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Municipal Tax Incremental Financing Supports Big Business, Inequality in Kansas City 1
Municipal Tax Incremental Financing Supports
Big Business, Inequality in Kansas City
Jamie Ferris
Anne Dunning, Ph.D.
Urban Planning 705
17 May 2013
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Kansas City, Missouris [KCMO] economy, like those of cities across
the country, is struggling to recover from the national recession that began in
2008. According to Noble (2010), The Missouri state budget for 2013
estimates only $7.585 billion in general revenue funds, nearly $500 million
less than Governor Jay Nixons recommended amount. With unemployment in
the metropolitan area at approximately 8 percent in February (U.S. Bureau of
Labor Statistics), while slightly higher than the national average of 7.7
percent, much focus in the city has been on balancing the budget, creating
jobs, and fostering economic growth (National unemployment update , 2013).
Historically, the KCMO urban core has experienced negative effects of
urban sprawl, losing much of the metropolitan population, particularly those
affluent residents of the urban core, to surrounding suburban areas on both
the Missouri and Kansas sides of the city. Census data shows that the most
expensive homes in Kansas City form a ring around the city; this golden ring has
been moving farther from downtown at a rate of about two miles per decade. In its wake
are acres of declining property values that have left many residents stranded (Anderson
12-13).
Between 1990 and 1996, the Kansas City metropolitan area spread 70%, while its
population, now over two million, increased only 5% (Lacayo) . This disproportionate
growth is unsustainable in regard to both resources and economics. Dr. Robert Freilich
of the University of Missouri-Kansas City suggests in his 1997 report To Sprawl or Not
to Sprawl: a National Perspective for Kansas City , sprawl has engendered six major
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crises for Americas major metropolitan regions. These crises are: central city and first -
and second-ring suburban distress; environmental degradation through loss of wetlands,
sensitive lands, air and water quality degradation; massive gasoline energy
overutilization; fiscal insolvency, transportation congestion, infrastructure deficiencies
and taxpayer revolts; massive agricultural land conversion; and housing inaffordability
(2).
In recent years, KCMO has supported downtown revitalization efforts
through market intervention and by promoting the development of not only
business but residential and entertainment areas an attempt to re -grow the tax
base and bring residents, art, culture and tourism to the area. KCMO adopted
the Greater Downtown Area Plan in March 2010 , outlining goals for the economic,
social and environmental development of the city. The five outlined goals include:
doubling the population downtown, increasing employment, Creating a walkable
downtown, retaining and promoting safe, authentic neighborhoods, and promoting
sustainability (Greater Downtown Area Plan).
Much of this development is stagnating however, due to the weak
economy and therefore a hesitant consumer base in the metro area. The
relatively static tax revenue causes further problems for the city that is
already facing a revenue shortage.
The 2012-2013 city budget proposed by the Office of Management and
Budget [OMB], which includes a 4.9 percent increase over the FY 2011-2013
budget, keeps the general fund flat and proposed increased fees and taxes as
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well as reduction or stagnation in work force and employee benefits (OMB,
2012). Because it is the general fund that is experiencing the majority of the
budget cuts, this does mean a reduction in funding [or a lesser increase] to
the Department of Economic Development, in addition to many other
programs and departments. Though this department is encountering financial
restrictions, it is still receiving nearly 10 percent of the city budget. In 2010,
City Manager Troy Schulte wrote in the budget proposal to then Mayor Mark
Funkhouser that in this economic climate the city must work to identify
local partnerships to leverage additional resources to address needs in
entrepreneurship, small business assistance and workforce development
(OMB, 2010). Schulte suggested that while financial assistance from the state
may be necessary, fostering these aspects of the economic situation will help
make KCMO more competitive in acquiring new businesses and lessen the
risk of losing some of those opportunities to other cities, particularly across
the state line in Kansas (OMB, 2010). These priorities remain at the
forefront, as expressed in the FY 2012-2013 budget.
According to Blakely and Leigh (2010), community and business
development are merged as a vehicle to mobilize essential community
resources for the generation of shared wealth both in terms of individual and
collective wellbeing and in terms of a stronger set of economic institutions
that can compete both locally and globally (266). The Economic Development
Corporation of Kansas City [EDC] (2007) sites the purpose of economic
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development is to encourage private investment, increase municipal
population and grow the tax base, helping to keep taxes low, increase the
quality of life and create job opportunities for community members, upgrade
infrastructure and the physical appearance of the city and create
entrepreneurial opportunities (New City, 2007). In order to do so, KCMO
utilizes both supply and demand side aspects of economic development to in
effort to maximize business expansion and foster as much job creation and
employment opportunities as possible. The city implements supply side
methods with much greater frequency, however.
Due to allowances of the structure of state laws and policies in
Missouri, KCMO frequently utilizes Tax Increment Financing [TIF], Chapter
353 tax abatement and Enhanced Enterprise Zones as well as provisions of
the Missouri Downtown Economic Stimulus Act [MODESA] of 2003 to create
and provide incentives for economic activity and development, among many
other supply side programs.
Currently, the Economic Development Committee expresses their
priorities to be business development, retention and expansion. The council is
approaching this through the use approximately 24 incentive programs and
tools for economic development and business projects (New City, 2007).
These 24 programs can be simplified into eight categories; tax abatement, tax
redirection, tax credits, self-assessment, property assembly and remediation,
infrastructure provision, business financing and business assistance (New
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Municipal Tax Incremental Financing Supports Big Business, Inequality in Kansas City 6
City, 2007). For the purpose of this study, only KCMOs use of TIFs, Super
TIFs, MODESA provisions, Ch. 353 Tax Abatements, and Enhanced
Enterprise Zones will be considered in analyzing the efficiency and
effectiveness of the citys economic development.
In Missouri, TIF projects must receive approval by the TIF Commission
[TIFC] and City Council at a public hearing (see Figure 1 for complete
approval process). The TIF proposal is required to meet two criteria in order
to be considered. It must be a project that, without out the TIF, would not
otherwise be developed [called the but for test] and it must have one of the
following: blight conditions, be located in a Conservation Area [likely future
blight without prevention], be located in an Economic Development Area [not
required to exhibit blight or Conservation Area characteristics] where the
council believes the proposed TIF project would be in the publics best
interest (New City, 2007).
Revenue for the approved TIF projects can come from the following
sources: Payment in Lieu of Taxes [PILOT] provisions, Economic Activity
Taxes [EATS] In certain situations projects may receive State Supplemental
TIFs (New City, 2007). With PILOT funding, real property tax rates are
frozen for a term up to 23 years per project. The taxes generated by the initial
assessed value of the property [and paid for by the property owner] are
distributed to the affected taxing districts for the duration of the TIF plan
(New City, 2007). The incremental taxes on the value of the property are
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paid to the city where it is deposed into a special al location fund. The money
in this fund is then a llocated to cost of the TIF plan and the developers
expenses (Kelsay, 2007).
EAT financing, however, is money accrued from the tax revenue
generated by the increased economic activity in the development area such as
sales, utility and profit earnings. Of this revenue, up to 50 percent is
available to developers for reimbursement. Missour i is one of only nine states
to allow this type of tax abatement. Additionally, KCMO is one of few areas
to implement use of the Super TIF, an extension of the EAT abat ement
policy that allows developers to receive up to 100 percent reimbursement
(Kelsay, 2007). TIF projects may also be eligible for State Supplemental TIFs
that includes state tax revenue in the funding. The state funding is in addition
or supplementary to PILOT and EAT financing. These TIF projects mustbe in
a blighted or levee area, however (New City, 2007).
In addition to EAT tax abatement, KCMO provides Chapter 353 Tax
Abatement as an incentive to stimulate private investment and
redevelopment of blighted areas[consisting of] reconstruction or
rehabilitation of any blighted area and provision for such industrial,
commercial, residential, public or recreational developments (New City,
2007). In order to qualify for 353 Tax Abatement, the project must pass the
but for test, proving the development would not occur without the 353
incentive. The area of redevelopment must also be blighted or blighting
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(New City, 2007). The incentive this provides for developers is 100
percent tax abatement of real value for 10 years and 50 percent for the
following 15 years (New City, 2007). In addition, the Power of Eminent
Domain enables the developer to condemn properties that could not be
acquired through normal negotiations (New City, 2007).
A program to attract new business as well as provide incentive for
existing businesses to expand is KCMOs creation of Enhanced Enterprise
Zones. Enhanced Enterprise Zones are specified geographic areas designated
by local governments and certified by the Missouri Department of Economic
Development (Kansas City Area). These areas are denoted for high
poverty and unemp loyment rates. The program provides state income tax
exemptions and credits as well as local property tax abatement to property
owners who make improvements to real property. Benefits are designed to
encourage investment and growth and to help address unemployment and
underemployment within the Citys Enhanced Enterprise Zone (New City,
2007). Specifically, if a business within the enterpris e zone employs at least
two new employees and meets a minimum $100,000 investment, property
owners may receive up to 100 percent tax abatement for 25 years on
improvements to the property (New City, 2007). From the state, owners
may receive up New Job Credits for up to 10 years, Resident Credits [for
employees who reside in the enterprise zone] for up to 10 years, Salary
Credits [for employees making more than the national average] for up to 10
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years, as well as a 2 percent investment credit (New Cities, 2007).
The Missouri Downtown Economic Stimulus Act [MODESA], passed in
2003, allows some central business district projects to request that specified
State tax revenues be used to supple ment local revenues (New City, 2007).
These projects, which must be located in either a blighted or Conservation
Area, have to demonstrate promotion of tourism cultural activity, arts,
entertainment, education, and mass transit, among other community-fostering
plans which cost at least an estimated $10,000,000 and w ill provide at least
100 new jobs within three years (Ne w City, 2007).
Cities that receive MODESA funding are able to have up to 50 percent
of estimated incremental tax revenues from the business redevelopment area
pay for eligible public projects (New City, 2007). These revenue
reallocations, in addition to the municipalitys PILOT and EAT funding that
it supplements, are intended to help grow the metropolitan area and promote
urban renewal.
KCMO has a strong entrepreneurial base; with organizatio ns such as the
Kaufman Foundation and the Small Business Technology and Development
Center [SBTDC] at the University of Missouri-Kansas City, there are many
resources for independent start-up companies and entrepreneurs from the
nonprofit and private sector. Incentives from the city, however, are still
fairly limited.
Small Business Financing, a revolving loan fund for small businesses
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planning fixed asset purchases of $1 million or less is available through the
Kansas City Economic Development Corporation [EDC], a public/private
organization that promotes development and job growth in KCMO. This
financing is intended to help create and maintain non-retail jobs in the metro.
These loans, which are available up to a maximum of $150,000 and 40
percent of total costs, (New City, 2007) are intended to support small
businesses development and growth.
Robert Long, Development Services Specialist for the EDC, described
how KCMO plans to foster entrepreneurship in the metro.
The EDC has developed a partnership with the SBTDC to address the
needs of small businesses and entrepreneurs, he said, we also work with the
citys relatively new BizCare office to help clients navigate the citys
permitting, licensing and zoning processes (2010).
As Blakely and Leigh (2010) point out, it is difficult to compare the
budget of an entrepreneurial strategy with those of traditional business
recruitment incentive packages, (271) however, investment in local business
resources can cultivate a sustainable environment of local entrepreneurship.
Though the city suggests it is making strides to create an environment
that is supportive of local startup companies in an attempt to not only
facilitate economic development but become less reli ant upon the business
decisions of others locatedhundreds of miles away and with no personal
commitment to [KCMO] (R. Long , 2010), limited measures have been truly
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Municipal Tax Incremental Financing Supports Big Business, Inequality in Kansas City 11
taken so far.
This process presents a clear inequity in terms of endowments, process,
and outcomes, stemming from the prevalence of TIF-based incentives for
business and economic development has been great throughout the KCMO
metro area due to the availability of program implementation and the
allowance of discretion in approving TIF projects. The use of both TIF and
EAT practices increased over 200 percent between 2000 and 2004 (Kelsay,
2007). Based on maps (see Figure 3) of KCMO TIF district demographics,
[2007], 88 percent of TIF projects have occurred in KCMO Council Districts
one, two, four and six. These districts are the most highly populated, and
maintain the highest level of educated, affluent, non-minority residents. In
contrast, KCMO Council Districts, three and five which are the lowest
income, highest minority districts, hold only 12 percent of TIF projects. This
unequal TIF project distribution is counter-intuitive considering the existence
of [physical] blight as common criteria for project approval, though, as Long
noted, the Missouri TIF statue does not use socio -economic distress factors
to determine physical blight (Long, 2010).
As can be seen by the distribution of incentive-based projects in the
urban core, the more distressed areas are not truly given priority in
redevelopment and renewal efforts. In order to successfully grow the
population and economy of the urban KCMO area, part icularly when
attempting to reverse the damage done by the recent recession, the most
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severely distressed areas must be stabilized and made to prosper; if incentive
use will increase once again in ord er to do this, it must be done e quitably.
As Blakely and Leigh (2010) write, increased business investment can
transform many inner cities from places left behind by the new economy into
places leading the way to economic success (266). Investment in the urban
core is vital, otherwise the continued inequalities will only cause further
detriment to the sustainability of the city as a whole. Additionally, a strong
sense of social community, it is clear that development that is to be sustainable and its
effects lasting must encourage social community development as well. Though civic
engagement has been in severe decline over the last two decades, rates of participation
increase with urban revitalization movements, improving citizen involvement in the
community (Putnam, 2000). Likewise, as Thad Williamson of the Jepson School of
Leadership Studies, University of Richmond suggested, a place that looks and feels
like a coherent community should help produce citizens who are better able to identify
with where they live and are more engaged in civic and political life (235).
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Municipal Tax Incremental Financing Supports Big Business, Inequality in Kansas City 13
Figure 1
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Figure 2
Figure 3
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Figure 4
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