rise to the successful terrorist revolutionary warof Bolsheviks. They overthrew the provisional governmentled by Kerensky, which had failed because of its decision tocontinue in the unpopular war against Germany. The 1947war between Jordan and other Middle Eastern countrieswith Israel generated the Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad,and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which isnow the Palestinian government. The US, Soviet Union, andAfghanistan civil war generated Al Qaeda. Furthermore, thecivil war between the Tutsi and the Hutus caused the col-lapse of Rwanda, and the subsequent waging of a terroristwar in the Congo by the Hutus. In these cases, the stateof societal and governmental disarray caused by war bothdirectly and indirectly contributed to the rise of terrorismin the participating nations.

Another condition that could result in governmentalinstability may be related to the presence of large minoritygroups. For example, countries such as Papua New Guinea,the Southern Philippines Muslim (Mindanao), and Chechyna(Russia), have large minority groups and therefore may bemore susceptible to terrorism and governmental abuse ofminorities. Usually large minority groups are discriminatedagainst, such as the ex-slaves in the southern United States.Large religious minorities may also be discriminated against.Furthermore, humiliation, or the product of shaming proce-dures, is one way in which societies degrade minorities. Inresponse, these minorities may become angry and becometerrorists.

In addition, people diagnosed with personality disordersmay respond especially poorly in discriminatory situations[17]. These disorders are mainly characterized by closed-mindedness and narcissism. Those with personality disordertraits may display ingrained, inflexible, and maladaptivepatterns of behaviors that cause discomfort, and impair anindividual’s function in a positive manner. Although manypersonality-disordered people are prone to anger, there isan even higher potential for violence including the willing-ness to kill others, criminal activity, and the humiliation ofothers by people with antisocial, paranoid or borderline per-sonality disorder. Non-empathic behaviors are characteristicof lower behavioral-developmental stages of development.

Many personality disorders are associated with theinability to form attachments past the nominal stage.This inability may result in terrorists’ treating their vic-tims as objects rather than as individuals. This behaviorand its developmental basis is parallel to the behav-iors of those who participate in acts of terrorism. Sincemany terrorists operate at lower behavioral-developmentalstages, they are more likely to respond to discrimina-tion in a negative manner (e.g., violence). Their responses
may then lead to further discrimination, and the cycleonly perpetuates. Regardless of an individual’s’ stageof behavioral-development, those who are discriminatedagainst are more likely to respond poorly. Individuals who
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81

perate at a more complex stage of behavioral-developmentre less likely to respond with violent, non-empathic behav-or [18], because they have better perspective taking skillsnd are more inclusive. Therefore, it is important to takehis into account for countries where shaming proceduresre embedded in the culture. Most often, the victims of dis-rimination, and even terrorism, are those who operate at

low behavioral-developmental stage and therefore, areore likely to respond negatively. These negative responses

re likely to contribute to future acts of violence and pos-ibly even terrorism. This will likely foster future acts ofiolence and terrorism [19,20].

ntroduction to the Model of Hierarchicalomplexity: determining if one task action

s more hierarchically complex thannother

ehavioral-developmental stages of humans and groups ofumans can be assessed using the MHC [21]. This modelrganizes animals, humans and groups of humans accord-ng to the difficulty of the task accomplished. Every task isssociated with a specific stage of behavioral-development16].

Task of higher hierarchically complexity exists when theask can be broken down into subtasks of less hierarchicalomplexity, and the coordination of these subtasks is bothnique and necessary to successfully complete the task.here are three main definitions in the MHC, which state thatne task action is more hierarchically complex than othersf it:

is defined in terms of two or more adjacent lower ordertask actions;organizes these lower order task actions;the organization is non-arbitrary.

The terms ‘‘action’’ and ‘‘task action’’ are used inter-hangeably here. The nonarbitrary organization of severalower order actions constitutes one action of a higher orderf complexity. For example, completing the entire operation

* (4 + 1) = (3 * 4) + (3 * 1) constitutes a task requiring theistributive act. That act uniquely orders adding and multi-lying to coordinate them. The distributive act is, therefore,ne order more hierarchically complex than the acts ofdding and multiplying alone, and it indicates the singularroper sequence of the simpler actions. Although someoneho simply adds repeatedly can arrive at the same answer,nowing to do so requires the same degree of complex think-ng. By combining both actions appropriately, they enjoy areater freedom of action. Therefore, the order of complex-ty of the task is determined through analyzing the demandsf each task action by breaking it down into its constituentarts. The hierarchical complexity of any complex task is,hus, mathematically determined.

Stages described in the MHC (adapted from [22]) arehown in Table 1. The societal and terroristic behaviorescriptions start at the Concrete stage and end at thearadigmatic stage.

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verview of societalehavioral-developmental stages

he moral and political characteristics of criminal anderrorist organizations can be organized by behavioral-evelopmental stages. The behavioral-developmental staget which individuals operate within governments, societies,nd countries is used to characterize the behavioral-evelopmental stage at which such entities operate [16].ocieties are comprised of individuals operating at mul-iple behavioral-developmental stages of development inarious domains. Thus, political cultures and social sys-ems display concurrent operations of several differentehavioral-developmental stages. There is a differenceetween the behavioral-developmental stage (MHC) of aerson’s action, and of ‘‘cultural memes.’’ There areany overlapping systems and relationships among differ-

nt people and entities. This overview does not attempto tease apart component tasks to address that issue ofultiple systems and relationships, but portrays behavioral-evelopmental stages for many of those relationships. Theollowing summaries of societal behavioral-developmentaltages are composites chiefly drawn from Commons andoodheart [16] and Ross [14,15,23,24].1

oncrete behavioral-developmental stageocieties

he Concrete Behavioral-developmental Stage 9 is definedy actions that organize two actions from the Primaryehavioral-developmental Stage 8. For example, carryingut distribution (Stage 9) of full arithmetic in long multipli-ation coordinates multiplying (Stage 8) and adding (Stage). This stage also focuses on events, people, and placeshat are personally known. Societies at this behavioral-evelopmental stage are dominated by subsistence concernse.g., food gathering, hunting, etc.) and demonstrate shortime horizons.

Social behavior is characterized by reciprocal exchangesetween two or more people, involving concrete goods andervices and simple social rules. Dyadic relationships arerevalent in reciprocal exchanges (e.g., to plan deals, tradeavors, and barter) and lead to forming factions. Other per-ons’ perspectives are considered only if those others affectneself or one’s close group or enable deals that both par-ies regard as fair. Thus, those operating at the concreteehavioral-developmental stage, such as human slave andex-slave traders, only consider slaves’ perspectives andeelings to an extent. Centralized governments are per-onally feudal or dictatorial, populated by lesser lords andristocracy, advisers, retainers, friends, family, servants,
nd sycophants. Bureaucracies as civil services do not existn societies at a (hypothetically) pure concrete behavioral-evelopmental stage.
1 For additional discussion of behavioral-developmental stages ofolitical development, see [25,26], and for in-depth descriptionsf individuals’ political reasoning at several of these behavioral-evelopmental stages, see [27,28].

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In cultural evolution, societies operating at the Con-rete behavioral-development stage 9 may introduce someorm of formal government. Hunter-gatherers operate athis stage. They have no wealth, but they do have power. Athe Concrete behavioral-developmental stage, in general,deas about what ‘‘democracy’’ is, if any, are vague becausehe purpose or function of government is not about democ-acy but rather power and wealth of its leaders, and onlyo some degree the protection of its subjects (see sectionn formal behavioral-developmental stage societies, latern the article). At this behavioral-developmental stage, spe-ific officials (e.g., a king, leader, warlord, president, orinister) essentially ‘‘are’’ the government from the con-

rete behavioral-developmental stage perspective. This isecause roles are not separated from the ones who fillhe roles. They do not have to be, because leaders areersonally known or known of, and followership is basedn personal and economic ties, not roles. Without con-epts of contracts or title to goods, government is noteeded to regulate transactions; physical possession con-titutes ownership and power. Despite possible appearancesf a form of central government, rule is exercised in tra-itional ways: making deals and exerting raw power inhe ‘‘friend or foe’’ mode. Warlords’ power often exceedshat of a fledgling government. If election processes arentroduced, the Abstract behavioral-developmental Stage

concept of political party is meaningless. Instead, votesredominantly follow a tribal or ethnic group’s choicer patrons, that is, those who are ‘‘like us.’’ Societieshat are operating at Concrete Behavioral-developmentaltages societies’ make efforts to have and run governments.hey are commonly judged corrupt by higher behavioral-evelopmental stage governments and international bodies.et, from the concrete stage society perspective, bribesnd ‘‘under the table’’ reciprocal arrangements are theormal way to conduct affairs. Attempts to regulate freepeech and media access are common ways to limit theormation of a public voice at the concrete behavioral-evelopmental stage. Among other characteristics of thisehavioral-developmental stage, such actions inhibit politi-al development. This may be the behavioral-developmentaltage in the least developed countries. Bribes are commonn many developing countries.

bstract behavioral-developmental stageocieties

hroughout history humans have been viewed as ter-itorial animals. By the Abstract behavioral behavioral-evelopmental stage 10, allegiance of people and leadersecomes a major issue. In chimpanzees, the alpha maleakes on the role of the leader and the rest of the pack beginso follow him but they will not die for the beta or gammaale. In general, the Abstract behavioral-developmental

tage 10 is defined by actions that form variables out ofnite classes, and make quantifying abstract propositionsnone, some, all). This underlies forming generalizations,
uch as stereotypes. The end result at this behavioral-evelopmental stage is the use of a comprehensive set ofariables used to make classifications: time, place, act,ctor, state, and type, and quantifiers and categorical

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assertions (e.g., ‘‘We all die’’). In abstract behavioral-developmental stage societies, group associations begin asmembership in political parties, trade associations, tradeunions, and religious organizations. In contrast to the con-crete behavioral-developmental stage, one can feel that oneis in a social relationship with others and be loyal to it, evenwithout proximity to other members. Loyalties to groups,leaders, and belief systems are strong. These loyalties aresometimes unquestioned, because group memberships helppeople form their identity at this behavioral-developmentalstage. Strong, paternal-type leaders, often charismatic,tend to be preferred, on the assumption they will take careof their children/followers and keep the group or societyharmonious and fair. A so-called ideology often espousedby leaders in abstract behavioral-developmental stage soci-ety is actually comprised of characteristically dualisticassertions about prejudices, stereotypes, and definitions ofthe ‘‘in-group’’ and the ‘‘out-group.’’.

In non-Western settings, individuals performing at theabstract behavioral-developmental stage are likely toassociate with concrete-behavioral-developmental stagepersons who are often their clients, but abstractbehavioral-developmental stage groups are more likelyto become an elite class, distanced from concretebehavioral-developmental stage groups. At this behavioral-developmental stage, the beginnings of the concept of rolesare learned, such that people understand that differentindividuals may fill and later leave the same role (e.g.,boss, broker, religious leader, teacher, president). Amongother factors, this enables bureaucracies to begin to form.At that point, a leader may rule by decree and be servedby the organization. Individual rules can be conceived toaccomplish a desired end, but the method to implementthe rule cannot be conceived (although punishments forbreaking rules come easily as they have since the Primarybehavioral-developmental Stage 7 and even earlier). A rulecan be explained and followed, yet contradictions with otherrules or norms go unnoticed. For example, a bureaucratmay be as faithful to the norm of charging bribes (becausethat is the way things get done), as to the rule to behonest and give constituents fair and equal service. Peo-ple performing at the abstract behavioral-developmentalstage value social norms, thus can negotiate by trading nor-mative values (unlike Concrete behavioral-developmentalStage 8s dealing in tangible currencies from money to ani-mals to people). When real differences cannot be solved anyother way, abstract behavioral-developmental stage nego-tiations can agree to live with them to preserve harmony.This behavioral-developmental stage may be the behavioral-developmental stage in many less developed countries.

Formal behavioral-developmental stagesocieties

The Formal behavioral-developmental Stage 11 involvessolving problems using logic, mathematics, and empiri-cal investigation in order find out what is true. What is
true is based on forming relations out of variables, wherelogic is linear and one-dimensional because only one inputvariable can be considered at one time. Formal behavioral-developmental Stage 11 societies develop empirical
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nterests in increasing productivity, training, and wealth dis-ribution, which in turn lead to formal economics and laws.eople functioning at this behavioral-developmental stagearticipate in the formal economy. Truly bureaucratic gov-rnments form, with extensive written laws and regulationshat are implemented in ‘‘letter of the law’’ fashion. Laws effective at moderating crime, including terror. Societiesiscover that the existence and enforcement of criminalnd civil law promotes trade and investment. This connec-ion is made easily at this behavioral-developmental stageecause each is a simple empirical relationship between twoariables. Competition is largely civil and regulated. Theontingencies of the marketplace control social relationsnd status. This societal behavioral-developmental stage ishe objective of many efforts to introduce democracy.

However, when formal behavioral-developmental stageegulatory ideas are exported to non-Western countries,here may be too few persons performing at the formalehavioral-developmental stage to understand how pro-edures are supposed to work or their underlying logice.g., separation of legal powers or administrative duties).he non-Western society may be mistaken for a formalehavioral-developmental stage society because at the for-al stage is the rule of law. In the earlier period even though

hey had laws, they were more like metaphors than rules.onfucius was an attempt to make a Formal behavioral-stageociety but it was more like the Abstract behavior-stageecause it established norms rather than rules. However,he new forms of government or business procedure provideew facades to which conventional behaviors of patronagedapt and persist, usually more effectively because accesso new resources is available. For example, the formalehavioral-developmental stage concept of employees onayroll is used to pass resources to clients, often as ‘‘ghostmployees’’ who do not work for the employer. Bureaucra-ies become engorged through such arrangements. Becausen-group ties are stronger than other ties in abstract settingshere formal behavioral-developmental stage structuresre imported, many people are often less successful at dis-inguishing an employment role from political party role,or example, party loyalty trumps formal role responsibil-ty. People who use formal behavioral-stage reasoning areood at using rules to find or create loopholes to implementtrategies. They are not very successful at foreseeing unin-ended consequences of their strategies. They may be clevert ‘‘cooking the books’’ to hide bribes yet cannot foreseeow they will still get caught. Countries that operate at thisehavioral-developmental stage do not necessarily have aeal multiparty system, even if they have relatively freend fair elections. This behavioral-developmental stage mayave been, or be, the behavioral-developmental stage forastern bloc and some number of Latin American countries.

ystematic behavioral-developmental stageocieties

ctions at the Systematic behavioral-developmental Stage
2 are defined by the coordination of more than one vari-ble as input and the contextualized consideration of simpleelationships. Parts of the system are compartmentalized.his coordination and consideration construct multivariate

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ystems, matrices, and webs of causation, resulting in moreomplex societies. In systematic behavioral-developmentaltage societies, systems of relations are coordinated amonghe legal, societal, corporate, economic, and nationalpheres. At this behavioral-developmental stage, govern-ent systems are complex enough to address and achieveultiple goals simultaneously, society is predominately

awful, and advanced accounting practices make busi-ess relatively transparent. Markets, stock exchanges, andhe like produce complex impersonal relationships amongeople, and more intricate laws and regulations stabi-ize markets and prevent monopolies. These laws dealith multidimensional aspects, requiring advanced system-tic behavioral-developmental stage actions. Applicationsf laws are more ‘‘in the spirit of’’ than ‘‘the letter of’’he law. Democracy can function as such and governmentalrocesses are orderly and mostly fair.

At this behavioral-developmental stage, more highlybstract concepts appear, such as transparency, account-bility, social justice, and sustainability. Note that thesedeals are imposed on and expected from lower-behavioral-evelopmental stage societies to no avail. They failecause they are systematic behavioral-developmentaltage actions. The introduction of professional normseduces corruption at this behavioral-developmental stageecause part of being a professional is having a role inde-endent of personal affiliations and conflicts of interest29]. People can consider a multivariate combination ofuch factors as the rule of law, fear of exposure, preserva-ion of image, methods of reporting, and market pressure.eople can conceive a system of transparency to reduce cor-upt practices, but also conceive a system to skirt effortso enforce transparency. This behavioral-developmentaltage can neither succeed in entirely escaping transparencyeasures nor eliminate efforts to sabotage efforts to insti-

utionalize transparent practices and reduce corruption.egislators, judges, and administrators tend to view theroblems of government based on their own experiences,hich are then projected onto others in a logical, buton-empirical or scientific manner. This tendency resultsn assumptions that in turn motivate the export of West-rn systems to non-Western settings where they fail. In aelated way, at this behavioral-developmental stage peoplelso assume that everyone has free will and will respond ashey assume they would to inducements and threats. Theyssume a common value system or where values differ, thathe system of the international body, legislators, or govern-ent officials is ‘‘right’’ and that of the others is ‘‘wrong.’’hus, at this behavioral-developmental stage, there are still‘in-groups’’ and ‘‘out-groups,’’ and war is still used in inter-ational conflicts.

etasystematic behavioral-developmentaltage societies

he Metasystematic behavioral-developmental Stage 13s defined by actions that create metasystems out of
ystems of relationships, compare systems, and system-tic behavioral-developmental stage perspectives. Wherehey appear to exist, metasystematic political systemso date are incomplete and inconsistent [30]. At this
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ehavioral-developmental stage, our analysis suggests thatovernments must do a more complex job of, for example,onceptualizing the legal system and international devel-pment. They would use context aware environmental,ehavioral, and psychological analyses in conjunction withcientifically informed bases. A successful example is theay the U.S. Bill of Rights and Constitution together form

metasystem, reflecting the coordination of the systemf rights under the Bill of Rights and the system of dutiesnder the Constitution. Such coordination is evident also inhe U.S. Declaration of Independence and the concepts andrinciples embedded in the European Union. One source ofncompleteness of such political metasystems is that theytill fail to incorporate the much higher amount of complex-ty involved to adequately qualify any system of duties, forxample, beyond ‘‘one size fits all.’’ Such systems are lim-ted by assumptions that do not stand up to the order ofomplexity that actually must be addressed.

People performing at the Metasystematic behavioral-evelopmental Stage 13 and above do not project enemytatus on others because they successfully coordinate mul-iple actors’ perspectives. These other people may be inpposition to one’s own group. Still, there will alwayse mixtures of people operating at various behavioral-evelopmental stages who do perceive enemies. Thus,erformed at a much more complex order, this societalncorporation of ‘‘the other’’ can be perceived as somewhatimilar to the Systematic behavioral-developmental Stage2 action of forming of an alliance with the ‘‘healthy’’ partf a person so that a mutual set of positive goals may beursued (e.g., in psychotherapy and counseling settings).ublic and other forms of discourse and inquiry will becomembedded in society, including ‘‘discursifying bureaucra-ies’’ at perhaps a yet higher behavioral-developmentaltage of society [30, p. 133]. Discourse will flow from higherrinciples and the coordination of metasystems. Torbertosits the establishment of the principle of inquiry at thisehavioral-developmental stage, to incorporate with equal-ty and other bedrock principles the perspectives of allehavioral-developmental stages of development [31,32].n a similar way, Ross sets forth a developmentally struc-ured discourse process that embeds recognition of issues’omplex causation and perspectives and tasks of multipleehavioral-developmental stages of development [33,34].uch are necessary to institutionalize, enable, and motivatese of replicable processes that she proposes can result inetasystematic behavioral-developmental Stage 12 tasks asutcomes of issue-analysis, deliberation, decision making,nd systematic action, and permeate all levels of society inoing so.

aradigmatic behavioral-developmental stageocieties

ust as for individuals, as the Order of Hierarchical Com-lexity of the tasks increases, the number of societiest that behavioral-developmental stage that successfully
ddress those tasks decreases. The Paradigmatic behavioral-evelopmental Stage 14, for example, does not yet existt a societal level, thus, this section is speculative [35].n general, this behavioral-developmental stage is defined

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by fitting metasystems together to form new paradigms.Tasks at this order are more difficult than governments’behavioral-developmental stage of performance can yetrecognize or even address the need to do so. Becausethe tasks are extremely complex and therefore difficult,processes to enable at least partial syntheses tend tobe developed instead. These may take the form of weakpolitical structures, accommodating the impossibility ofdeveloping a complete and consistent set of governing prin-ciples, as did Madison, in drafting the U.S. Constitution: herecognized the incommensurate and potentially conflictualsystems of administration, legislation, and justice. Futureparadigmatic societies, we expect, will resolve such institu-tionalized conflicting claims. In doing so, they will employchoice between many possible axioms underlying abstractconceptions of society that is not tethered to and therebylimited by the abstraction of the individuals that limits ear-lier behavioral-developmental stages. They will attempt tocoordinate the complex array of metasystems that consti-tute the complex causation of societal ills. Paradigmaticapproaches to governmental and societal issues will use co-construction of an acceptable shared set of precepts [31]and co-constructed solutions [33,34] by all stakeholders,including real or perceived enemies.

An analysis of how to bring about change

Which general processes facilitate political behavioral-developmental stage change, irrespective of the beginningbehavioral-developmental stage? In order to answer thisquestion, it is important to first examine the process bywhich such a transition takes place. An overview of stagetransition is covered by Commons [36]. The first part ofa behavioral-developmental stage transition (based on adiscussion by Flavell in [37,38]) involves deconstructionof the previous behavioral-developmental stage actions.Deconstruction starts with the individual or group engag-ing in action A, the present behavioral-developmental stageaction. This step is followed by a new, added step, in whichthe person or group learns that the present behavioral-developmental stage action fails them. This new step, thefailure of A (the previous behavioral-developmental stageaction) is the critical step. When the action A is per-ceived as failing, there is a resulting drop in the perceivedrate of reinforcement, as previously discussed. Detectionof the rate of reinforcement may be done through self-checking (observing what happens when one engages indifferent actions), observing others receiving reinforce-ment for certain actions, or merely through trial and error.The next step is when individuals or groups use a presentbehavioral-developmental stage action, B, which is eitherthe opposite or complement of behavioral-developmentalstage action A. The deconstruction part of transition endswhen there is alternation between A and B, the rela-tivistic step. The second part of transition, construction,follows deconstruction. In this part, the construction of thenew-behavioral-developmental stage actions takes place.
Construction begins with a new step, which is made out ofsub-steps (these are based on Kuhn’s analysis of behavioral-developmental stage change [39]; they in turn base theiranalysis on dialectical strategies described in the Piagetian
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robabilistic transition model [37,38].) These steps wereater systematized by Commons and Richards [40,41]. Theub-steps illustrate three possible ways of learning to coor-inate actions A and B in an incomplete manner. Randomarts of both A and B are combined into more complexctions. Since the coordination is not complete, actions And B are said to be ‘‘smashed’’ together. Finally, the indi-idual or group reaches the last step, where A and B areoordinated, forming a new action, C. It is not until thistep that a successful transition to the next, more complexehavioral-developmental stage can take place.

In order to examine this process from a political perspec-ive, one can look at the governmental actions that havereviously failed to facilitate developmental behavioral-evelopmental stage progression. For example, it seemshat just giving instruction in democracy to individuals hasot necessarily worked, Action A. Neither visitation to, noresidency in, democratic countries seems to induce manyndividuals to become democratic leaders. Moreover, West-rn nations’ attempts to Christianize people did not lead toood governments based on Christian principles as seen, forxample, in Nigeria, Rwanda, and Haiti. Our society assumeshat observing democratic ways ‘‘supports’’ the model-ng of such behavior. However, the observed democraticctions and perceived ideals are translated through theometimes less complex behavioral-developmental stage fil-ers of distant observers, and understood in ways veryifferent from what we often assume [42]. Piaget showedhat behavior of more than one behavioral-developmentaltage away was not even remembered by observers [43,44].‘Considering the behavioral-developmental stage of theociety one plans to make more democratic’’ could be Action. When these are fit together, they become ‘‘presenting

nformation about democracy, exposing people to it, andupporting democratic activity’’ —– all at the behavioral-evelopmental stage of functioning of that society, as thisrticle describes, and given that is the mission. This in turn,eads to the next behavioral-developmental stage behav-or.

It is also important for all societies to realize that suc-essful methods of progressing in behavioral-developmentaltage and decreasing terrorism are dependent upon theresent developmental behavioral-developmental stage ofhe individuals, groups, organizations, and countries. Stud-es have shown that interventions targeting change in oner two behavioral-developmental stages are most success-ul. Intervention studies have shown that interventionsargeted to produce a change of one or two behavioral-evelopmental stages work best with individuals [45,46].ontingencies within tasks that are more than one or twoehavioral-developmental stages above the current work-ng behavioral-developmental stage of the person fail toake contact with the behavior, and there is no stage

ransition. Reinforcement contingencies that do not makeontact with a behavior require additional support. Therere different types of support that have varying degreesf effectiveness [47]. With one level of support, peoplere shown exactly what to do. This is the level of sup-
ort of a peacekeeper. They demonstrate how to run aovernment. With two levels of support, people are actu-lly walked through a given procedure, and their progresss monitored. Any correct performances are also noted,

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hich leads to increased confidence and, therefore, futureorrect performances. Offering two levels of support isspecially effective when the participants operate at aow behavioral-developmental stage. Kegan and Lahey [48]iscuss how changing the way we talk can change our devel-pmental behavioral-developmental stage. The specificpplication of support levels to governments will be lateriscussed with respect to each behavioral-developmentaltage.

ow financial support facilitatesovernmental behavioral-developmentaltage change

upport is another factor that facilitates governmentalehavioral-developmental stage change. Government build-ng can come in many forms. When countries ask for helpuilding governmental institutions, such as civil law inhina’s case, or a court and accounting system, behavioral-evelopmental stage change will follow. China has movedrom the formal operational behavioral-developmentaltage (with many abstract behavioral-developmental stagelements) to the beginnings of the systematic behavioral-evelopmental stage. Such help may be considered‘support’’ of next behavioral-developmental stage behav-or in the Fischer sense of support [47]. Requests forconomic transparency are usually accompanied by techni-al support, an obvious form of support. The requirementsor joining the World Trade Organization and, to somextent, for obtaining loans from banks such as the IMFInternational Monetary Fund), leads to greater economicransparency. Transparency is openness and accuracy innancial dealing and accounting, both of which are prereq-isites for economic democracy. Under one level of support,ne finds imitation. Maintaining close contact with the US,nd being subjected to a great deal of pressure, the USas strongly influenced Korea and Taiwan to adopt gov-rnments friendly and acceptable to the US. Both Koreand Taiwan have, for the most part, transitioned fromate abstract behavioral-developmental stage governmentso democratic, systematic behavioral-developmental stageovernments. As shown by Korea and Taiwan, even many ofhe liberated countries have been transitioning from latebstract behavioral-developmental stage dictatorships toormal operational bureaucracies into more democratic, sys-ematic behavioral-developmental stage governments. Bothave opposition parties, and have dramatically reduced cor-uption.

Conversely, under two levels of financial support, onends direct administration. Two levels of support directly

nstitute the higher behavioral-developmental stage ofehavior being required. It directly trains and instructs theeople on how to carry out the required new behavioral-evelopmental stage behaviors. It goes beyond modeling the
ehaviors by actually training them directly. This may haveed to democracy in Germany, Italy, Japan, and India, butid not lead to true democracy in Pakistan. It might be dueo differences in education, the relative power of the army
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nd, among other reasons, Pakistan is a relatively religioustate, and has not successfully dealt with the corruption.irect administration has been what NATO has done in Bosniand Kosovo with only some positive results. The fact thate directly administered the Philippines did not lead to thehilippines becoming democratic until recently.

ocietal transitions from oneehavioral-developmental stage tonother

here is always a mixture of the orders of hierarchicalomplexity evidenced in tasks performed by individualsnd larger social entities. Ross demonstrates this usinghe MHC to analyze cases researched and reported asthnographies [25]. For example, in an Argentine study,here was a particular Formal behavioral-developmentaltage 10 government program that was ‘‘managed’’ byatrons and patron/politicians who, in certain domainselated to it and its clientele, functioned at Abstractehavioral-developmental Stage 9 (and in other domains,t Formal behavioral-developmental Stage 10) [49]. These,ogether with the program, served a mixture of Concreteehavioral-developmental Stage 8 and Abstract behavioral-evelopmental Stage 9 ‘‘followers.’’ Followership roles (andhus, tasks in those roles) included those of social welfarerogram recipients, clients of the patrons’ brokers, and vot-ng citizens. Such roles were not mutually exclusive; theame person could have all three follower roles. Such mix-ures as these indicate the amount of complexity inherentn understanding social systems and actors and tasks withinhem, including changing behavioral-developmental stagesf performance of tasks.

Because the MHC establishes that skipping anyehavioral-developmental stage of development ismpossible, it is necessary to account for how behavioral-evelopmental stage change occurs, and what changes [50].he transition step sequence posited by the Model accountsor how the change of moving from one behavioral-evelopmental stage to the next occurs (see ‘‘Fractalransition Steps to Fractal Behavioral-developmentaltages: The Dynamics of Evolution, II,’’ this issue). Whathanges is the behavioral-developmental stage of perfor-ance of a task, from one order of hierarchical complexity

o the next. A comparison of the tasks from which and tohich one transitions in behavioral-developmental stagehange is one way to shed light on what changes. Tolluminate such task-level behavioral-developmental stagehange, this section focuses on the task changes fromoncrete behavioral-developmental Stage 9 to Abstractehavioral-developmental Stage 10, and then to changesrom Abstract behavioral-developmental Stage 10 to Formalehavioral-developmental Stage 11. All of the changesequire the coordination of elements from the next lower
rder. ‘‘Coordinate’’ means compare, contrast, synthesize,r otherwise put disparate elements into coherent relation-hip at a higher-order of complexity. Examples are providedo illustrate this task.

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From the concrete behavioral-developmentalstage to the abstractbehavioral-developmental stage

As posited by the Model, actions of the Concrete Order9 tasks coordinate two or more Primary behavioral-developmental Stage 8 task-actions in a nonarbitrary way,such that an interrelationship of them is formed. For exam-ple, at Primary behavioral-developmental Stage 8, one maysee army trucks leave the base each morning and theclock says six o’clock. One may also observe that someof the trucks have a big cover over things of differentshapes. One saw an army truck with a particular coveredshape arrive in the village. A soldier was heard telling thelocal chief, ‘‘Your grenades are here.’’ one concludes thata truck with that particular shape under the back covermeans grenades are under the cover. A possible Concretebehavioral-developmental Stage 9 coordination of these Pri-mary behavioral-developmental Stage 8 ‘‘building blocks’’could result in such interrelationships as the following:‘‘John, you will be on lookout at 6 o’clock each morningto tell me the next day they truck out grenades. I will fol-low the grenade truck when you give me the word. I canmake a deal with the chief they deliver them to. He willwant something from us that he cannot get from the army.He might want some of our tobacco stash. I could trade himpart of what we have here for a couple boxes of grenades.Once we have our hands on them, we can plan our nextattack. The sooner we can blow up those ‘explicatives’, thebetter.’’.

The example above highlights two key tasks possible forthe first time only at Concrete behavioral-developmentalStage 9. One is planning deals, while another is socialperspective-taking [51—53]. The speaker in the scenarioperformed the task of taking the perspective of the chiefand coordinated it with the speaker’s perspective. Theother party in the transaction would plan to get some-thing meaningful out of the trade, just as the speakerdid. Note also the absence of perspective-taking withregard to the lives of those who would be blown up usingthe thus-acquired grenades. The only persons whose per-spectives are considered and coordinated are those who‘‘matter.’’ At subsequent behavioral-developmental stages,more people matter as broader forms of perspective-takingdevelop.

To move from Concrete behavioral-developmental Stage8 to Abstract behavioral-developmental Stage 10 perfor-mance requires that one coordinates two or more Concretebehavioral-developmental Stage 9 task-actions in a nonar-bitary way such that an abstract class that refers tothem is formed. An abstract class is often a variablebecause it refers to a class that has ordered values ofmembers. For example, our side of the conflict and theterrorist’s side of the conflict are two values. Abstractvariables are new concepts that enable and play crucialroles in this behavioral-developmental stage change. Thefollowing composite indicates challenges of this behavioral-
developmental stage change in the political domain, whichhave much to do with the significance of forming and usingabstract variables. Certain variables infer the key polit-ical tasks: boundaries, social or political conflict, social
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87

r political decisions, degree of fairness, group, social orolitical group loyalty, majority, opinion, organize, paper-ork, policy, political party, politics, popularity, property,rivate versus public, religion affiliation, roles. None ofhese abstractions ‘‘exist’’ with any meaning to peo-le functioning at the concrete behavioral-developmentaltage, who instead use concrete concepts such as those inhe grenade scenario. This behavioral-developmental stagehange involves moving from specific knowns like ‘‘land’’ toeneralizations that include unseens like ‘‘boundaries’’ and‘property.’’ But before one can name an abstract class toefer to types of people, types of events, and types of things,ne generalizes about people, events, and things that areot concretely familiar.

One obstacle at the concrete behavioral-developmentaltage lies in the difficulty generalizing about people andvents. This poses major political implications in thatndividuals are unable to take the perspectives of thoseerceived as the enemy. With major political implica-ions, an obstacle to generalizing about people and eventss the inability at the concrete behavioral-developmentaltage to take the perspectives of others who are theerceived enemy. The ability to consider alternative per-pectives is necessary in any negotiation to resolve aonflict. It also underlies terrorist attacks. The perspec-ive that matters to someone operating at the concreteehavioral-developmental stage is that person’s own per-pective. Thus, it is very difficult for people at the concreteehavioral-developmental stage such as warlords and tribaleaders to care about anyone but ‘‘their own’’ or anythingut exercising their own power through control over armedands, a wealth of resources, and fear. They require onlyoncrete behavioral-developmental stage interrelationshipsmong people, things, and events to function successfully.or warlords and tribal leaders to shift from the concreteo the abstract behavioral-developmental stage; they needo trade one form of power for another. The trader powerust be one that contributes to the law and order of an

bstract behavioral-developmental stage society. The pres-ure from others of following social norms, which developst the abstract behavioral-developmental stage, can be annducement to such an exchange. Strict approaches to main-aining law and order are essential to overcome the concreteehavioral-developmental stage chaos of tribal warfare andnarchy. That is why areas in developing countries that insti-ate Islamic law demonstrate more general order than thosehat do not. Some such strong authority is essential for thisehavioral-developmental stage change to occur.

To eschew non-democratic but benign authoritarian lead-rship is a mistake if a concrete behavioral-developmentaltage society is ever to move to the abstract behavioral-evelopmental stage. Democracy is impossible at thisehavioral-developmental stage. First, there must beontrol, fair rules, some early social contract, and pre-ureaucratic structures to enforce order and safety, suchs, police forces. During the Middle Ages, commercerew only after sheriffs and police came to controlighwaymen. Such early structures support the abstract
ehavioral-developmental stage need to identify with anxtended group beyond one’s face-to-face peers. A stronging or dictator who uses a social contract with theopulace thereby defeats warlords and tribal leaders,

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orcing movement to the abstract behavioral-developmentaltage. Recordkeeping is completed at the Abstract stage.bstract behavioral-developmental stage public record-eeping becomes essential for tasks such as collecting finesnd issuing tickets for violations and permits for certainctivities. These transactions, become fodder for chargingbstract behavioral-developmental stage bribes, which only

formal behavioral-developmental stage society can justegin to address successfully.

The connection of terrorism reduction with the changerom concrete to abstract behavioral-developmental stageociety was developed in Commons and Goodheart [22];ther points are mentioned briefly here. The abstractehavioral-developmental stage’s social contract in a col-ectivity is to provide order and safety as a social norm. Theyre not the prerogative of a powerful individual leader, norttributes to be used as a bargaining chip. Order and securitys a social norm in the abstract behavioral-developmentaltage does not represent the idea that ‘‘everyone fends forhemselves’’. While people do excel at fending for them-elves. It is when they feel trapped in conditions overhich they have no control, they perform tasks to attempt

o change their condition. At the concrete behavioral-evelopmental stage, attempts to change their conditionnclude subverting, punishing, or destroying the perceivederpetrators of the unlivable conditions. Some of the taskshey perform may be terroristic. Thus concrete behavioral-evelopmental stage societies are observably the prevailingeedbeds of terrorist activity.

The behavioral challenges are not only to leadershipoles and terrorist activities of a few, but also to citi-ens at large. Members of society —– and the internationalommunity —– must initially accept, for example, formerarlords or military leaders into newly sanctioned politi-al roles, as in the new political parties that form at thebstract behavioral-developmental stage. Initially, they areot true political parties, but rather politicized forms ofxisting ethnic and kinship groups. This, too, is a neces-ary step in the change. Concrete behavioral-developmentaltage identities are tethered to such concrete rela-ionships, and abstract behavioral-developmental stagedentities are tethered to abstract group memberships.olitical parties evolve to idea-based groups only at theater, formal behavioral-developmental stage. Finally, anbstract behavioral-developmental stage performing soci-ty is defined by its geopolitical boundaries and identity.t the societal level, this means national identity, and may

nclude or be preceded by provincial boundaries and iden-ities. This task is akin to perspective-taking. It meansubjugating smaller groups’ status to that of a group ofroups that comprise a state or nation. Many early nation-uilding tasks are involved, well described by Ayoob [54]he nationalism that becomes possible only at the abstractehavioral-developmental stage requires tasks of:forming the concept of geopolitical boundaries;forming the concept of nation with larger unknown terri-tory defined by political boundaries;identifying with the new group, ‘‘us,’’ the whole nation.

At the concrete behavioral-developmental stage, onlyeographic and other such concrete markers define aroup’s territory. Jordan has employed a developmental

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ehavioral-developmental stage approach to issues relatedo developing concepts of boundaries and the conflictselated to them [55]. These and the other changes men-ioned in this section indicate some of the major tasksnvolved in the change from concrete to abstract behavioral-evelopmental stage society. In some societies, terror issed to keep people in line; for example, dictators killingnnocent people to scare a population into not opposinghem. But terrorism is attack on groups at the Concretetage.

rom the abstract behavioral-developmentaltage to the formal behavioral-developmentaltage

s posited by the Model, in tasks performed at the Abstract0 order, one coordinates two or more Concrete behavioral-evelopmental stage 8 task-actions in a nonarbitrary way,uch that an abstract class referring to them is formed. Forxample, at Concrete behavioral-developmental Stage 8,ne may know that in large buildings there are rooms calledn ‘‘office’’ in which men and women work. One may knowhat the local government has a building with such roomshere men and women work. Possible Abstract behavioral-evelopmental Stage 10 coordinations of these Concreteehavioral-developmental Stage 9 ‘‘building blocks’’ couldesult in such abstract classes as ‘‘government offices,’’‘government buildings,’’ ‘‘office workers,’’ ‘‘governmentorkers,’’ and ‘‘government people’’ Note that it is onlyt the abstract behavioral-developmental stage of perfor-ance that the abstract concept of roles is first developed,

or example, government workers.To move from Abstract behavioral-developmental Stage

0 to Formal behavioral-developmental Stage 11 perfor-ance requires that one coordinates two or more Abstractehavioral-developmental Stage 10 task-actions in a nonar-itary way, such that formal relations among them areormed. Table 2 provides examples of what this coordinationooks like at this behavioral-developmental stage transition.he content of most of the examples is designed to highlightn important task of moving from the abstract to the formalehavioral-developmental stage in the political domain (andqually so in all other social domains). The task is to dis-riminate (i.e., coordinate) that a particular role is distinctrom the person who fills the role and therefore that behav-ors by the same actors may vary by virtue of their roles. Forxample, in the patrol duty scenario (Table 2), at the formalehavioral-developmental stage, the person subjugates per-orming personal errands to the behavior demanded by theork role. This involves a more complex task in perspective-

aking. In various combinations depending on the situation,he perspective of the individual, another person, a role,nd/or an entity like employer or other organization may beoordinated. Such tasks as this are possible only at Formalehavioral-developmental stage 10 or higher.

To provide a level of support for considering whatxactly it is that changes between the abstract and for-
al behavioral-developmental stages, the key abstractehavioral-developmental stage variable within each ofhe abstract behavioral-developmental stage statementsn Table 2 is in italics. This is done to call attention


Table 2 Political tasks of moving from abstract stage 9 to formal stage 10.Mission politique pour passer de l’étape 9 à 11.

Political tasks of moving from abstract Stage 9 to Formal Stage 10

Examples’Categories

AbstractVariable I

AbstractVariable 2

Example of a Formal Stage 10 TaskCoordinating Variables 1 and 2

Tasks related towork

In our jobs at theTreasury Ministry. . .

. . .the files are wellsupposed to be private

Because our job is to handleprivate records, we have to keepeverything we know about themconfidential

I am on patrol dutyuntil after the storecloses today

But I need to run someerrands at the store

If I take time out of patrol duty torun the errands, I will not be ableto respond if there is troublesomewhere at the same time

We always chargebribes with the permitfees. We deserve to geta tip for doing this work

Two people said mypaycheck is the onlypayment I should get

1 never thought of that before.Since I get a paycheck from thegovernment for doing this job, I donot deserve to take money out ofcustomers’ pockets for doing thejob

Tasks related toroles in groups

I pledged loyalty to ourjihad cell for the gloryof Allah. . .

. . . but they never saidwe would be militants.blowing up our own city

1 have to break my oath to the celland leave, because 1 did not join itto do that

Everyone in thegovernment sets up asemployees lots of thepeople they are used tohelping out

The Minister announcednew rules for puttingpeople on the payroll

I cannot help my family and friendsanymore because there is just noway to get around the new rules

Tasks related toother entities

We used to just turn inall our ticketpaperwork at the endof the night and nothave to do anythingelse

Now we write a longreport on everythingthat happened, look atthe list, and match theticket to one of thenew violations

If we can match our description tothe definitions of the violations,then we know we cited the rightordinance for issuing the tickets,and then we know they will standup in court

As President, I am usedto making all thedecisions about thissort of thing

New legislation forcesme to get approvalsfrom the Cabinet onsuch decisions

If I can appoint a few more of theright people to the Cabinet, and ifthey know I will steer contractstheir way, then I should be able to

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to the higher behavioral-developmental stage coordina-tion evident in the formal behavioral-developmental stagestatements.

Such examples as in Table 2 indicate why Commonsand Goodheart (2007) observe that abstract behavioral-developmental stage societies are somewhat chaotic,inconsistent, and eventually fail because their governmentsdo not base decisions on logical or empirical relation-ships. However elementary it may appear to be, the‘‘logical rigor’’ evident in each of the aforementioned For-mal behavioral-developmental stage 11 statements standin sharp contrast to the declarative assertions of theAbstract behavioral-developmental stage 10 statements itcoordinated. Those examples serve as a backdrop to thefollowing summary, drawn from Commons and Goodheart
[22] and Ross [14,15,24,25], of common tasks from whichAbstract behavioral-developmental stage 10 performancesmust move to change to Formal behavioral-developmentalStage 11.
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get the approvals I want

At the Abstract behavioral-developmental stage, civilervants use government structures to maintain and/orxtend their patronage and brokerage influences withelatives, friends, and political allies. Personal andublic budgets are strained as the abstract-behavioral-evelopmental stage norm of bribes inflates the costf obtaining goods and services for individuals and theociety, and benefiting few at the expense of many. Toeduce corruption, logical cause-and-effect-based regula-ions and procedures are required to prevent payroll abuses.evelopment in such tasks as social perspective-taking,istinguishing roles, and developing formal logic to under-tand procedures, benefits, and consequences occurs in theove from abstract to formal behavioral-developmental

tage behaviors. The ability for individuals to exercise
ersonal power over public resources declines once regula-ions define power in legal and regulatory terms, supportedy systems of checks and balances. On the other hand,here are processes of institutional decay, also described

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n Fukuyama’s magnum opus [56]. People will always worko take back control of resources and direct them to self,riends and family. Citizens begin to explicitly demand theule of law to prevent the range of corruption in publicervice positions. Depending on the culture, it takes timend courage for citizens to publicly voice such demands.uch behavior may risk one’s status in the patronage sys-ems that people have long relied on. A key governmentask in the change from abstract to formal behavioral-evelopmental stage is to legislate a social contract thatakes over that function from these ubiquitous informalystems. Elections gradually increase the government’sehavioral-developmental stage as people vote for effec-ive anti-corruption candidates. People prefer uncorruptractice once they deduce they can save money and haveore predictability. People gradually reduce their attach-ents to selecting parental figures as leaders, and elect

hose who will shift the social contract to government57]. These new logical relations give people function-ng at the abstract behavioral-developmental stage theeeded experience in distinguishing roles from persons wholay the roles. Roles and procedures come to be vieweds logical necessities for organizations and governmento function well enough to succeed. This helps peopledapt to more impersonal contacts to get things done. Thiseduces abstract behavioral-developmental stage corrup-ion, despite the fact that it also paves the way for formalehavioral-developmental stage corruption.

Bureaucrats can operate at stage 10, 11, or 12. Abstractehavioral-developmental Stage 10 bureaucrats can grad-ally detach from the patronage networks embedded inovernment structures as new regulations weaken themnd government pay becomes adequate to live on —

part of the social contract. They also come to wantoth autonomy and standard rules to follow so decisionsre efficient and fewer need approval. Similarly, stan-ard procedures based on logical sequences and relationsre required at the formal behavioral-developmental stageefore a government can successfully develop, operate,roperly maintain, or restore public infrastructures thateet basic needs, such as power, potable water, and roads.he necessity of the Formal behavioral-developmentaltage for maintenance of public infrastructure cannot beverstated. These seem to be some prerequisite con-itions if governments want to reduce terrorism: theyespect and meet basic needs reliably. Government thusepends on tax laws and revenue, impartial public trea-ury, judiciary systems, citizens and businesses sufficientlyducated to participate in the formal economy. With-ut such formal behavioral-developmental stage tasks,axes will not be reliably calculated, reported, paid, col-ected, assessed, or deposited into the treasury. Finally, thebstract behavioral-developmental stage identification witheligious groups may transform slowly into secular but multi-eligious states gradually become more secular. Practicesf excluding out-groups backfire in violence and secessionfforts. The formal behavioral-developmental stage solu-ion of religious freedom increases religious tolerance and
educes conditions for religious-based conflict and terror-sm.
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eople and societies function at differentehavioral-developmental stages on tasks

n different domains

t is most important to note that although the behavioral-evelopmental stage of a society may be quite low,t is possible for a number of individuals to operatet behavioral-developmental stages higher than the For-al behavioral-developmental stage. Such people do not

onfront, but use workarounds. Instead of fighting witheople who have power but perform at lower stages,onfrontation is avoided. That allows for the developmentf bureaucracy at the abstract behavioral-developmentaltage, and then refinement of bureaucracy at the for-al behavioral-developmental stage to replace concreteehavioral-developmental stage groups who govern and runhings. Any country at any behavioral-developmental stagean begin this process. After taking over a country like Iraq,n order to keep the system running the infrastructure effi-iently, it is important to rehire whatever bureaucracy theres. This includes the implementation of civil service and gov-rnmental ministries. Almost all people who work for newovernments have more loyalty to their jobs than to theirx-governments. Yet, it is still crucial to remove the previousolitical leaders.

After a war that ends up in conquest by ‘‘democratic’’ations, foreign peacekeepers are almost always necessary-or supervising and transforming previous governments andong term government building. For example, after the Iraqar, the militarily won, but the peace was lost due to lackf military police. Government buildings were never com-leted. This allowed ISIS to be established. Another examples the death of Tito, the dictator of Yugoslavia, in 1980.ugoslavia descended into a civil war which resulted in NATOombings and many peacekeepers’ interference. The newureaucracies need to be populated broadly. They must con-ist of all groups, tribes, religions, and political persuasions.his is part of modeling how most successful democraticocieties work. The peacekeeping actions serve as an exam-le for people who both think and act at a less complexehavioral-developmental stage to assimilate into demo-ratic practice.

Nepotism, or family, town and tribe favoritism, occurs athe Abstract stage. Nepotism in government leads to insta-ility. Iraq was ruled by nepotism, and the Sunni tribal grouprom Saddam Hussein city dominated the government. Inndia, the Nehru/Gandhi family ruled until very recently.nce they stopped ruling and the Bharatiya Janata Partyook over, the Indian economy has improved and becomeuch more stable [58]. Nepotism should be reduced to elim-

nate Concrete behavioral-developmental stage practiceshat encourage great amounts of corruption and instabil-ty. Furthermore, civil service tests should be instituted foriring, in order to promote competency and fairness in theorkplace. The peacekeepers should retrain the present

ractices of the government. The government bureaucracieshould reduce the number of people necessary to approve

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things. They should institute the use of computers, pro-vide computers and training. They should also decentralizefunction, increase pay rates so that corruption is not asattractive, and finally, fire people who are not perform-ing, or who are found to be behaving corruptly even after awarning.

Since law and order are always extremely important, thepolice should be rehired and run by the peacekeepers. Theyshould also be reassigned to new areas and reorganized sothat they work with new people within their force. This givesthe peacekeepers a chance to have higher impact and func-tions to reduce corruption. As part of that effort, the courtsshould be available and utilized immediately. The legal sys-tem should use local law, but it should be changed by decreeto make it fit for democratic standards.

Much of the prevention of terrorism and attempts tocombat what will arise after old governments are defeated,depends on a new normalcy being established quickly. Thisis true for nearly all the behavioral-developmental stagesof societies. The presence of obsolete systems functioningin these countries is one of the main obstacles confrontingpositive reconstruction. It is important to hire purchasingagents to enable and maintain working infrastructure. Theycan then buy parts to get water, electricity, and water andsewage treatment working if they exist. Getting the infras-tructure is a major concern for these countries, because itis difficult to find these parts and the expertise to buy andassemble them. For example, almost all infrastructure andparts in Iraq were from the Soviet Union or France prior toits collapse. In this case, it was crucial that Iraq had compe-tent and clever people to buy parts, since the Soviet Unionand France had difficulty providing them.

It is important to understand the relationship betweenbehavioral-developmental stages and terrorist actions.Remember, terrorists often function at the Formal or Sys-tematic behavioral-developmental stage in some domains.The Al-Qaeda ‘‘pilots’’ flew jet planes into the WorldTrade Center and the Pentagon, which is a System-atic behavioral-developmental stage task, based on thecoordination, planning, and jet flight training that itrequired. However, these same pilots operate, at most,at the Abstract behavioral-developmental stage in thesocial and empathetic domain. They have only Abstractbehavioral-developmental stage loyalty to a charismaticleader, ideology, or religion. Similarly, the suicide bombersthat ‘‘enact’’ the terror are likely at the Concrete orAbstract stages at most. They are often young teenagers.Yet, many terrorists appear to exhibit qualities of the Con-crete behavioral-developmental stage, in that they do notconsider what the people whom they are killing feel.

More examples note both that individuals may differ inthe behavioral-developmental stage at which they operatewith respect to different domains, and that members of agroup, organization, society, or country can also differ inbehavioral-developmental stage from each other. The Al-Qaeda is very new, considering it was founded in 1989,by Osama bin Laden and Muhammad Atef. Its membershipcomes from all over the Islamic and Arabic world. These
members come from societies that run the gamut of politi-cal problem solving behavioral-developmental stages, fromConcrete to Systematic. For example, Al-Qaeda does nothave bureaucratic regulations and legal institutions created
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91

t the Formal and Systematic behavioral-developmentaltages, respectively. However, there is extensive use ofmail and websites.

Al-Qaeda also used multivariate organizational (System-tic behavioral-developmental stage) measures to execute aomplex plan, byconsidering many variables and integratinghem. But in the attachment domain, it seems that manyf the terrorists did not know they were flying to theireath and bin Laden laughed about it on the video tape.e appeared to not consider them. They were simply instru-ents in his convoluted plan. His behavior illustrates the

hallenge of raising the behavioral-developmental stage ofttachment so that people take into positive consideration

wider range of individuals.Furthermore, Saudi Arabia is a slowly modernizing

eudal society. The operative contingencies governingeadership are characteristic of the late Abstract behavioral-evelopmental stage with a monarchy and a large familyominated bureaucracy, created by the British. The econ-my of Saudi Arabia is one that functions at the Systematicehavioral-developmental stage. This is due to the fact thats extracts and sells oil to the West in a complex set ofnteracting rules developed in the OPEC framework. Saudirabia also manages its potential oil surplus by increasingr decreasing oil production based on market demand orn agreements adopted among the oil producing nations.his task requires the coordination of multiple variables (aystematic-behavioral-developmental stage task). However,audi Arabia is not a participatory society and mainly func-ions at the Concrete behavioral-developmental stage in theolitical arena. Only the royal family has power, wealth,nd the ability to determine succession. Also, because theociety uses the Koran for much of their law, there is noossibility of changing the laws much other than reinter-reting what they mean. Such changes await more complexhinking. The fundamentalists believe that the Koran doesot allow for a society with division of powers or a secularovernment. This fact constrains the political developmentf the society enormously. Despite this, there are coun-ries with large Muslim populations that have a good dealf democracy, and do allow for such a division of poweruch as Lebanon and Turkey, both of which are committedo having a secular state. Civil wars, externally sponsorederrorism and invasions have overwhelmed Lebanon overhe past 15 years. Popular institutions such as parliaments,hich developed in both Eastern and Western societiesarly in their history, have not developed in Saudi Ara-ia. Behavioral-developmental stage research would expecthat such a situation would lead to terrorism because ofhe frustration that the more educated people would suf-er.

As retrograde as societies such as Saudi Arabia mayppear to us, they are regarded by the Al-Qaeda asodern, and therefore, wicked and corrupt. The Al-aeda follows an anti-Formal and anti-Systematicehavioral-developmental stage in its political per-pective. It rails against empirical and logical truthver the word of the Koran. If one looks at the
l-Qaeda itself, the contingencies governing politicalhange within were early Abstract behavioral-evelopmental stage, based, as they are, on prowessnd seniority. Osama bin Laden’s authority has been based,

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o a large extent, on a number of facts: he founded thel-Qaeda, financed it, and ordered acts of prowess byaving the World Trade Center demolished.

In fact, it is the large gaps between the behavioral-evelopmental stages of the modern societies and theerrorist groups politically that makes terrorism so likelyo develop and become dangerous. But, the developmentf terrorism is a self-limiting process in modern societies.estricting access to ‘‘corrupt western values’’ from ter-orists is difficult because of its presence in the media.ven in the least developed countries, there is increasingccess to cassette recorders, televisions, and video tapes.he penetration by the Western media seems to have a

arger effect than we are aware of in the West. Other-ise why would these terrorists be so upset? Consider theopularity of VCRs in Afghanistan after the Taliban was over-helmed. It is basically impossible to have a viable economynd restrict access to media. The media moves people upn behavioral-developmental stage because it sparks dia-ogue, which is the basis for forming an alliance. Alliances,r affiliativeness as opposed to assortativeness, move peo-le up in stage. First, it models a life of work and economicuccess. At higher behavioral-developmental stages, it pro-ides a complex world with multiple relationships discussedndlessly.

One of the most important actions for Western coun-ries to take to prevent terrorism is to reduce their ratef internal discrimination so that people from these otherultures may feel at home, welcomed, and valued. Theyhould be eligible for citizenship as is the case in the US.itizenship, and the protection of equal rights, reduces dis-rimination. This is all part of the transition to a Systematicehavioral-developmental stage society where the intent ofeing non-discriminatory leads to improved practices. It isnstructive to see that the terrorists do not come from thearge number of Muslims and Arabs in the United States, butrom countries like Germany, France, and Spain, which haveigher rates of internal discriminate. The most violent mem-ers of the Al-Qaeda typically have lived in Europe unhappilyand were disaffected with those societies).

iscussion of the 9/11 terrorist attack

onsider the leader of the World Trade Center bombingsnd the plane crashes. This lengthy description is includedlmost in total to give the actual history of one of the mostmportant people in the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Mohammedtta was born on September 1, 1968 in Kafr El Sheikh, a city

n the Nile Delta in Egypt, and also carried a Saudi pass-ort [59]. He grew up in Cairo, Egypt and graduated with

degree in architecture from Cairo University. He appar-ntly was not particularly religious at this time. He thenoved to Germany, where he was registered as a student

f urban planning at the Technical University of Hamburg-arburg in Hamburg from 1993 to 1999. In Hamburg, Attaorked on a thesis exploring the history of Aleppo’s (the

econd city of Syria) urban landscapes. It explored the gen-
ral themes of the conflict between Arab civilization andodernity. Atta criticized how the modern skyscrapers andevelopment projects in Aleppo were disrupting the fab-ic of that city by blocking community streets and altering
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he skyline. He received a high mark on his report from hiserman supervisor.

In Germany, Atta was registered as a citizen of the Unitedrab Emirates. His German friends describe him as an intel-

igent man with religious beliefs who grew angry over theestern policy toward the Middle East. This included theslo Process and the Gulf War. In MSNBC’s special ‘‘The Mak-

ng of the Death Pilots,’’ a German friend of his namedalph Bodenstein who traveled, worked, and conversedxtensively with Mohammed Atta said, ‘‘He [Atta] was mostmbued actually about Israeli politics in the region and aboutS protection of these Israeli politics in the region. And heas, to a degree, personally suffering from that.’’ While

n Germany, Mohammed Atta became more and more reli-ious, especially after a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1995. Aerman terrorist of Syrian origin, Mohammed Haydar Zam-ar, claimed that he met Atta at this time and recruited him

nto Al-Qaeda. Zammar had Al-Qaeda contacts going back aecade, and knew Osama bin Laden personally. Atta startedttending an Islamic prayer group at the university, and iwashought to have been recruited for fundamentalist causeshere. Other students remember him making strident anti-merican and anti-Semitic statements. In a visit home togypt in 1998, his former friends noticed that he had becomeuch more of a religious fundamentalist than he had beenefore [59].

On November 1, 1998, Atta moved into an apart-ent in Germany with terrorists Said Bahaji and Ramziinalshibh. The Hamburg cell was born at this apart-ent. They met three or four times a week to discuss

heir anti-American sentiments and plot possible attacks.any Al-Qaeda members lived in this apartment at various

imes, including hijacker Marwan al-Shehhi, Zakariya Ess-bar, hijacker Waleed al-Shehri, and others. In all, 29 menisted the apartment as their home address, while Atta’same was in the lease. The 9/11 mastermind Khalid Shaikhohammed visited the apartment repeatedly. In late 1999,tta, al-Shehhi, Jarrah, Bahaji, and Binalshibh decided toravel to Chechnya to fight against the Russians, but wereonvinced by Khalid al-Masri and Mohamedou Ould Slahi athe last minute to change their plans. They instead trav-led to Afghanistan to meet Osama bin Laden and trainedor terrorist attacks. In addition, Atta was trained in pass-ort alteration. Immediately afterwards, Atta, al-Shehhi,nd Jerrah reported their passports stolen, possibly to eraseravel visas to Afghanistan. Atta and the other hijackersegan to work on appearing normal, shaving their beards andvoiding known radicals. Starting in 2000, the CIA put Attander surveillance in Germany. He was trailed by CIA agents,nd was observed buying large quantities of chemicals [59].

hat in general has producedevelopmental change in politicalrganizations recently?

or the lowest behavioral-developmental stage societies,
uccessful government building counters terrorism mostffectively. It denies terrorists the support of the popula-ion, and therefore isolates them. Successful governmentsrovide a developing economy, a rule by law, and increase

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degrees of law and order. People care more about economicand safety issues than ideological ones in most cases. Whengovernments are more democratic, they mirror the wishesof the populace better. It thereby encourages others to turnin the terrorists. Failure to build and maintain peace occurswhen there is a failure to take into account the societalbehavioral-developmental stage.

We historically assume that the problem is ideologicaland cultural. Whereas it is true that ideologies are corre-lated with behavioral-developmental stage of developmentof the society, they are not the core of the problem. Whenother countries assumed that another society has been oper-ating at a more complex behavioral-developmental stagethan it has, there is failure in:• successful government building;• the development of safety and trust;• the suppression of the growth of terrorism.

When the behavioral-developmental stages are moresimilar, as in the case of Mexico (Formal in transition toSystematic) and the United States (Systematic in tran-sitional to Metasystematic), there is more transfer fromWestern countries who ignore behavioral-developmentalstage. A primary way of successfully inducing governmen-tal behavioral-developmental stage change seems to requireparticipation in democracy by the citizens of a country.This was the case in India. In 1917, the British Parlia-ment announced that Indians would be allowed greaterparticipation in the colonial administration, and that self-governing institutions would be gradually developed [60].By 1919, the promise of self-governing institutions waspartially realized with the passing of the Government ofIndia Act by the British Parliament. The act introduced adual administration, in which both elected Indian legisla-tors and appointed British officials shared power. India didmove from a Concrete monarchy to a Formal democraticbureaucracy. To a much lesser extent, Nigeria and Ghanahave also begun to follow the same route. This appears tobe effective from the Concrete behavioral-developmentalstage up. Actually, engaging in more complex behavioral-developmental stage behaviors in the country is one of themost effective ways of raising behavioral-developmentalstage of citizens who previously operated at primarily lowerbehavioral-developmental stages.

As previously stated, the United States is a shiningexample of a modern-day country undergoing behavioral-developmental stage transition. What factors, then, arepromoting this transition from the Systematic to Meta-systematic? What could promote transition in behavioral-developmental stage from where the US operates,theSystematic behavioral-developmental stage toward theMetasystematic? One factor is the inverse of Kirkpatrick’sLaw. That inverse states that political democracy promoteshigher productivity and profits. This has recently been man-ifested in the US stock market. Companies that had moredemocratically run boards of directors earned 7% more thancompanies that had dictatorial practices. Democraticallyrun boards did not have poison pills, and did not have many
rules or bylaws, which made takeovers difficult. Corpora-tions are more responsive to their environment when theyface the prospect of being taken over. Maybe, they are morelikely to become ‘‘learning’’ corporations, which require a
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ovement from the Systematic behavioral-developmentaltage toward the Metasystematic behavioral-developmentaltage. There is no reason to change at the Systematicehavioral-developmental stage because there is no threatf takeover that would force a comparison with otherorporate systems. But in a learning corporation, such aomparison takes place.

As Jeanne Kirkpatrick warned during the 1980s, total-tarians (who operate at the Concrete and at most thebstract behavioral-developmental stage) are adamantlypposed to markets (which is how you can distinguishhem from authoritarians), because freedom in the marketlways leads to political freedom [61,62]. The ‘‘Kirkpatrick’saw’’ stipulates that institutions follow a certain patho democracy. The sufficient foundation of this path isapitalism; capitalism leads to the formation of demo-ratic market structures, characterized by openness andransparency. In her idealized view, democratic economictructures then give rise to democratic governmental struc-ures, characterized by the same qualities of openness andransparency. As mentioned above, companies in the USith democratic control by stockholders (no poison pillsr other methods to disenfranchise stockholders) have sig-ificantly higher earnings. This leads stockholders, botharge and small, to buy the stocks of democratic compa-ies. By the laws of selection, the number of democraticompanies thereby increases. Of course, there is a needor regulations to require accurate accounting, means totop fraud, means to break up monopolies, and means toequire companies to pay for the indirect cost (such asobacco companies paying for health effects). Capitalismeads to democracy, which is the only way to counteracterrorism because inclusive democracy allows lower-stageroups to communicate rather than fight each other indefi-itely.

Limitations in fairness are reflective of a Systematicehavioral-developmental stage society. For example, in theS, discrimination against certain minorities exists. Therere huge inefficiencies in the social policies, which areostly the result of the Formal and Systematic behavioral-evelopmental stages’ inability to resolve conflicts andntisocial activity. This is can be largely attributed to ourolicies being determined by folk psychology rather thanompelling social science research. The education systemnd the correctional system are two egregious examples ofross inefficiencies. In Tennessee, generally, private schoolcores on college entrance exams were above the state aver-ge, with private schools’ ACT scores as much as 6.6 pointsigher than the 2002—2003 state average of 20.4 [63]. Fouridstate public school systems also bested the state aver-ge. Metro, with an ACT average of 19.1, did not. But privateducation probably does no better than public when oneorrects for the ‘‘quality’’ of the students entering. Andf course, this article argues that US and other Westernountries’ foreign actions (there is no policy) leave a greateal to be desired. The limitations of fairness lead to ter-orism. Only at the Metasystematic stage in democracy dohey start treating people well enough that terrorism is not
enerated.
Democracy serves as a necessary foundation to the devel-pment of groups and governments alike. However, theuestion arises whether the wish for world-wide democratic

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overnments is, in a figurative sense, a religious endeavor.he argument is made in the West that wars for democracyrotect existing democracies. Although one could sustainhis argument with regard to World War II, it is much moreubious when applied to Vietnam or, for that matter, Haiti,nd Iraq. In the case of World War II, after Germany, Japannd Italy were defeated, there were extensive governmentuilding activities. The US, the UK, and France occupied theest and the US occupied Japan. All but Japan are in transi-

ion to the Metasystematic behavioral-developmental stage.ll had governments, constitutions, courts, law, banks, andccounting, some of which were set up by the US, Greatritain, and the newly ‘‘free’’ France. But what aboutrazil, Mexico, Chile, Venezuela, and the like? How did theydvance in behavioral-developmental stage from Formal toystematic behavioral-developmental stage? They were notccupied, nor were their governments imposed. One mayrgue that they followed Kirkpatrick’s Law. Kirkpatrick’s Laws relatively true. Free economies do seem to lead to democ-acies over an extended period of time.

onclusionhat has changed about our understanding of the devel-

pment of more complex behavioral-developmental stageovernance? Societies must have multiple operating institu-ions that are transparent and based upon consent of theoverned:

accounting (necessary for business and investment);law (deeds for property that people are currently using assquatters are missing in most societies. Absolutely essen-tial for the formation of capital);courts (independent of politics and non-corrupt);administration (the election of officials in particular is amajor topic in the news. It is necessary, but not suffi-cient);legislative (this is another focal point of reporting andPolitical Science);opposition;a free press;communication.

These seem to be part of the transition to Systematicehavioral-developmental stage government. In Russia, thenternet is open, but papers and TV are not. The Internet hasecome a driving force of behavioral-developmental stagehange. One reason governments are so bad in Africa is thathey are so isolated. This is also true of the Islamic countriesn general.

There are a number of questions left unanswered athis point. How far will US policy get with its wars of‘liberation?’’ How much will government building be devel-ped systematically? Will Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Kosovo,mong others, become democratic? How far will the Islamicorld go? How far will Africa get? The only successful
eans of reducing terrorism is to move governments up inehavioral-developmental stage. When governments oper-te at least at the Systematic behavioral-developmentaltage, there is a high probability that there will be a
ciwo


ufficient collaboration between the citizens and the gov-rnment. There will be sufficient means for people to alterhe policies of the government and to engage in political andeligious acts of a wide range. As the effectiveness of indi-idual terrorists increase, the importance of civil ways ofeducing terrorist acts increases. This can be done throughntegration of behavioral-developmental stage research intoovernmental processes, and successful government build-ng for all parties involved. Government building is anctivity that has not yet been scientifically studied suf-ciently, and it is crucial that upon the commencementf such research, behavioral-developmental approaches areonsidered.

Terrorism is multilevel, with recruiters and their fol-owers who commit the acts of terror having differentnterests and personal natures. The terrorists, including theecruiters, are using terrorism as an approach to asymmetryn resources. Terrorism, they hope, will even out the play-ng field. The gangs lack a political set of goals beyond theomination of a territory or an activity. In common, gangs,nsurrections, and terrorism may reflect the feeling that theeaker group is not being heard, and their interests andrievances are ignored by the government and society. Itay be interesting to explore what would occur if dissident

roups, including terrorists, were given free and uncensoredable channel access, or a place at a negotiating table?ould they still feel that they need to engage in terror to

et people’s attention? Our society fears their messages, butree speech seems to promote affiliation over the long run. Aethod that has led to great success in many countries is toring the dissident factions into the governance structure,hereby giving them a real voice.

Despite the initial perceived absurdity of the idea ofollaboration with the terrorists, in the long run it mighte the only way to neutralize their terroristic behavior.ollaboration is different from cooperation, which is atate of working together but the effort is not necessar-ly equal. Examples of cooperation could be found in anyeamwork where a number of people participate togetherut in essence, only one or two people do most of theork. Collaboration promotes working together and putting

n maximum effort together. It is not necessarily equal part-ership but rather a mutually-beneficial relationship whereoth sides negotiate and compromise. Baseball is a goodxample of collaboration to some extent; everybody gets

chance at the bat. The difference between cooperationnd collaboration is similar to that between modernizationnd traditionalism. While traditionalists look to conservend ban, modernists stimulate conversations, integration,nd alliances. With the terrorism problem, a collaborationetween governments and the terrorists means to collabo-ate on what is possible and acceptable to both, looking toome to terms with each other. This is in contradistinctiono constant warfare and antagonism, which is shown to onlyncourage the terrorists to engage in extreme actions. Toonclude, behavioral-development needs to be applied tonstitution building. Interventions and realistic time scalesill support societies’ functioning and limit the generation
f terrorism.

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Acknowledgement

I would like to thank Daniel Geörtz, Robert Allen Miller,Rachel Abramowitz and Eliza Going for their help editingthis paper.

Disclosure of interest

The authors declare that they have no competing interest.

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