TO: File

FROM: Mindy Thomas, ChairAcademic Senate

DATE: January 20, 2017

RE: Senate Action S-16/17-26Senate Acknowledgement of theReceipt of the Academic Senate Diversity Task Force Report Addressing Hiring of African-American and Black Faculty

At the January 18, 2017 meeting of the Academic Senate, the Senate voted unanimously to acknowledge receipt of the Diversity Task Force Report Addressing Hiring of African-American and Black Faculty by a roll call vote of 9-0-0.

This action was assigned Senate Action # S-16/17-26.

.Attachment

Cc: Provost Beth Dobkin

REPORT OF THE TASK FORCE

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ADDRESSING HIRING OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN AND BLACK FACULTY AT SAINT MARY’S COLLEGE OF CALIFORNIA

Submitted on November 24, 2016 TABLE OF

CONTENTS

I. PROLOGUE 2

II. MODUS OPERANDI 4

III. PROLEGOMENON: DISTINGUISHING “AFRICAN-AMERICAN” FROM “BLACK”

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IV. THE MISSION AND RACIAL DIVERSITY 7

V. HOW DO WE ENSURE THAT THE REPORT ACHIEVES WHAT IT IS MEANT TO?

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VI. WHAT IS THE BASIS FOR DECIDING WHAT THE RIGHT PERCENTAGEOF AFRICAN-AMERICAN AND BLACK FACULTY SHOULD BE? 12

VII. EIGHT DATA POINTS 14

VIII. HOW MANY AFRICAN-AMERICAN AND BLACK FACULTY WE MUST HIRE BY THE YEAR 2023-4

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IX. THE MEANS BY WHICH WE WILL REACH THE HIRING TARGET(S) 17

X. TIMELINE AND NEXT STEPS 20

XI. EPILOGUE 21

XII. BIBLIOGRAPHY 22

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REPORT OF THE TASK FORCEADDRESSING HIRING OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN AND BLACK FACULTY AT

SAINT MARY’S COLLEGE OF CALIFORNIA

I. PROLOGUE

During its meeting of Wednesday, November 15, 2015, the Faculty Academic Senate considered a resolution authored by Vice Chair Mindy Thomas and Claude-Rhéal Malary. The resolution sought Senate authorization to convene a task force dedicated to a three-pronged endeavor:….address the issue of hiring African-American and Black faculty; 2) study the advisability of going off the faculty salary scale when necessary in order to hire hard-to-hire African-American and Black faculty; and 3) submit, upon investigating and consulting with other pertinent campus and off-campus resources, an independent report including recommendations for further action….

Senate deliberation resulted in suggestions for the selection of the members of the task force and a deadline (March 15, 2016) for its report. The resolution was unanimously adopted.

Prior to the task force’s inaugural meeting held on Wednesday, January 20, 2016, its roster was set: Brother Kenneth Cardwell, Jeannine King, Raina León, Claude-Rhéal Malary, Bedford Palmer, Terence Pitre, Martin Rokeach, Tamara Spencer, Senate Vice Chair Mindy Thomas, Ted Tsukahara, and Denise Witzig. That first meeting delivered the task force’s co-chairs: Senate Vice Chair Mindy Thomas and Claude-Rhéal Malary.

While the immediate charge of the task force has been to address the College’s failure to sufficiently recruit, promote, and retain African-American and Black faculty, members of the Diversity Task Force are well-aware that other underrepresented groups of academics are underemployed at the College. We strongly believe that this is both an academic and a social justice1 issue and it is our fervent hope that this study and report can act as

1 The 2004 Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, specifically situates social justice within the general sphere of justice as follows: “From a subjective point of view, justice is translated into behaviour that is based on the will to recognize the other as a person, while, from an objective point of view, it constitutes the decisive criteria of morality in the intersubjective and social sphere [443]. The Church’s social magisterium constantly calls for the most classical forms of justice to be respected: commutative, distributive, and

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legal justice. Ever greater importance has been given to social justice, which represents a real development in general justice, the justice that regulates social relationships according to the criterion of observance of the law. Social justice, a requirement related to the social question which today is worldwide in scope, concerns the social, political, and economic aspects and, above all, the structural dimension of problems and their respective solutions” 201.

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something of an initial model for fostering the hiring, promotion and retention of other underrepresented groups at the College.

SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS:

The recommendations below are a summary. For a complete list, see sections IX and X of the report. In no way do they imply that candidates who are not strong should be hired. For the use of the terms “African-American and “Black,” see section III.

1. That the African-American and Black percentage of the total professoriate be increased from its current 5% to 15% by the academic year 2023-4. This goal necessitates the addition of 20 African-American and Black faculty members to the roster.

a. If the College increases the quantity of the professoriate, say from the current 222 to 250 before it meets the target of 15%, the number corresponding to 15% should be adjusted accordingly, so that the target remain 15%.

2. That when a position is authorized, the chair of the search committee meets with the Dean of the school and the Chief Diversity Officer to articulate and adopt the strategy most conducive to hiring a candidate whose file most clearly evinces sensitivity to African-American or Black issues. The committee has provided additional guidelines and recommendations for enacting this change in Section IX.

3. That the position of Chief Diversity Officer be upgraded from half-time to full-time with specific position qualifications, duties, and a budget as described in Section IX.

4. That no one school’s efforts exempt any of the other schools from meeting their obligation to hire 4 to 5 African-American and Black faculty members over the next five years.

5. That as concerns the new hires, scholarly specializations in the areas that further African-American and African studies be privileged.

6. That the new hires comprise as many men as women.

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7. That funding or course releases be made available to faculty of African descent, who devote time and resources to mentoring students of similar background.

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8. That specific and sustained efforts be made to reach out to Black SMC Alumni, with the purpose of building strong networks.

9. That each year, the Rank and Tenure Committee member be required to familiarize themselves with the most recent literature related to barriers to faculty of color becoming tenured and promoted.

10. That the Academic Administrators Evaluation Committee include two prompts in the instrument it uses to assess whether the deans and the Provost have effectively hired, supported, promoted, and retained African-American and Black faculty.

II. MODUS OPERANDI

The task force surveyed the relevant literature. It set up a number of conversations regarding the means of achieving not only its immediate task, but also the goals implicitly set by the resolution. Those conversations led it to learn from other academic institutions that have made significant strides in the hiring, retention and promotion of African- Americans and Blacks.

On our campus, the task force met with Gregg Thomson, Director of Institutional Research; Tomás Gómez-Arias, the college’s Chief Diversity Officer; Tom Brown, former Dean of Advising Services/Special Programs; Cynthia Ganote, a faculty member with expertise in the matter; Tarik Scott, Director of the High Potential Program; Brenda Kiba, Student Success Manager; Corliss Watkins, Director of Student Engagement and Academic Success; Michael McAlpin, Interim Assistant Vice-Provost for College Communication; and Rachel Hartley, President of the Black Student Union. Additionally, co-chair Claude-Rhéal Malary spoke with Sheila Hughes, Dean of the School of Liberal Arts; Richard Carp, Vice Provost; and Steve Woolpert, former Dean of the School of Liberal Arts.

The task force submitted a detailed request for specific data to Thomson. His submission constitutes an important basis of the task force’s report.

III. PROLEGOMENON: DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN “AFRICAN-AMERICAN” AND “BLACK”

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At first sight, the wording of the Task Force’s mission, per the Senate resolution from which the Task Force takes its cue(s), is clean and clear. Upon closer examination however, the resolution’s seemingly simple wording revealed significant complexities, the illumination, if not the resolution of which, was paramount if coherent recommendations

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were to result. The phrase “African-American and Black” in particular requires raising several queries. First: are the two signifiers in the phrases synonymous? Second, if they are synonymous, is one of the two redundant? Third: if they are not synonymous, what meaning does one contain that the other lacks or adds? Fourth: does the conjunction ‘and’ signify harmony, or tension, or both? Fifth: is the order of the two terms significant? In other words, does the placement of the compound-adjective ‘African-American’ first and the adjective ‘Black’ second signal that in hiring practices ‘African-Americans’ should be a first priority and ‘Blacks’ a second priority? Sixth and last: what is at stake?

The first three queries only require revisiting, albeit briefly, the evolution, in the United States, of the nomenclature deemed appropriate for Americans who are descendants of enslaved Africans. In the eighties, the nomenclature shifted from ‘Black’ to ‘African- American.’ Before it did, the word ‘Black’ might have sufficed to denote both American descendants of enslaved Africans and other Blacks who did not descend from American enslaved Africans but immigrated to America from nations such as Nigeria or Jamaica. In those early days, in a document such as the resolution, it would have sufficed to use the term ‘Blacks’ to refer to all subjects with black skin (perhaps even including Australian Aborigines) who either legally or permanently reside in America or are American citizens. Since the demographic term ‘African-American’ has supplanted the cultural term ‘Black’ to denote descendants of American enslaved Africans (even though some African-Americans still prefer the term ‘Black’), the term ‘Black’ is used to specify subjects with black skin who are not African-Americans. Hence, the phrase “African- American and Black” must denote on the one hand U.S. citizens who are descendants of enslaved Africans and on the other subjects with black skin who are not necessarily American descendants of enslaved Africans. The latter may be instead immigrants from Africa and the Americas or descendants of immigrants from Africa and the Americas who were or were not born in the United States of America, who hold or do not hold American citizenship, who were or were not descendants of enslaved Africans elsewhere. The binary thus distinguishes the particular history of those Black Americans whose ancestors were enslaved in this country from other Blacks whose ancestors were not.When confusion will not result, however, this report uses “Black” also as the comprehensive term for African-Americans and others who are Black.

The second three queries sent the task force to examine a social phenomenon which fully emerged in the eighties and nineties—the stunning educational and socio-economic achievement of African

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and Caribbean immigrants, i.e. two other minority groups that are currently included among those warranting affirmative action.2 The anthropologist

2 In the article “The Historical Roots of Affirmative Action,” Professor Martha S. West traces the roots of affirmative action to slavery, Jim Crow, and the Civil Rights Act. She notes:Even though the Supreme Court ended the legal justification for segregation in 1954, segregation did not end overnight. It took the mass protests of the civil rights movement from 1954 until the late 1960s to end formal, legal segregation. From a legal perspective, the civil rights movement culminated at the federal level with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Among its provisions

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John Ogbu dedicated much of his life to explaining the phenomenon. But, what do his results have to do with the task of the Task Force?

In a nutshell, one of the consequences of the phenomena that Ogbu studied concerns affirmative action law. Scholarly data make clear that because these laws have been eroded to deny specific or preferential treatment to African-Americans descended from those who were enslaved, it is not just possible, but fairly easy, and legally permissible, for academic institutions to comply with the letter of affirmative-action law while dishonoring its genesis and its spirit. By substituting the idea that all “traditionally underrepresented groups” are the primary subject of protection, affirmative action policies can short-shrift the history that birthed them. Complicit institutions perpetrate the original injustice while appearing to comply with the allowed remedies.3 Given its Catholic identity and its resultant mission which prominently asserts concern with social justice and service to the poor, Saint Mary’s college ought to chart a more just course both with respect to admissions of students and to the hiring of African-American and Black faculty.

Charting that course begins by answering the fourth, fifth and sixth questions posed earlier. Does the conjunction ‘and’ signify harmony, or tension, or both? We answer, Tension. A tension that must be acknowledged if it is to be properly addressed. As for the fifth question, the answer must be affirmative. Hiring African-American faculty must have priority over hiring Black faculty. Sixth, what is at stake? Social justice is at stake.Social justice requires that we seek out the least fortunate (i.e. African-Americans) among the unfortunate (i.e. Blacks in general). It also requires that we relieve the few African- American faculty at SMC of the very demanding “invisible tax” they pay regularly or compensate them for paying it.4

was Title VII, a section prohibiting discrimination in private employment and one of the two sources of the term ‘affirmative action’ as we use it today. (607)The author traces the first instance of the use of the term to the 1935 Labor Relations Act, which legally sanctioned unions (611).3 See Sara Rimer and Karen W. Arenson, “Top Colleges Take More Blacks, but Which Ones?” New York Times (June 24, 2004). This article is about the furor caused when Henry Louis Gates and David Lanier uncovered that Harvard and other elite institutions of higher learning enroll more Black students who are either African and Caribbean immigrants or progeny of African and Caribbean immigrants among their ranks than they do native African-Americans. On the heels of their discovery, an effort, seemingly nativist, was set afoot to rewrite the laws of affirmative action so that they would specifically and exclusively benefit native African-American descendants of enslaved Africans. See Abdi M. Kusow, “African Immigrants in the United States: Implications for Affirmative

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Action,” Sociology Mind 4.1 (2014) 74-83.4 See Christopher Emdin, “Why Black Men Quit Teaching,” New York Times (Sunday August 28, 2016) SR9. The author attributes coinage of the “invisible tax” phrase to John King, Jr., the current Secretary of Education: “This tax is paid in the extra disciplinary and relationship-building work that black teachers do beyond teaching” (SR9). He might have added many other services faculty “representing” racial minorities are called on to provide to students and the institution at large.

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Justice and mission aside, there is another, more prosaic reason for the college to keep track of and seek a proper proportion of African-Americans to African and Afro- Caribbean immigrants on the faculty roster. It is possible that affirmative action law will be restricted to include African-Americans specifically, and if that happens without the college having paid attention to the distinction it might well have fallen even further behind in the quest to achieve its hiring goals. Affirmative-action law notwithstanding, the fact that Georgetown University decided during the lifespan of this Task Force to specifically favor descendants of enslaved Africans in its future admissions practices augurs well for the likelihood that the distinction between Blacks in general and African- Americans specifically will feature more and more explicitly in affirmative-action protocols in academia, and not just in admissions policies, but also in hiring practices.5 Brown, Harvard, and the University of Virginia may follow suit, i.e. go above and beyond the imperatives of affirmative action, given that their histories mirror Georgetown’s. In other words, it might behoove us longue-durée to be forward-looking and anticipative, even as we play catch-up.

The socioeconomic success of African and Caribbean immigrants in America means that it should be easier for the college to recruit them than it is to recruit African-Americans. Yet, as the data will show, the college also falls short in that respect. This is unfortunate, not just because in spite of their success in comparison to African-Americans, African immigrants and Caribbean immigrants still suffer from anti-blackness, as the dearth of them at Saint Mary’s might itself attest. By targeting, attracting, and retaining first- and second-generation Black immigrants, the College could be true to its commitment to globalization. The key is to make sure that it maintains, unlike the Ivy League, a balance between African-Americans and first- and second-generation Black immigrants. At a minimum, this will require vigilance and continuous data collection that reflects awareness of the racial and ethnic distinctions discussed above.

IV.THE MISSION AND RACIAL DIVERSITY

Saint Mary’s College identifies itself as a religious institution serving the Catholic Church. The laws of this country allow a religious educational community with a determinate vision of itself to hire faculty and staff who affirm that vision. The religious duty of the institution has in the past required that the institution hire Catholics. A new, specifically religious, duty requires focused hiring of African-American and Black faculty. Purely secular movements have alerted

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the College to its duty in this regard. Nevertheless, the premises upon which the College should act have a religious vector integral to its mission.

5 See Rachel L. Swarns, “Georgetown University Takes Steps to Atone for Slave Past,” New York Times, (Thursday September 1, 2016) 1.

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Whether sectarian or universal, the arguments for focused hiring of Black and African- American faculty must start with those for whom the institution exists. Brothers’ schools intentionally serve the educational needs of marginalized youth. By tradition and declaration, they make a special point of not discriminating against the poor or favoring the rich. International assemblies and the Brothers’ leadership have for decades expressed some version of “the preferential option for the poor.” It is matter for scandal if an institution attached to the Lasallian tradition prevent, hinder, or even disfavor the admission of students who are poor. Those are the students in circumstances most similar to those of the street urchins whom John Baptist de la Salle founded his religious brotherhood to serve.

In the U.S., descendants of the formerly enslaved Black population inherit the consequences of past discrimination while they face continuing systemic racism. They are thus, compared to others, citizens and non-citizens alike, collectively and individually, disproportionately poor by any measure of economic wealth. Perhaps no group other than the original Americans, those peoples indigenous to this land, is so badly off in the land of promise. Black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean become subject to the existing racially determined inequities. It follows from these institutional aspirations and sociological facts that a Lasallian school, whether elementary, secondary, or tertiary, fails to fulfill its mission if its admissions policies do not seek and its practices do not enroll Black and African-American students according to the school’s capacity to serve the poor. The institution fails, too, if having admitted and welcomed them, it does not provide for their academic and social success.

The Brothers’ secondary schools in the US have largely succeeded in fulfilling this aspect of the mission. A secular rating service (“Niche”) out of Dartmouth College attempting to measure the most diverse private high schools in the USA recently (2014) placed five Brothers’ schools in the top ten of their national rankings. Now, ‘diversity’ can be achieved and service to the economically poor scanted, but the school-by-school evidence shows that a re-ordering of institutional financial resources brought about the exemplary diversity. For evidence, we need look no further than to the college’s former high school division, Saint Mary’s College High School in Berkeley, ranked 4th nationally for diversity and for making diversity work for the good of all its students.6

Diversity of student population is one thing; diversity of faculty and staff another. It is nevertheless important to tie them together while recognizing a crucial difference between secondary and post-

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secondary education, especially residential college education in this country. In the Brothers’ pedagogical ideology, the parents remain the first and principal educators of their children. However, in the years when students seek and perhaps achieve an autonomy that includes a measure of independence from family, the

6 (https://k12.niche.com/rankings/private-high-schools/most-diverse/ ).

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faculty and staff take on a greater role as models and mentors than do adults serving youth who are still very much at home.

A climate welcoming racial and economic diversity can in some measure result from the individual and collective actions of economically privileged persons, faculty and staff who do not belong to a traditionally disadvantaged minority. But a climate of welcome can no more produce real social goods than the hope of rain can nourish a crop. In the past, contact with a sympathetic faculty member or counseling professional may have been enough to encourage the aspiring Black or African-American student; that, it seems, is no longer the case. The admission and retention of Black and African-American students to Saint Mary’s College of California would increase, studies suggest, if among the instructors were more Black and African-American professors whether proportionate or (more desirably) more than proportionate to their numbers in the nation.

It is by this chain of convictions that the Diversity Task Force argues that the mission of SMC requires it to dedicate its resources to hire and retain Black and African-American faculty across all schools of the College and that the minimal sign of a successful trend would be numerical proportionality between the Black population in the nation and the numbers of fulltime Black and African-American faculty on the tenure ladder.

The undergraduate student population now comes closer than before to representing the diversity of California’s college-age and college-ready population. And the College has for a while shown itself able to hire professionals from communities previously underrepresented in service to higher education. For examples, the Registrar’s Office, Human Resources, the Student Life and Residential Life staffs—all showcase California’s ethnic and racial diversity. The faculty and academic administration, whose hiring practices have created the now glaring exception, must recognize the necessity of changing the faculty’s racial make-up and work to make that change.

The alternative is a continuing contradiction between the College’s lofty profession of a religious ideal that is also a secular, social good, and the facts determined by counting whose boots are actually on the ground. The contradiction shows an institutional hypocrisy that if long-continued should lead men and women of good will to shake the dust from the soles of their shoes and move on to a place less hobbled by circumstance, past or present.

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Perhaps the argument will be made that the measures needed to achieve faculty diversity are expensive and that the College in its straightened circumstances cannot employ them without further raising the already prohibitive cost of tuition. It would be an irony that an institution founded to serve the poor itself becomes so poor that it can only serve the rich.

V. HOW DO WE ENSURE THAT THE REPORT ACHIEVES WHAT IT IS MEANT TO?

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Very early in its deliberations, the task force tackled the problem of institutional commitment to the execution over the long term of the institution’s most enlightened intentions. Presumably, those intentions manifest themselves not just in the heads and voices of the decent folks, including faculty, who animate institutional wills and concretize collective priorities, but also in formal institutional texts that reflect or capture those intentions and commitments. The problem took the concrete form of a document, the fruit of a Presidential task force convened in 1989 to make recommendations intended to increase “minority presence” at SMC.7 Upon examining its contents, the current task force was humbled and dispirited. It unanimously concluded that the recommendations made by its precursor task force close to three decades ago anticipated the best recommendations it was very likely to make itself close to thirty years later. Had the previous task force’s recommendations been heeded and executed over the long term, the conditions that had made its convening necessary would no longer exist. Hence, the critical question became— How can the current task force ensure that its recommendations will experience a different fate?

Five watchwords emerged when we crafted our recommendations: specificity, accountability, power, vigilance, and education.

Specificity refers to the importance of making our aims concrete and singular. One difference between the last task force’s recommendations and ours is that the previous task force set goals under the umbrella term “of color” whereas this one focuses specifically on African-Americans. That departure might minimize the chance that Blacks and African-Americans will be relegated to the margins of the “of color” population, as has been too often the case.8 Suffice it to remind ourselves that even in countries essentially “of color,” such as Puerto-Rico and Brazil, Blacks perennially get relegated to the lowest status and their priorities tend to be neglected.

Accountability refers to the importance of assigning specific high administrators the responsibility for the execution of the recommendations and the importance of regularly ascertaining that they’re overseeing their achievement. The task force recognizes that it is current faculty who hire new faculty, and that search committee members embrace the need for diversity with varying degrees of commitment. Yet oversight of hiring practices

7 The March 15, 1989 “Report of the President’s Task Force on Minority Presence,” co-authored by Tom Brown, Dean of Advising Services, and Paul Zingg, Dean, School of Liberal Arts, is accessible on-line:<eprints-1.stmarys-ca.edu/254> or <lib.stmarys-ca.edu/254>.

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8 Afropessimism prescribes just this kind of extrication. Two of the most important theorists of this vibrant intellectual current of Black thought are Frank Wilderson III and Jared Sexton. Wilderson’s seminal text is Red, White & Black: Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms (Durham: Duke UP, 2010) while Sexton’s is Amalgamation Schemes: Antiblackness and the Critique of Multiracialism (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2008).

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must come from above. Recommendations, measures, and good intentions are sterile unless administrators assume responsibility for realizing them, unless the institution assumes responsibility for making sure that those administrators have the needed steadiness of purpose to achieve consistency and predictability in their practice.

Power refers to the importance of granting real institutional power to the administrators entrusted with the concretization of the recommendations. Without the wherewithal, the means, and the authority, it is impossible for administrators or professors to bring about the results sought. Having a Chief Diversity Officer, for example, is a good idea, but it is unlikely to yield significant results if the person occupying the position is not given the authority to influence the institution’s decisions.

Vigilance refers to the importance of perennial assessment of the progress made toward the desired goal, and the lucidity to find apposite correctives when the train is deemed to be stalled or coming off the track. The responsibility for vigilance must be assumed not just by administrators, including the Chief Diversity Officer, but also by the provost, deans, department chairs, and especially the Senate, which is likely to continue to be the forum for voicing matters vital to the faculty.

Education refers to the importance of regularly informing the faculty about the status of the Black professors on campus and the ways in which it may best be improved if necessary. This concerns not just hiring, but also the retention and promotion of Black faculty. It is important, for example, that each event purporting to educate the campus declare clear learning objectives. We must all be educated, for instance, in the five most common reasons, or pretexts, that faculty and administrators evoke for not diversifying as they should.9

According to Marybeth Gasman, the first is the supposed difficulty in finding ‘quality’ candidates. Typically, ‘quality’ is erroneously associated with the pedigree of the candidates’ alma mater or the social capital they’ve (not) accumulated. Commonly, the (perceived) lack of cachet of their recommenders is held as evidence of a deficit in mettle. The second is the supposed paucity of candidates in the pipeline. Usually, those who mention the problem of the meager flow assume no responsibility for taking steps to increase the flow, and fail to note the relative abundance of Ph.D. holders in the humanities and the field of education. The third is their professed refusal to break the rules, so to speak, or make exceptions, in order to hire diverse faculty. The author points out that desired exceptions are often made for other categories of applicant. (We

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have seen this at SMC recently with the exceptions made with respect to salary for recent hires in the business school.) The fourth is two-fold. On the one hand, it refers to the lack of

9 Marybeth Gasman lists them in her no-holds-barred piece titled “An Ivy League Professor on Why Colleagues Don’t Hire More Faculty of Color: ‘They Don’t Want Them,’” The Washington Post; (September 26, 2016), online.

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education in diversity matters of most members of hiring committees. On the other, it simply highlights that lack of diversity breeds more lack of diversity, inasmuch as the more homogeneous the school, the more homogeneous any of its hiring committees is likely to be, and that the more homogeneous the hiring committee, the more likely that it will further clone itself in its hiring selections.10 The word ‘fit’ is particularly unhelpful in this context. The fifth is the refusal of faculty to educate themselves about diverse colleagues and to commit to cultivating relationships beyond the groups with which they identify and beyond the majority in their institutions.

The leading custodian of these matters must be the Chief Diversity Officer. Consequently, the person occupying that position must be an academic, a holder of a Ph.D. and matters of race and hiring must demonstrably be among his or her core areas of expertise.

VI. WHAT IS THE BASIS FOR DECIDING WHAT THE RIGHT PERCENTAGE OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN AND BLACK FACULTY SHOULD BE?

Should the task force prescribe a faculty body that closely reflects the racial, ethnic and gender composition of Saint Mary’s student population, or should it instead champion a faculty roster that mirrors California’s population and/or the nation’s population?Affirmative Action law suggests that it is the nation, not the state, that must be the privileged referent, inasmuch as searches, especially tenure-track ones, are addressed to the entire nation. Our Lasallian mission, on the other hand, exhorts hypersensitivity and attention to the very specific needs of the particular students entrusted to our care at any given time. This imperative partly undergirds the section yoking this report to the College’s mission.

A potential problem with (over)zealous adherence to the Lasallian imperative is that it might lead to faculty hiring practices being controlled by the recruiting results of the admissions office. Were that to be the case, the prerogative, limitations, and lacunae of the latter would condemn us to replicate those prerogatives, limitations, and lacunae forever. Another potential problem is that the composition of our student body might itself be the result of societal and educational imbalances and inequities. The very notions of social justice we espouse as a Lasallian institution might prompt us to disrupt and ameliorate these patterns instead of reproducing them ad infinitum.11 If, for instance, we10 The entire October 2016 issue of The Chronicle of Higher Education is to dedicated to the issue, namely the creation of a diverse faculty, that concerns

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the Task Force. One of the articles featured in the issue is titled “How and Why We Built a Majority-Minority Faculty” (29-31). Its author, Kevin R. Johnson, echoes Gasman’s assertions about the tendency of homogeneous faculty to form homogeneous search committees which hire colleagues of their ilk.11 See for example the institutional text Hiring for Mission Participation Guidebook: Who, Why, and How We Hire for Mission, August 2013, 4th Edition. This text lists “concern for the poor and social justice” (14)

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allow the relative dearth of Black male students on campus to prompt us to replicate that dearth among the faculty, we are likely to perpetuate the dearth of Black male students on campus; for the presence of Black male faculty is instrumental in the recruitment and success of Black male students just as also the absence of Black male faculty is detrimental to the recruitment and success of Black male faculty. So too, an overabundance of white faculty may perpetuate the overabundance of white faculty and white students. Thus, the fact that we may not have American Indian students is not a good enough reason not to have American Indian members on the faculty, for the presence of faculty members on our roster is likely to be instrumental in the recruitment and success of American Indian students on our campus.12

Initially, these considerations led the task force to seek a via media, a balance between the two competing options, a faculty body that reflects the racial, ethnic and gender composition of Saint Mary’s student population, and a faculty that proportionally reproduces California’s population and/or the nation’s population but also ameliorates the historical and/or current underrepresentation of Blacks across the higher academic landscape. On second thought, however, we judged that 15% is a reasonable percentage to aim for, for four reasons.

The first reason has to do with attrition. If we aimed for 10% for example, a loss of as many as two Black faculty members would significantly decrease that percentage. We have seen that happen for example when we lost Alden Reimonenq and Lucretia Peebles over a decade ago and when we lost Terence Pitre during this task force’s short lifespan. The second is that unless one deemed that an increase in Black faculty inexorably entailed a decrease in the overall quality of the professoriate, there is no harm to be done by increasing the percentage of Black faculty beyond the national percentage. The third is that if the visibly more numerous group has any sort of duty of hospitality, a duty to make the visibly less numerous feel as much at home as is possible, then numerical proportionality may not be enough. Students and faculty coming from dramatically majority-“minority” communities are likely to perceive a merely proportional number of faculty representing their ‘look’ as under-representation. And if they perceive it that way, it is that way. In other words, for Black students as well as Black faculty, a sense of

among the five core principles of Lasallian education. Elsewhere in the document, the following pronouncement stands out: “The College seeks students, faculty, administrators and staff from different social, economic and cultural backgrounds who come together to grow in knowledge, wisdom and love. A distinctive mark of

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a Lasallian school is its awareness of the consequences of economic and social justice and its commitment to the poor.” (18) “Inclusive community” also takes pride of place among the quintuplet.12 The following sentence culled from the Guidebook echoes this line of reasoning: “The new hire represents the department’s future and along with other new hires will help shape the community’s image, culture, and students for years to come.” One might only add that one of the ways that every new member can help shape the community’s image, culture, and students for years to come is not just by doing so with those already on board but also by affecting the selection of those who get to be on board.

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institutional fairness may best be promoted by the higher percentage, inasmuch as the majority of Black students and faculty on campus most likely hail from, and/or currently live in communities, say Oakland, wherein the percentage of Blacks is much greater than the national average. The fourth is that an increase in the percentage of Blacks need not be achieved at the expense of other under-represented minorities, inasmuch as the current overabundance of European Americans (over two-thirds of the overall faculty population) can withstand significant decline without being reduced to a percentage significantly less in line with the percentage (63%) of European Americans in the nation.

VII. EIGHT DATA POINTS

The data compiled at the request of the task force and submitted by Gregg Thomson on September 21, 2016 are telling.13 Of the data points most pertinent to our task, the following eight are perhaps the most salient:

n Datum one: The School of Business (SEBA) features only one African- American or Black faculty member on its tenure-track roster. That number represents 2% of the total faculty. SEBA may not count a single African-American in its ranks.14

n Datum two: The School of Science (SOS) lists only one African-American or Black faculty member. That number represents 2% of its faculty population.

n Datum three: The School of Liberal Arts (SOLA) has a total of 3 African- American or Black faculty members. That number represents 3% of the total faculty. One of the three is not African-American.

n Datum four: The Kalmanovitz School of Education (KSOE) includes 5 African-American or Black faculty members. That number represents 17% of its total faculty. This high percentage is all the more significant considering that KSOE is the College’s smallest school and has the least numerous faculty. Its roster features 29, while the rosters of SEBA, SOS and SOLA feature 44, 46, and 103 respectively.

n Datum five: The total number of Black and African-American faculty is 10, or 5% of the total College professoriate. Of the 10, KSOE provides 5, or 50%; SOLA 3, or 30%; SOS 1, or 10%; and SEBA

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1, or 10%.

13 Gregg Thomson’s full report is available to the senators under separate cover.14 We were apprised, after the fact, that a new African-American faculty member would begin her tenure on campus next year. She is not counted in the survey, because the survey predates her contract.

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n Datum six: Of the 10 Black faculty members, 2, or 20%, are not African- American.

n Datum seven: Of the 10 Black and African-American faculty on board, only one, or 10%, is a full professor and she was awarded it while we were writing this report. 6, or 60%, are assistant professors. 3, or 30%, are associate professors. By way of comparison, 54% of European Americans enjoy the privileges granted by full professorship.

n Datum eight: European Americans constitute 68% of the professoriate; Asians come a distant second, at 14%; LatinX third, at 9%; African-Americans and Blacks fourth, at 5%; faculty of Middle Eastern descent fifth at 1%; and First Americans last15, at 0.5 %.

These eight data points spur a number of questions. Three of them are particularly germane. The first is as follows: Is it right that one school, namely KSOE, to contribute 50% of the tally? A priori, no, because this state of affairs does little to afford students from other schools the salve of contact with faculty members of their own race or ethnicity. No more than it is fair for SEBA to feature none on its roster, a state of affairs guaranteeing that African-American students majoring in SEBA disciplines do not benefit from contact with a professor in their major who looks like them and who may share some race-bound, vital experiences with them and who could enlighten them with scholarly expertise and personal experience of being black in the U.S.

The second is—Is the disparity between KSOE and, say SEBA, attributable to the relative abundance of candidates in the field of education and the relative scarcity of candidates in the field of business? Though that may perhaps be a factor, it cannot be a definitive, sufficient explanation. And it cannot be grounds for not doing better. SOLA, in particular, can and must do better, given the relative abundance of Black and African- American candidates earning doctorates in the humanities, and given the centrality of the liberal arts in the college’s self-conception and public presentation. Is SEBA, given the nature of the business field, still unable to compete for Black candidates, even after being permitted to go off the salary scale? An affirmative response to this question might impel us to consider going off scale in all the college’s schools in order to permit hiring Black faculty proportionately.

The third: Given the fact that American Indians and People of Middle Easterner descent lag behind Black individuals at Saint Mary’s, is it not more urgent to privilege the hiring of People of

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Middle Easterner descent and American Indians than Black individuals? If one were to attempt answering that question from the prism of the history of this country, the near absence of American Indian faculty might also warrant urgent action.15 There is no clear consensus regarding the proper appellation. Some prefer “American Indian,” some “First American,” while others stick to “Native American.”

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If, instead, one indulged the temptation to view that question from the lens of demographics and availability/presence of candidates and students, a negative answer might have some warranty. That said, even though the task force did undertake its mission with the firm conviction that the existence of Blacks in academe in general and at Saint Mary’s in particular is precarious enough to warrant dedicated measures, it was always already disposed to exhort that the same, or similar, measures be undertaken on behalf of any race or ethnicity whose situation warranted them. On the days when the task force wasn’t feeling humbled and dispirited, it even had the hubris to hope that its endeavors might prove to be worthy of emulation by aspirants to better representation who hail from likewise under-represented constituencies, such as LatinoX individuals.16 What’s more, it envisaged that it might pave a path for bona fide underrepresented constituencies whose identities rest on neither race nor ethnicity. These lofty aspirations are just that though, for until it delivers the goods it is tasked to seek to deliver, the task force will not be a model, but instead a mere canary in the proverbial coalmine17.

VIII. HOW MANY AFRICAN-AMERICANS AND BLACK FACULTY WE MUST HIRE BY THE YEAR 2023-4

The task force is committed to academic excellence. The recommendations it makes are based on that commitment. In no way do they imply that candidates who are not strong should be hired.

The task force recommends that the African-American and Black percentage of the total professoriate be increased from its current 5% to 15% by the academic year 2023-4. Given that 10, the current number, represents 5% of the professoriate, 30 represents a total of 15%. This goal necessitates the addition of 20 African-American and Black members to the roster. In order to meet it within 5 years, 4 must be added to the roster every academic year.18 Sharing that collective commitment equally among the College’s five schools means that each school must contribute 4 hires within the next five years. Sharing it

16 The fact that LatinoX individuals constitute 9% of the professoriate might lead one to adduce that LatinoX individuals fare significantly better than African-American and Blacks individuals who comprise a lowlier 5% as of now, and who comprised 2.5% when the task force undertook its mission. When, however, one takes into account four other facts, a different conclusion is in order. The first is that the percentage of LatinoX individuals in the U.S is 17. The second is that they compose about 38% of California’s population. The third is that Saint Mary’s

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professes to be a Latino Serving Institution, a distinction that should compel it to feature at least twice as many Latinos on its roster than it currently does.17 Speaking of models, the task force found a worthy one in Brown University’s massive report titled “Pathways to Diversity and Inclusion: An Action Plan for Brown University.” It was released on February 1, 2016, and is available online at https://brown.edu/web/documents/diversity/actionplan/diap-full.pdf.18 The actual number of years is 6 and some months. Let the additional year and some months constitute a buffer, or a grace period if you prefer, to accommodate the time it may take to put the train on the track toward the 2023-4 destination.

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equitably also means that each school must contribute 4 within the next five years. This is so because even though KSOE, for example, is right now ahead of SEBA, for example, SEBA would, in year 2023-4 even more seriously suffer from the comparison if the other schools were to contribute significantly more than 4 while it did not contribute a minimum of 4. And of course, presuming that the level of effort has been so far commensurate among the five schools, SEBA can make up for its deficit by significantly increasing the efforts it makes to hire African-American and Black faculty, including its recruitment strategies. The same, of course, holds for SOS. And what if SOLA, for example, contributes more than 4, because it can? And what if KSOE also contributes more than 4? Both of these scenarios are easy to conceive, because KSOE seems to have a fertilizer that has yielded some fruit fairly recently, and because at 103 faculty members, SOLA perforce has the greatest retirement and replacement rates. We recommend that the supererogatory achievements of one school not exempt any of the other schools from meeting its obligation of hiring 4 African-American and Black faculty members over the next 5 years.

The task force recommends that as concerns the new hires, scholarly specializations in matters African-American outnumber expertise in matters of blackness in other parts of the globe, in keeping with the genesis and spirit of Affirmative Action law, the Civil Rights movement that birthed it, and the American nationality of the great majority of the Black students on campus.The task force recommends that the new hires comprise as many men as women.

The task force recommends that were the College to significantly increase the quantity of the professoriate, say from the current 222 to 250 before it meets the target of 15%, the number corresponding to 15% be adjusted accordingly, so that the target remain 15%. It follows that upon meeting the target in terms of both percentage and numbers, 15% must remain a target to be met whenever the total of the professoriate increases such that the number required for meeting the 15% target when the total professoriate amounted to 222 is a number higher than 30. That new number which is higher than 30 shall be the new target, lest we fall behind regrettably.

IX. THE MEANS BY WHICH WE WILL REACH THE HIRING TARGET(S)

1)We recommend that when a position is authorized, the chair of the search committee meet with the Dean of the school and the

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Chief Diversity Officer to articulate and adopt the strategy most conducive to hiring a candidate whose file most evinces sensitivity to African-American or Black subject matter. The strategy must involve advertising the position to appropriate African-American audiences. They meet a second time when the chair of the committee is ready to submit the names of the three candidates selected for a campus visit. If the list does not include a candidate whose file strongly suggests that the

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candidate is well-versed in academic matters pertaining to African-American or Black subjectivity, the Chair, on behalf of the Committee, must present the file of the top candidate whose file does. If no compelling reason exists to exclude the top candidate whose file strongly suggests expertise in matters pertaining to African-American or Black subjectivity, he or she is added to the list, in addition to the three candidates initially listed.19

2)We recommend that the Academic Administrators Evaluation Committee include two prompts in the instrument it uses to assess the performance of the deans and the Provost. One: On a scale of 0 to 5, rate the extent to which the Dean, or Provost, has effectively hired, supported, promoted, and retained African-American and Black faculty. Two: What evidence do you have that the Dean, or Provost, has hired, supported, promoted, and retained African-American and Black faculty?

3)We recommend that the position of Chief Diversity Officer be upgraded from half- time to full-time; that the person occupying the post report to the President of the College; that the person be a scholar holding a Ph.D.; that race and the intersectionality of race, class, gender, sexuality and nationality count among the scholar’s core areas of expertise, as evidenced by continuous scholarly activity; and that s/he have a legal background and experience with affirmative action law as well as matters of state and federal compliance.20

4)We recommend that the College create an Office of Diversity, that the Chief Diversity Officer be head of the Office of Diversity, and that s/he receive an adequate, annual budget authorized as a line item within the College budget, and projected over a five-year period. Among other things, this budget should be sufficient to provide clerical support to the Office of Diversity and the Chief Diversity Officer and this budget should be under the control of the Chief Diversity Officer.

5)We recommend that the job description of the Chief Diversity Officer contain the following duties: a) cultivate work environments that support African-American and Black faculty; b) develop and incorporate educational initiatives, including training sessions, that are race-sensitive and race-sophisticated; c) implement strategies to recruit African-American and Black faculty; d) create strategies to retain African-American and Black faculty; e) implement strategies to tenure African-American and Black faculty; f) implement strategies to promote African-American and Black faculty to the Associate rank and then to the Professor rank; g) monitor the progress, or lack thereof, that

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19 Christopher Putos, former Dean of the Opus College of Business, contributed many of these provisions. He vouches that they worked wonders.

20 For a pithy contextualization and delineation of the CDO position in institutions of higher education, see Damon A. Williams and Karina C. Wade Golden’s article titled “What Is a Chief Diversity Officer?” It is available online: www.uc.edu/content/dam/uc/diversity/docs/ What_is_a_Chief_Diversity_Officer.pdf.

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African-American and Black faculty make as they attempt to ascend the Rank and Tenure ladder; h) oversee, in collaboration with the College’s data experts and Human Resources, data collection pertaining to African-American and Black faculty; i) identify and provide remedies for the impediments to the tenure and promotion of African-American faculty such as isolation, bullying, the invisibility of the burdens of African-American and Black faculty in the service realm, and anti-black bias on the part of students in the evaluation of African-American and Black faculty; j) conduct and archive exit interviews of Africa- American and Black faculty and share the pertinent take-away from these exit interviews with the faculty; k) continually monitor the progress, or lack thereof, made toward reaching the goals set by this report and sanctioned by the Senate by way of resolutions; l) report to the Senate annually about the progress, or lack thereof, made toward achieving the goals set by this report and sanctioned by the Senate; m) report to the faculty, during All-Faculty Day, about any progress made toward reaching the goals set by this report and sanctioned by the Senate; n) report, annually, to the President of the Black Students Union about the progress, or lack thereof, made toward achieving the goals set by this report and endorsed by the Senate; o) endeavor to find correctives enabling any school to reach the goals that are set by this report and that are endorsed by the Senate by way of resolutions when such correctives are warranted; p) aid the deans and the Provost in meeting the goal of hiring, retaining, and promoting African-Americans and Blacks ; q) participate in assessing, during formal assessments of academic evaluators, the extent to which the deans have effectively hired, retained, and promoted African-Americans and Blacks; r) infuse cultural artifacts concerned with blackness into the curriculum in collaboration with the Chairs of the Core Curriculum Committee, the Collegiate Seminar Committee, and the January Term Committee; and s) investigate and implement a faculty pipeline or “Grow your own” program such as the creation of a post-doctoral opportunity for potential African-American and Black Ph. D.’s with specific, special, and significant expertise that leads to preferential review of post-doctoral researchers for open faculty positions as a way of facilitating more timely growth of the African-American and Black faculty numbers.21

6)We recommend that funding or course releases be made available to faculty of African descent who devote time and resources to mentoring students of African descent who would not be mentees if solely assigned on the basis of departmental or program affiliation.

7)We recommend that funding be made available to faculty

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in order to develop “pipelines” to sources of college-ready African-American and Black candidates.

8)We recommend that funding be made available for African-American and Black organizations including a Black Faculty & Staff Association, for the purpose of promoting

21 Of course, this would depend on the availability of faculty lines in the field of expertise of the post- doctoral scholars. Evidence of effectiveness of such a program can be seen in the previously implemented Irvine program.

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community.

9)We recommend that each year, the Rank and Tenure Committee membership be required to become familiar with literature related to barriers confronting African- American and Black faculty.

10) We recommend a regular lecture series inviting African-American and Black scholars at the dissertation stage. A well-funded and rich series could warrant class status and the resulting enrollment and assignment of credit to students attending.

(11) We recommend a special lecture series bringing African-American and Black professors, such as Cornel West, to campus. This could be done each semester and sponsored in rotation by each of the schools. This project would give the Deans incentive to network to find candidates for the lecture. If these academics are mentoring Black graduate students, then exposure to SMC would be a way to increase our visibility and extend our networks.

X. TIMELINE AND NEXT STEPS

We are aware that the Senate, which passes resolutions, the Provost, who supports or rejects them, and the President, who also supports or rejects them, have their own ideas and/or constraints concerning timelines. That awareness does not prevent us from imagining what we consider a reasonable timeline. We urge all concerned to do their utmost to either observe or shorten it.

We are submitting our report to the Executive Committee of the Senate on November 24, 2016. The Thanksgiving break should afford senators the time to read it and accept it at their session on December 7, 2016.

At the session of January 18, 2017, we expect that the Senate will have distilled the report and its recommendations into concrete resolutions that it will pass.

By the session of February 15, 2017, we expect that Provost Dobkin will have put her imprimatur on the resolutions that the Senate endorsed.

At the session of March 29, 2017, we expect to learn that President Donohue has sanctioned the resolutions that both the Senate and the Provost have recommended.

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By Academic Year 2019-20, we expect that the percentage of the professoriat that is African-American or Black will change from 10 to 14, or from 5% to 7%.By Academic Year 2020-1, we expect that the percentage of the professoriat that is

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African-American or Black will change from 14 to 18, or from 7% to 9%.

By Academic Year 2021-2, we expect that the percentage of the professoriat that is African-American or Black will change from 18 to 22, or from 9% to 11%.

By Academic Year 2022-3, we expect that the percentage of the professoriat that is African-American or Black will change from 22 to 26, or from 11% to13%.

By Academic Year 2023-4, we expect that the percentage of the professoriat that is African-American or Black will change from 26 to 30, or from 13% to15%.

XI. EPILOGUE

By way of conclusion, we add two considerations. The first is that though we prescribe on the one hand concrete goals, and on the other concrete steps in the direction of those goals, we can imagine steps other than the ones we recommend explicitly that may also help us reach those goals. We can also imagine reaching the goals set without either adopting or observing each and every one of the concrete steps we recommend. In other words, we invite the President, the Provost, the deans of the different schools of the College to contribute ideas that may complement the ones we offer here.

The second consideration also pertains to worthy ideas proffered in the course of our endeavors that we did not highlight in the report. One such idea is that of Target of Opportunity Hires (TOHs), which are typically run out of the central administration. TOHs are usually permitted to departments that have information about the availability of faculty members hailing from groups that are underrepresented in the department’s roster. A second such idea is Cluster Hires, or the practice of hiring several people sharing an academic core area of expertise. A third is Partner Hires, or the recruiting of partnered colleagues to the university. A fourth is Faculty Exchanges, particularly with Historically Black Colleges and Universities, also known as HBCUs. We consider all of them excellent ideas, and again, invite the President, the Provost, the deans of the different schools of the College to explore them seriously and with fixity of intention. More than most of the ideas we explicitly recommend in our report, they require administrative initiative.

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FINIS

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