UK International Priorities -...
Transcript of UK International Priorities -...
UK International PrioritiesA Strategy for the FCO
Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs
by Command of Her Majesty
December 2003
Cm 6052 £16.25
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1
The defeat of Communism was a victory
for liberty and democracy which lifted
the threat of global nuclear confrontation.
When the cold war ended the world
became a better place, although we
have faced a dangerous aftermath.
Managing that aftermath in the Balkans
and elsewhere was our biggest challenge
for several years.
But after 11 September 2001 we
understood that we had entered a new
era. We now see that problems and
threats whose gravity we may previously
have underestimated require new and
more urgent responses. How we react
now will shape our future.
International terrorism and the spread
of weapons of mass destruction have
emerged as potentially the most
catastrophic dangers to our national
security in the early twenty-first century.
These threats can arise across the world
and are taking new forms. We need to
understand them and to act to neutralise
them.
It is clear also that success in this will
require action on a wider agenda
of issues such as international crime,
environmental degradation, state failure,
disease, poverty and conflict. These
problems are of great importance in
themselves if we want a more just and
prosperous world, and can also create
the conditions in which new direct
threats to international security develop.
Foreword by the Foreign Secretary
It is a guiding principle of UK foreign policy that to promote our national interests
and values we need to be active and engaged around the world. This has never
been truer than today.
Since 1997 the Labour Government has helped to reshape Europe after the cold
war. We have championed wider EU and NATO membership and confronted
dictatorship in Kosovo. Outside Europe we have used our leading role in the UN,
the EU and other international bodies to promote peace and security in Sierra
Leone, East Timor, the Middle East and the sub-continent. We have joined military
action to confront terrorism in Afghanistan and to enforce Security Council
decisions in Iraq. Across the world we have worked to alleviate poverty and
defend human rights.
They constitute a global agenda affecting
all countries; they are linked to each other;
and we need to address them before
they lead to crises. We can only do that
together with others, especially with the
EU and the United States.
The action in Iraq sent a powerful
signal to regimes who persistently flout
international law. But it also revealed
serious disagreement between our most
important international partners about
how we should act collectively and
rapidly to defend international security
from dangers we have not faced in the
past.
To overcome this we shall need to agree
how far we should become involved in
problems that some might argue do not
directly concern us. We cannot, however,
afford to stand aside, because in this
complex, interdependent world such
problems will have a wider impact.
We shall need to be ready to use all
the instruments we have - aid, advice,
training, pressure and, if appropriate,
military force - to protect ourselves and
others from harm. And we shall need to
agree in the UN the principles on which
such action will be based.
To be sure that we are ready to tackle
this changing agenda I asked the FCO
last year to consider some fundamental
questions about our future approach.
What do we expect to be the
international priorities for the UK in the
next decade? What exactly will the role
of the FCO be in working on them? How
should we be organised to pursue with
others an active, engaged and modern
foreign policy?
This document is a first, but not a
definitive, answer. It has been discussed
with the Prime Minister and Cabinet
colleagues. This is the first time that
the FCO has published such a paper.
I shall welcome wider debate on the
questions it raises. It will be the basis
for future FCO business planning and
is supported by a programme for
internal change in the FCO and closer
co-ordination across Government on
international policy.
The key policy questions are considered
in more detail in the chapters which
follow. Some important underlying
lessons have also emerged about the
nature of modern diplomacy.
Today, international affairs are of direct
concern to us all. This is partly because
dramatic things are happening around
the world. It is also because foreign
affairs are no longer really foreign. What
happens elsewhere increasingly affects us
at home, and the FCO and its Embassies
Foreword by the Foreign Secretary
2
abroad support many domestic policy
objectives. We help the UK economy by
working to reduce trade barriers and
assisting businesses; we help to protect
the UK from terrorism, drugs and crime;
we help to tackle illegal immigration;
we promote educational contacts -
and so on.
Moreover, what happens around the
world is increasingly beyond the full
control of states, let alone foreign
ministries. The people behind terrorism,
proliferation and international crime
may operate outside any jurisdiction.
The international influence of private
sector organisations and of individuals
also continues to grow. In different
ways, both these factors challenge
the traditional methods of conducting
relations between states.
In response, the FCO now works
closely with a wide range of people
and organisations - Members of
Parliament, the Devolved Administrations,
Local Government, businesses, non-
governmental organisations (NGOs),
Trade Unions, the media, academics and
members of the public. We should not
duplicate what others can do better.
Our aim is to facilitate and guide their
international activity.
Providing direct services to British citizens
abroad is an ever more important part of
our work. FCO consular and visa services,
and our support for business, are essential
if the UK is to prosper in today’s world.
They are the part of the FCO which most
people know and by which they judge us.
Increasingly they throw up difficult policy
problems, for example in our advice to
travellers. I am committed to achieving
consistent, high quality public services,
as part of the Prime Minister’s initiative
to modernise Government.
At the same time the FCO must preserve
the diplomatic expertise, knowledge and
professionalism that are its core strength,
rightly admired across the world. But if it
is to adapt successfully to the changes
this document describes it will need to
be focused on new priorities, more flexible
in responding to change, more open
and better equipped to serve the public.
This will require changes to our structures
and working practices, and far-sighted
management. And, as our country
becomes more diverse, the FCO needs to
engage with all its people and represent
the full range of their interests, conveying
a modern image of the UK abroad.
The purpose of this Strategy is therefore
to clarify our priorities, so that we can
concentrate the efforts of the FCO where
they are most needed, build flexibility and
capacity to respond to the unexpected,
and so best serve the UK and its citizens.
Jack Straw
3
4
Chapter 1 examines the role of the
FCO - what we do and how we do it.
(Page 6)
Chapter 2 looks at the world in the next
ten years, analysing trends that will affect
the UK. (Page 12)
Chapter 3 considers the UK’s future role
in the international system and our key
relationships. (Page 24)
Chapter 4 draws on this analysis to set
new UK strategic international policy
priorities for the next decade. It also
describes in more detail how the FCO will
pursue these in the short term, and the
countries and regions on which we will
focus. (Page 30)
Chapter 5 does the same for the FCO’s
service delivery priorities. (Page 46)
Chapter 6 examines the implications
for the FCO’s network of Posts abroad.
(Page 54)
Chapter 7 describes how we are
changing our organisation and working
practices. (Page 58)
Chapter 8 explains how we intend to
put this Strategy into practice. (Page 62)
Introduction
This Strategy sets policy, public service and organisational priorities to guide the
FCO’s planning for its work over the next ten years.
6
Responsibilities
The role of the FCO is to co-ordinate and
pursue UK policies abroad. We give expert
advice and support to the whole of
Government in order to strengthen UK
influence and bring about international
actions that advance UK interests.
In its agreed objectives for 2003-061,
the FCO has four specific policy
responsibilities: promoting the security
of the UK within a safer, more peaceful
world; improving prosperity in the UK and
worldwide through effective economic
and political governance globally;
promoting a strong role for the UK in
a strong Europe responsive to people’s
needs; and making sure that UK Overseas
Territories are secure and well governed.
We share responsibility with the Ministry
of Defence and the Department for
International Development for preventing
conflict; with the Home Office for
regulating entry into the UK; and with
the Department of Trade and Industry
and the Department for International
Development for reducing trade barriers.
We also provide services to the public
in the UK and abroad2:
• our consular services include travel
advice, issuing passports, assistance
when people encounter difficulties
abroad, and help to obtain access
to justice in foreign countries
• with the Home Office, through UKvisas,
we issue visas to people visiting the UK
and help to implement immigration
policy
The role of the FCO
1 Like all Government Departments, the
FCO has a number of agreed objectives
for each Government spending period.
We pursue these objectives through a
Public Service Agreement (PSA) with
the Treasury, including joint targets
with the Ministry of Defence,
Department for International
Development, Department of Trade
and Industry and Home Office.The
full objectives and PSA targets can be
found in the FCO’s Business Plan of
May 2003.
2 Chapter 5 gives further information
about these services and their funding.
For the UK, in a world of global communications and markets, there is no longer
a clear distinction between domestic and foreign policy. What happens in other
parts of the world affects us in many ways. Our security and prosperity depend
increasingly on international action and negotiation. So the FCO’s work matters to
people in the UK and contributes to the domestic priorities of the Government.
Our diplomacy has a strong reputation for activism and professionalism. The
objective is not to promote “good relations” with other countries for the sake of it.
We aim to work with others, at home and abroad, to make a positive difference
in the world - for the benefit of people in the UK and elsewhere. Our purpose
is to work for UK interests in a safe, just and prosperous world.
7
• with the Department of Trade and
Industry, through UK Trade and
Investment, we help companies in
the UK to become more competitive
by promoting overseas sales and
investment and attracting quality
foreign direct investment to the UK
• we provide information to the public
on policy issues and on our services.
Resources
The FCO finances and manages
233 Embassies, High Commissions,
Consulates and Missions to international
organisations3. These are the UK’s
diplomatic Posts abroad. They are linked
to the headquarters in London in a single,
global network in which we employ
almost 6,000 UK-based staff and 10,000
local staff4.
The network and its staff are the means
by which the FCO pursues UK policy
objectives and serves UK citizens abroad.
It costs under £1 billion a year5
(about
a quarter of one percent of total public
expenditure6). From its total budget of
just over £1.5 billion, the FCO also funds
the BBC World Service and the British
Council7, and pays UK contributions
to international organisations8.
How we work
In London we give foreign policy advice
to Ministers and ensure that international
angles are taken into account in
Whitehall’s policy process. We negotiate
with other capitals and advise on how to
achieve UK objectives in other countries
and in international organisations. We
ensure that the Government’s complex
dealings with other countries are
coherently managed.
In our Posts abroad, staff from the
FCO, members of other Government
Departments and the Armed Forces, and
local staff of many nationalities advance
the policies of the Government and
provide the public services described
above. They are expert at gathering,
analysing and sharing information, and
at international negotiation. They help to
form policy in London, and to advocate
and implement it abroad. They help other
countries on issues like security, human
rights and democracy building.
In many places abroad FCO staff take up
high profile and sometimes dangerous
positions: for example advising the
President of Afghanistan, guiding the
political and economic reconstruction
of Iraq, or working on the front line in
the West Bank.
3 Of the FCO’s 233 Posts, 153 are Embassies
or High Commissions in foreign capitals
and ten are UK Representations
or Delegations to international
organisations or conferences.The others
are Consulates, Deputy High Commissions
and British Offices. In addition, 38 Posts
are staffed entirely by local staff. We have
resident Governors in 9 of the 14 Overseas
Territories.
4 UK-based staff are recruited and
employed by the FCO in the UK. When
serving abroad they are considered to
be on an overseas posting. Local staff
are recruited and employed by overseas
Posts under local employment law.
5 In the FCO’s budgetary settlement, this is
divided into administration, programme
and capital budgets. Most of the
administration budget is spent on staff
salaries and related costs, which are
central to our core diplomatic functions.
Programme spending is a relatively small
part of the FCO’s budget.The Global
Opportunities Fund is the FCO’s largest
programme - currently averaging some
£30 million a year. We use it to advance
our major policy priorities. We also
spend around £35 million per year on
scholarships, mainly through the
Chevening scheme.The allocation of
capital spending is changing as the FCO
is investing more in modern information
and communications technology
systems.
6 Based on Office of National Statistics
(ONS) figures for 2002-3 Total Managed
Expenditure.
7 The British Council and BBC World Service
are independent, but receive fixed grants
from the FCO.The British Council
promotes British values, ideas and
achievements and strengthens relations
between the UK and other countries. It is
present in 109 countries.The BBC World
Service provides international news,
analysis and information in English and
42 other languages through a global
network of correspondents. It has
complete editorial independence.
8 These elements are fixed in the FCO’s
budgetary settlement.
8
Working with others
International relations are no longer
channelled solely between governments.
Although private official communication
between the FCO in London and our
Posts abroad remains an essential
diplomatic tool, we now work as openly as
we can in networks between Posts, within
Government, with representatives of other
countries, and with Parliament and the
Devolved Administrations, the media,
academics, NGOs, business and the public.
The FCO gives support for the Prime
Minister’s involvement in foreign policy,
which is essential for the UK’s international
impact. We work more and more closely
with others in Whitehall on areas of
shared policy interest. We enable Ministers
and officials from across Government to
advance UK interests and to learn from
other countries when they travel abroad
and deal with foreign counterparts.
Public diplomacy
Active and professional public diplomacy
- projecting the image and values of the
UK, explaining our policies, targeting our
messages and influencing international
debate and decisions - is an increasingly
important part of our work. This work is
overseen by a Public Diplomacy Strategy
Board, including representatives of the
British Council, the BBC World Service,
UK Trade and Investment and VisitBritain.
Promoting our strengths in education,
science and technology, culture and the
English language, where the British
Council plays a major role, is a key to
maximising the UK’s international
influence.
What we contribute
So the FCO provides the country and
the Government with:
• a long term investment in a diplomatic
network of Posts and influence across
the world, on behalf of the UK as a
whole
• a professional staff with knowledge of
languages, countries and international
organisations, and with political,
economic, analytical, communication,
management and service delivery skills,
who are prepared to undertake a
mobile career and are expert in working
on international issues.
The role of the FCO
9
The key contribution of our network
and staff lies in:
• co-ordination and leadership of the
UK’s international policies
• expert foreign policy advice for
Ministers and the Prime Minister,
feeding into the wider policy process
• pursuing UK interests in crisis areas
around the world
• negotiating for the UK with other
countries and in international
organisations
• rapid gathering, analysis and targeting
of information for the Government and
others
• promoting and explaining UK policies
to public audiences around the world,
to shape opinion on issues which
matter to us
• direct services abroad to UK citizens
and business
• organising international contacts
for members of the Royal Family,
Parliamentarians, Ministers, business
people and others.
P R O F I L E
Working together to make a difference
Britain and Jamaica have strong links through trade, tourism
and the 600,000-strong British Jamaican community. We also
have a shared problem: drugs and crime. Twenty per cent of the
cocaine sold in Britain comes through Jamaica, because it is
a convenient transit point for South American drug gangs.
In our High Commission in
Kingston people from ten different
UK Government Departments
work together and with the
Jamaican authorities to fight
crime and tackle the underlying
causes. They are making a
difference:
• cracking down on Class A drugs:
the number of cocaine couriers
arrested in Jamaica has more
than doubled in a year
• promoting stability: by training
the Jamaican Defence Force and
police
• addressing poverty: the UK
aid programme of about
£4.5 million a year includes
education projects and work
to combat inner-city poverty
• managing migration: a new
visa regime has cut queuing
time for Jamaicans arriving at
UK airports from two and a
half hours to 20 minutes.
12
A new agenda
The UK has a long history of involvement
all around the world. In the last century
we played a crucial role in two world wars.
We have an open trading economy,
the fourth largest in the world, and we
are the second largest source of foreign
investment after the US. We belong to
more international organisations than any
other country except France, and we are
a permanent member of the UN Security
Council. Strong diplomatic and military
traditions are part of our historical legacy,
and so is our inclination towards an active,
global foreign policy.
Our major foreign policy priorities of the
last 15 years were centred on achieving
stability in Europe after the cold war.
They included helping to manage the
reunification of Germany and the
disintegration of the Soviet Union
and Yugoslavia; to build security and
democracy in central and eastern
Europe; to renew the architecture and
membership of the EU and NATO; and to
set new foundations for the transatlantic
relationship. These have been remarkable
achievements.
The world in the next ten years
To plan ahead, and to set priorities, we need to understand the context in which UK
international policy will be made. This means understanding strategic changes that
have taken place or are now happening; identifying the most significant future
trends and drivers of change; and analysing how they will affect UK interests and
the relationships that connect us to the rest of the world.
This chapter sets out our central operating assumptions about future developments.
They have been discussed across Government and can no doubt be further
improved by informed public debate. Because the world is complex and uncertain
our aim is not to predict the future, but to try to identify priorities and to be as well
prepared as possible to respond to unexpected events.
We have considered a range of scenarios, many of which would entail far greater
political or economic dislocation than is described below. But since we cannot plan
for every eventuality, the approach we have chosen is to organise our work around
an agreed set of probabilities, and then keep them constantly under review.
13
The end of the cold war brought great
benefits, among them widespread
economic liberalisation and the spread
of democracy and human rights to many
parts of the world. But there were also
negative shock waves. For example
conflicts have multiplied in Africa, and
state failure in countries that were often
formerly superpower clients poses a
growing challenge to world order.
These negative consequences were
brought into sharp relief by the attack of
11 September 2001, and then by Iraq. The
international reaction to Al Qaida and the
decision to take military action against
Iraq have underlined how fundamentally
the landscape of foreign policy has
changed - for other countries as well
as the UK.
Globalisation has become a reality, for
both good and ill. International flows of
goods, money, knowledge and people
offer opportunities for progress and
wealth creation. But they also make it
easier for criminals to operate across
frontiers. Trans-border problems such
as proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction (WMD), international terrorism
and crime are a growing danger. Disease,
environmental change and resource
shortages can undermine peace and
development. Interdependence means
that rich countries can more easily be
affected by the consequences of turmoil
or hostility in poorer parts of the world.
Globalisation has become a political as
well as an economic phenomenon.
In this changing landscape the United
States has achieved unequalled political
and military power, but has also been
shown to be vulnerable. The attacks of 11
September 2001 made the US more ready
to use its power to defend its interests
and pre-empt threats. How the US acts
in the future, and the impact of this on
relations between the US and European
countries, will have a crucial influence on
the course of UK foreign policy. So, too,
will the degree of progress we make in
developing the capacity of the EU in
foreign, security and defence policy,
and in making the EU a more effective
international actor.
International trends and drivers of change
How do we expect the world to change in
the next ten years, and how will this affect
the UK?
Security: the focus of our security and
defence policy will be on understanding
and countering new threats, often from
non-state actors empowered by new
technologies, and originating outside
Europe.
The risk to western democracies of
conventional military attack from other
states or alliances will be small. The use
of WMD against us, and terrorist attacks
on western targets around the world,
now constitute the most potentially
catastrophic threats to UK security. The
major western countries will need to
14
tackle these threats assertively using a
wide range of instruments. Preventing
states from acquiring or spreading WMD
will remain a top priority. The highest
concern of all will be to prevent
international terrorist groups acquiring
nuclear or biological weapons.
Regional tensions are a major incentive for
proliferation. Serious flashpoints are likely
to remain and may intensify: between
India and Pakistan, in the Middle East, on
the Korean peninsula and in the Taiwan
Strait. Some other crisis regions should
be on the way to rehabilitation; in the
Balkans, some countries will join the
EU and/or NATO within the next decade,
with the rest well on the way. But there
will be setbacks too.
Terrorism and proliferation are linked
to other forms of international criminal
activity, such as trafficking in drugs and
people and money-laundering. These
activities will in their own right pose
an increasingly serious and immediate
challenge to domestic security in the
UK and other open societies. Countering
them will be a high priority.
Insecurity will be far more acute in the
daily life of people in many developing
countries, above all in Africa. Lack of
access to water and other resources,
corruption, disease and state failure are
all causes of poverty and internal conflicts.
As it becomes clearer that their
consequences can directly affect
international security, we expect a
stronger international commitment to
finding more effective and co-ordinated
approaches to dealing with state failure,
conflict prevention and post-conflict
reconstruction.
This will involve efforts to reach a clearer
consensus on principles justifying the
use of force for humanitarian purposes,
conflict stabilisation and timely action
against terrorism or threatening WMD
capabilities. The UK will play a leading
part in this debate, arguing for active
responses to shared international
problems and early action to prevent
conflict.
As doctrine and practice on international
intervention develop, the role of the
UK armed forces will continue to shift
towards deployments in crisis areas
around the world. Our ability to project
armed force will be a key instrument of
our foreign policy. NATO and the EU will
face a continuing challenge to develop
ways of tackling new security problems
outside Europe. This may be complicated
by the fact that the gap between US and
EU military capabilities will grow wider.
Ideology and Religion: political ideology
will not be the destructive and divisive
force in Europe and other parts of the
developed world that it was in the
twentieth century. The ideology of liberal
democracy and the market economy is
well established and will spread further.
The world in the next ten years
15
The possible confrontations of ideas most
likely to affect the UK and other western
democracies in the early twenty-first
century stem from religion and culture.
Religious belief is coming back to the
fore as a motivating force in international
relations. In some cases it is distorted to
cloak political purposes. The question will
arise most obviously in relations between
western democracies and some Islamic
countries or groups, despite the
underlying shared values of our faiths
and cultures.
The causes of tension in this relationship
are complex: the Israel/Palestine problem,
if not resolved, will continue to provide
their most obvious focus. Religious
tensions abroad, for example on the
sub-continent, may affect our domestic
security and will have an impact on the
UK’s increasingly multicultural society9.
Managing relations with Islamic countries
and peoples will be one of the most
important strategic challenges for the
UK and other western democracies in the
next decade and beyond. We shall need
to improve our understanding of their
religious and political motivation. Our
own Muslim communities will have a
vital role to play. The agenda will include a
serious effort to support peaceful political
and social reform in countries of the Arab
world.
9 In the 2001 Census, 71.7% of the
population in England and Wales
identified themselves as Christians
(over 37 million), 3.0% as Muslims
(1.5 million), 1.1% as Hindus (550,000),
0.6% as Sikhs (330,000) and 0.5%
as Jewish (260,000). 14.8% of the
population stated that they had no
religion (over 7.5 million). 7.7% did
not state their religion (four million).
Source: Office of National Statistics
(ONS).
P R O F I L E
Active engagement around the world
Preventing and resolving internal conflicts in states is one
of the greatest challenges for the next decade. The UK’s
involvement in Sierra Leone offers an excellent example. A brief
deployment by well-armed UK troops helped UN peacekeepers
bring an end to a brutal civil war. We have since been helping
to disarm the rebels, train a new Sierra Leone army, organise
democratic elections, rebuild the country, and bring war
criminals to justice.
It is essential to sustain the
commitment. Experience shows
that countries emerging from
conflict often slip back into
violence unless the underlying
causes are addressed. In Sierra
Leone, one of the key issues was
the struggle for control of the
country’s diamond wealth. To
address this, we championed a
pioneering international initiative
- the “Kimberley Process” - to ban
the trade in “blood” diamonds
from conflict zones.
16
Economics: the US will remain by far
the world’s dominant national economy.
The expanded EU will remain a major
economic power with an aggregate
GDP fairly close to that of the US, but
growing less rapidly. We expect the Euro
to consolidate its international status and
become a more popular reserve currency;
and the economies of the EU to become
more integrated and interdependent.
Japan will remain the second largest
national economy in the next decade.
China may overtake Germany to become
the third largest. This would put the three
biggest national economies on the
Pacific Rim.
International private capital and trade
flows should increase, although the rate
of increase may slow. These flows will
become more diverse as labour-intensive
industries move to the developing world;
as World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules
are more widely applied; and as trade
barriers are squeezed further.
The challenge for the UK economy
will be to compete on unique value and
innovation. International trade, foreign
direct investment and commercialisation
of new technology will be crucial to this.
The emphasis of UK Government activity
in this area will shift further to the UK
regions and to improving business skills.
The world in the next ten years
Chart 1: Nominal GDP projections for the largest world economies
and EU25
EU25
US
Japan
Germany
UK
France
Italy
China
Spain
Canada
Mexico
India
South Korea
Netherlands
Australia
Brazil
Russia
2003 2013
Source: Approximate FCO projections based on data from the Economist Intelligence Unit.
US $ billions
0 2,000 4,000 6,000 8,000 10,000 12,000 14,000 16,000 18,000 20,000
17
Global economic inequalities are likely to
increase and, with them, political tensions
between the wealthier and poorer
countries. Efforts to combat poverty
and promote sustainable development
will have mixed results. The Millennium
Development Goals10 will not be attained
if developed and developing countries
do not show more serious commitment.
Africa will continue to be the global back-
marker in health, life expectancy, security,
governance and development. Because
of the scale and nature of its problems,
Africa will become an increasingly urgent
regional priority in the next decade,
second only perhaps to the Middle East.
The cumulative impact of AIDS will
be devastating for the economies and
societies of much of southern and central
Africa and will have serious consequences
in areas where infections are still rising
rapidly, including Asia, parts of eastern
Europe and the former Soviet Union.
Population: the demographic balance
of the developed world will be broadly
stable over the next decade, but ageing
or declining populations will affect public
policy in areas such as migration, taxation
and public services. The pension burden
will grow. These problems will be more
acute in Europe than in the US. In the UK,
the population is expected to rise from
59 million in 2003 to around 61 million in
2013. The over-60s age group is projected
to grow from 21 per cent of the UK
population today to 30 per cent in 2050 11.
10 For details of the Millennium
Development Goals, see the text box
on page 40.
11 Government Actuary’s Department
(GAD), interim 2001-based principal
population projections, 2002.
Chart 2: Population projections to 2015 and 2050
EU25
US
Japan
Germany
UK
France
Italy
China
Spain
Canada
Mexico
India
South Korea
Netherlands
Australia
Brazil
Russia
0 200 400 600 800 1,000 1,200 1,400 1,600
2003 2015 2050
Source: UN population division.
Population (millions)
18
The growth of young populations in
North Africa, the Middle East, Latin
America and much of Asia will place
strains on natural resources and on social
stability. Greater awareness of wealth
disparities, and frustration at a lack of
opportunities, may find expression in
political or religious extremism as much
as in campaigns for democracy and
modernity. This risk is pronounced in the
Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia.
Population movements will be a growing
international concern. The desire for
security and prosperity will attract
economic migrants to Europe and North
America. Although these regions will
need economically active people, the
administrative constraints on “moving
north” will remain tight12.
Movements within or between
developing countries are likely to
be much larger - for example as the
consequence of uneven development
in Asia. The major “push” factors behind
all forms of migration will be poverty,
insecurity and resource shortages.
The volume of temporary movements
through tourism and business travel
will also increase.
Environmental change: we expect a
greater sense of urgency about tackling
global environmental issues. In the next
decade, climate change is expected to
result in higher surface temperatures
and sea levels. The world will experience
damage to its biological, social and
economic systems from flooding and
drought, lower crop yields in tropical and
sub-tropical regions, and higher incidence
of malaria and water-borne diseases.
The impact on sustainable development
could be severe in vulnerable areas of
Africa, Asia and Latin America. We expect
biodiversity to continue to decline, despite
international efforts to slow the rate of
loss.
Energy: there will be a significant
increase in the demand for energy -
mostly outside the major developed
economies and especially in East Asia.
The UK will shortly become a net importer
of gas, relying on sources in countries
such as Norway, Russia, Algeria and Iran.
Existing oil resources are adequate to
meet global demand, and new offshore
oil and gas reserves may be significant.
The Gulf will remain the main oil-
supplying region.
The world in the next ten years
12 An estimate published by the
Government Actuary’s Department in
2003 suggested a level of net migration
to the UK of around 130,000 per
annum for the years 2003-2004
onwards (GAD, 2002-based principal
projections, 2003).
19
Chart 3: Change in summer temperature for the 2020s, 2050s and 2080s for
low emissions and high emissions scenarios
Source: UK Climate Impacts Programme 2002 Climate Change Scenarios (funded by Department for Environment,
Food and Rural Affairs, produced by Tyndall and Hadley Centres for the UK Climate Impacts Programme).
60N
57N
54N
51N
60N
57N
54N
51N
9W 6W 3W 0 3E
9W 6W 3W 0 3E 9W 6W 3W 0 3E 9W 6W 3W 0 3E
9W 6W 3W 0 3E 9W 6W 3W 0 3E
60N
57N
54N
51N
60N
57N
54N
51N
Low
emissio
ns
Hig
h em
ission
s
Degrees C
0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5
2020s 2050s 2080s
20
Supply and demand in the world energy
market will diversify, driven by the
emergence of new technologies and
suppliers; pressure to reduce carbon
emissions; and the desire for security of
supply. Emissions trading will become
widely accepted. The long-term shift
towards renewables and better energy
efficiency will gather pace. In the
EU, liberalisation will lead to more
competitive, integrated EU energy
markets. Increasing dependence on
international energy infrastructure will
be an important factor in international
relations.
Technology: technological advance
has been the most important driver of
change in recent years: for globalisation
and increased prosperity, to spread
information, and as a means to
tackle disease, food shortages and
environmental change. It also has a
negative side: technological advances can
facilitate crime and reinforce economic
inequalities. We expect progress to
continue at a similar or greater pace. Since
only a small percentage of the scientific
research and development that underpins
technological advance will be conducted
in the UK, international collaboration and
sharing of results will remain important
for us.
The world in the next ten years
Chart 4: Internet use
US
China
Japan
Germany
UK
India
Brazil
Russia
South Africa
0 50 100 150 200 250
% of the population using the Internet
Growth of Internet users between 2000-2003 (%)
Source: Internet World Stats: www.internetworldstats.com/stats.htm
21
Technological advance will have far
reaching implications for the conduct of
international relations, already dramatically
altered in the space of only a few years by
the mobile phone, the Internet and e-mail.
The wider take up of these technologies
will continue to weaken traditional
concepts of state sovereignty and to
alter the ways in which wars are fought
and societies interact. In some cases,
like biotechnology, controversial
advances may require new international
mechanisms for monitoring and control.
Wider participation: one consequence
of new technology and globalisation,
and of the greater openness of our own
society, is the growing impact of a wider
variety of participants in international
relations. The media have acquired great
power to drive the international agenda
by forming public attitudes and
generating pressure on governments.
Their role, and those of businesses and
NGOs, will be still more important in
future. They will contribute to stronger
popular demands for accountability,
and to pressure for governments to
focus on the environment, poverty and
other aspects of the “global agenda”.
International contacts at levels of
government below the state, such as
regions and Devolved Administrations,
will also become more significant.
In this context it will be even more
important for diplomats to be skilled in
public diplomacy and communication.
As use of the English language increases
around the world, education and culture
will become more important tools for
spreading UK influence.
24
The United Nations will continue to be
at the heart of this, and our permanent
membership of the Security Council
will remain a crucial asset. After the Iraq
crisis, attention will focus on how the
UN can act more effectively to protect
international peace and security. There
will be pressure for reform of the Security
Council, to make its membership more
representative of the modern world,
or to amend the power of veto. The UK
will continue to advocate reform. Our
priority will be to improve the Council’s
ability to act promptly and effectively to
maintain international peace and security.
The UN, through its Agencies, will
also remain the central international
organisation in many areas of economic
and social policy. There will be continuing
demands for rationalisation of UN bodies
and budgets to improve efficiency and
strengthen collective action in this field.
The UK will support the UN Secretary-
General in tackling this agenda.
We also expect growing pressure for a
more representative distribution of formal
and informal power in other international
institutions and groups. The International
Monetary Fund, World Bank and World
The UK in the international system:institutions and relationships
The main characteristics of this emerging international scene are uncertainty, fluidity
and the way in which issues overlap. Most of the problems we face will require
responses at different levels, using a variety of national and international instruments.
The system of international relations will continue to be built on states. In most parts
of the world they will remain the strongest source of legitimacy for governments
and identity for individuals. But as the global agenda of shared concerns lengthens,
more and more issues will be dealt with collectively in ways that will further
challenge traditional interpretations of state sovereignty.
No state - not even the US - will be able to pursue its objectives in isolation.
The UK will need and want to work with others to pursue its active policies, through
a wide range of alliances and institutions such as the EU, the UN, the G8, NATO
and the Commonwealth. UK interests will lie in supporting an effective system for
multilateral co-operation, based in international law, as the best way to maximise
our influence in the world and solve the global problems before us.
25
Trade Organisation will begin to be less
dominated by Europe and North America.
G8 efforts at “outreach” are likely to
intensify in order to develop stronger
partnerships with regional leaders such
as Brazil, Mexico and South Africa. The
G20, an informal group of developed and
emerging economies, may take on a more
significant role. The Commonwealth will
remain a valuable informal group for the
promotion of common values and
interests across the world.
The UK’s most significant partnerships
with other countries will be within the
EU and with the US.
The UK will remain a committed and
active member of the European Union,
and strengthening our influence within
the EU will be one of our highest
priorities. Our relationships with other
members will become even more
important, and will be of a different
quality from those with other countries
because of the advanced system of
international co-operation we have
developed through pooling areas of
sovereignty. Economic, political and
personal links will continue to strengthen,
making the EU still more central to many
of the UK’s domestic policy priorities.
The UK may, after a referendum, decide
to go further by joining the Euro. The
continuing success of the EU will depend
above all on sustaining economic
dynamism through reform.
We will continue to seek closer
relationships with France, Germany and
other EU partners, and to make effective
use of the EU institutions, as we pursue
our domestic and international goals.
After 2004, enlargement and the Inter-
Governmental Conference will change
the way the EU works internally and affect
its policy agenda. New medium term
priorities affecting external relations will
include judicial co-operation, immigration
and asylum.
The EU will become progressively more
important for the delivery of a wide range
of UK international policy priorities, not
only in the fields of trade, economic co-
operation and development. In foreign
and security policy, changes agreed in the
2003-4 Inter-Governmental Conference
could significantly strengthen the ways
the EU acts collectively. The UK’s objective
will be to make the EU a stronger player,
better able to pursue common policies
globally as well as in its own
neighbourhood. More important
than institutional changes will be the
determination of EU member states to
make this happen - and to develop
stronger capabilities to pursue our
security interests in partnership with
the US.
26
The United States, as the world’s single
superpower, will continue to set much
of the international agenda. However
US domestic politics evolve, the US will
seek to exercise global leadership in
responding to new strategic challenges.
In doing so, it will seek international
support where possible, but will be
reluctant to be impeded by others in
pursuing what it considers to be US
national interests.
Our relationship with the US will continue
to be the UK’s most important individual
relationship and a vital asset. It will
be essential to achieving many of our
objectives, especially in ensuring our
security. We will aim to use the
relationship to advance UK and wider
international interests, and to enhance
our influence, in part through multilateral
channels, particularly the EU, NATO and
the UN. We will encourage effective US
leadership in strengthening international
institutions.
The relationship between Europe and
the US will be of paramount importance
for the UK’s - and the world’s - future
security and prosperity. It will remain
a relationship rooted in economic
interdependence, shared values and many
common interests. We expect NATO to
remain the principal institution binding
Europe and the US together.
But different approaches to important
areas of domestic and international policy
are likely to continue to cause friction.
This could be exacerbated by the
erosion, since the cold war, of a clearly
understood sense of common purpose;
the emergence of new US strategic
priorities outside Europe; and divergence
between US and European attitudes
towards the use of power.
To flourish, the relationship will
require close attention. Strengthening
commitment on both sides of the Atlantic
to a global partnership between Europe
and America will be the single most
important goal for UK international
policy in the decade ahead, because
only through such a partnership will we
be able to achieve our policy priorities
around the world.
We will aim to build a shared agenda
in which Europe plays a more effective
role in the global pursuit of our vital
security interests, and the US works
with Europe and others in pursuit of
the wider economic, development and
environmental priorities that are now
so clearly linked to those shared security
concerns.
The UK in the international system: institutions and relationships
27
India will be an important democratic
power in Asia, with increasing potential
to exert global political and economic
influence and with particular strength
in leading growth sectors.
We have a historic opportunity to develop
relationships with all these powers as their
own strategic interests lead them to play
a greater role in the international system.
We will do this both bilaterally and
through the EU.
Other global players will have important
strategic influence, notably Russia, China,
Japan and India.
Russia will be a European power with
an Asian dimension and global strategic
weight. It will for the first time hold the
Presidency of the G8 in 2006. Russia will
be important to the UK as the EU’s largest
neighbour, as a major energy supplier,
and as a nuclear power and key player on
proliferation issues, but hindered by social
problems and underdeveloped legal and
market infrastructures.
China will become a more confident
actor in Asia and beyond, but its focus
in the next decade will probably be on
its own prosperity and security, and on
integration in the international system.
The development of China’s relationship
with the US will be of immense
importance.
Japan will remain an important partner
on a wide range of global issues: a leader
in science and technology, a major source
of development, humanitarian and
environmental assistance, and a force
for stability in Asia.
28
OSCE
Chart 5: Membership of international organisations: December 2003
Afghanistan
Algeria
Angola
Antigua and Barbuda*
Argentina
Bahamas*
Bahrain
Bangladesh*
Barbados*
Belize*
Benin
Bhutan
Bolivia
Botswana*
Brazil
Brunei*
Burkina Faso
Burma
Burundi
Cambodia
Cameroon*
Cape Verde
Central African Republic
Chad
Chile
China
Colombia
Comoros
Congo
Congo (DR)
Costa Rica
Cuba
Djibouti
Dominica*
Dominican Republic
East Timor
Ecuador
Egypt
El Salvador
Equatorial Guinea
Eritrea
Ethiopia
Fiji*
Gabon
Gambia*
Ghana*
Grenada*
Guatemala
Guinea
Guinea-Bissau
Guyana*
Haiti
Honduras
Canada*▲
Iceland
Norway
Turkey
United States▲
Austria
Finland
Ireland
Sweden
Belgium
Denmark
France▲
Germany▲
Greece
Italy▲
Luxembourg
Netherlands
Portugal
Spain
United Kingdom*▲
India*
Indonesia
Iran
Iraq
Israel
Ivory Coast
Jamaica*
Jordan
Kenya*
Kiribati*
Kuwait
Laos
Lebanon
Lesotho*
Liberia
Libya
Madagascar
Malawi*
Malaysia*
Maldives*
Mali
Marshall Islands
Mauritania
Mauritius*
Micronesia
Mongolia
Morocco
Mozambique*
Namibia*
Nauru*
Nepal
Nicaragua
Niger
Nigeria*
North Korea
Oman
Pakistan*
Palau
Panama
Papua New Guinea*
Paraguay
Peru
Philippines
Qatar
Rwanda
Samoa*
Sao Tome and Principe
Saudi Arabia
Senegal
Seychelles*
Sierra Leone*
Singapore*
Solomon Islands*
Somalia
South Africa*
St Kitts and Nevis*
St Lucia*
St Vincent and the Grenadines*
Sri Lanka*
Sudan
Suriname
Swaziland*
Syria
Tanzania*
Thailand
Togo
Tonga*
Trinidad and Tobago*
Tunisia
Tuvalu*
UAE
UN
OECD
EU
NATO
* = Commonwealth Countries ▲ = G8 Countries Bold red type = Permanent Members of the UN Security Council
For EU and NATO enlargements in 2004
Australia*
Japan ▲
Mexico
New Zealand*
South Korea
Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Liechtenstein
Macedonia
Moldova
Monaco
Russia ▲
San Marino
Serbia and Montenegro
Tajikistan
Turkmenistan
Ukraine
Uzbekistan
Albania
Andorra
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Belarus
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Croatia
Georgia
Switzerland Holy See
Uganda*
Uruguay
Vanuatu*
Venezuela
Vietnam
Yemen
Zambia*
Zimbabwe*
Estonia
Latvia
Lithuania
Slovenia
Slovakia
Bulgaria
Romania
Cyprus*
Malta*
Czech Republic
Hungary
Poland
To fulfil the role set out in chapter 1, the
FCO will need to decide how it can best
enable the Government to address these
priorities. They often intersect in the most
urgent problems and tasks the FCO faces,
such as the search for peace in the Middle
East and the sub-continent, reconstruction
of Afghanistan and Iraq, or dealing more
effectively with conflicts in Africa. So we
shall need to connect different parts of
our work.
In each area of strategic priority for the
UK we identify a number of specific short
term aims to be pursued by the FCO.
We also list the other Government
Departments with whom we will work
most closely to achieve them, and the
parts of the FCO network we consider
to be particularly important to do this.
Chapter 5 considers our future service
delivery priorities in similar fashion.
The strategic policy priorities are:
1 a world safer from global terrorism
and weapons of mass destruction
2 protection of the UK from illegal
immigration, drug trafficking and
other international crime
3 an international system based on
the rule of law, which is better able
to resolve disputes and prevent
conflicts
4 an effective EU in a secure
neighbourhood
5 promotion of UK economic interests
in an open and expanding global
economy
6 sustainable development,
underpinned by democracy, good
governance and human rights
7 security of UK and global energy
supplies
8 security and good governance
of the UK’s Overseas Territories.
30
Strategic international policy priorities for the UK
Based on the analysis in chapters 2 and 3 of the ways the world is changing and
our key international relationships, this chapter sets out thematically eight strategic
international policy priorities for the UK for the next decade. These priorities are
interdependent and reflect the linkage between domestic and foreign policy goals.
They cannot, therefore, be listed in a strict order of importance.
1. A world safer from globalterrorism and weapons of massdestruction
The UK, its citizens and its interests
worldwide will remain a target for global
terrorist networks, their sympathisers
and other terrorist groups. The FCO will
contribute to the overall UK effort to
minimise the threat through international
co-operation. This will include addressing
the problem of states that offer support
to terrorists, or failed states that provide
them refuge.
Eradicating terrorism is a longer term
aim. It will involve working to change
conditions which can push people
towards political extremism, such as
bad government, regional conflict
and environmental degradation.
As the technology and materials needed
to acquire WMD become more accessible,
we will seek to prevent their spread
and deter their use, including through
effective international agreements.
We will focus above all on preventing
the acquisition of nuclear or biological
weapons by a global terrorist network.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• build a shared understanding of
the threats and promote active and
effective responses within Europe,
between Europe and the US, and
in the UN
31
P R O F I L E
Tackling new security threats
Terrorism and weapons of mass destruction are threats to
national and international security. Our High Commission
in Islamabad is working with Pakistan to tackle both.
Elements of the Taliban regime
and Al Qaida filtered into Pakistan
after their bases in Afghanistan
were destroyed. Both have links
with extremist jihadi groups from
Pakistan, dating from resistance
to the Soviet occupation. These
groups have also attacked western
and Pakistani official targets
inside Pakistan.
With US, UK and other
international support, Pakistan
has arrested over 500 terrorist
suspects since 9/11, including
leaders like Khalid Sheikh
Muhammad who is suspected of
planning the attacks in New York.
In 2002, Pakistan proscribed the
two biggest jihadi groups.
President Musharraf has made an
important commitment to crack
down on cross-border militancy
in Kashmir, and we also look to
Pakistan to stop Taliban and Al
Qaida elements infiltrating into
Afghanistan. We lobbied Pakistan
to ratify and implement the
Counter-Terrorism Conventions;
so far they have ratified 10 of
the 12. Following the Prime
Minister’s 2002 visit, we set up
a UK/Pakistan group to work
on legal assistance, terrorism
legislation, and an extradition
treaty.
Pakistan, like India, is a self-
declared nuclear power. Neither
has signed the Non-Proliferation
Treaty. In 2002, tension between
the two threatened conflict which
could have escalated to the use
of nuclear weapons. The Foreign
Secretary and the Prime Minister
were heavily involved in efforts
with both sides to defuse this.
The UK remains actively engaged,
for example in encouraging
confidence building measures
and promoting dialogue,
including on nuclear doctrine and
deterrence. We are also working
with the Pakistani authorities to
prevent technology associated
with Pakistan’s nuclear
programme spreading to others.
• help to resolve the key regional
disputes that might create incentives
for terrorism and proliferation, or lead
to use of WMD
• maintain the UK’s commitment to
rebuilding Afghanistan and Iraq
• work with others to prevent the
development of nuclear weapons
by Iran and North Korea
• lead a systematic strategy across
Government for engaging with the
Islamic world and promoting peaceful
political and social reform in Arab
countries, also working with EU
partners and the US
• strengthen UK, EU and international
approaches to dealing in advance with
the problems of state failure
• strengthen the capacity of key states
to deal with terrorism and proliferation,
including through disposal or
protection of WMD materials, security
sector reform, and stronger legal
systems
• ensure that multilateral arms and
export control regimes evolve to reflect
technological change, agree more
effective verification, and negotiate
stronger compliance measures for
biological arms control
• help to make the UK and UK interests
overseas a more difficult and resilient
target, and strengthen international co-
operation on civil emergency planning.
Principal partners across Government
Cabinet Office, Ministry of Defence,
Intelligence Agencies, Home Office,
HM Customs and Excise, Department
for International Development, Northern
Ireland Office, Department of Trade and
Industry, Department for Transport, HM
Treasury. Also the British Council.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in: the Middle East, North and
East Africa, South Asia, South East and East
Asia, Central Asia and other parts of the
former Soviet Union, the G8 countries
and EU Partners.
Our Missions to: the UN, the EU and
NATO.
32
Strategic international policy priorities for the UK
2. Protection of the UK from illegalimmigration, drug trafficking andother international crime
The policing of our society no longer
stops at the borders of the UK and
its Territories. Criminal networks will
take advantage of technology and
communications to exploit weak spots
in the international system. This feeds
crime in the UK and undermines good
governance and development elsewhere.
The UK priority will be to act against
such networks - notably those involved
in trafficking drugs and people - by
promoting police and judicial co-
operation. We shall need to step up
counter-narcotics work abroad and help
to maintain fair and effective policies
on immigration and asylum, including
tackling problems at their source.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• develop effective, cross-Government
policies to tackle underlying problems
in other countries which can encourage
international crime, including conflict
and poverty
• help to establish the rule of law in
the Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq
• strengthen international controls on
illegal immigration, improve protection
for refugees and displaced persons
at source, and negotiate effective
readmission agreements with source
countries
• provide counter-narcotics training
to law enforcement agencies in
Afghanistan, Jamaica, Colombia, Turkey,
Iran, Pakistan, the Balkans and other
key source and transit countries
• lead UK efforts to end poppy cultivation
in Afghanistan
• strengthen the EU’s contribution to
dealing with drugs, crime and people-
trafficking worldwide
• improve the effectiveness of UN
Agencies, Interpol and the Financial
Action Task Force in tackling crime
• operate an effective UK entry clearance
system with the Home Office
• ensure probity and good governance
in UK Overseas Territories.
Principal partners across Government
Home Office, HM Customs and Excise,
Intelligence Agencies, HM Treasury,
Department for Constitutional Affairs,
Ministry of Defence, Department of
Health, Department for International
Development, Inland Revenue.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in: Afghanistan, Brazil,
Central Asia, China, Colombia, the eastern
Caribbean, EU neighbour countries, Iraq,
Jamaica, Nigeria, North Africa, Pakistan,
Sri Lanka, South Africa, Thailand, Turkey,
the US, EU Partners and the Overseas
Territories.
Our Missions to: the EU, the UN and
the Organisation for Security and
Co-operation in Europe (OSCE).
33
3. An international system based onthe rule of law, which is better ableto resolve disputes and preventconflicts
Our security and prosperity depend
on the willingness of other states to co-
operate in an international system based
on the rule of law and shared principles.
It will be in the UK interest to seek to
increase the effectiveness, legitimacy
and co-ordination of the UN and other
international organisations. There is a
particular need to strengthen collective
approaches to security so that we are
able to respond to new threats, promote
international law, secure common
interests, and meet humanitarian needs.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• build agreement between Europe
and the US on the most successful
approaches to international
co-operation
• strengthen the ability of the
international community to agree
on timely action against threats to
international peace and security
• strengthen the capacity of the UN,
the EU and NATO to conduct effective
stabilisation and humanitarian
operations, including post-conflict
reconstruction
• maintain the vigour of the NATO
alliance and further develop its new role
• build stronger strategic relationships
with China, Russia, Japan and India,
and encourage their engagement
in the international system, including
peacekeeping
• adapt the UN system and other
multilateral structures to respond better
to the growing influence of business,
NGOs and other non-state actors
• manage the growing pressures on
the WTO and maintain its core role
in promoting a free and fair trading
system.
Principal partners across Government
Cabinet Office, Department for
International Development, Department
of Trade and Industry, HM Treasury,
Department for Constitutional Affairs,
Ministry of Defence, Department for
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs,
Home Office.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in: the US and other
permanent members of the UN Security
Council, EU Partners, G8, G20 and
Commonwealth countries.
Our Missions to: the UN, the EU and
NATO, the International Financial
Institutions, the World Trade Organisation.
34
Strategic international policy priorities for the UK
4. An effective EU in a secureneighbourhood
UK influence in the EU will be central
to achieving the UK’s strategic priorities.
Our objective will be to ensure that
the EU remains successful through
economic reform, that its institutions
are accountable and efficient, and that it
delivers recognised benefits for citizens
of the Member States. The UK will pursue
these aims during our Presidency of the
EU in 2005.
As the EU enlarges, we shall have a
particular foreign policy interest in
supporting democracy, prosperity and
stability in its neighbours or future
members: to the east, Russia and countries
of the former Soviet Union; to the south
east, the Balkans, Turkey and the Middle
East; and on the south shore of the
Mediterranean, from Egypt to Morocco.
To increase the EU’s international impact,
we will need to combine our economic,
diplomatic and military weight more
effectively.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• agree and ratify a new constitutional
Treaty that makes the EU more effective,
more open, and closer to its citizens
• help develop a common EU asylum
system and strengthen management
of the EU’s borders
• complete the smooth integration of the
new Members and develop strategies on
future EU enlargement, in particular for
the Balkan countries and Turkey
• build strong EU relationships with Russia,
countries of North Africa and other
neighbouring countries
• ensure that the UK has influence within
new structures for conducting more
effective common EU international
policies
• strengthen the EU’s capacity to undertake
military operations in support of these
policies, and ensure that this capacity
reinforces NATO
• continue to integrate new members
and partners of NATO into the European
security system and build a stronger
relationship between NATO and Russia
• maintain the UK commitment to security
and stability in the Balkans.
Principal partners across Government
This is a cross-Government agenda,
including the Devolved Administrations. The
British Council is also an important partner.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in: EU Partners, the Balkans,
Turkey, the Middle East and the Caucasus,
Russia and eastern Europe, the south shore
of the Mediterranean, Norway, Switzerland
and the US.
Our Missions to: the EU, NATO and
the OSCE.
35
36
Strategic international policy priorities for the UK
Chart 6: An enlarging European Union: December 2003
5. Promotion of UK economicinterests in an open and expandingglobal economy
The health of the UK’s economy is
linked closely to the health of the global
economy. International security is also
closely linked to economic development
and stability in much of the world.
The UK’s interest will be to encourage
international co-operation and reform in
order to promote sustainable economic
and employment growth, to remove
barriers to investment, to minimise
financial instability and to support an
open, fair and sustainable multilateral
system of world trade based on the WTO.
Another high priority will be to promote
UK trade and two-way investment in
goods and services to enhance our
prosperity and competitiveness.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• drive forward internal economic reform
in the EU to boost growth, jobs and
competitiveness
• further reform the Common Agricultural
Policy
• achieve a conclusion to the Doha
WTO round that is beneficial to both
developed and developing countries
• use our 2005 G8 Presidency to
strengthen international economic and
development co-operation, action on
the environment, and G8 outreach to
leading regional economies
37
Chart 7: Principal partners for UK outward foreign direct
investment, 2001
EU (54%)
US (26%)
Others (20%)
Source: Office of National Statistics.
Chart 8: Principal partners for inward foreign direct investment
into the UK, 2001
EU (48%)
US (35%)
Others (17%)
Source: Office of National Statistics.
• help improve economic governance in
Russia and other key transitional states
and emerging markets
• support international co-operation and
exchange of good practice in science
and technology, education, health,
creative industries, legal services and
other wealth creating sectors
• help UK companies win contracts in
foreign markets and lobby against
regulatory and political barriers
• promote the UK as an attractive place
to do business and provide high quality
services to potential inward investors.
Principal partners across Government
Department of Trade and Industry, HM
Treasury, Department for International
Development, Cabinet Office, Department
for Constitutional Affairs, Devolved
Administrations, Department for Culture,
Media and Sport, Department for
Education and Skills, Department for
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs,
Department of Health, Inland Revenue,
Regional Development Agencies,
Department for Work and Pensions.
Also the British Council.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in: EU Partners, the US,
East Asia, G8 and G20, especially regional
economic leaders.
Our Missions to: the WTO, the EU, the
UN, the International Financial Institutions
and the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD).
38
Strategic international policy priorities for the UK
Chart 9: Principal UK trading partners: exports and imports of
goods and services, 2002
Others (32%)
US (15%)
EU (53%)
Source: Office of National Statistics.
6. Sustainable development,underpinned by democracy, goodgovernance and human rights
The UK cannot be secure or prosperous
in isolation from the rest of the world. For
our security and prosperity to be lasting,
we shall need to support the equivalent
aspirations of the peoples of the
developing world, including the most
vulnerable in Africa.
That means promoting democratic values,
human rights and good government, and
working for progress towards poverty
reduction and sustainable development
in all parts of the world. Epidemics, climate
change and loss of natural resources
and biodiversity are shared global
challenges. It will be a priority to meet the
Millennium Development Goals and the
commitments made at the 2002 World
Summit on Sustainable Development
in Johannesburg13.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• help to launch new action to
reinvigorate the international response
to climate change
• support implementation of the
Johannesburg Summit commitments,
with a focus on biodiversity, water,
sanitation and human settlements
• support the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development and lobby
partners on both sides to uphold
their commitments
• press for agreement for a new
International Finance Facility and other
measures to increase aid flows and
deliver more effective debt relief
• develop more effective UK, EU and
international responses to prevent and
resolve conflict and assist with post-
conflict reconstruction
• strengthen the 1951 Refugee
Convention through better burden-
sharing arrangements and improved
protection of refugees and internally
displaced people at source
• support the International Criminal
Court and promote the universal
implementation of international human
rights and humanitarian standards
• strengthen international action against
AIDS, malaria and other epidemic
diseases
• develop innovative and effective
partnerships on these issues with NGOs,
the private sector and other non-state
actors.
Principal partners across Government
Department for International
Development, Department for
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, HM
Treasury, Department for Constitutional
Affairs, Ministry of Defence, Department of
Health, Home Office, Department of Trade
and Industry. Also the British Council.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in: the Middle East, Central
Asia and other parts of the former
Soviet Union, Africa, EU Partners,
the US, Japan and other G8 members,
G20 and Commonwealth countries.
Our Missions to: the EU, the UN, the
International Financial Institutions and
the OECD.39
13 See the text box on page 40.
7. Security of UK and global energy supplies
Our economic well-being depends on
secure energy supplies at affordable
prices for the UK and world economies.
We will need to improve the long-term
efficiency and stability of the international
energy market through political and
economic reform in key supplier and
transit countries; promoting new energy
and environmental technologies; resolving
disputes that affect the stability of the
market; and promoting international
diversification of supply, better energy
efficiency and the switch towards
renewables.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• help to liberalise EU energy markets and
use the EU’s relations with Russia and
other countries to support our energy
objectives
• help resolve disputes, and promote
peaceful political and economic reform,
in the Middle East, parts of Africa and
the countries of the former Soviet
Union
• improve investment regimes and
energy sector management in these
regions, focusing on key links in the
supply chain to the UK
• secure international agreement to
reduce carbon emissions and promote
practical initiatives to develop
sustainable energy technologies
40
Strategic international policy priorities for the UK
P R O F I L E
Promoting sustainable development and reducing poverty around the world: theDepartment for International Development(DFID)
The central focus of the Government's policy, based on the
1997 and 2000 White Papers on International Development,
is a commitment to the internationally agreed Millennium
Development Goals, to be achieved by 2015. These seek to:
• eradicate extreme poverty
and hunger
• achieve universal primary
education
• promote gender equality
and empower women
• reduce child mortality
• improve maternal health
• combat HIV/AIDS, malaria
and other diseases
• ensure environmental
sustainability
• develop a global partnership
for development.
These goals were adopted by the
UN at its Millennium Summit in
2000.
DFID works in partnership with
governments committed to the
Millennium Development Goals,
with civil society, the private sector
and the research community.
It also works with multilateral
institutions, including the World
Bank, United Nations Agencies,
and the European Commission.
DFID's assistance is concentrated
in the poorest countries of Sub-
Saharan Africa and Asia, but also
contributes to poverty reduction
and sustainable development
in middle-income countries.
DFID website: www.dfid.gov.uk
Email: [email protected]
• encourage sustainable energy
consumption in the US and other major
economies, including fast-growing
countries such as China
• promote the export of UK technology
and services, the import of best practice,
and the efforts of British energy
companies investing or trading abroad
• provide early warning of, and help
prevent, terrorist and other threats
to the energy infrastructure, and
encourage activity to improve
network resilience.
Principal partners across Government
Department of Trade and Industry,
Department for Environment, Food and
Rural Affairs, Department for International
Development, HM Treasury, Ministry of
Defence, Devolved Administrations,
Department for Transport.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in: EU Partners, the US, Russia,
Japan and other G8 countries, OPEC
countries, Norway, Central Asia, Ukraine,
Angola, West Africa, China, India and Brazil.
Our Missions to: the EU, the UN,
the WTO, the International Financial
Institutions and the OECD.
41
Chart 10: World primary energy demand
Note: Mtoe = million tonnes of oil equivalent.
Source: International Energy Agency, Key World Energy Outlook, 2002.
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030M
toe
6,000
5,000
4,000
3,000
2,000
1,000
0
Oil
Natural gas
Coal
Nuclear power
Non-hydro renewables
Hydro power
8. Security and good governance of the UK’s Overseas Territories
The security and good governance of the
UK’s Overseas Territories is a responsibility
of the Government as a whole, co-
ordinated by the FCO. As well as meeting
our international legal obligations, our aim
will be to promote their quality of life and
support their long-term development.
We shall expect the Territories to observe
high standards of probity, law and order
and good government, and to observe
international commitments to which they
are bound by virtue of their relationship
with the UK.
Our policy on the Overseas Territories
was set out in a Government White Paper
in 1999 - Partnership for Progress and
Prosperity.
Specific aims for the FCO will be to:
• improve the governance, environment
and security of the Overseas Territories
and encourage more diversified
economic development
• maintain a proper balance between
rights and responsibilities in the
constitutional relationships between
the UK and the Overseas Territories
• manage the impact of new
international obligations affecting
the Overseas Territories
42
Strategic international policy priorities for the UK
Chart 11: Projected changes in oil production to 2020
Source: data from the International Energy Agency (IEA), World Energy Outlook, 2002.
2000 2020
Chart 12: Projected changes in gas production to 2020
Source: data from the International Energy Agency (IEA), World Energy Outlook, 2002.
2000 2020
• minimise the vulnerability of small
island Territories to economic changes,
international crime, natural disasters or
other developments
• co-operate effectively with other
Government Departments across
this agenda.
The Overseas Territories are: Anguilla*,
Bermuda*, British Antarctic Territory,
British Indian Ocean Territory, British
Virgin Islands*, Cayman Islands*, Cyprus
Sovereign Base Areas, Falkland Islands*,
Gibraltar*, Montserrat*, Pitcairn Islands,
St Helena* and Ascension and Tristan
da Cunha, South Georgia and the South
Sandwich Islands, and Turks and Caicos
Islands*.
* denotes Overseas Territories with a resident
Governor.
43
The challenges we face are:
• growing numbers of customers
• higher public expectations
• new delivery technologies, leading
to new opportunities and costs
• the need for consistency across
a global network
• increased scrutiny of our performance.
These issues have implications for our
working practices, our structures in
London and our presence around the
world. We need to be able to switch
resources quickly to respond to crises, to
meet changing demand, to identify ahead
the services customers will expect, and to
use new technology well.
Consular services
Consular work falls into two main areas:
passports and other document services,
and assistance to UK nationals travelling
or living abroad. The cost of issuing
passports overseas and providing other
document services is fully covered
through fees. Consular assistance is
funded by levying a small percentage
of the cost of every UK passport.
About 12 per cent of total FCO staff work
in this area - mostly local staff. We also
have a wide network of Honorary Consuls,
UK expatriates and local volunteers who
support our consular effort. We have
reciprocal obligations to provide consular
assistance to citizens of other EU and
Commonwealth countries where their
own governments do not have diplomatic
representation.
46
Delivering high quality public services
Alongside the policy issues discussed in chapter 4, delivering high quality services
to UK citizens around the world will be a top priority for the FCO. These services,
described in chapter 1 (page 6), are important for the prosperity of the UK and the
security of UK citizens at home and abroad. Our aim is to achieve consistent high
standards.
Specific aims will be to:
• establish clear guidelines on the
appropriate standards for consular
services and communicate these
to the public
• within these guidelines, ensure that UK
nationals facing difficulties abroad have
easy and continuous access to support
• further improve our arrangements
for offering travel advice
• adapt to legal changes and new
technologies, e.g. by including
biometric features on passports
• further develop techniques of rapid
deployment and response to major
emergencies
• improve consular co-operation with
other countries, especially in the EU
and the Commonwealth
• improve the professionalism and
training of consular staff.
Principal partners across Government
Home Office, Department for
Constitutional Affairs.
Principal FCO Posts
Our consular service is global. The volume
of passports issued and cases handled
is highest where the numbers of UK
residents and visitors are highest. The
more complex and resource-intensive
cases often arise in more remote
countries, including places where
we do not have a Post.
47
P R O F I L E
EURO 2004:helping our citizens abroad
In 2004 Portugal will host football’s European championship,
the world’s third largest sporting event after the World Cup and
the Olympics. Tens of thousands of British fans are expected to
attend. Our Posts in Portugal have a key role in ensuring that
UK nationals are protected and in working with the Portuguese
authorities to avoid trouble.
Two years ago we started sharing
the experience of English clubs in
stewarding at football matches.
Our Embassy in Lisbon is working
closely with the Portuguese
security and football authorities
and has also provided advice on
UK legislation on football disorder
and banning orders.
A Football Attaché from the FCO
has been appointed and will
co-ordinate the Embassy effort.
During the tournament, our Posts
in Lisbon, Porto and Portimao will
be reinforced by specialist teams
from London who will respond to
incidents involving UK nationals.
The Embassy will use a container
office and video conferencing to
expand its capacity, and provide
mobile IT support for consular
teams so they can travel from
match to match.
Visa services
The global visa issuing operation will
remain a key part of the UK’s entry control
system over the next ten years. About
22 per cent of total FCO staff work for
UKvisas, alongside staff from the Home
Office. Their work is paid for by the
proceeds of the standard visa fee. As
worldwide demand for visas increases,
new approaches will be needed to
maintain the right balance between
good service and effective entry control.
Our visa issuing service is particularly
important for the reputation of the
FCO, and the UK, around the world.
Specific aims will be to:
• cut waiting times for all applicants
• reduce the number of straightforward
visa applicants who need to apply in
person
• improve visa processing through IT
improvements such as on-line visa
applications and e-payments, drawing
on private sector expertise
• improve knowledge management
systems to ensure better detection
of fraud and other irregularities
• increase flexibility to respond to
changing demand
• improve our service to non-applicants,
for example by providing prompt and
accurate information to MPs
48
Delivering high quality public services
Chart 13: UK residents’ visits abroad by main area of visit
North America
Europe
Other Countries
0 10 20 30 40 50
Millions
1981 1991 2001
Source: ONS,Travel Trends- a report on the 2001 International Passenger Survey, 2002.
• adapt to legal changes and new
technologies, e.g. by including biometric
features on visas
• develop co-operation with EU partners
and others.
Principal partners across Government
Home Office, Department for Education
and Skills, Intelligence Agencies,
Department for Work and Pensions.
Also the British Council.
Principal FCO Posts
Our visa service is global. Demand is
highest in South Asia, Africa, East Asia, the
Middle East, and many Commonwealth
countries.
49
Chart 14: Visa applications for the ten highest visa issuing Posts
(2002/03) showing applications for 2001/02, 2002/03
and an estimate for 2003/04
New York
Madras
Istanbul
Islamabad
Bejing
Moscow
Accra
Bombay
New Delhi
Lagos
0 25,000 50,000 75,000 100,000 125,000 150,000
2001/02 2002/03 2003/04 (Estimate)
Source: FCO, UKvisas.
Applications
Services to business
In its “Strategy 2006” UK Trade and
Investment is refocusing its services on
areas where it can make most difference.
This means maintaining a close working
relationship with the UK regions on both
trade and inward investment. On the
trade side, it means focusing on helping
small and medium sized enterprises
to develop overseas business, while
continuing to give political advice and
support to larger companies.
UK Trade and Investment’s network
overseas is provided by FCO Posts. About
22 per cent of total FCO staff work for
UK Trade and Investment, accounting for
about nine per cent of the FCO’s budget.
Specific aims will be to:
• maintain the UK as a leading recipient
of inward investment in the EU
• reinforce the inward investment
network at home and abroad:
25 per cent increase in foreign direct
investment projects handled, and
75 per cent of location decisions
in favour of the UK
• meet targets of at least 30 per cent
of new exporters and 50 per cent of
established exporters improving their
business performance within two years,
and 70 per cent of companies who
receive assistance with major projects
reporting that our help was a significant
factor
• develop more exporting companies:
6,000 new exporters and 18,000
established exporters breaking into
new markets by 2006
• support UK companies’ business plans
to win major contracts in 300 projects
in foreign markets annually
• expand the number of trade
development teams with expertise
in specific industry sectors to cover
all major exporting UK industries
• ensure that FCO political and economic
advice is widely available to UK
business.
Principal partners across Government
Department for Trade and Industry,
Devolved Administrations, Regional
Development Agencies, Ministry of
Defence.
Principal FCO Posts
Our Posts in major trading and investment
areas - western and central Europe, the US
and Canada, Mexico, Brazil, Russia, Turkey,
the Middle East, South Africa, South Asia,
South East and East Asia and Australia -
and Posts where there are niche
opportunities in smaller markets for UK
companies, for example the oil and gas
sector in Central Asia and parts of Africa.
50
Delivering high quality public services
Providing information
Our priority aim is to improve knowledge
of the UK and support for Government
policies, to promote the image of the UK
abroad, and by these means to influence
key opinion-formers overseas in support
of our policy.
Specific aims will be to:
• develop the FCO website and those
of our Posts and encourage greater
use of them
• provide high quality service to the
media through 24-hour access, daily
press conferences, interviews and
briefings
• strengthen our relationship with the
more than 1,700 foreign journalists
based in London
• continue to make the FCO more open
to the public through open days and
seminars
• engage NGOs, minority ethnic
communities and other interest groups
more closely in policy making
• use public diplomacy overseas to
support a wide range of Government
policy objectives, particularly in the EU
• ensure that all our Posts see public
diplomacy as a central task and have
the skills and support they need.
Principal partners across Government
This is a cross-Government agenda,
including the Devolved Administrations.
The British Council is an important
partner.
Principal FCO Posts
In the UK and global, with particular
emphasis on EU accession states,
emerging powers such as China and
India, the US and other major developed
countries, and key Islamic countries.
51
Targeting the network
Demands are growing, while resources are
finite. We are now running some twenty-
five more Posts than in 1990. The shape
of our network should be driven by our
future priorities. To avoid overload we
need to focus on the issues and places
that matter most, and to shift resources
away from lowest priority activities.
For the reasons described in chapter 1,
having a Post on the ground is the
most effective form of diplomatic
representation in a country. Posts give
us people on the spot who know local
leaders, speak the language, and can
lobby, influence and appear in the media.
We will continue to have Posts of this sort
in many countries.
But some will be more important than
others. We are using new methods for
assessing the potential of each Post to
contribute to our objectives, as reflected
in the geographical priorities discussed in
chapters 4 and 5, to improve the way we
link our policy and public service priorities
54
Global influence: the FCO network abroad
In chapter 1 we set out the role of the FCO and the ways in which it serves
the Government and UK citizens. Chapter 2 analysed the changing nature of
international affairs and the complexity of the issues we expect to have to deal
with. Chapter 3 showed that in order to achieve results we will need to work with
other countries and through international organisations. The priorities set out in
chapters 4 and 5 provide direction and focus for FCO work in the coming years.
In order to pursue these priorities, and to develop our key relationships, we shall
continue to require a network of Posts that gives us the ability to influence people
and governments around the world, and staff who accept a worldwide mobility
obligation. Recent events have also underlined the importance of being able to
respond to crises wherever they occur.
Maintaining an effective network that gives us global reach, adequately resourced
to do the job, is our highest management priority. Our “administration” budget,
described in chapter 1, supports this presence across the world and hence our
most vital contributions: advice, influence, advocacy and public service.
55
with the shape of our network of Posts
overseas. This will enable us to put the
right sort and level of resources in the
right places to deliver results. To get
the full benefit of this, we need greater
capacity to re-deploy. At present, because
our network of Posts and the staff in them
is so wide, fixed costs absorb a large share
of our budget, leaving relatively little room
for manoeuvre.
One way to achieve greater flexibility
will be to consider alternative forms of
representation. With new technology, and
a growing range of options, a traditional
Post may no longer be needed in a
country that has little impact on the
achievement of our priorities, and where
demand for our services is low. In such
cases, we are assessing what level of
influence we require and how this can
most efficiently be achieved.
The possibilities include:
• greater use in some areas of
“hub and spoke” arrangements
• closer co-operation with DFID on
the roles of senior personnel abroad
• representation by local staff only
• accreditation to some countries of
staff who work primarily from London
• better mobile IT capabilities, video and
telephone conferencing to allow more
flexible working abroad while staying
plugged in to London
P R O F I L E
Human rights:global issues, global influence
Freedom from torture is a fundamental human right, but many
countries have yet to ratify the UN Convention Against Torture.
The FCO is lobbying governments worldwide to do this, and to
sign an Optional Protocol to the Convention that will establish
a system of regular, independent visits to places of detention.
The FCO is also working with
NGOs and others to promote
practical improvements on the
ground. In 2000 we funded a
Torture Reporting Handbook,
produced by Essex University,
to help doctors and lawyers to
document and report cases of
torture. Over 20,000 copies have
been distributed in seven
languages throughout the world,
and it is being used by NGOs and
lawyers in many countries.
In June 2003, the Foreign
Secretary launched a manual,
“Combating Torture”, which
outlines the responsibilities
of judges and prosecutors to
prevent and investigate acts of
torture. Our overseas Posts are
distributing it and training
people to use it effectively.
• wider use of special envoys on
particular policy issues
• closer co-operation with EU and
Commonwealth partners.
In making decisions on levels and forms
of representation across the world
we will take account of the full costs,
including the need for information and
communications technology which gives
us a flexible, global on-line organisation,
the political implications at home and
abroad, and the need to ensure the safety
and security of our staff.
Using Posts well
As IT permits greater integration between
London and Posts, there will be scope to
eliminate duplication. We are piloting new
ways of increasing the involvement of
Posts in work previously done in London.
The aim is to break down the mindset
that “policy is made in London and
executed abroad” and to reduce the
resources we devote in London to
managing routine bilateral diplomatic
relations.
Many of our Posts are now very small.
Small Posts can be highly effective,
provided that they are not hampered
by a heavy administrative load, severe
security restrictions, or inadequate
communications, and that they have
a few, clear priorities. We have set up
a group in London to respond to the
concerns of small Posts on these points.
Work to clarify the role of Posts and how
they are resourced should also help us
to ensure that small Posts are not below
a viable minimum size.
Future demands
We expect that demands on our network
from across Government will increase
in future as international issues become
more central to domestic policy, and
co-ordination between Government
Departments improves. Our emphasis
on focus and greater flexibility should put
us in shape to respond to many of those
demands; but additional resources will
in some cases be needed.
56
Global influence: the FCO network abroad
Focusing resources on priorities
Chapter 6 explains how we will target
our network overseas to deliver strategic
priorities. To do this well we also need the
right organisation in London to ensure
that financial and human resources both
at home and abroad are directed towards
the most important areas of work. We are
reviewing ways in which we may be able
to make improvements.
We are also introducing new resource
management systems which will improve
our ability to assess the costs and
activities of our Posts. This should help us
to match financial resources to changing
priorities in a more dynamic way. As a
guiding principle we should be capable of
shifting at least five per cent of staff and
budgets from lower to higher priorities in
any three-year spending period. In the first
instance, we aim to move ten per cent of
resources from administration functions
in London to front line policy and service
functions by April 2005.
Flexible and responsive
Earlier chapters show that we need
to be able to respond fast to changing
circumstances. To achieve greater financial
flexibility we have decided to retain a
Departmental Reserve equivalent to two
per cent of our budget resources at the
start of each year. We will extend the
concept of rapid reaction teams for
consular work to crisis management in
other areas of FCO work. We are also
considering a new, centrally-managed
cadre of reserve staff who can be
switched quickly to new priority work.
58
How we work: organisation, themes and targets
Successful modernisation of the FCO will depend not only on identifying the right
priorities and having a well targeted network, but also on the way we work and our
culture as an organisation. The quality of what we do depends above all on the
quality of our staff. In this we are fortunate. FCO staff are dedicated, good at solving
problems and ready to adapt with great flexibility to the unusual demands of the
job. It is important that they are well organised and managed to allow them to
perform to high standards.
This chapter describes the four key themes that guide the programme of internal
changes we have started in the FCO to implement this Strategy, and sets some
medium term targets.
We are thinking ahead about the
opportunities technological advances
continue to open up, for example in video
conferencing, our intranet and mobile
telephony, and especially in confidential
remote working. Using this new
technology, and building on the
organisational changes described in
chapter 6 and closer co-operation with
others, our working practices can become
more flexible and less compartmentalised.
Diversity: a wider range of people,skills and experience
To undertake such a varied range of
activities we shall need to continue to
recruit high calibre staff, with a wide mix
of skills, and offer them motivating and
rewarding opportunities. Our new human
resources plan will define the sorts of
people and skills we need.
We aim to strike the right balance
between specialist and non-specialist staff
and to develop greater professionalism in
specialist areas and in management. This
may require more flexibility in the terms
of service we offer to different categories
of staff. It will be essential to ensure that
our internal appointment process and
reward system give fair recognition to
the diverse skills of all our staff, including
experience gained outside the FCO.
We are taking steps to reduce barriers
dividing UK-based and local staff, and to
improve the way we manage local staff
to make better use of their talents and
knowledge.
Particularly at middle and senior levels,
we shall need to draw on a more diverse
group of people, with a wider range of
backgrounds and experience, keeping
up with the pace of change in the UK 14.
We will combat discrimination, promote
equal opportunity and take action to
show under-represented groups that they
are welcome in today’s FCO and can reach
the top. Of our present UK-based staff,
40% are female and almost 6% from
ethnic minorities. But we are less diverse
at senior levels. By 2005 our aim is to have
20% women, 2% minority ethnic and 3%
disabled staff in our senior management
structure. We now have 20 female Heads
of Post. Our first Ambassadors from
minority ethnic communities will take
up their appointments in 2004. But we
have much more to do.
Giving staff a wider range of choices
about how they work, and responding to
the variety of their needs, will help us to
achieve these aims15. One aspect of this
will be to ensure that our arrangements
for supporting staff overseas encourage
mobility and flexibility and as far as
possible take account of their diverse
personal circumstances16.
Our efforts to develop more interchange
with the public, private and voluntary
sectors should improve our specialist skills
and our knowledge of those who use our
services. We aim to double outward
secondments from the FCO by 2006.
14 Women entering higher education
now outnumber men.The percentage
of women of working age in
employment has increased from 59%
in1984 to 70% today. Minority ethnic
groups make up 8% of the
UK population (Source: ONS).
15 In 2003 there were 6.3 million
employees working part time in the
UK, of whom 5.1 million were women
(Source: Labour Force Survey). In 2001,
around 20% of employees working full
time and 23% of workers working part
time had adopted some type of flexible
working arrangement (Source: ONS).
16 Family structures in the UK are
changing. More people now have
elderly dependents. Married couples
now make up only 51% of the adult
population in England and Wales.
A greater number of people now live
alone (Source: ONS). More than 50%
of couples in the UK now have a dual
income (Department of Work and
Pensions).
59
Meeting customer needs
Across the whole range of our activity -
including our core policy work - we will
focus on delivering targeted and specific
outcomes. This must involve making our
policy processes more open. We are also
giving greater priority, including through
regular, published stakeholder surveys, to
ensuring that we have feedback on our
performance. Through recruitment and
training we will ensure that we have the
right blend of managerial, service and
policy skills, and that our senior staff are
experienced in all three.
Chapter 5 sets out in more detail our
targets for the services we provide to
UK citizens and business.
60
How we work: organisation, themes and targets
P R O F I L E
Rapid response to change in Iraq
The war in Iraq and its aftermath have been a huge
organisational challenge for the FCO, underlining the need for
flexible and imaginative responses to fast-changing events.
To cope with the increase of
diplomatic activity on Iraq during
2003, we redeployed over five
percent of staff in London away
from other work. After Baghdad
fell to coalition forces, the
UK quickly re-established a
diplomatic presence in the city,
using one of the FCO’s new
“freight container Embassies”
and an improvised satellite
internet connection for
communication. Shortly after that
the Prime Minister appointed a
Special Representative to Iraq,
based in Baghdad.
This was not just about
redeploying staff quickly to a high
risk area. It was about finding
people with the right skills, from
fluency in Arabic, to experience
of working in war zones with
British troops or of operating in
unfamiliar organisations with
other nationalities.
The priorities in chapters 4 and 5 are
already guiding resource allocation
decisions. The Strategy will be the basis of
our resource bid in the 2004 Government
Spending Round, and of our new formal
objectives and PSA targets in the next
spending period. These will be
implemented through our future Business
Plans and through specific strategies in
particular areas, from energy security to
consular work.
The Strategy will also be the basis for
closer work with other Government
Departments to improve co-ordination,
secondments, teamwork and shared
objective setting.
The Strategy will from now on be the
central management tool against which
we measure the performance of Posts and
the different parts of the FCO in London.
Individual members of staff will use it to
organise and prioritise their work.
Our internal Departmental Change
Programme draws together our plans
for changing our organisation and the
way we work in a series of detailed,
co-ordinated and time-limited internal
reforms. It will ensure that changes we
make in different parts of the FCO are
consistent and designed to help us
achieve our overall strategic priorities.
Circumstances will change. This Strategy
will need to evolve if it is to remain
relevant. We will review it every two
years, inviting external contributions.
62
Implementing the Strategy
This Strategy provides a medium term vision to guide all areas of our work.
We are implementing it in the following ways.
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