Understanding Change in Crop and Seed Diversity - Part 3

8/9/2019 Understanding Change in Crop and Seed Diversity - Part 3

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Seed diversity of crops and varieties

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Seed diversityof crops andvarieties

The diversity o crops and varieties has been identi ed by the LinKS studies as a key elementin peoples livelihood strategies and is crucial to their ability to adapt and survive in un avourableenvironmental conditions (FAO and ICRISAT 2004; FAO 2007). The studies clearly demonstratethe importance o crop diversity in counteracting the e ects o droughts and other environmentalhazards, and in ensuring amily ood security. Farmers cultivate early- and late-maturing varietieso the same crops to increase the period o ood availability and to spread out the amount o workrequired at harvest time. Participants responses and eld observations show that the range o

crops planted in speci c agro-ecological conditions is determined by a care ul selection process.By planting di erent varieties o cereals and legumes, armers bene t rom more productive butless hardy varieties, while at the same time hedging this risk with varieties that are less productiveyet more tolerant to drought (FAO and ICRISAT 2004). Deutsche Gesellscha t r TechnischeZusammenarbeit (GTZ) (2006e) summarizes the advantages o crop diversity in that crop diversityenables people to mitigate climate- and market-related risks, cope with the varying availability o labour, or secure a harvest even i they cannot sow at the normal time.

Crop diversity is there ore an essential part o the FAO de nition o seed security, which includestimely availability o seed o improved variety and ecotype o staple crop kinds to armers, especiallya ter a disaster, and its e cient distribution at the right place and at an a ordable price (FAO

1997). Farmers interviewed by the LinKS projects de ned seed security as having enough seed orthe season to plant the crops required by the household or the ability o the household to access therequired seed or the season through purchase (FAO 2007). This de nition ascribes two dimensionsto seed security: availability and access. While the dimensions o quality and stability were notdirectly addressed in the studies, the ocus on care ul seed selection and storage processes showsthe important role seed quality plays or armers. 3 Moreover, other FAO reports have emphasized theimportance o quality seeds as a major requirement or ood security (Larinde 1997).

Food security was de ned by the armers as the availability o staple crops, such as maize, throughoutthe year. There was a marked di erence in staple crop availability or the di erent socio-economic

3 Sources or seed security ramework are Remington, 1998, Remington et al, 2002, Sperling et al 2003, Sperling 2004.


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DIVERSITY OF EXPERIENCES understanding change in crop and seed diversity

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groups. The data obtained in the Southern Highlands and Central Zone o Tanzania demonstratedvery strongly the importance o neglected and collected crops or ood insecure households. Thestudies show that during the months o staple crop shortage, these crops can cover up to 80 percento the ood intake o ood-insecure groups. Wild resources are particularly important or the ood

and livelihood security o poor rural women and children, especially in times o ecological stress orchange, such as drought. These groups generally have less access to land, labour and capital andthus need to rely more on the wild biodiversity available locally (Pimbert 1999).

1.1 SEED DIvERSITy AND FOOD SECURITy

Seed diversity has always been a cornerstone o peoples livelihoods in rural Mozambique andTanzania. The historical timelines developed in the studies show the range o crops grown. Thereis evidence that crop diversity has changed over time mainly due to governmental projects andthe introduction o high-yielding varieties and cash crops. The Mozambique study ound an overalldrop in crop diversity in the last decade. Previously 90 percent o the study participants grew morethan six di erent crops, while today only 73 percent report growing the same number. The mainobservations derived rom the LinKS case studies can be summarized as ollows:

As cropping systems become more commercialized, there is a reduction in crop andvarietal biodiversity.

Cash crops provide income that can be used to supplement amily ood needs duringstaple crop shortages.

There is a clear tendency to manage traditional crops and cash crops at the same time tobroaden livelihood options. Many armers maintain traditional crops on a reduced scale.

Women take a leading role in conserving and managing traditional crops and varieties.

The collection o wild plants and minor crop species is another strategy to achieve ood security,which has not been a ected or replaced by the introduction o new crops and varieties. Wild plantssuch as mlenda (okra), wild ruits, greens and vegetables are consumed throughout the year as

armers are knowledgeable about how to process and conserve them. Women avour minor cropssuch as pumpkin, cucumber, sponge gourds and watermelon as they are easily available, notlabour-intensive and provide healthy ood during staple crop shortages, usually between Februaryand June (FAO 2007). Wild plants are especially important or ood-insecure households, which

rely on them throughout the year. Food-secure households and medium-secure households rely onthem a ter bad harvests but also use them as regular ood supplements.

Managing seed diversity is key to increasing biological and cultural diversity. Vernooy (2003) pointsout that in their struggle to survive with poor soils and limited resources, small armers continue toallow plant varieties to evolve. Plant genetic diversity is crucial to breeding ood crops and is thusone o the central preconditions or ood security. It is also vital to modern plant breeding, as itprovides the genetic traits required to address crop pests, diseases and changing climate conditions.Thus, plant genetic diversity is an indispensable actor in the ght against poverty (Andersen 2006).Experts rom 25 nations have stated that conservation and sustainable use o diverse cultivatedplants and domestic animal breeds are key to attaining the rst Millennium Development Goal(MDG): to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger (IPGRI, GFU, MSSRF, 2005).


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1.2 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND GENDER PERSPECTIvES

Socio-economic differences

The LinKS studies identi ed di erences in seed diversity and security within di erent socio-economic groups. Identi ying and understanding these di erences is important to better target

uture seed interventions. This is a particular concern, since there is growing evidence that speci cgroups are more likely to bene t rom seed technologies than others. The LinKS studies made the

ollowing observations:

Better-o households manage ewer diverse crop systems since they are more market-ocused and grow a larger share o improved varieties o cash crops. At the same time,

these households grow local crops or ood consumption.

The use o neglected and wild crops is a common practice in all socio-economic groups andhas continued despite the introduction o new crops and crop varieties. However, lower socio-economic households depend more heavily on these resources than better-o households.

Improved and hybrid varieties are commonly used by better-o armers, while thesevarieties are less used in poorer households. However, even resource-poor householdstry to obtain improved crop varieties and may have access to them through local seeddistribution channels.

Wealthier households were more likely to conserve and control their own seed, whilepoorer households more o ten supplemented their limited seed stock with whatever wasavailable to them, which was o ten seed o poor quality or varieties unsuitable or the local

environment. (FAO and ICRISAT 2004). Households categorized as better o have better access to physical resources such as

irrigation systems and larger plots, which in turn has a positive impact on the amount o seed harvested and the potential to save sel -produced seed. They also have more accessto improved seed through purchase and better mobility to access markets and otherseed sources outside their village. They can hire labour in exchange or seed during thecropping season and can there ore plant earlier than other groups.

Medium-level armers seed security largely depends on sel -produced seed. Seedshortages among this socio-economic group are largely the result o crop ailure due tobad weather or pest outbreak. Households in this category access seed through exchangeand gi ts, but access to improved seed is very limited (FAO and ICRISAT 2004; Mkuchaet al 2004 ).

The poorest households are the most seed insecure, since they generally ail to produceenough crops to keep seed throughout the year. They access seed largely through theexchange o labour or seed and occasionally they acquire small quantities as supplies atno cost. (Lazaro and Bisanda 2004).


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Gender differencesThe LinKS studies revealed a clear di erence between men and womens responsibilities with

respect to crops and seeds. Women are involved in producing subsistence ood crops such asbeans, peas, potatoes, cassava, nger millet, and vegetables, while men are more concerned with

producing crops or cash. However, both men and women produce maize because o its dual roleas a household ood and a cash crop (Lazaro). Additional ndings include:

Seed selection is mainly done by women, while men are responsible or constructing adequateseed storage structures (such as tsala or maize or dhule or beans) (FAO and ICRISAT 2004).

The Tanzanian studies revealed that men take an active role in seed selection and storage orcash crops, which include maize, groundnut, millet and sorghum. This di erentiation can changedepending on external circumstances; in years o good harvest, some crops (e.g. groundnut) maybecome cash crops as well as ood crops.

The LinKS studies demonstrated a striking relationship between gender and seed security.Female-headed households were, on average, poorer than male-headed households and there orewere likely to be less seed-secure in terms o their ability to purchase and access seed rom externalsources (ICRISAT, FAO 2004). This observation concurs with the generally accepted ndings thatplace women and children among the poorest globally (IFAD 1998, DFID 2006).

It is important or uture studies to explore di erences in emale and male armers perception o seed and ood security. For example, the report rom the Southern Highlands mentions that armersbelie s about their seed and ood security was based on the availability o maize, the main staplecrop in the region. However, urther research may show that women might also consider other oodcrops which are important to supplement amily ood needs. Understanding gender di erences in

these contexts would help better target seed management interventions and support women inachieving greater seed and ood security.

1.3 SEED DIvERSITy AND LOCAL KNOwLEDGE

Women play a central role in managing agro-biodiversity and the knowledge o seed selection,production and supply. As women are mainly responsible or seed selection and management o traditional ood crops, they also hold a higher level o knowledge about these crops than men (FAOand ICRISAT 2004). For example:

Nutrition and health needs are most o ten womens responsibility. There ore, it is usuallywomen who are knowledgeable about the plants and animals that serve these needs,their culinary, nutritional or curative properties, and their agronomic and environmentalcharacteristics. There is a greater variety o plants and animals contributing to subsistencethan the range o products sold in the markets.

Women o ten use a broader set o selection criteria than men, since they use plants in morediverse ways (Howard 2003). Whereas men generally ocus on criteria related to agronomiccharacteristics and market value, women apply additional criteria related to ood consumption,such as palatability, taste and cooking qualities. Furthermore, men and women share criteria

related to the quality o seed, such as seed size and reedom rom pests. (FAO 2007)


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The current research shows the importance o reaching women, in particular when addressingagro-biodiversity conservation issues (GTZ 2006c). However, this remains a signi cant challenge inmany seed management interventions.

The Mozambique study revealed that crop diversity and local knowledge also vary based onage. Fewer than 30 percent o armers under the age o 45 grow more than 10 crops while nearly50 percent o those over 45 do so. The act that younger adults grow a narrower range o cropsmay be partially associated with the loss o knowledge about traditional crops. Interviewees wereasked to identi y the number o traditional seed varieties they knew or the ollowing crops: maize,rice, groundnut, cowpea, cassava and pumpkin. In all cases except cowpea a signi cantly higherpercentage o younger adults were unable to identi y a single traditional variety when comparedwith older adults. This is illustrated in Table 1 below. The LinKS data rom Mozambique coincideswith data collected rom Ethiopia that examined local knowledge related to durum wheat varieties.In Ethiopia it was ound that only men over the age o 50 were amiliar with the old varieties andknew how to cultivate them (GTZ 2006a).

Table 1. Percentage of interviewees unable to identify any traditional varieties of seed

Maize Rice Groundnut Pumpkin Cassava Cowpea

Under 45 age group 8% 13% 25% 27% 33% 10%

45 years and over 2% 5% 12% 10% 19% 12%

Source: Mozambique study (FAO and ICRISAT 2004)

The LinKS studies show that traditional knowledge is practical knowledge, applicable on aday-to-day basis. This practical knowledge links closely with seed management issues. When a

certain seed disappears, the knowledge o indigenous peoples and local communities about thesebiological resources o ten disappears too, since it is usually transmitted orally. Local knowledge isnot trans erred into ormal systems: it is still not recognized by decision-makers, despite the growingdiscussion about its value and potential contribution to policy. Additionally, there are limitations atcommunity and inter-community levels, where the knowledge is not always accessible to all socio-economic groups.


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1.4 wHAT wE HAvE LEARNED SO FAR

This section synthesizes the main observations about seed diversity and suggests anumber o key issues to include in a check-list when assessing or planning seed interventionsin the uture.

Key lessons learned include the following:

Seed diversity is important to cope with environmental and socio-economicstresses and is a cornerstone o armers livelihood strategies.

Seed diversity encompasses traditional staple crops, neglected crops, marketcrops and wild plant species, which are managed in a complex system.

There are important socio-economic and gender di erences when it comes toseed diversity, seed security and ood security which need to be understood toe ectively target any seed intervention.

Seed diversity and local knowledge are closely linked and need to be consideredand understood rom a gender-speci c perspective.

Local knowledge is based on practical experimentation and is there ore vulnerableto permanent loss i crops and varieties lose importance in the arming system.


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Socio-economic issues

To understand seed diversityin the local context, the

following questions shouldbe asked of different socio-economic groups 4 (better-offhouseholds, medium andresource-poor households),taking into account theperspectives of men andwomen 5 .

Which crops are cultivated inthe elds? Who is responsible

or cultivating which crops?Are these responsibilities

delegated according to gender,age, capability? Are wild orcollected crops included inthe diet? Are wild or collectedcrops used or other purposes(e.g. medicinal qualities,beauty products)?

Which crops are the staplecrops, which are cash crops,which are traditional andwhich are the introducedcrops? Who takes the lead incultivating these crops menor women?

Is the seed o these plantsavailable or men and womenin su cient quantity, withinreasonable proximity and in

time or planting?

Do men and women haveadequate income to accessthese seeds or other resourcesto purchase or barter or them?

Is seed supply stable over timeor do people experience acuteor chronic seed shortages?

How do local men andwomen de ne seed security?

Gender issues

To explore the differentknowledge withincommunities and amonghousehold members (andespecially between womenand men), questions shouldinclude the following:

Who takes decisions aboutthe management and resourceallocation o di erent crops?

Who is responsible orseed selection, treatmentand storage, and or seedmultiplication and exchange?

What are traditional practicesrelated to seed selection,treatment and storage, and

or seed multiplication andexchange?

4 More detailed description o thesesocio-economic groups can be

ound in the original project docu-ments.

5 Tools or socio-economic strati ca-tion and gender analysis are avail-able in FAO SEAGA material.


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The LinKS studies revealed that local and ormal seed systems co-exist, and that local seedsystems are important or seed and ood security. All three studies agree that over 95 percent o the seed used by armers derives rom local systems. This nding is substantiated by many othersources. Most o the seed planted in Tanzania is obtained through the local system (Friis-Hansen,1999; Mtenga, 1999; Mbwele et al., 2000; Rohrback et al., 2002). Mbwele et al. (2000) estimatethe gure at 96 percent o the seed sown, while Rohrback et al. (2002) estimate that only 10percent o armers have access to improved seed o maize, sorghum and pearl millet. Despite the

recognition o the importance o local seed systems and the diversity maintained in them, the ormalseed system has received more attention and nancial resources over the past decade, with the aimo producing high-yield crop varieties (Vernooy 2003).

2.1 LOCAL SEED SySTEMS

The case studies show that traditional crops and local varieties o staple crops are maintainedby local people as part o their customary practice. For small-scale armers, seed and oodproduction are not separate objectives, but are part o the same livelihood strategy (FAO 2007).Seed collection may even start in the eld during the harvest (FAO 2007), while seed selection is

carried out at the homestead or the majority o crops, such as cereals, pulses and legumes (FAOand ICRISAT 2004).

The ndings emphasize that armers have developed local coping mechanisms to acquire seedwhen there are shortages. One mechanism is to exchange seed within the village or between villages;another is to be paid in seed instead o cash or to exchange small livestock or livestock products orseed. Sometimes seed is also given or received or ree between relatives or neighbours.

Local markets or local seed traders are another source o seed as they sell it in small quantitiesat a ordable prices (FAO 2007; GTZ 2006e). When armers turn to the markets or seed, they look

rst or seed they recognize but eventually they ocus on other criteria, including availability youcan nd it on the market and access you can pay or it (FAO and ICRISAT 2004).

2.

Understanding seed systems


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The reports also show di erences in seed sources among di erent socio-economic groups.The report rom Tanzania shows that better-o households acquire seed rom up to 19 di erentsources compared with only nine di erent sources in the poorer households. Furthermore these

ndings show that men and women access equally diverse sources or seed, although the sources

themselves di er between genders (FAO 2007).

Vernooy (2006) con rms that access to resources and knowledge varies between groups o di erent social status, leading to inequities. To a large extent, resource-poor households rely onresource-endowed armers or genetic materials through armer-to- armer networks, which o tenextend beyond the village boundary (Subedi et al. 2001).

Nodal farmers

Most community members grow di erent cultivars, but some armers maintain a widerrange o diversity than others. These armers, re erred to as nodal armers, play a signi cantrole in the fow o genetic materials and occupy a relatively central position in the localnetwork o on- arm biodiversity management.

Nodal armers are those who:

grow more cultivars, including important and rare landraces, and are perceived as the diversity-minded armers o the community;

constantly search or new diversity rom within or outside the village and select or bestadaptation o plants to diverse/variable arm environments; and

acquire or distribute genetic materials.

Source: Conservation and Sustainable Use of Agricultural Biodiversity (2003); published byCIP-UPWARD in collaboration with GTZ, IDRC, IPGRI and SEARICE; Paper 33

In the LinKS studies, nodal armers play an important role in conserving local landraces. Nodalarmers were described as men and women with a strong interest in conserving traditional crops

and who were not in a higher socio-economic group. In both Tanzanian studies, nodal armers wererecognized as the guardians o local diversity. Their role in seed distribution within and betweencommunities and di erent socio-economic groups is not yet ully understood.


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2.3 INTERACTIONS BETwEEN THE LOCAL AND THE FORMAL SEED SySTEM

The LinKS studies show that the local seed system has been infuenced by the ormal systemthrough the introduction o new crops or improved varieties o local crops. Improved crop varieties were

introduced and seed was provided through the extension service. The impact o these interventionson local seed systems has not been monitored or analysed in a systematic ashion. However, thereis accumulating evidence elsewhere that unplanned and badly targeted interventions are weakeningexisting seed management processes and organizations (Timsina and Upreti; Dominguez and Jones2003; Musa 1998; Tripp 2001).

In Tanzania, Quality Declared Seed Systems (QDS) and the selection o contact armers are twomechanisms that have been established by the ormal system to improve integration on the locallevel. The QDS system is a seed quality control mechanism developed by FAO to provide a moreeasy-going approach to seed certi cation in areas where seed markets are not unctional andgovernment resources are too limited to e ectively manage comprehensive certi cation systems.Under QDS, seed producers (contact armers) are responsible or quality control, while governmentagents check only a very limited portion o seed lots and seed multiplication elds. Innovative

armers are selected by the ormal system and trained in seed production and management. The aimis to produce improved seed at the local level by empowering armers to multiply seed at reducedcost or their communities under the supervision o agricultural extension o cers. A weakness o this system is that the livelihoods and arming systems o the QDS armers are very di erent romthose o most villagers. Innovative armers are usually the wealthiest armers, so they have large

elds and use tractors; they do not use the same cultivation techniques as small armers. QDS andcontact armers were also reported to be very busy in their own elds and not to voluntarily allot timeto sharing knowledge with other armers. Only i other armers directly approached them to seek

in ormation would they share their knowledge. As a result, QDS and contact armers make up parto the male-dominated national seed system (Kessy 2006) and ocus mainly on improved varietieso selected staple crops (FAO 2007).

The LinKS studies recommend that the ormal and local systems be complementary. This positionhas been promoted by a range o di erent development organizations. GTZ and the Centre orGenetic Resources in the Netherlands (CGN) (2000) stated the ollowing: The complementarityo the ormal and local sector o ers multiple opportunities to develop a well-integrated seed sectorin which both ormal and local actors play a signi cant role. Farmers capacities and knowledgeregarding local conditions, seed selection, and traditional mechanisms o seed exchange are valuableelements in the unctioning o the local seed sector. Instead o replacing the local sector, the ormal

sector can build on these elements to address more e ectively the seed demands o small-scalearmers. The local system can be signi cantly strengthened, or instance, by introducing improved

genetic materials and adapting improved seed technology to local conditions. The limitation o the ormal sector lies in its incapacity to address widely varying agro-ecological conditions or theneeds and pre erences o small-scale armers. Farmers knowledge and capacities and armer-basedorganizations can play an important role in this respect. This knowledge and these capacities can bemobilized through participatory approaches. Participatory Plant Breeding (PPB) is one strategy thatwould make use o this knowledge (FAO, DFID, IDRC, etc.). The aim o PPB is to ensure that theresearch undertaken is relevant to the armers needs. Researchers work directly with the armers,and much o the testing takes place on the arm. (IDRC http://www.idrc.ca/in _ ocus _ seeds/ev-30549-201-1-DO _ TOPIC.html)


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Key lessons learned so far include:

Farmers make use o local and ormal systems or seed management.

The local seed system covers the majority o seed needs in communities.

Seed sources and access to in ormation di er among socio-economic groups

and between women and men.

Nodal armers play an important role in conserving a wide variety o traditional

crops.

Access to the ormal system is limited due to a number o di erent actors

including price, quantity, quality and timeliness o delivery.

Linkages between the local and ormal systems are limited.

Complementary strategies could enhance the unctioning o both systems.

Be ore planning any seed management intervention, it is important to understand the

di erences in seed demand and the fow o genetic materials or di erent socio-economic

groups (better-o , medium and poor households) and between men and women 1.

1 Source: Adapted rom Key sheets or Development in the Natural Environment, Seed Supply, DFID ODI, 1997


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Questions to be asked include:

Another important aspect toexplore is the impact elt by

armers o past and presentinterventions rom the ormal

system. As with the questionsabove, it is crucial to includemen and women rom di erentsocio-economic strata.

Are men and women armerssearching or new varieties thatmay simply require an initialintroduction o seed?

Are men and women armerspurchasing hybrids that canbe supplied by a commercialenterprise?

Do men and womenarmers have seed quality

or management problemsthat require specialized seed

enterprises or extension advice?

From whom do men andwomen usually get seed?

To whom do men and womenusually provide seed?

What are the di culties o obtaining seed rom other

people and what are thebene ts?

Additional questions to beasked to understand the localsystem include:

Are there notable di erencesin crop and variety diversitywithin the community andbetween men and women?

Who are the armers with thelargest crop and variety diversity?What is their gender, age, socio-economic position, etc?

What type o knowledge domen and women hold abouttheir crops?

How does this knowledge di erbetween men and womenand between di erent socio-economic groups?

Are these armers recognized

as seed and in ormationsources in the community (e.g.nodal armers)?

Questions to ask about thefunctioning of the formalsystem include:

Which organizations promoteor introduce seed in thecommunity? Do they targetmen and/or women?

Where do men and womenobtain seed outside thecommunity?

What are the constraints toaccessing the ormal system ormen and women?

What are the bene ts o accessing the ormal system?

Does the public researchsystem have appropriatelinks with the rest o the seedsystem to ensure the e ectivedelivery o its varieties?

Do men and women armershave access to appropriatein ormation on seedcharacteristics be ore planting?

Can men and women armersa ord access to the plantvarieties they need andcan they save, re-use and

exchange them according totheir customary practice?


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The LinKS studies sought to understand what causes change in crop diversity. To achieve this,they tried to establish links between major political and environmental events and changes inseed diversity and ood security. The in ormation was collected by developing timelines with keyin ormants rom the study villages. Three main drivers or change were identi ed by this method:

introduction o new crops and varieties;

natural climate events; changes in household structure as a result o HIV/AIDS.

The introduction o new crops and varieties was brought about by policy changes rom pre-independence to post-independence and the economic re orm era (FAO 2006), which introducedseveral di erent agricultural development programmes.

Natural climate events such as droughts and foods were identi ed as another driver or change.Repeated incidents o drought led to complete crop ailures and the need to look or new seedelsewhere. New, better, drought-resistant crops were introduced (e.g. Bambara nut) and new

varieties were acquired rom a range o sources, including labour-seed exchanges (FAO 2006). Atthe same time, heavy rain all events led to some temporal improvement or the cultivation o certaincrops such as rice and vegetables, but also led to the increase o pests and diseases.

An additional suspected driver or change is the increased incidence o HIV/AIDS. As HIV/AIDSleads to major changes in livelihood, its e ect can be observed in agricultural practices and cropdiversity.

3.The maindrivers forchange in cropdiversity


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The main drivers for change in crop diversity

3.1 IMPACT OF IMPROvED CROPS AND vARIETIES

Two main characteristics o the last economic re orm era were the orientation towards marketsand the introduction o high-yielding crops and varieties. Market orientation o ten shi ts womens

traditional control over land- and plant-based resources to men as these resources become morevaluable (Howard 2003). It can also stimulate over-exploitation in the absence o strong systemso indigenous resource control (Price 2003; Wooten 2003). The introduction o new crops andvarieties has an impact in several areas:

Agro-biodiversity: In several cases, the studies conclude that agro-biodiversity hasincreased with the introduction o improved crops and varieties. This is true in the shortterm but over a longer period o time it is likely that the new varieties will displace traditionalcrops and landraces, as the ndings rom several other cases indicate. Furthermore,this analysis does not take into account the genetic diversity contained in the di erent

varieties. Whereas local crop varieties are usually based on a wide range o geneticmaterial, improved varieties are known to have a narrow genetic base.

Food security: Although many policy programmes studied by LinKS introduced new cropsand varieties with the aim o improving ood security, there is no evidence rom thedata that this was actually achieved. Nor is there any analysis o the equity o improvedagricultural technologies, such as improved seed and ertilizer. While these interventionsmay have been bene cial or some households, they may have increased the gap betweenthe better- and less well-o in that community (Tripp 2006).

Seed management: The introduction o new crops and varieties through the ormal systemo ers the potential or armers to experiment with new seed material and to broaden theirchoice o seed supply. However, it may also undermine existing local structures as the

ormal system o ten distributes seed as part o subsidized programmes, which come withother external inputs and may bias armers selection o seed. The negative impact o seed distribution on local seed systems has been reported by a wide range o authors indi erent contexts (Dominguez and Jones 2003, Sperling et al. 2003).

3.2 INCREASED CLIMATE vARIABILITy

While climate variability was not directly addressed by the LinKS studies, climate events were

identi ed as having played an important role in crop diversity changes in the past and infuencingarmers decisions to use mixed- arming systems at present. Zhao et al. (2005) suggest thatincreasing climate variability (e.g. extreme climate events) is likely to be more important than themore gradual changes in average climate. All assessments conducted by the International Panel onClimate Change (IPCC) suggest that climate variability and climate change (primarily droughts) willgenerally have signi cant impact on almost all arming systems in A rica (Thornton 2006).

In light o this, agro-biodiversity and its decline acquire new signi cance. Agricultural geneticresources are not only alling victim to climate change; they are also o undamental importance oradapting to this change and coping with the problems it poses. Plants and animals that have hadlittle economic value until now, but which can cope with the changing climatic situation will becomemore important.


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Plant resistance to environmental stress (e.g. drought tolerance) is a multi-genetic characteristic. Itis di cult to achieve this through genetic engineering and best developed through classical breedingunder in situ conditions (GTZ 2006b). At the World Social Forum (2007) in Nairobi, Kenya, A ricancivil society organizations made the ollowing statement which emphasizes the importance o

diversity:

The uture o agriculture or A rica and the world will have to build on this biodiversityand armers knowledge, especially in the current context o climate change. The diversityo seed varieties continually developed by A rican armers will be vital to ensure that theyhave the fexibility to respond to changing weather patterns. With the challenges thatclimate change will bring, only a wealth o seed diversity maintained by armers in A ricacan o er a response to prevent severe ood crises.

3.3 THE IMPACT OF HIv/AIDS ON SEED DIvERSITy AND FOOD SECURITy

HIV/AIDS has a negative impact on seed diversity and ood security, as it urther reduces thelabour resources and economic capacities o a ected households (FAO 2007; FAO and ICRISAT2004). Female-headed households and households caring or orphans were ound to cultivate lessdiverse crops and as a consequence were more likely to be ood-insecure. They also dependedmore on collected and minor crops as a major portion o their diet (FAO 2007). These ndings aresupported elsewhere. For example, Gari (2002) concludes that HIV/AIDS causes severe labour andeconomic constraints that disrupt agricultural activities, aggravate ood insecurity and underminethe prospects o rural development.

The HIV/AIDS pandemic in southern and eastern A rica is not just a human health crisis; it alsothreatens biodiversity. Farming parents may not live long enough to pass on knowledge about localplants to the next generation (Bioversity International website 2007). Biodiversity is a casualty o theHIV/AIDS epidemic, but it can also be harnessed to help those who have become in ected and aresu ering the debilitating e ects o the virus. Most arming communities in the region have almostno access to anti-retroviral medication, so proper nutrition may be the only means they have toboost their immune system. All over the continent, people are turning to plants or treatment, puttingpressure on biodiversity and threatening several species. Research is needed to look at the e cacyo these plant-based treatments and to study options or cultivating them to ease the pressure onthe environment. This is especially important in relation to endangered tree species with medicinalproperties, which are currently being overexploited and extracted or purposes supposedly related

to the treatment o HIV/AIDS.


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The main drivers for change in crop diversity


There are several drivers that impact crop diversity: introduction o new crops

and varieties; natural climate events; changes in household structure as a result

o HIV/AIDS.

Introduction o new crops and improved varieties is one o the main drivers that

impacts agro-biodiversity, ood security and seed management.

There is a need or the ormal sector to recognize the impact o climate change

and address the new challenges.

Long-term diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, are a driver or change due to their

negative impact on amily resources.


18/18


6 Questions adapted rom Anderson2006.

Questions to address todifferent socio-economicgroups to gain a better

understanding of the impactof new crops and varietiesinclude the following 6 :

Is the number o plant varietiesper crop grown by men andwomen in the locality stable,

increasing or decreasing?

Is the amount o land devotedto modern cultivars increasingor decreasing? Are theregender di erences in theallocation o land? Are thereany compensating measuresin place, such as allocation o small plots or traditional crops?

Is the number o male andemale armers engaged in

in situ management o PlantGenetic Resources or Foodand Agriculture (PGRFA) stable,increasing or decreasing?

Is the number o varieties o traditional crops used in oodproduction including staple

crops stable or increasing?

Are there e orts to broadenthe genetic bases o crops withnarrow genetic bases?

Can armers a ord access tothe plant varieties they needand can they save, reuse andexchange them according to

their customary practices?

Questions that address theimpact of extreme weatherevents and climate changeinclude:

What are the main criteriawhen selecting new crops andvarieties?

How requently do youexperience drought in this area?

How many o your crops andvarieties are tolerant to drought?

Are those mainly local cropsand varieties or are theyimproved crops and varieties?

How do you cope in years withextreme drought?

The issue of long-term diseaseis very sensitive to discusswith household members. Toobtain meaningful information,the project needs to establisha strong relationship of trustbefore being able to explorethis aspect in any detail.However, a few preliminaryquestions can be asked,including:

Do HIV/AIDS-a ectedhouseholds have the sameaccess to seeds and oodas other households in thecommunity?

What are the main crops andood sources that HIV/AIDS-

a ected households rely on or

ood security?

Are HIV/AIDS-a ectedhouseholds involved in the

ormal and/or in ormal seedsystem?

Understanding Change in Crop and Seed Diversity - Part 3

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