1. COPENHAGEN BERLIN LONDON RIO DE JANEIRO NEW YORK CIUDAD DE MXICO

2. Proyecto Project: Jorge Sosa Textos + Texts: Balam Bartolom Aurora Norea Colaboraciones + Collaborations: Christine Clemmesen Florian Ldde & Alberto Accettura Elizabeth Meggs Thais Medeiros Adam Thomas Liliana Ramales Diseo + Design Oriente Indice Contents Copenhagen........................................18 Berlin............................................34 New York..........................................76 Rio de Janeiro..................................100 London..........................................126 Ciudad de Mxico................................142 Miravalle..........................................8 Prefacio + Preface.................................6 La visibilidad de lo intil + The visibility of the useless....................................14 Eplogo+Epilogue................................166 Agradecimientos + Acknowledgements..............169 3. TRUEQUE 07 Prefacio Jorge Sosa Trueque es una compilacin de documentos sobre la relacin que establecen ocho personas con distintos mercados pblicos o callejeros localizados en la Ciudad de Mxico, Londres, Ro de Janeiro, Nueva York, Berln y Copenhague. Cada colaborador registr sus experiencias echando mano de fotografas, notas, textos, audios o dibujos, con la intencin de compartir este material con los dems integrantes del proyecto. Desde mi perspectiva, las experiencias reunidas en esta publicacin nos arrojan pistas y crean puntos de partida para escudriar los tejidos sociales, econmicos y polticos de dichas ciudades. Eleg los mercados pblicos como detonadores para propiciar dilogos alrededor de sus relaciones simbiticas y procesos metablicos; sobre la sobrevivencia como parte de su conformacin y los quiebres que su naturaleza provoca en la interpretacin de lo popular. Me parece que los mercados callejeros son terrenos de incertidumbre, espacios frtiles para pensar cmo construimos nuestra conciencia local y global. Son sitios vaporosos e incontenibles, aunque algunas veces sean puntos ciegos en el paisaje aspiracional. Tambin son zonas donde fraguan o naufragan versiones alternativas de la realidad cotidiana. El mercado pblico es un relato -o muchos- en s mismo, que da curso y sentido a las resistencias culturales ms complejas, a pesar de que sea parte, al mismo tiempo, de las maquinarias econmicas y polticas ms injustas. Trueque es un proyecto participativo, autnomo, sin fines de lucro, cuyo nico propsito es compartir y divulgar diversos fenmenos culturales contemporneos. TRUEQUE06 Preface Jorge Sosa Trueque is a compilation of documents about the relationships between eight persons and different public markets located in Mexico City, London, Rio de Janeiro, New York, Berlin and Copenhagen. Each contributor recorded his experiences, making use of photographs, notes, text, audio or drawings, with the intention of sharing this material with other members of the project. From my perspective, the experiences gathered in this publication throw us some clues and create entry points to scrutinize the social, economic, and political issues of these cities. I chose the public markets as detonators to foster dialogues about the markets symbiotic relationships and metabolic processes, and the survival as part of their character and how their natures cause breaks in the popular interpretation. I think street markets are areas of uncertainty, fertile spaces for thinking about how we build our local and global awareness. They are uncontrollable sights and are vaporous, although sometimes they are blind spots in the aspirational landscape. They are also areas where alternative versions of everyday reality have shipwrecked or have been consolidated. The public market is one story, or many, which gives effect and meaning to the more complex cultural resistance, although it is a part of the most unfair economic and political machinery. Trueque is a participatory, autonomous, nonprofit project, whose sole purpose is to share and disseminate various contemporary cultural phenomena. 4. 08 TRUEQUE 09 Miravalle Balam Bartolom a Netzahualcoyotl Galvn 1983. Una hermana de mi madre viva en la zona de Coapa, en el sur de la Ciudad de Mxico. Cada domingo asista con su familia a un mercado ambulante que se instalaba muy cerca de su casa. Estos mercados, conocidos en Mxico como tianguis1 , son clulas de comercio informal donde se mercantiliza casi de todo. Forman parte importante de la infraestructura econmica del pas desde tiempos prehispnicos2 y dentro de sus calles- pasillos se genera un porcentaje considerable de la economa total del pas. Durante mi niez, en tiempos previos al Tratado de Libre Comercio, mucho de lo que se comerciaba en este tipo de espacios provena de la fayuca, el contrabando: ropa, juguetes, dulces gringos y una gran variedad de electrodomsticos, todo introducido al pas de manera ilegal. Mi memoria conserva imgenes sueltas del tianguis; de entre ellas rescato las que corresponden al conjunto de carpas verdes que uniformaban las cerca de cuatro cuadras sobre las que extenda el mercado y al seor que venda tepache3 frente a dos enormes barriles de madera pintados de un vibrante naranja. Mi puesto favorito era, sin duda, aquel donde vendan una enorme variedad de muecos de accin que despertaban en mi imaginacin historias picas con ellos como protagonistas. A diferencia del tianguis que se pona cerca de donde yo viva, una zona semiurbana donde se vendan sobre todo productos alimenticios, este otro abundaba en bienes que correspondan a una clase 1 Del nhuatl tianquiztli, que significa mercado o plaza. Rmi Simon, Diccionario de la lengua nhuatl o mexicana, Siglo XXI Editores, 1984. 2 La primera referencia que existe de un tianguis la hace Bernal Daz del Castillo al dar noticia del tianguis de Tlatelolco, en su momento el mayor centro de intercambio de la Amrica precolombina. En este mercado se ofertaban infinidad de productos provenientes de todos los rincones del imperio, de lugares tan lejanos como Honduras o Guatemala. Se ofrecan en trueque lo mismo oro y jade que cermica, plumas preciosas, cacao, maz y algodn, entre otros productos. Bernal Daz del Castillo. Historia verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espaa, Ed. Porra. Col. Sepan Cuantos # 5. 3 Bebida prehispnica hecha a base de pia fermentada. econmica parecida pero distinta: una clase media de tintes aspiracionales, deseosa y con posibilidades de imitar un estilo de vida externo, enganchada a una idea del bienestar que en su afn consumista supona una vida ms fcil y cmoda. Fast life, espejismo o negacin de la realidad nacional que en ese entonces trataba de sobreponerse a la devaluacin de 1982 y que no imaginaba la transformacin de la ciudad despus del terremoto de 1985. Otra diferencia sustantiva entre el mercado sobre ruedas del lugar donde viva y el citado tianguis de Coapa es que, a diferencia del primero, que suceda en una zona donde las tiendas de autoservicio eran inexistentes, este otro se instalaba en una zona de la Ciudad de Mxico donde se podan encontrar hasta tres supermercados en una misma cuadra. Entonces, cuando al primero se acuda a surtirse de lo primordial, el segundo serva tambin para satisfacer otras necesidades, acaso ms cosmticas. Paralelamente, el acto de ir al mercado contena un evento social de cierta relevancia pues familias enteras se uniformaban en ropa deportiva para recorrer el tianguis y hacer el mandado. Significaba un espacio de convivencia vecinal donde ms all de mandiles, carritos y morraletas, la gente sala a la calle a compartir un espacio comn. Podramos considerarlo un eco de la costumbre provinciana del paseo dominical al parque, transportado a la realidad urbana donde las reas verdes son escasas y los tiempos no propician los espacios de convivencia. As pues, en los mercados ambulantes encuentro un retrato vital de realidades determinadas. Esto se ve desde los productos ms vivos y su derivacin en la comida -otro aspecto bsico y fundamental del mismo- a otros que expresan directamente la idiosincrasia, aspiraciones y necesidades del espacio en cuestin. Son microsistemas, pestaas o rebabas sociales que, en su debida proporcin, dan cuantiosa informacin acerca de un permetro delimitado. He tenido la oportunidad de conocer mercados de este tipo en lugares tan distintos como distantes, geogrfica y culturalmente. Cada uno de ellos, dismiles en lo particular, comparten la misma esencia. Mi profesin de artista me hace considerarlos una referencia importante y una fuente TRUEQUE 5. TRUEQUE 11 inesperada de recursos. Me interesa el fenmeno pues lo que ah se ofrece trasciende su forma para volverse contenedor de tiempo y significados. Acudir a uno de estos espacios involucra un ejercicio mental de asociaciones antropolgicas, econmicas y sociales; una arqueologa y memoria de diferentes realidades que en el devenir de sus objetos nos permite mltiples lecturas a partir de las costras y la escoria acumulada en los bordes de la enorme cacerola que es el mundo. Ahora bien, si se me pidiera recomendar alguno de ellos referira, de primera impresin, al mercado dominical de la calle Miravalle en la colonia Portales del DF, donde venden las mejores carnitas que he probado. Tianguis de Tlatelolco / Ciudad de Mxico / 2011 Miravalle Balam Bartolom to Netzahualcoyotl Galvn 1983. An aunt of mine -sister of my mother- lived in Coapa, on the southwestern part of Mexico City. Every Sunday she used to go with her family to a street market that was set up near their home. These sorts of markets, known in Mexico as tianguis1 , are informal commerce cells where you can find almost everything. They correspond with a significant proportion of the economic structure of the country since prehispanic2 times, and within their alleys a considerable percentageof Mexicos total economy is generated. During my childhood, previous to NAFTA, a lot of what you found in these markets came from the fayuca3 : clothing, toys, gringo candies and lots of electronics. My memory keeps isolated images of the tianguis. Among them I can remember the green plastic marquees that uniformed the four blocks where the market was set up. Also, I remember the man who sold tepache4 in front of two wooden barrels painted bright orange. But definitely, my favorite stand was the one where you could find a countless variety of action figures that woke in my tender imagination epic stories with them as leading characters. Contrary to the tianguis that used to set up near to my home, a semi urban zone where you could find mostly 1 From the nahuatl word tianquiztli, which means market or square. Rmi Simon, Diccionario de la lengua nhuatl o mexicana, Siglo XXI Editores, 1984. 2 The first historic reference to a tianguis is made by Spanish conqueror Bernal Daz del Castillo when he writes about the Tlatelolco tianguis, once the biggest trade centre in America. In this market people could commerce a countless amount of products from the most remote corners the Aztec empire, from Mexico to Honduras. Natives traded pottery, precious feathers and cotton as well as cocoa, jade, corn or gold. Bernal Daz del Castillo. Historia verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espaa, Ed. Porra. Col. Sepan Cuantos # 5. 3 Slang word for smuggled products. 4 Prehispanic beverage made from pineapple. 6. 12 TRUEQUE 13 food supplies, these other tianguis were abundant with goods that were more corresponding to a social class that was, even though similar, very unlike. This is a wannabe and ambitious middle class willing to imitate an external way of life, hooked to an idea of ease that supposed, within its consumerism obsession, a more comfortable existence. Fast life, illusion or denial of the national reality that in those years was trying to recover from the currency devaluation of 1982 and could not imagine the transformation of the city after the great earthquake that was about to happen two years later, in 1985. Another important disparity between the two markets is that the one in Coapa, contrary to the one near my home - a district where malls were non-existent - was and still is full of malls. You can find up to three malls and supermarkets in the same block. So, as you went to one of them to satisfy the so-called primary needs the other was meant to please, so to say, cosmetic needs. At the same time, the act of going to the tianguis contained a social event of certain significance. Entire families dressed up with sport clothing to walk the market and do the shopping. It meant neighborhood coexistence where, beyond trolleys, bags and aprons, people took the street to share a common place. We could almost consider it an echo of the Mexican tradition of the Sunday walk to the park1 transported to the contemporary urban condition where time is short and green areas are not enough. Therefore, in street markets I find a vital portrait of particular realities. You can see this from the most alive products derived from food, another essential facet of the market, to other products that reflect the identity, aspirations, and needs from the space they belong. They work as micro systems or social 1 In Mexico province people still meet in the central park of towns and cities. In Mexico City this tradition still goes on at The Alameda Central, the citys historic central park. A big percentage of the people who come to this park are province people who immigrated to Mexico City. surplus that can give lots of information from an enclosed perimeter. I have had the chance to know several markets of this kind in places so different as they are far away from each other, culturally and geographically speaking. Each of them, as dissimilar as they can possibly be, shares the same essence. As an artist I consider them an important reference as well as an unexpected material resource. I am interested in the phenomenon because what you find within them goes beyond its physic form to become a container of time and meaning. Going to one of these places involves a mental exercise that has anthropologic, economic, and social relations; an archeology and memory of distinctive realities that have, through the evolution of its objects, multiple possibilities and interpretations. All of them happen within the scabs and coatings accumulated in the borders of the huge saucepan that is the world. Now, if somebody asks me to recommend a visit to one of this markets, I would suggest, on first impression, the Sunday tianguis in Miravalle Street in Portales neighborhood, in Mexico City. Here they sell, undoubtedly, the best carnitas1 I have ever had. Tlatelolco tianguis / Mexico City / 2011 1 Traditional dish made from fried pork meat. Usually served with tortillas, lemon, and chili sauce. 7. 14 TRUEQUE 15 La visibilidad de lo intil Aurora Norea Sobre Fernando Montes de Oca, entre la Calzada Santa Cruz y la calle Libertad, detrs del Mercado de Portales en la Ciudad de Mxico. La primera vez que visit el tianguis fue porque me sali al paso tras unas compras en el mercado de Portales. Entre el barullo de los comercios de la calle y el lento y ruidoso trnsito de los coches que por su estrecho margen circulaban, no pude resistirme al remanso existencial que tanta chchara anodina regalaba. La precaria mercadera, que puede haber perdido su pertinencia y estatus en el mundo ultramoderno pero que no por ello es inspida e insignificante, seduce al transente dilatando su pasado, es decir, facilitando la construccin de historias provisionales que desmenuzan y complican un pasado aplanado por el paso del tiempo. Su capacidad para amueblar el ayer se debe, entre otras cosas, a que es un horizonte1 , es decir un punto de inflexin entre el mundo y el individuo, una mirilla para ver simultneamente hacia adelante y hacia atrs. La impdica manera de presentar la imperfeccin y la inutilidad es precisamente el mecanismo que le permite trascender tanto la temporalidad como la materialidad del horizonte finito de nuestra experiencia. Lo inservible, lo deteriorado, lo incongruente, lo sucio y lo abyecto, por ausencia o negacin de sus otrora facultades, logran sustraerse del mundo objetual de circulacin annima donde todo engarza en la complejidad sistmica pero todo pasa desapercibido. 1. Un horizonte en estos trminos es cualquier actividad, lugar o pensamiento que por un momento permite la reflexin sobre nuestra estancia en la realidad. Tanto el tianguis como cada uno de los objetos exhibidos son un horizonte. Lo intil lleva a cabo un proceso de visibilizacin a partir de su papel como pauta simblica en el mapeo mental del pasado, a su posibilidad de constituirse como comprensin eventual y como enigma. Las cosas desechadas, puestas en tal evidencia, tienen una condicin crtica frente al presente: desvan el pensamiento, pandean y comban el mundo desestabilizando nuestro acomodo existencial. 8. 16 TRUEQUE 17 The visibility of the useless: The flea market at Portales Aurora Norea My first visit to this flea market was the result of chance: I simply stumbled upon it after I had done some shopping at the Portales market. Surrounded by the buzz of street vendors as well as the slow and noisy traffic that moved along the streets narrow margin, I could not resist the existential retreat offered by so many insignificant trinkets. The precarious wares for sale may have lost their relevance and status in our ultramodern world, but this does not render them insipid or insignificant. They seduce the onlookers by expanding their pasts, i.e., by allowing for the construction of provisional histories that both sift through and complicate a past flattened by the passage of time. The flea markets ability to furnish days gone by is the result, among other things, of its being a horizon1 , that is to say, a turning point between the world and the individual, a spy-hole that allows one to see both forward and backward. The shameless way in which it presents imperfection and uselessness is precisely the mechanism that allows it to transcend both the temporality and materialness of our experiences finite horizon. Whatever is useless, damaged, incongruous, dirty and abject, whether as a result of loss or denial of its former faculties, manages to retreat from the objective world of anonymous circulation where everything fits into the systemic complexity, but everything goes unnoticed. 1. A horizon, in these terms, means any activity, place or thought that for a moment allows for the reflection on our presence in reality. Both the flea market and each of the items on display are a horizon. Useless items bring about a process of visualization on the basis of their role as symbolic patterns in the mental mapping of the past, of their possibility of turning into eventual understanding and as enigma. Discarded things, displayed with such prominence, have a critical condition vis--vis the present: they take our thoughts on a detour; they twist and bend the world, destabilizing our existential arrangements. Traduccin + Traduction ES-EN: Gabriela Ibarra Cardona Tres rboles se pliegan en el horizonte Aurora Norea Intervencin: suaje y pintura acrlica/pintura al leo autora de Wulff, segn firma. La supuesta ex-propiedad de una seora de Coyoacn, Mxico, D.F. fue adquirida en el tianguis de Portales. 0.32 x 0.59 mts. 2011 Three trees fold themselves at the horizon Intervention: cut and acrilic/ oil painting signed by Wulff. Alleged property of a woman from Coyoacan, Mexico City, acquired at Portales flea market. 0.32 x 0.59 m 2011 9. COPENHAGEN DEN BL HAL 18 CHRISTINE CLEMESSEN 10. 20 El mercado llamado "Den Bl Hal" (El saln azul) est ubicado en la pequea Isla Amager, en Copenhague; se localiza dentro de un rea de grandes empresas, montones de oficinas vacantes y casas de trabajadores. Adems, est muy cerca de un gran campo de futbol, conocido como Klvermarken". The flea market place called Den Bl Hal (The Blue Hall) is on the small island called Amager, in Copenhagen, in an area with big corporate businesses, lots of vacant office spaces and working class housing. Also it is very close by a large vacant football field called Klvermarken. Vista exterior Exterior view DINAMARCA + COPENHAGUE DENMARK + COPENHAGEN Colaboradores de OpenStreetMap, CC-BY-SA TRUEQUE 21 11. TRUEQUE 23 Abajo: cuaderno de notas de Christine Clemmesen Below: notebook of CC Colaboradores de OpenStreetMap, CC-BY-SA 12. Planta arquitectnica + Floor plan 24 13. En Den Bl Hal los comerciantes independientes venden todo tipo de mercancas, materiales decorativos y objetos de segunda mano, por ejemplo, muebles, porcelana, pinturas, joyera, utensilios de cobre, latn, discos, ropa y artculos de electrnica. In Den Bl Hal there are independent traders selling all kind of goods: decorative stuff and worn objects, including furniture, porcelain, paintings, jewelry, copper utensils, brass, vinyl records, clothing, and electronics. Saln principal Main room Direccin + Address Ved Amagerbanen 9, 2300 Kobenhavn S. 26 14. 28 15. TRUEQUE 31 Christine Clemmesen asisti a este lugar de mercado durante noviembre de 2009. CC visited this marketplace during November, 2009. Christine Clemessen Born 1979 in Copenhagen Education 2005-2007 MFA, Sculpture. The Slade School of Fine Art, UCL, London. 1999-2002 B.A. (Hons.) Fine Art Photography, Glasgow School of Art, Scotland. Selected Exhibitions 2010 Danske Grafikeres Hus, Copenhagen. Spilth, Gallery 126, Galway, Ireland. Kup, curated by Jonas Hvid Sndergaard. Hans Alf Gallery, Copenhagen. Things, Skulpturi, Copenhagen. Helene Nyborg Contemporary, Copenhagen. 2009 Pretty Air (solo), Modtar Projects, Copenhagen. Til Vgs, Kunsthal Charlottenborg, Copenhagen. 2008 Collect Call (solo), Modtar Projects, Copenhagen. Art Copenhagen Helene Nyborg Contemporary. Artissima, Torino. Helene Nyborg Contemporary. New Interventions in Sculpture, Helene Nyborg Contemporary. Collections 2008 Tomio Koyama, Tokyo. Nykredit art collection, Copenhagen. Grants and awards 2010 Danish Arts Council, work grant for Spilth. 2009 Karl og Dagmar Thyrres Legat Danish Arts Council. Work grant for Pretty Air. 30 16. 32 Christine Clemmesen Naci en 1979, en Copenhague. Educacin 2005-2007 Maestra en Escultura. The Slade School of Fine Art, UCL, Londres. 1999-2002 Licenciatura (Honores) Fotografa, Glasgow School of Art, Escocia. Seleccin de Exhibiciones 2010 Danske Grafikeres Hus, Copenhague. Spilth, Gallery 126, Galway, Irlanda. Kup, curador Jonas Hvid Sndergaard. Hans Alf Gallery, Copenhague. Things, Skulpturi, Copenhague. Helene Nyborg Contemporary, Copenhague. 2009 Pretty Air (individual), Modtar Projects, Copenhague. Til Vgs, Kunsthal Charlottenborg, Copenhague. 2008 Collect Call (individual), Modtar Projects, Copenhague. Art Copenhagen Helene Nyborg Contemporary. Artissima, Torino. Helene Nyborg Contemporary. New Interventions in Sculpture, Helene Nyborg Contemporary. Colecciones 2008 Tomio Koyama, Tokio. Nykredit art collection, Copenhague. Becas y premios 2010 Danish Arts Council, beca para produccin. 2009 Karl og Dagmar Thyrres Legat Danish Arts Council. Beca para produccin de Pretty Air. 17. FLORIAN LDDE + ALBERTO ACCETURA TRDELHALLE-WEDDING B E R L I N 34 18. TRUEQUE 37 Wedding es un distrito del barrio de Mitte, en Berlin, Alemania, su historia se remonta a finales del siglo diecinueve, cuando trabajadores de diversos sitios del pas migraron a este lugar para habitarlo. Durante la dcada de los treinta, en el siglo pasado, el gobierno nazi persigui a la poblacin por su ideologa comunista y el trabajo poltico que postulaba la clase obrera. Actualmente, un porcentaje considerable de sus habitantes siguen siendo migrantes y an conserva su caracter de barrio de clases trabajadoras. Existe un notable grado de desempleo y el nivel de vida no es equiparable a otros barrios burgueses de Berln, que consolidaron cierto bienestar socioeconmico a partir de la dcada de los noventa. Florian y Alberto exploraron varios mercados de objetos usados localizados en Wedding; en el Trdelhalle-Wedding (Sala de pulgas) encontraron la mayora de las imgenes que dan cuerpo a su colaboracin. Turiner Strae 25 Ecke Utrechter Strae 13347 Berlin-Wedding Wedding is a district of Mitte in Berlin, Germany. Its history goes back to the late nineteenth century, when workers from different parts of the country migrated to this place to live. During the thirties, in the last century, the Nazi government persecuted the working class population because of its communist ideology and political work. Currently, a significant percentage of Weddings inhabitants are migrants and it still retains its character as a working class neighborhood. There is a remarkable degree of unemployment and living standards are not comparable to other bourgeois neighborhoods of Berlin, where it consolidated socio-economic welfare in the nineties. Florian and Albert explored various flea markets located in Wedding, and in the Trdelhalle they found most of the images that give shape to their collaboration. Alemania + Berln Germany + Berlin Direccin + Address 36 Colaboradores de OpenStreetMap, CC-BY-SA 19. 38 We have searched for pictures of couples at flea markets in an area of Berlin. The aim was to find records of every day life and of ordinary situations. Images that depict private life and that come out of private collections revealing relationships at one specific point in time. The pictures do not show the flea market directly, but they give evidence of what the people in the area looked liked. What they liked. Who they loved. Where they lived. Where and who with they went on holiday. The flea market acted as the repertory for those images. Our collection offers a form of their preservation. Hemos buscado fotos de parejas en los mercados de pulgas de un rea de Berln. El objetivo fue encontrar registros de la vida cotidiana y de situaciones ordinarias. Imgenes que describen la vida ntima y que provienen de colecciones privadas, revelando relaciones humanas en un punto especfico en el tiempo. Las fotografas no muestran al mercado de pulgas directamente, sino que dan evidencia de lo que la gente miraba. Lo que les gustaba. A quin amaban. Donde vivan. A dnde y con quin vacacionaban. El mercado de pulgas actu como un depsito para esas imgenes. Nuestra coleccin ofrece una forma de preservarlas. TRUEQUE 39 20. 40 TRUEQUE 41 21. 42 TRUEQUE 43 22. 44 TRUEQUE 45 23. 46 TRUEQUE 47 24. 48 TRUEQUE 49 25. 50 TRUEQUE 51 26. 52 TRUEQUE 53 27. 54 TRUEQUE 55 28. 56 TRUEQUE 57 29. 58 TRUEQUE 59 30. 60 TRUEQUE 61 31. 62 TRUEQUE 63 32. 64 TRUEQUE 65 33. 66 TRUEQUE 67 34. 68 TRUEQUE 69 35. 70 TRUEQUE 71 36. TRUEQUE 73 Alberto Accettura, 1979, lives in Milan Florian Ldde, 1977, lives in Berlin. They started their collaboration in 2007. Exhibitions 2010 ANNUAL GROUP EXHIBITION @ SPOR KLB, Kolonie Wedding, Berlin. 2009 ANNUAL GROUP EXHIBITION @ SPOR KLB, Kolonie Wedding, Berlin. 2008 JEDER MENSCH IST EIN KNSTLER Kolonie Wedding, Berlin. CRAZY LITTLE THING,Alberto Accettura Florian Ldde European Month of Photography, Berlin. 2007 EPISODES 1-10 Hoepli, Milan. NARRATIVES FROM THE CONTEMPORARY METROPOLIS, Arts Council, Oxford, USA 2008 PHOTOGRAPHY IN EPISODES Jakala, Milan. STORIES Kolonie Wedding, Berlin. Artist-in-Residence: 2009 PILOTPROJEKT GROPIUSSTADT, Berlin. Curatorials: 2008 INTO THE COUNTRY & INTO THE CITY 2009 Utopia, Milan (IT) with: Gail Levin (CUNY, New York) Cinzia Scarpino (Universit degli Studi di Milano) Cinzia Schiavini (Universit degli Studi di Milano) Simon Schleusener (JFK Institute, Berlin) Florian Ldde y Alberto Accetura asistieron a estos lugares de mercado durante agosto de 2010. FL and AA visited these marketplaces during August, 2010. 72 37. 74 Alberto Accettura, 1979, vive en Miln Florian Ldde, 1977, vive en Berln. Comenzaron a colaborar en 2007. Exhibiciones 2010 ANNUAL GROUP EXHIBITION @ SPOR KLB, Kolonie Wedding, Berln. 2009 ANNUAL GROUP EXHIBITION @ SPOR KLB, Kolonie Wedding, Berln. 2008 JEDER MENSCH IST EIN KNSTLER Kolonie Wedding, Berln. CRAZY LITTLE THING,Alberto Accettura Florian Ldde Mes Europeo de Fotografa, Berln. 2007 EPISODES 1-10 Hoepli, Miln. NARRATIVES FROM THE CONTEMPORARY METROPOLIS, Arts Council, Oxford, EUA 2008 PHOTOGRAPHY IN EPISODES Jakala, Miln. STORIES Kolonie Wedding, Berln. Residencias artsticas: 2009 PILOTPROJEKT GROPIUSSTADT, Berln. Curaduras: 2008 INTO THE COUNTRY & INTO THE CITY 2009 Utopia, Miln, con: Gail Levin (CUNY, Nueva York) Cinzia Scarpino (Universit degli Studi di Milano) Cinzia Schiavini (Universit degli Studi di Milano) Simon Schleusener (JFK Institute, Berln) 38. ELIZABETH MEGGS BROOKLYN FLEA NEW YORK 76 39. En el barrio de Fort Greene, en Brooklyn, Nueva York, cada sbado, cerca de 150 comerciantes venden al aire libre su mercanca en el mercado Brooklyn Flea. Ofrecen al pblico antigedades, muebles, ropa usada, discos, perfumes, joyera, zapatos, objetos de coleccin, comida, plantas, etc. In the neighborhood of Fort Greene, Brooklyn, New York, each Saturday, 150 vendors offer their merchandise in the Brooklyn Flea outdoor market. They sell antiques, furniture, clothing, vinyl records, lotions, jewelry, art and crafts, food, plants, etc. Glass Ball Mason food canning jars. Tarros para conservas Ball Mason. USA + NEW YORK EUA + NUEVA YORK 78 TRUEQUE 79 Colaboradores de OpenStreetMap, CC-BY-SA 40. Direccin + Address: 176 Lafayette Ave, Brooklyn. NY, 11238 41. TRUEQUE 83 The Brooklyn Flea Market Brooklyn, New York, USA Elizabeth Meggs One of the main thrills of the Brooklyn Flea Market is the sense of possibility for finding the unexpected. Lush with an abundance of goods offered by an ever-changing spectrum of vendors, a sense of mystery and anticipation might reach an eager shopper, igniting a primal and innate desire to explore. The American penchant for rebellion and adventure needs an outlet, and The Brooklyn Flea is one such place. One might spark and satiate his inner Amerigo Vespucci or Christopher Columbus, or her lust for outer space travel and buffalo hunting, while taking a Saturday to momentarily quell the always unquenched human curiosity and longing for understanding of this world. A funny green hat or a neon pink belt are a benign way to rebel. The hunt, and the adventure, still exist... in the form of shopping. The tactile and sensory seduction of the Brooklyn Flea Market cannot be denied. It might be said that the best things in life are not free, as the old saying goes, but that the best things in life are analog. 42. To reaching the Brooklyn Flea Market begins with transit and exodus. One must straphang on the subway, ride a New York City bus, drive, bicycle, or most analog of all, walk to the outdoor location at 176 Lafayette Avenue in the Brooklyn, New York, neighborhood of Fort Greene. The journey on foot weaves through blocks of the ubiquitous and coveted iconic Brooklyn brownstone homes. Most of these homes were built in the early 1900s, and their close proximity to one another lends the neighborhood a lively and populated air. The weather is of little consequence, as the Fort Greene Brooklyn Flea Market location remains in session outdoors, rain or shine, until it becomes too cold to stand it, in November. Your walk to the market will include many trees, vibrantly advertising the current season with their leaf colors. The sidewalks of Brooklyn are wide, sometimes cement, but sometimes large slabs of slate from the early days of the neighborhood. Most of the brownstone homes have spindly wrought iron gates in front, whose resonating clinks have persisted through the past century as families, and indeed lives, go about their daily business, grow, die, and ultimately continue so long as the neighborhood exists. Approaching the market, Bishop Loughlin High School looms first in the sky. A stream of people runs to and from the market like ants to a picnic, during the hours it is open on Saturdays, from 10 am to 5 pm. The schoolyard is surrounded by a tall chain link fence, which some vendors use to display their wares. The market is deliciously and delightfully all outdoors in the schoolyard in Fort Greene - a welcome relief for weary urbanites retreating from a week of small apartments, office cubicles, and crowded subways. What might be found at the Brooklyn Flea Market? It's to be expected that vintage clothes and furniture will be for sale every week. Beyond that, handmade objects, antiques, jewelry, books, food, and relics left from the oh-so-recent but ever so far away analog world. It is rare to find anything very closely connected to the current digital era, such as new video games or non-obsolete electronics, though the Brooklyn Flea Market does have its own website. Serious buyers show up with fistfuls of cold hard cash: crisp United States currency. 84 43. 86 TRUEQUE 87 El mercado Brooklyn Flea Brooklyn, Nueva York, EUA Elizabeth Meggs Una de las cosas ms emocionantes del Mercado Brooklyn Flea es la posibilidad de encontrar lo inesperado. Es exuberante y con una gran variedad de mercanca ofrecida por un espectro de vendedores siempre cambiante. Un sentido de misterio y expectacin puede alcanzar al impaciente comprador, encendiendo un fundamental deseo innato por explorar. La fuerte inclinacin americana por la rebelin y la aventura necesitan una vlvula de escape, y el Brooklyn Flea es un lugar para eso. Uno puede saciar al Amrico Vespucio o el Cristbal Coln que lleva dentro, o el deseo de viajar al espacio exterior o de cazar bfalos, dedicando un sbado para sofocar momentneamente la siempre insaciable curiosidad humana y el anhelo por comprender este mundo. Un gracioso sombrero verde o un cinturn rosa nen son formas benignas de rebelarse. La caza y la aventura, an existen... en la manera de comprar. La seduccin tctil y sensorial del Brooklyn Flea no se pueden negar. Podemos parafrasear al viejo refrn y decir que las mejores cosas en la vida no son gratis sino anlogas. Llegar al Brooklyn Flea comienza con trnsito y xodo. Se puede utilizar el metro, tomar un camin, manejar, ir en bicicleta, o lo ms anlogo de todo, llegar caminando hasta el 176 de la Avenida Lafayette, donde se encuentra ubicado, en Brooklyn, Nueva York, en el barrio de Fort Greene. Viajar a pie implica recorrer varias cuadras de las codiciadas e icnicas casas marrones de Brooklyn. Muchas de estas casas fueron construidas a principios de 1900, y su proximidad entre s da al vecindario un ambiente popular y lleno de vida. El clima es de poca importancia, el Brooklyn Flea contina sus actividades al aire libre, llueva o truene, hasta noviembre, cuando hace demasiado fro para soportarlo. En el camino encontrars muchos rboles que evocan la estacin del ao con el vibrante colorido de su follaje. Las aceras son anchas, a veces de cemento, y otras, son grandes losas de piedra provenientes de los primeros das del vecindario. La mayora de las casas marrones tienen delgadas puertas de hierro forjado en el frente, cuyos sonidos han persistido a lo largo del siglo pasado, igual que las familias y sus actividades diarias; crecen, mueren y continan sus vidas, en tanto exista el barrio. Junto al mercado, la secundaria Bishop Loughlin se asoma vagamente en el horizonte. Durante las horas que est abierto, de las 10 a las 17 horas, un gento va y viene desde el Brooklyn Flea, como hormigas a un picnic. El patio de la escuela est rodeado por una elevada cerca de alambre, que algunos vendedores utilizan para mostrar sus mercancas. El mercado est cmodamente ubicado al aire libre en el patio de la escuela, un alivio para los cansados citadinos, que huyen de una semana en departamentos pequeos, cubculos de oficina y el atiborrado metro. Qu puede encontrarse en el Brooklyn Flea? Es de esperar que la ropa vieja y los muebles estn a la venta todas las semanas. Ms all de eso, hay objetos hechos a mano, antigedades, joyas, libros, comida y reliquias bien conservadas, provenientes de un lejano mundo anlogo. Es raro encontrar algo relacionado con la actual era digital, como juegos de video o aparatos electrnicos que no sean obsoletos, aunque el Brooklyn Flea tiene su propio sitio en internet. Los compradores formales aparecen con puados de fro dinero en efectivo: moneda crujiente de los Estados Unidos. 44. 90 TRUEQUE 91 Relics From an Analog World, sold in 2010 at the Brooklyn Flea Market by Elizabeth Meggs Typewriters Incandescent light bulbs Acoustic guitars Glass Ball Mason food canning jars Record albums Cases for metal type Rotary telephones Manual 35mm cameras Books Reliquias de un Mundo Anlogo, vendidas en el mercado Brooklyn Flea en el 2010 por EM Mquinas de escribir Focos incandescentes Guitarras acsticas Tarros para conservas Ball Mason Discos de acetato Estuches para tipos metlicos de imprenta Telfonos de discado Cmaras de 35-millimetros Libros Shopping in America: The Big Binge Elizabeth Meggs The increasingly predominant culture of this relatively new capitalistic country called the United States has become consumption. The zeitgeist is fueled by advertising and mundane merchandise. Even art has been taken over by this approach, with popular films, books, television shows, fine art, and music being furnished, promoted, and profligated more by the mainstream advertising blitz than by intellectualism or individual sensitivity and proclivity. Couple capitalism with democracy, and you have a society of people in which it frequently feels everyone is selling something or promoting oneself, whether its your cafe waiters screenplay or your next door neighbors old shoes. Self- promotion and product promotion, through an all- out advertising assault, have become slick and masterfully manipulative of consumers minds and hearts. One of the main charms of the Brooklyn Flea Market is the freedom from insistent advertising, 45. and the idea that the goods available may have once been unwanted or discarded. Reusing and rediscovering, free from corporate attitudes and advertising, feels refreshing. A hefty dose of materialism is inherent on the schoolyard at the Brooklyn Flea Market, however. Some of the flea shoppers look so eager that it is easy to imagine greed personified. Many items of kitsch and superficial fashion appeal to wants as opposed to needs, and ultimately become useless dust catchers in crowded apartments. The phrase retail therapy is used in America. I do not know if this phrase is used in other countries, but in the U.S. it speaks to the idea of feeling better and happier through shopping. What follows the rise of this consumer culture is an ugliness of greed, superficiality, crass mass consumption, overindulgence, and a sense of never reaching satiation. Corporate advertising often presents impossible and unattainable ideals that leave consumers always feeling they are never quite good enough unless they acquire more products. This cycle never ends, as every season brings new items to buy and new identities to acquire through shopping. This culture damages sensitive and vulnerable humans' psyches, and keeps them running, as if on a treadmill, toward a point of a fantasy existence that simply does not exist. The emotional toll such a consumer culture takes may be evident in many ways in America, from overwhelming obesity to a huge recent problem of home foreclosure, from massive credit card debts to the trend of binge drinking of alcohol. What is the American Dream? It is hard to say anymore. In the 20th Century, the American Dream was to have a good job, raise a family safely, practice whatever religion one chose, and be financially secure through owning a house and a car. The idea of freedom was an essential element in defining the American Dream. Today, the specter of failure shadows the millions of strivers in a shaky economy in which jobs are much more scarce than they once were. What happens to all of these Americans, so coached by the current consumer culture that material success equals overall success, when the material does not materialize? The Flea Market shows a sense of recollection, through objects that have been restored, with long and colorful histories behind each shoe or record album. The popularity of the Brooklyn Flea Market indicates that Americans are seeking out an alternative to the disposable culture of corporately planned obsolescence. An underlying sense is simmering, that Americans are tired of the corporate control of our lives, of the crass consumerism, of the reckless spending, and of mindlessly using the Earths resources. Americans may not be ready to stop shopping, but a venue such as the Brooklyn Flea Market allows a shopper a more personal and sensitive experience, with a sense of reinvigorating something discarded. As a country, our history is wild, colorful, and short. Will the United States make it? Will we learn to adjust our visions beyond the immediate impulse, or will we just keep shopping, shopping, and shopping? 92 TRUEQUE 93 46. 94 TRUEQUE 95 vulnerables las mentes, mantenindolas pensando en una rutina, hasta el punto de la fantasa, algo que simplemente no existe. La cuota emocional del consumidor es evidente en Estados Unidos, se manifiesta de muchas maneras, desde incontenible obesidad hasta problemas en casa. Desde deudas infinitas en las tarjetas de crdito hasta el consumo excesivo de alcohol. Qu es el sueo Americano? Es difcil decir algo ms. Inicialmente era tener un buen trabajo, mantener una familia con seguridad, practicar cualquier religin que se escogiera y tener seguridad financiera, que se reflejaba siendo dueo de una casa y un carro. La idea de la libertad era un elemento esencial para definir al sueo americano. Ahora, el espectro de lo fallido ensombrece a millones de trabajadores en una economa poco slida, donde los trabajos son ms escasos que nunca. Que sucede con todos estos estadounidenses, tan manipulados por la cultura consumista, donde el xito material equivale al xito general, y cuando lo material no se consigue? El Brooklyn Flea ofrece un sentido de reminiscencia, mediante objetos que han sido restaurados y por largas y coloridas historias detrs de cada zapato o disco. La popularidad del Brooklyn Flea indica que los estadounidenses buscan una alternativa a la cultura desechable corporativista que implica la prdida de valor de uso de los productos. Un sentimiento subyacente se cocina, los estadounidenses estamos cansados del control corporativo de nuestras vidas, del burdo consumismo, de los imprudentes gastos y del uso irracional de los recursos de la Tierra. Los estadounidenses tal vez no estn listos para dejar de comprar, pero un lugar como el Mercado Brooklyn Flea permite al pblico una experiencia ms personal y sensible, en el sentido de revigorizar lo desechado. Como pas, nuestra historia es corta, salvaje y llena de color. Estados Unidos lo lograr? Aprenderemos a ajustar nuestra visin ms all del impulso inmediato, o slo seguiremos comprando, comprando y comprando? Comprar en Amrica: El gran atracn Elizabeth Meggs La creciente y predominante cultura de este pas capitalista, relativamente nuevo, llamado Estados Unidos, se ha convertido en consumismo. El espritu de la poca se alimenta de publicidad y mercanca mundana. Hasta el arte ha sido tomado por este enfoque, pelculas populares, libros, programas de televisin, arte y msica provista y promovida ms por el bombardeo publicitario dominante que por el intelectualismo o la sensibilidad individual o las tendencias mismas. Asociando el capitalismo y la democracia, se obtiene una sociedad donde se siente frecuentemente que cada uno se promueve a s mismo o vende algo, ya sea el guin realizado por el mesero del caf o los viejos zapatos de tu vecino de al lado. La auto-promocin y el producto de la promocin, a travs del ataque publicitario, se han vuelto hbiles y efectivos para manipular las mentes y los corazones de los consumidores. Uno de los principales encantos del Mercado Brooklyn Flea es liberarse de la publicidad insistente y la idea de que los objetos ofrecidos ya no se desean o han sido desechados. Reusando y redescubriendo, libre de actitudes empresariales y de publicidad, uno se reconforta. Sin embargo, una gran dosis de materialismo es inherente al Brooklyn Flea. Algunos de los compradores del mercado lucen tan entusiasmados que es fcil imaginar su codicia. Muchos artculos kitsch o de moda son lo opuesto a lo necesario, y al final se vuelven intiles y slo amontonan polvo en departamentos atestados. La frase retail therapy es usada en Amrica. No s si esta frase es empleada en otros pases, pero en EUA habla de la idea de sentirse mejor o ms feliz a travs de las compras. Lo que sigue al auge de la cultura consumista es una abominable codicia, superficialidad, insensible consumismo en masa, abuso y un sentimiento de insaciabilidad. La publicidad usualmente presenta ideales imposibles e inalcanzables que dejan siempre a los consumidores con un mal sentimiento a menos que adquieran ms productos. Este crculo nunca se cierra, cada temporada trae nuevos artculos y nuevas identidades que adoptar a travs de las compras. Esta cultura daa la sensibilidad y vuelve 47. Elizabeth Meggs asisti a este lugar de mercado durante julio de 2010. EM visited this marketplace during July, 2010. About the Artist Elizabeth Meggs is a Brooklyn-based artist, illustrator, and designer, whose most recent work includes paintings, photography, and hand-bound artist books. She was born in a yellow house with blue shutters in 1977 in Richmond, Virginia, the same year Star Wars was released and Elvis Presley died. On January 8, 2004, she was inducted into the Visual Lunacy Society. She attended Virginia Commonwealth University on a full academic scholarship, graduating summa cum laude with a BFA in Communication Arts and Design. She received her masters degree with distinction in Painting from Pratt Institute. She has worked as a graphic designer at Hearsts Victoria Magazine, as a writer at The Los Angeles Daily News, at Pierogi Gallery in Brooklyn, as an instructor at Brooklyn Botanic Garden, as an adjunct faculty member at Virginia Commonwealth University, and now as a visiting faculty member at Pratt Institute. Exhibitions include Sweet Lorraine Gallery, Satori Gallery, ISE Cultural Foundation, Lucky Gallery, Los Angeles Center for Digital Art, Brooklyn Artists Gym, Mariners Museum, Anderson Gallery, and more. Her recent essay about growing up with design historian Philip B. Meggs, titled Life By Design: From Ephemeral to Historical, was published in the book Meggs: Making Graphic Design History., John Wiley & Sons. 96 TRUEQUE 97 48. Acerca de la artista Elizabeth Meggs es una artista, diseadora e ilustradora que vive y trabaja en Brooklyn, sus ms recientes trabajos incluyen pinturas, fotografas y libros de artista hechos a mano. Naci en 1977, en Richmond, Virginia, en una casa amarilla con postigos azules, ese ao se estren Star Wars y muri Elvis Presley. El 8 de enero de 2004, fue aceptada en la Visual Lunacy Society. Asisti a la Virginia Commonwealth University con una beca acadmica completa, se gradu con honores y obtuvo la Licenciatura en Artes de la Comunicacin y Diseo. Recibi con distinciones el grado de Maestra en Pintura en el Pratt Institute. Ha trabajado como diseadora grfica en Hearsts Victoria Magazine, como escritora en The Los Angeles Daily News, tambin para Pierogi Gallery en Brooklyn, como profesora en Brooklyn Botanic Garden, como miembro adjunto de la facultad en Virginia Commonwealth University, y ahora como miembro invitado de la facultad en Pratt Institute. Ha exhibido su obra en Sweet Lorraine Gallery, Satori Gallery, ISE Cultural Foundation, Lucky Gallery, Los Angeles Center for Digital Art, Brooklyn Artists Gym, Mariners Museum, Anderson Gallery, entre otros. Su reciente ensayo, titulado Life By Design: From Ephemeral to Historical, fue publicado en el libro Meggs: Making Graphic Design History., con la editorial John Wiley & Sons, en dicho escrito, Elizabeth narra su crecimiento al lado del historiador del diseo Philip B. Meggs. 98 49. THAIS MEDEIROS SAARA RIO DE JANEIRO 100 50. TRUEQUE 103 SAARA es el mayor mercado popular ubicado en la zona cntrica de Ro de Janeiro; a lo largo de varias calles, los comerciantes ofrecen todo tipo de productos, como ropa, utensilios para el hogar, joyera, muebles, zapatos, medicamentos, electrnica, etc., tambin hay restaurantes, estacionamientos, bares, clnicas y bancos. SAARA is the most popular market located in downtown Rio de Janeiro. Along several streets, merchants offer all kinds of products such as clothing, household utensils, jewelry, furniture, shoes, medicine, electronics, etc. There are also restaurants, parking, bars, clinics and banks. 51. TRUEQUE 107 BRASIL + RIO DE JANEIRO BRAZIL + RIO DE JANEIRO Colaboradores de OpenStreetMap, CC-BY-SA 52. TRUEQUE 109108 SAARA Thais Medeiros O Saara uma rea de comrcio em sobrados de arquitetura colonial fundada nos anos 60, localizada no centro da cidade do Rio de Janeiro com caractersticas muito peculiares. Para comear, uma regio aonde comerciantes imigrantes de diversos pases como a Sria, Lbano, Grcia, Turquia, Portugal, Espanha, dentre outros, se estabeleceram. Assim, o SAARA o lugar aonde possvel encontrar produtos tnicos de todo canto deste mundo e talvez um pouco mais alm. Hoje em dia, juntaram- se `a associao de comerciantes os chineses, japonenses e coreanos. Para entrar no mundo mgico do Saara basta dizer para algum que trabalha l o que voc procura. Imediatamente ser dada uma resposta no melhor estilo senha: nome de uma das ruas e nmero. Logo o visitante encontrar pelo caminho inmeras tentaes descartveis e imprescindveis. Costumo ir ao Saara `as vezes somente para alegrar a minha imaginao, com uma pausa para uma laranjada. Fazer qualquer coisa no Saara divertido, at mesmo nada! Mas verdade que o Saara o lugar onde quase podemos encontrar quase toda material- prima para todo tipo de coisa que se pretende fazer, ou fantasiar, como o caso no carnaval. As ruas do Saara viram uma loucura, o calor costuma estar no auge nesse perodo do ano, fazendo desse preparativo um evento divertidssimo. As pessoas buscam com seriedade todo tipo de penas, perucas, etc artificiais nunca imaginados. Se apaixonar por algo intil no Saara um clssico e impossvel no se encantar com a loucura que so as ruas do Saara cheias de gente e ofertas misturadas ao longo do ano, com picos de multido em datas como carnaval, pscoa, dia das crianas e Natal. No h carnaval digno sem um artigo do Saara, que inclusive tem uma das marchinhas mais antigas em sua homenagem (dos compositores Haroldo Lobo e Nssara): 53. 110 Allah-l-, / Mas que calor, / Atravessamos o deserto do Saara/O sol estava quente/ Queimou a nossa cara/ Viemos do Egito/E muitas vezes/Ns tivemos que rezar/ Allah! allah! allah, meu bom allah!/Mande gua pra ioi/ Mande gua pra Iai/ Allah! meu bom allah Outra particularidade do Saara ter uma radio onde tocam anncios, jingles to famosos quanto o mercado, e aonde comerciantes participam de entrevistas ou de programas sobre assuntos do cotidiano que so escutadas em toda regio a partir de caixas de som instaladas nas ruas. Foi no Saara que, em 2006, eu e outros amigos artistas fizemos a primeira ao do nosso coletivo, o La Rica -Sistema de Som Ambulante. Na alvorada do dia 22 para 23 de abril realizado no Saara uma grande festa para So Jorge, pois est l tambm uma das duas igrejas de So Jorge no Rio de Janeiro (a outra fica no bairro de Quintino). Nessa ocasio, as pessoas se vestem de vermelho e branco passam a noite numa enorme fila para assistir a missa de celebrao de So Jorge. Do lado de fora da igreja, so instaladas barraquinhas de comida, como numa feira livre. Surgem tambm algumas rodas de batucada para Ogun, orix que sincretizado a So Jorge e que representa proteo contra as guerras e demandas espirituais. O La Rica foi um coletivo que trabalhava com diversos meios, a partir de estratgias de ocupao de espaos urbanos, criando ambientes e situaes participativas. A festa de So Jorge tremendamente popular, e este era um dos motivos pelos quais queramos fazer a nossa interveno a. Participamos da festa de So Jorge no Saara de 2006 a 2010. Montvamos uma barraca, um sistema de som com djs convidados e oferecamos `as pessoas um panelo frango com quiabo, a comida de ogun. Com o La Rica comecei a fazer um projeto chamado Situaes de Leitura. Impressos que eu levava para espaos pblicos e onde eu publicava textos que tinham relao com o contexto de interveno/ ocupaco do La Rica. As situaes de leitura so publicaes que eu fao e levo p locais pblicos, impresses de serigrafia sobre papel jornal, o mesmo que usado sobre mesas de bar. Coloco esses impressos sobre caixas e organizo essas caixas como se fossem mesas improvisadas para que o texto impresso funcione como uma toalha. Minha idia era que as pessoas sentassem para ler e levassem o texto se quissessem. A rua me parece um lugar interessante, tenso e conservador aqui no Rio, que no fcil de se apropriar. Atualmente, continua a trabalhar com esses impressos levando-os para locais pblicos e gosto do formato de toalha de mesa porque tenho a inteno de que a coisa seja notada, mas que tambm possa passar desapercebida. Pausa para o caf... vou ao Saara de bicicleta. 54. 00 TRUEQUE 113 Chicken with asparagus of the poor Meal in honor of Ogun, orisha represented as Saint George in Brazil, commemorated on the April 23. 10 kilos of chicken, two large bags of asparagus of the poor, garlic, ginger, cumin, black pepper, cinnamon, nut, bay leaves, rosemary, parsley... 8 hours before Clean the chicken and marinate with garlic and bay leaf. Separate the skin to make stock. Cartel realizado por Thais Medeiros Poster by TM 55. TRUEQUE 115 For the stock: Boil a liter of water with chicken skin and then immerse previously prepared a package containing the spices: cinnamon, rosemary, parsley, ginger and remains of the asparagus of the poor (stem and below tip). Later Brown the garlic, add chicken and spices: ginger, cumin, pepper and salt. Cook chicken, putting the broth slowly, it must be previously filtered. The asparagus of the poor: Slice and cook in salted water. Drain. Use a bit of lemon juice to dry its slime. Or not. Gumbo, okra or ladys fingers (african origin) is called asparagus of the poor (Antilles), molondron (Dominican Republic) and quimbombo (Cuba). SAARA Thais Medeiros SAARA is a shopping area and trade association. It was founded in the 60s, built in colonial era architecture and is located in Rio de Janeiros downtown area. The area is a neighborhood where traders and immigrants from various countries such as Syria, Lebanon, Greece, Turkey, Portugal, Spain, among others, arrived. Thus, SAARA is where you can find ethnic products from every corner of this world and perhaps a little further. More recently the Chinese, Korean, and Japanese have joined in the fray, becoming members of the trade association. To enter into the magical world of SAARA just ask anyone who works there what you are looking for. Youll immediately receive a password in the form of the name of a street and a shop number. Soon youll be on your way to finding one of the many temptations, from disposable objects to necessities. I go to SAARA sometimes just to brighten up my imagination, with a break for an orange juice or coffee. But usually SAARA is the place where anyone can find supplies for anything one wants to do, or wear, as is the case during Carnival. At this time, the streets of the SAARA become crazed. The heat is usually at its peak this time of year, making the atmosphere even more intense. People seriously examine all kinds of feathers, wigs and things that one has never imagined. Arriving at home from SAARA with something useless is a classic scenario. It is impossible not to marvel at the madness of the streets filled with people, the variety of the offerings throughout the year, and the peaks on days like Carnival, Easter, Childrens Day and Christmas. Carnival wouldnt be the same without some sort of accessory bought in SAARA. The market is remembered in Carnival with the marchinha, a traditional Carnival tune that emerged in Rio de Janeiro, composed by Haroldo Lobo and Nassar: 56. Allah-l-, / Mas que calor, / Atravessamos o deserto do Saara/O sol estava quente/ Queimou a nossa cara/ Viemos do Egito/E muitas vezes/Ns tivemos que rezar/ Allah! allah! allah, meu bom allah!/Mande gua pra ioi/ Mande gua pra Iai/ Allah! meu bom allah Another peculiarity of SAARA is that it has a radio station that is broadcast on loudspeakers throughout the area. The radio plays ads and jingles that are as famous as the area itself, as well as interviews with shopkeepers discussing day-to-day issues. It was in SAARA in 2006 that some fellow artists and I launched our collective La Rica Sistema de Som Ambulante. Every year on April 23rd at dawn we held a big celebration for St. George because SAARA is also the location of one of the churches of St. George in Rio de Janeiro. St. George is one of the most beloved saints of the locals because he is syncretized with Ogun, an Orisha that represents protection against wars and demandas espirituales in Candombl . On this occasion people dress in red and white and spend the night waiting in a huge queue to attend the mass at the small church of Saint George located within SAARA. Outside the church there are food stalls and at around 4am batucadas for Ogun. La Rica was a collective that worked with a variety of media, from occupation of urban spaces to creating participatory environments and situations. The feast of St. George is extremely popular, and this was one of the reasons we wanted to make our intervention there. Our collective participated in the festival of St. George at SAARA from 2006 to 2010. Mounting a tent and a sound system with guest DJs, we offered people a free dish of chicken with okra, the traditional spiritual food of Ogun. During La Rica I began a project called Reading Situations. I published texts related to the context of the intervention / occupation of La Rica and distributed them at the events. These reading situations are publications that I make and take to public places. For example, they might be silkscreen prints on paper towels or paper table mats that are typically used in restaurants or on bar tables. In one installation at a local market I built tables from leftover crates from the market and placed these table mats on top to create a kind of caf. My idea was that people have time to sit down and read in a place that is not normally equipped for such an activity. The street is an interesting place in Rio de Janeiro, tense and conservative as well as crowded. Currently I continue to work with this format, taking these table mats to public places and leaving them there. The intention is that the event both happens and goes unnoticed. A break for coffee... I go to SAARA by bike. 116 57. Canal de Raadio SAARA en YouTube Radio SAARAs channel - YouTube: http://www.youtube.com/user/radiosaara Ms informacin + More information: http://www.comprenasaara.com.br/institucional/radio- saara 58. 120 SAARA alberga mil doscientos establecimientos comerciales y regularmente es visitado por setenta mil personas todos los das. SAARA has one thousand two hundred stores and is regularly visited by seventy thousand people every day. 59. Thais Medeiros, 1978 Artista, investigadora de arte. Licenciada en Ciencias Sociales con especialidad en Antropologa Visual (PUC-Rio/Nueva Universidad de Lisboa). Estudi la Maestra en Poticas visuais en la Escuela de Bellas Artes de la UFRJ (2007). Fue miembro del equipo editorial y traductora para la revista Arte y Ensaios (2007-2009). Contribuye en el contenido o traducciones para otras publicaciones de artes visuales, tales como Santa Art Magazine (2010-). Trabaja con los medios de la imagen y la escritura, en 2009 puso en marcha Rebus, una revista independiente dedicada a la traduccin de poesa y escritos de artistas visuales. Cada edicin de Rebus se inicia con un mini evento Dada. Fue miembro del colectivo La Rica, dedicado a la intervencin urbana (2006-2010). Thais Medeiros asisti a este lugar de mercado durante abril y julio de 2010. TM visited this marketplace from April to July, 2010. TRUEQUE 123 60. Thais Medeiros, 1978 Artist, researcher of art. Graduated in Social Sciences with a major in Visual Anthropology (PUC-Rio / New University of Lisbon). Masters in Poticas Visuais -at the School of Fine Arts from UFRJ (2007). Member of the editorial team and translator for the Arte & Ensaios magazine (2007-2009), also contributing with content or translations to other visual arts publications, such as Santa Art Magazine (2010-). Works with the mediums of image and writing, and in 2009, launched the independent zine Rebus, dedicated to the translation of poetry and the writings of visual artists. Each edition of Rebus is launched with a mini Dada event. Medeiros was also a member of the urban intervention collective La Rica (2006-2010). 124 61. L O N D O N ADAM THOMAS BRICK LANE MARKET 126 62. 128 TRUEQUE 129 Where to start... Number 59 Brick Lane half way down the street, past the market, near the curry houses on the right People live and work side by side. Brick Lane has been noted as a successful integration of immigrant communities. The linear axis of the street is one way to image Brick Lane. The Sunday market that attracts 1000s of visitors who enter the street from 3 main points North, South and Middle. The markets trail down Brick Lane, dispersing down side streets, into warehouses, car parks, and up flights of stairs. This spread is akin to a network growth out from a linear axis, gathering with density some where in the middle. One graphical function of a linear axis is a gradient, applicable here in noting the change of types of permanent businesses along the market streets. From the Bethnal Green Road on one side to the Osborn Street/Whitechapel Road on the other. (To talk about a top or a bottom doesnt feel right here, neither does the left or right Lets settle for North and South, respectively. ) So from the northern most corners of the street, where two bars of differing style (one Hippy-esque the other Hipster-esque) bookend the junction, the north side is predominantly bars, clubs, galleries, boutiques, and a handful of hookah lounges and a handful of small independent restaurants and cafes. A small number of leather wholesalers, (suggesting the textile heritage of the area,) are managing to hold onto their shops and warehouses despite gentrification and regeneration, though some have adapted their business to meet the range of clientele for boutiques... Whilst the southern end of the street is full of Indian Restaurants, clothing and textiles shops for saris and other Indian fashion items, literature on Islam, fresh Indian street food and imported goods, all owned by members of the Bangladeshi community, (upon whos younger generation the future of the story of the communities integration will inevitably fall) The further north the less the businesses are affected by the pressures of the Islamic Bangladeshi Brick Lane is in Tower Hamlets, which I believe was once part of the borough of Popular, but around the 1960s, became part of the borough of Tower Hamlets. The market on Brick Lane could date back as far as the French Huguenots who were some of the earliest immigrants to the area, followed by Jewish, Irish and in the last few decades, Bangladeshi. Now there is talk of the area being the next Silicon Valley, with the burgeoning Digital Media business scene based there, plus the areas recession beating trendiness; bars, galleries, clubs and boutiques. This is after the gentrification of the area to the North and West of Brick Lane, by Artists notably the Young British Artists of the late 80s and 90s and other creative types that followed, chasing cheap rent and industrial spaces. One place of interest on Brick Lane is number 59. From this unique building we can start to understand the history of the area, if not Europe and Eurasia: Originally the French Huguenot community built the building as a Protestant Church and small school in 1743. They had migrated fleeing religious persecution by the Catholics at home, and had been arriving in the area since the 1680s. The Huguenot brought with them their silk weaving skills and also built rows of Georgian town houses, which made up much of the architecture in the area. From 1809 59 Brick Lane was The Jews Chapel Housing The London Society for Promoting Christianity Among the Jews. The society failed to have a great impact on the residents of Brick Lane, so chose to relocate. After that period of the building was taken over in 1819 by the Methodists who had a strong relation to the East End. From 1897 the building was the principle Synagogue of the area serving the Jewish community in the East End following the assassination of the Tsar of Russia in 1881. In the 1960s the Jewish community in the area dwindled as many moved to north London. Since 1976 the building has been one of the largest mosques in the capital Jamme Masjid, which houses a Prayer Hall and school for religious instruction. This building is a symbol of change and continuity, being claimed by each successive community as its own. Street market as public space/ shared space 63. 130 TRUEQUE 131 community with regards to the sale of alcohol. It is necessary to consider the diverse histories of Brick Lane, from the different and successive immigration into the area, and how the religious identification shape the areas politics and influence. Here number 59 is important, as discussed above as an architectural continuation, and also the street axis and network sprawl of the market and businesses. Changing discourse I want also to look at the way it is talked about, the discourse on multiculturalism; its scapegoating by successive centre-right governments David Cameron (UK), Angela Merkel (Germany), Nicolas Sarkozy (France) for example. And, how the newspapers and media, butt up against the social forces that actually comprise the community. This story is played out in the relationships between language; visual, symbolic, that we see and read in the press, on the one hand and what we experience first hand on the streets; on the other, it is paramount that we do not take the news at face value but try to look at the agenda of those in power and question their motives, and look at the movements on the streets. To attempt to identify the systemic and/or linguistic forms that shape our understanding (and to look at the notions of power and class) how Brick Lane is formulated and discussed in the Media; Muslim stereotyping, immigrant integration, local politics (such as the recently elected mayor of tower hamlets) is this is the true discourse that is expressed by the communities who live there? What are their aspirations, their understandings and what are the consequences for their livelihoods? In this regard I would like to consider a form of language used in opposition to the media, the government and police i.e. street protests, taking two examples from 2010: the first, the demonstration on 10 November against the proposed cuts in education. The second, the demonstration on 20 June against Fascism and the EDL and the events that led up to it and the cancellation of the Islamic Conference. (With notes on Zizek.) These two separate events intertwine in relation to form, but there is one aspect, which I feel at this time, is worth focusing on, that is with regard to Slavoj Zizeks Violence Revisited public lecture held at Birkbeck, and a question from a member of the public in attendance that caught Zizeks attention: Zizek was delivering a paper, On Violence Revisited, On Violence an earlier publication by Zizek which primarily looks at tolerance and violence, and power; systemic and linguistic, conceptualised across different frameworks including international politics Palestine and Israel. And, arguments on liberal capitalism, and nation states. In the lecture, just a few days after the 10 November anti university cuts and fees demonstration, Zizek opened with the Milbank Protest against cuts and fees in Higher Education; How education serves society, produces experts etc The demo, according to Zizek, creates disorder. A disorder, for which the government would bring in psychologists and sociologists to discuss the Problem. It is how this Problem is constructed and formulated by the media, and discussed in government, which is of interest as they are primarily concerned with keeping the balance of power in their favour. The question from the audience was the idea of counteracting the terminology and use of the word violence speaking about violence without speaking about it in a way in defence the actions attributed as violent described by the press and politicians, as example of the smashing of the windows at the Tory HQ. Is it possible for the people to counteract the message of violence constructed by the press? I.e this is not violence, the true violence is what the government is doing to our society How much is this a common-sense reaction? And, if we can explain it well, we can win change the questions is about the strategy and tactics, new method and outlets through which we can communicate the truth of situations, and the sense in which we can put the point across that this is not violence; others will start to see the point. Young Adam Thomas More information and images: http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/davehillblog/2010/ jun/21/tower-hamlets-english-defence-league-march 64. TRUEQUE 133 Reino Unido + Londres United Kingdom + London 132 DNDE COMENZAR?... NMERO 59 BRICK LANE A MITAD DE LA CALLE, MS ALL DEL MERCADO, CERCA DE LAS CASAS DEL CURRY Brick Lane est en Tower Hamlets, creo que alguna vez fue parte del barrio Popular, sin embargo, alrededor de los aos sesenta, ya form parte de Tower Hamlets. El mercado de Brick Lane podra remontarse a los Hugonotes franceses, los primeros inmigrantes que llegaron a esa rea, seguidos por judos, irlandeses y en las ltimas dcadas bangladeses. Ahora se habla de la zona como el prximo Silicon Valley, con una floreciente escena de negocios basados en medios de comunicacin digital, sumado a un ultramodernismo que supera la recesin, bares, galeras, clubes y boutiques. Esto ocurri despus del aburguesamiento de la zona norte y oeste de Brick Lane, impulsada por artistas, en particular los jvenes artistas britnicos (YBA) de finales de los aos 80s y 90s, y otras manifestaciones creativas que siguieron, persiguiendo alquiler barato y espacios industriales. Un lugar de inters en Brick Lane es el nmero 59. A partir de este nico edificio podemos comenzar a entender la historia del rea, si no es que de Europa y Euroasia: Originalmente la comunidad de Hugonotes franceses construy el edificio en 1743 como una iglesia protestante y una escuela pequea. Haban emigrado de su pas huyendo de la persecucin religiosa de los catlicos, hasta llegar a esta zona en 1680. Trajeron consigo sus habilidades para tejer la seda y para construir hileras de casas estilo Georgiano, las cuales representaron mucha de la arquitectura del lugar. Desde 1809 Brick Lane 59 fue La Capilla de los Judos, refugio de La Sociedad de Londres para Promover el Cristianismo entre los Judos. Dicha Sociedad no logr tener gran impacto en los residentes de Brick Lane, as que decidi mudarse. Despus de ese periodo, en 1819, los Metodistas tomaron el control del edificio y tuvieron una fuerte relacin con el East End. Desde 1897 fue la principal sinagoga del rea, al servicio de la comunidad juda del East End, tras el asesinato del Zar de Rusia en 1881. Desde 1960 la comunidad juda disminuy ya que muchos se trasladaron al norte de Londres. Desde 1976 el Colaboradores de OpenStreetMap, CC-BY-SA 65. 134 TRUEQUE 135 edificio ha sido una de las mayores mezquitas de la capital, Jamme Masjid cuenta con un Saln de la Oracin y la escuela para la instruccin religiosa. Este edificio es un smbolo de cambio y continuidad, siendo reclamado como propio por cada comunidad. EL MERCADO CALLEJERO COMO ESPACIO PUBLICO/ESPACIO COMPARTIDO La gente vive y trabaja lado a lado. Brick Lane ha sido sealado como un xito en la integracin de comunidades inmigrantes. El eje lineal de la calle es una forma de ver a Brick Lane. El mercado dominical atrae a 1000 visitantes que entran por la calle desde tres puntos principales: norte, sur y el centro. Los mercados dejan su rastro por Brick Lane, diseminados a los costados de la calle, en almacenes, estacionamientos y hasta tramos de escaleras. Esta extensin es similar al crecimiento de una red a partir de un eje lineal, densificndose en algn punto intermedio. Una de las funciones grficas de un eje lineal es un gradiente, aplicable en este caso al sealar el cambio en los tipos de negocios permanentes a lo largo de las calles del mercado. Por un lado, desde el camino de Bethnal Green, y por el otro, en la calle Osborn/camino de Whitechapel. (No es apropiado hablar de una parte alta o ms baja, tampoco de izquierda o derecha... digamos mejor Norte y Sur, respectivamente.) En el extremo norte de la calle, confluyen dos bares de diferente estilo (uno hippie y el otro hipster), en el lado norte predominan bares, clubes, galeras, boutiques, algunos lounges hookah y pequeos restaurantes independientes y cafeteras. Un reducido nmero de vendedores mayoristas del cuero, (lo que sugiere un patrimonio textil de la zona) estn logrando mantener sus tiendas y almacenes a pesar del aburguesamiento y la renovacin de la zona, aunque algunos han adaptado su negocio para satisfacer a la clientela de las boutiques... Mientras que la parte sur de la calle est llena de restaurantes de la India, tiendas de ropa y textiles de saris y otros artculos de moda india, literatura sobre el Islam, alimentos frescos indios vendidos en la calle y bienes importados, todos propiedades de los miembros de la comunidad de Bangladesh, (la generacin ms joven de la que depender el futuro de la integracin de las comunidades). Ms al norte, los negocios se ven menos afectados por las presiones de la comunidad islmica de Bangladesh con respecto a la venta de alcohol. Es necesario considerar las diversas historias de Brick Lane, las diferentes y sucesivas inmigraciones al rea y cmo la identificacin religiosa ha influido y dado forma a las polticas de la zona. Aqu el nmero 59 es importante, como mencion antes, representa continuidad arquitectnica y tambin el eje de la calle y una red de expasin del mercado y los negocios. CAMBIANDO DE DISCURSO Tambin quiero ver la forma en que se habla sobre sto, el discurso sobre el multiculturalismo, chivo expiatorio de los sucesivos gobiernos de centro-derecha, como el de David Cameron (Reino Unido), Angela Merkel (Alemania) o Nicolas Sarkozy (Francia), por ejemplo. Y de cmo los peridicos y medios de comunicacin, golpean en contra de las fuerzas sociales que en realidad constituyen la comunidad. Esta historia se desarrolla en las relaciones entre el lenguaje, visual y simblico, por una parte, lo que vemos y leemos en la prensa -y lo que experimentamos de primera mano en las calles-; y por otra parte, es primordial no tomar las noticias por su valor aparente sino echar un vistazo a la agenda de los gobernantes y cuestionar sus motivos, y al mismo tiempo, observar los movimientos en las calles. Intentar identificar las formas sistmicas y/o lingisticas que dan forma a nuestro entendimiento (tomando en cuenta las nociones de poder y de clase) sobre cmo Brick Lane se ha formulado y discutido en los medios de comunicacin, los estereotipos de los musulmanes, la integracin de inmigrantes, la poltica local... (por ejemplo, el alcalde recin electo de Tower Hamlets) es preguntarse si ste es el discurso verdadero que se expresa por las comunidades que viven all. Cules son sus aspiraciones, sus interpretaciones y cules son las consecuencias para sus medios de subsistencia? En este sentido, me gustara considerar una forma de lenguaje utilizado en oposicin a los medios de comunicacin, el gobierno y la polica, es decir, las protestas callejeras, tomando dos ejemplos a partir de 2010: primero, la manifestacin del 10 de noviembre contra los recortes presupuestales en educacin. Segundo, la manifestacin el 20 de junio 66. 136 TRUEQUE 137 contra el fascismo y el EDL y los acontecimientos que llevaron a sto y la cancelacin de la Conferencia Islmica. (Con notas sobre Zizek.) Estos eventos distintos se vinculan en cuanto a forma pero tambin en un aspecto, el cual me parece que debe tomarse en cuenta y que est vinculado con la conferencia de Slavoj Zizek, titulada Violencia Revisada, celebrada en Birkbeck, y en una pregunta realizada por una persona del pblico que captur la atencin de Zizek: Zizek comparti Sobre Violencia Revisada, Sobre Violencia... una publicacin anterior de Zizek en la cual principalmente analiza la tolerancia, la violencia y el poder; sistmica y lingstica, conceptualizada a travs de diferentes marcos de trabajo, incluyendo polticas internacionales: Palestina e Israel. Y argumentos sobre capitalismo liberal y Estados-nacin. En la conferencia, slo unos pocos das despus de la manifestacin contra los recortes presupuestales y las tarifas universitarias, Zizek inici refirindose a las protestas en Milbank; habl de cmo la educacin sirve a la sociedad, produce expertos, etc... La manifestacin, de acuerdo a Zizek, crea desorden. Un desorden por el cual el gobierno aportara siclogos y socilogos para discutir sobre el Problema. Mencion cmo este problema es construido y formulado por los medios de comunicacin y discutido en el gobierno, interesado en el tema porque se preocupa por mantener el equilibrio de poder a su favor. La pregunta del pblico gir en torno a la idea de contrarrestar la terminologa y el uso de la palabra violencia -hablar de la violencia sin hablar de ella- de cierta manera, en defensa de acciones categorizadas como violentas por la prensa y los polticos -como ejemplo, hacer aicos unas ventanas en Tory HQ. Es posible que la gente pueda contrarrestar el mensaje de violencia construido por la prensa? Es decir, sto no es violencia, la verdadera violencia es lo que el gobierno est haciendo a nuestra sociedad... Cundo es sta una reaccin de sentido comn? Si podemos explicarlo bien, podemos ganar el cambio... la pregunta es acerca de la estrategia y las tcticas, un nuevo mtodo y canales con los cuales podamos comunicar las verdaderas situaciones, es decir, que si podemos sealar que sto no es violencia, otros comenzarn a comprenderlo. EL JOVEN ADAM THOMAS KEY CONCEPTS FROM VIOLENCE REVISITED, PUBLIC LECTURE BY SLAVOJ ZIZEK, 12 NOVEMBER, TWO DAYS AFTER THE MILBANK RIOTS/NOV 10 NATIONAL UNION OF STUDENTS DEMONSTRATION. DISORDER, DISORIENTATION, NOTIONS OF DISORIENTATION, CONFUSED SITUATION, LIVELIHOOD, DEMOCRATIC LIVELIHOOD, WESTERN LIBERALS, MULTICULTURALISM, TOLERANCE, IMMIGRANT RACISM, TRUTH, ANTI-CAPITALIST MOVEMENTS, LEGAL MORALISTIC LIMIT, THE MEDIA, FEEL-GOOD MORALITY, VIOLENCE, BRUTAL HUMILIATION, HAPPINESS, PERVASIVENESS OF VIOLENCE, LIBERATED ZONES, EXTERIORITIES OF RESISTANCE, POLITICS AT A DISTANCE, CHINA, VIRTUAL PROBLEMS AND DEMOCRACY, GRASS ROOTS. CONCEPTOS CLAVE DE VIOLENCE REVISITED, conferencia impartida por SLAVOJ ZIZEK, EL DA 12 DE NOVIEMBRE, DOS DAS DESPUS DE LOS DISTURBIOS DE MILBANK, OCURRIDOS DURANTE LA MANIFESTACIN DE LA UNIN NACIONAL DE ESTUDIANTES. DESORDEN, DESORIENTACIN, NOCIONES DE DESORIENTACIN, SITUACIN CONFUSA, SUSTENTO, SUSTENTO DEMOCRTICO, LIBERALES OCCIDENTALES, MULTICULTURALISMO, TOLERANCIA, RACISMO INMIGRANTE, VERDAD, MOVIMIENTOS ANTICAPITALISTAS, LMITE LEGAL MORALISTA, MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIN, SENTIRSE BIEN MORALMENTE, VIOLENCIA, HUMILLACIN BRUTAL, DICHA, PROLIFERACIN DE LA VIOLENCIA, ZONAS LIBERADAS, RESISTENCIAS APARENTES, POLTICAS A DISTANCIA, CHINA, PROBLEMAS VIRTUALES Y DEMOCRACIA, LAS BASES. 67. 138 TRUEQUE 139 Adam Thomas asisti a este lugar de mercado durante agosto de 2010. AT visited this marketplace during August, 2010. Adam Thomas Born: Swansea, Wales 1984 Lives and works in London Education: Fine Art, Kingston University London BA Hons Degree 2006 Solo Exhibitions: Colourless Green Ideas Sleep Furiously / NEU! (Curated by Paul Pieroni) SPACE London 2010 YOUNG ADAM THOMAS Associates London - 07 Group Exhibitions: There is no solution because there is no question Sheffield 2010 Short Notice - RCA Sculpture Dept - London - 2009 Paper Show David Risley Gallery Copenhagen 2009 The Little Shop on Hoxton Street - Limoncello London 2009 Matter of Time - Five Story Projects London - 2008 Poignancy Passing Muster Wharf Road Project V22 London 2008 All Cut Up Roebling Hall New York - 2008 Ephemera Modtar Project Space Copenhagen 2008 Associates in New York Philips De Pury Curated by Paola de Clerico New York - 2008 Pages Notice Gallery London - 2007 Residency: New School Komplot Brussels March 2010 Bibliography: Article | Knights Move issue 2 Translation 2008 Catalogue | Associates in New York Philips de Pury NY - 2008 Artist Book | Finite State: Discussion ed 500 as part of YOUNG ADAM THOMAS Publications: Socialist Review Colourless green ideas sleep furiously Dan Berry - 2010 Garage Land Winter 2009 Projects: Co-Founding Curator | [...] Ongoing collaboration (launched at Public School Komplot, Brussels April/May 2010) Co-Founding Curator | Supplement Project Space Ongoing (opened April 2008) Founder | Bishops House Project Space - 2007. Residency at Zemca Tattoo Parlour - Mexico DF - 2004 68. 140 Adam Thomas Naci: Swansea, Wales 1984. Vive y trabaja en Londres. Educacin: Licenciatura en Arte, Kingston University Londres, Honores, 2006. Exhibiciones individuales: Colourless Green Ideas Sleep Furiously / NEU! (Curada por Paul Pieroni) SPACE Londres 2010 YOUNG ADAM THOMAS Associates Londres - 07 Exhibiciones Grupales: There is no solution because there is no question Sheffield 2010 Short Notice - RCA Sculpture Dept - Londres - 2009 Paper Show David Risley Gallery Copenhague 2009 The Little Shop on Hoxton Street - Limoncello Londres 2009 Matter of Time - Five Story Projects Londres - 2008 Poignancy Passing Muster Wharf Road Project V22 Londres 2008 All Cut Up Roebling Hall Nueva York - 2008 Ephemera Modtar Project Space Copenhague 2008 Associates in New York Philips De Pury Curada por Paola de Clerico Nueva York - 2008 Pages Notice Gallery Londres - 2007 Residencias: New School Komplot Bruselas 2010 Bibliografa: Artculo | Knights Move nm. 2 Traduccin 2008 Catlogo | Associates in New York Philips de Pury NY - 2008 Libro de Artista | Finite State: Discussion ed 500 como parte de YOUNG ADAM THOMAS Publicaciones: Socialist Review Colourless green ideas sleep furiously Dan Berry - 2010 Garage Land Invierno 2009 Proyectos: Curador y Co-Fundador | [...] En curso (puesto en marcha en escuela pblica Komplot, Brussels Abril/ Mayo 2010) Curador y Co-Fundador | Supplement Project Space En marcha (abierto en April 2008) Fundador | Bishops House Project Space - 2007. Residencia en Zemca Tattoo Parlour - Mexico DF - 2004 69. LILIANA RAMALES MERCADO ROMERO RUBIO CIUDAD DE MXICO 142 70. 144 El Mercado Romero Rubio se ubica al noreste de la Ciudad de Mxico, a 15 minutos del Aeropuerto Internacional Benito Jurez. Es un centro de abasto para las familias que habitan diversas colonias cercanas. Los locatarios venden comida preparada, carne de res, pollo, pescado, verduras, frutas, embutidos, dulces, ropa, zapatos, electrodomsticos, artculos de limpieza, discos, tortillas, flores, objetos usados, etc. Cada fin de ao, los comerciantes tienen un permiso temporal para vender artculos de temporada en las calles principales que rodean la nave principal del mercado. Romero Rubio Market is located northeast of Mexico City, fifteen minutes drive from the International Airport Benito Jurez. It is a supply center for a lot of people from various zones. Sellers offer prepared meals, poultry, fish, vegetables, fruits, meats, sweets, clothes, shoes, appliances, cleaning supplies, records, tortillas, flowers, used objects, etc. Each end of the year, traders have a temporary permit to sell seasonal items on the streets surrounding the main market building. TRUEQUE 145 MXICO + CD. DE MXICO MEXICO + MEXICO CITY Colaboradores de OpenStreetMap, CC-BY-SA 71. 146 Agustn Martnez y su Sonido Guarapero Liliana Ramales La msica es su vida, le gusta bailar. Viene de una familia de sonideros. Su to (hace ya diez aos que muri) era dueo del Sonido Guarapero, se inici en Ciudad Neza y siempre le deca que continuara con el Sonido despus de su muerte. Agustn acept y por eso le gusta colocar este puesto con una trompeta (altavoz) a un costado del Mercado Romero Rubio, porque as se usaba en los inicios del movimiento sonidero, sin nada mas que un entusiasmo inagotable y una buena dotacin de msica para menear el bote. Las tocadas que haca su to eran en la colonia Pavn, entre la colonia Mxico y la Rivapalacio, justo atrs del cine Nezahualcyotl. Sonorizaban bodas, XV aos, bautizos, aniversarios, lo que fuera. Es originario de la colonia Pen de los Baos, de all viene su gusto por la msica colombiana; su familia radic mucho tiempo en Ciudad Neza pero la cuna de la cumbia y del movimiento est en la Peon de los Baos. Reuni su coleccin musical con los discos de acetato que tena su to, hered algunos y los copi en disos compactos para poder vender la msica tropical o cumbias que se escuchaban antes, las viejitas. En el Mercado Romero Rubio es el nico que vende este tipo de msica, los dems, como dice Agustn, venden slo moda. Aqu en la Romero Rubio tambin hay tradicin sonidera, como el Sonido Candela y Sonido Panther, pero ellos tocan otro tipo de msica, ponen las rolas de aqu, las del rumbo, los xitos que les gustan a la gente de ac. Es muy distinta la msica que aloca a los vecinos del Pen de los Baos. La gente que s sabe de msica, luego luego se da cuenta que Agustn proviene de aquellos rumbos. 72. TRUEQUE 149 Agustin Martinez and his Sonido Guarapero Liliana Ramales Music is his life, he loves dance. He comes from a family of sonideros. His uncle (who died ten years ago) was the owner of Sonido Guarapera. Agustins uncle began in Ciudad Neza and always asked him to continue with the Sonido after his death. Agustin accepted, and so he put this stall with a horn (speaker) beside the Romero Rubio Market, because this was the way stalls were used in the early sonidero movement, with nothing but endless enthusiasm and a good supply of music for butt shaking. His uncle made a lot of shows at the neighborhood Pavn, between Mexico district and the Rivapalacio, just behind the cinema Nezahualcoyotl. He worked for weddings, birthday parties, christenings, anniversaries, whatever. Agustin is originally from the barrio called Peon de los Baos. His love for Colombian music grew up there. His family settled in Ciudad Neza for a long time, but the birthplace of sonidero movement was in the Peon de los Baos. The Agustin music collection contains vinyl records inherited from his uncle. Agustin has copied these materials to compact discs to sell old cumbias. He is the only one that sells that music in the Romero Rubio Market. Agustin says that other sellers are offering pure fashionable music. Here in Romero Rubio there is a sonideros tradition, for example Sonido Candela and Sonido Panther, but they play other kinds of music. They play only songs that appeal to the people of this suburb. The sort of songs that the residents of Peon de los Baos are crazy about are very different from that music. People who really know about music will realize that Agustin comes from the original sonidero movements barrio. 73. Las canciones favoritas de Agustn son: The Agustins favorite songs are: La original Cumbia Guarapera La Cumbia de la Luna Juanita bonita Tan bella y presumida Respeta mi dolor La estereofnica Sus sonideros preferidos son: His preferred sonideros are: La Conga La Changa Perla Antillana 74. Dibujo de + Drawing by Liliana Ramales 75. 00 TRUEQUE 00 Direccin + Address: Cantn, Marruecos, Cairo y Persia, Colonia Romero Rubio, 15400, Mxico, D.F. 76. TRUEQUE 159158 SONIDO GUARAPERO Liliana Ramales Shes screaming, walking on tiptoe, staggering... from Marruecos Street to Persia Street , the girl with red eyes is dancing excitedly under the beat of the cumbia. Shes provocative and greets all the people, in her visit to the Romero Rubio market, a peculiar site, frequented every weekend by people from very different socioeconomic strata. There the supply of compact discs are overflowing with interesting musical selections, where traders are doing great musical mixtures, declaring love and passion with catchy rhythms and snatches of lyrics that are assembled at random. In front of the tortilleria called The Star I met Agustin Martinez, a DJ and salesman of cumbias, salsas, charangas and gaitas. He is from the neighborhood Peon de los Baos and each Saturday he carries a tattered pair of speakers, two plastic containers, a canvas, and a structure of sticks and tubes to be installed next to the pedicabs, where he meets some friends to drink beer, dance, sing, and earn a living from selling albums. He shared with me some compact discs containing musical collections titled Tierra Tropical, seven volumes recorded directly from old vinyl records from his uncles collection, who used them in street parties. These discs are, according to him, a material exclusive. When Jorge invited me to participate in his project Trueque, I thought of the possibility of addressing the concept of market as a sensor