Thesis Proposal

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 The Background of the Study Language affects many facets of human life such as religion, politics, society, and economy. Many situations of which are described as provocative. The banning of certain languages or mandating the use of one over another have produced tension and anxiety, charges of isolationism, and even allegations of racism and discrimination. Language is foremost a means of communication, and communication almost always takes place within some sort of social context. Good in Thompson (2003: 1) emphasizes that the use of language lies at the very heart social lives. This is why effective communication requires an understanding and recognition of the connections between a language and the people who use it. These conditions are complex. For example, there are situations where one is required to use slang with

description

english linguistic

Transcript of Thesis Proposal

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

1.1 The Background of the Study Language affects many facets of human life such as religion, politics, society, and economy. Many situations of which are described as provocative. The banning of certain languages or mandating the use of one over another have produced tension and anxiety, charges of isolationism, and even allegations of racism and discrimination. Language is foremost a means of communication, and communication almost always takes place within some sort of social context. Good in Thompson (2003: 1) emphasizes that the use of language lies at the very heart social lives. This is why effective communication requires an understanding and recognition of the connections between a language and the people who use it. These conditions are complex. For example, there are situations where one is required to use slang with a friend or formal language with a boss and to judge a candidates campaign speeches. All of these acts require knowledge of the language, as well as the cultural and social forces acting on that language. Social context is a major factor that drives ones language choices. For example, the language used in an interview situation is much concerned with how one spoke as with what one actually said. One may have even practiced sounding confident, for instance, or intelligent, so that one would make a good impression during the interview. One makes decisions every day, or has decisions made about

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her/himself by other people, based on the language use. Someone frequently evaluates a persons education, socioeconomic level, background, honesty, friendliness, and numerous other qualities by which a person speaks. When the speaker wants to make a particular impression on someone else, s/he consciously chooses her/his language, just as s/he chooses hair styles or clothing. Language is not something somehow separated from the ideas it contains, but the way language is used indicates a great deal about how the ideas have been shaped. A speaker may say words clearly and use long complex sentences with correct grammar, but s/he still has a communication problem if s/he has not mastered the rules for social language known as pragmatics. In this line, the speakers should understand appropriately the concept of the language which is included in the area of functional grammar. This study will be focused on speech functions in the Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony that concerns on the addressers language whether they use statement, question, offer, command based on the Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). SFL is an approach to linguistics proposed by Halliday which sees the language used in social context. This approach is based on the theory of grammar which considers language as a resource used for communication not as a set of rules. It is explored how is the use of language in different context, and how language is structured for use as a semiotic system. Martin (1992: 3) noted that the model of language in a systemic functional can be characterized in terms of language as a resource. It means that language is a network of relationship. On the

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other hand means that SFL is especially concern with system, relationship between linguistics unit of various kinds and concerns with speakers might and tend to do. According to Halliday (1994: 8) functional grammar is one that construes all the units of language its clauses, phrases and so on as organic configurations of function. On the other words, each part is interpreted as functional with respect to the whole. Montgomery in Thompson (2003: 38) said that language informs the way one thinks, the way one experiences, and the way one interacts one each other. Language not only provides the basic community, but also the ground of division. Systematic knowledge about language and practical awareness of how it works is fundamental to the process of building mature communities. There are two terms mostly involved while interacting or communicating, they are speaker and listener or audience. In the act of speaking, the speaker adopts for her/himself a particular speech role, and so in doing assigns to the listener a complementary role which s/he wishes to adopt in her/his turn. For example, in asking a question, a speaker is taking on the role of seeker of information and requiring the listener to take on the role of supplier of the information demanded. The most fundamental types of speech role are just two (1) giving and (2) demanding. Besides that, there is another distinction, equally fundamental, that relates to the nature of the commodity namely goods and services or information. These two variables define the four primary speech functions of statement, question, offer and command. These in turns are matched by a set of desired responses: acknowledging a statement, answering a question, accepting an offer, and carrying out a command.

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This study refers to the use of speech functions in the Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony. Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony is the ceremony in which the bones of one's ancestors are reinterred several years after her/his death. In ceremony lasting for several days, the bones of a particularly honored ancestor and those of his descendants are exhumed, cleaned, mourned and finally laid to rest again in a bone house known as a tugu or tambak. The Toba Bataks highly values their ancestors and their land, so they do such kind of this ceremony. One motive for the mangongkal holi ceremony appears to be raising the status of the Holy Spirit or begu of the deceased. Traditional Batak beliefs hold that the dead occupy a hierarchical status similar to the social position they held in life. This means that a rich and powerful individual remains influential after death and this status can be elevated if the family holds mangongkal holi ceremony. It is not going to be concerned a lot with the ceremony practice, what is going to be concerned in this study is the language use in the mangongkal holi ceremony. It means that this research focus on the speech functions use in the mangongkal holi ceremony by the three pillars of the Toba Batak Somba marhula-hula, elek marboru, manat mardongan tubu in order to make an offer, a command, a statement, and a question among them in the mangongkal holi ceremony. In the practice of culture, language is badly needed unless the

communication or interaction will never happen. There are some reasons for choosing the speech functions in Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony, the speech functions as the object of the study. First, this speech community is known

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for indirection in their linguistics behavior, especially when it comes to communicating about unfamiliar things. Second, the Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony is activity that has been a culture in Toba Batak community in Indonesia, which has great aspect of language. Because the language use in Toba Batak language in the process of doing the mangongkal holi ceremony is different among of the participants depending on her/his position in the three hearthstones Dalihan Natolu and the third is; studies which focuses on the speech functions in Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony by Toba Batak ethnic is rarely found. This kind of study is rarely conducted due to the limitation of data sources. These facts serve to be a motivation to conduct the present study dealing with speech functions which are conveyed by Toba Batak ethnic in order to find out what types of speech functions which are used in the mangongkal holi ceremony.

1.2 The Problems of the Study In relation to the background, the problems are formulated as the following.1

What types of speech functions are used in the Toba Batak holi ceremony?

mangongkal

2 How are the speech functions realized by the three pillars of the Toba

Batak life philosophy (Tulang/Hula-hula, Dongan Tubu, Boru)? 3 Why are the speech functions coded by the three pillars in the ways they are? 1.3 The Objectives of the Study In relation to the problems, the objectives of the study are

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1) to describe what types of speech functions are used in the Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony, 2) to analyze how the speech functions are realized by the three pillars of the Toba Batak life phylosophy (Tulang/Hula-hula, Dongan Tubu, Boru), and 3) to explain or reason why the speech functions are coded by the three pillars in the ways they are.

1.4 The Scope of the Study This study attempts to investigate the speech functions used in the Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony. The main aspect to be observed is the speech functions such as making an offer, a command, a statement, and a question among the three pillars of Toba Batak. The focus is on the meaning or speech functions as they are realized in the Toba Batak language.

1.5 The Significances of the Study Findings of the study are expected to be significantly relevant theoretically and practically. Theoretically, the research findings are expected to enrich the theories of speech functions, specifically the spoken language of certain community, mainly Toba Batak community. This study considers being useful initially to provide the information of speech functions used by the three pillars of Toba Batak in mangongkal holi ceremony when they express the speech functions in the situation. Consequently, it will give better understanding and new insight on how speech functions is related to the aspect of functional grammar study. This

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contribution will in turn give tentative framework for a comprehensive analysis speech functions. Practically, since this research focuses on speech functions used in Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony in expressing an offer, a command, a statement, and a question, hopefully the findings are useful for teachers and lectures of functional grammar to apply the speech functions specifically in functional grammar to the students either in University or High School which occur in daily conversation. And also practice the patterns of speech functions which are used by Toba Batak. This will accelerate them to speak Indonesian, thus they will not find it clumsy to speak directly to the Toba Batak.

CHAPTER II REVIEW OF LITERATURE

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The purpose of this chapter is to review some of the more significant secondary sources which have contributed to the study of speech functions in Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony in relation to the present study. The sources discussed focus on early encounters with the Toba Batak, the study of Toba Batak culture and mangongkal holi ceremony, and research on speech functions used in the mangongkal holi ceremony.

2.1 Systemic Functional Linguistics SFL is a functional-semantic approach to language proposed by Halliday which sees language in social context, in order one can begin to analyzing and explaining how meanings are made in every linguistic interaction. The SFL is recognized as providing a very useful descriptive and interpretive framework for viewing language as a strategic, meaning making resource. Halliday (1994: 29-30) noted that there are twenty-one possible application of SFL. One of which is related to the use of language in the court rooms or the court room texts. In general to all these systematic linguists is an interest in how people use language with each other in accomplishing everyday social life. This interest leads systemic linguists to advance four main theoretical claims language, they are: (1) that language use is functional, (2) that its function is to make meanings, (3) that these meanings are influenced by the social and cultural context in which they are exchanged, and (4) that the process of using language use is a semiotic process, a process of making

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meanings by choosing. In brief, that language use is functional, semantic, contextual, and semiotic. SFL begins analysis with social context or context of situation, through a systemic relationship between the social environment on the one hand and the functional organization of language on the other hand. Halliday (1985a: 11) explained that the term function is equated with situational use. In this sense, that it can be said that each individuals utterance in given context has a particular use. For example, a speaker might say the words Good Afternoon as a means of greeting a friend at an appropriate time of day. In this case, one can say that the communicative function of Good Afternoon is greeting. In a different context the same words can have a different function. For instance, if the student is late for morning school, and misses a part of the first lesson, the teacher might sarcastically say Good Afternoon. The fact that the words are not spoken in the afternoon indicates to the listeners that in this case the function is not a simple greeting, but something that one might term reprimand. In this way, the same words can have a different communicative function in different situation.

2.2 Speech Functions According to Halliday speech functions is an action or performance done by language users such as asking, commanding and answering in order to fulfill the intention of the speakers and listeners. Speech functions are used as the medium exchange their experiences. Speech functions are more oriented to functional

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interpretation, specifically systemic functional one. This means that all the utterances uttered the four types of speech functions. In addition, Martin (1992: 36) also said that speech functions are a semantic aspect of meaning which is realized by mood at the level of lexicogrammar. In this case, all the speech functions should be coded by the three moods, namely (1) Declarative, (2) Interrogative, and (3) Imperative. All of these are the representation of human beings utterances in their communication. Therefore, speech functions is used to exchange humans experiences through language function by using interpersonal meaning and coded by mood.

2.2.1 The Types of Speech functions Halliday (2004: 68) stated that the most fundamental types of speech functions, which lie behind all the more specific types are just two (1) giving and (2) demanding. Either the speaker is giving something to the listener or he is demanding something from him. Even these elementary categories already involve complex notions i.e. giving means inviting to receive, and demanding means inviting to give. The speaker is not only doing something himself but s/he also requiring something of the listener. These two basic types of speech functions related to the nature of the commodity being exchanged. This may be either (a) good-&-services or (b) information, as described in following table.

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Table 1.1. The Basic Types of Speech functions Commodity (a) Good and Role in Exchange (1) Giving services Offer (b) Information Statement

Would you like a cup of I am giving him a cup of tea? Command tea Question What is I am giving her?

(2) Demanding

Give me a cup of tea!

Thus, the four speech functions used in communication are statement, offer, question, and command that realized by Mood to perform two roles, they are giving and demanding. In brief, the types of speech functions can be shown as follows. 1. Giving/goods-&-services = offer

2. Demanding/goods-&-services = command 3. Giving/information 4. Demanding/information = statement = question

The four speech functions (statement, offer, command, and question) are initiated by the speaker or the addresser. In real interactions, the listener or the addressee responds to the speech functions produced by the speaker or the addresser. When both value (positive and negative) and orientation (initiating and response) of both speakers and addressers are taken into account, so there are sixteen are derived. Its derivation with the examples can be seen in figure below.

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giving Role demanding

information Commodity goods and servecis

Speech Functions

initiating Orientation responding

positive Value negative

Figure 1.1 System Network of Speech Function 1. Giving information (+) initiating = initiating statement (+) When we give information to someone with the orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating positive statement or expression. For example:

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-

di bagasan tingki on umbaen na hu jou hami hamu haha anggi nami ima namarsialahon ulaon nabalga

-

in inside time this why do we call you young brother our is because party big

-

the reason why we call you in this time because of the big party

2. Giving information (-) initiating = initiating statement (-) When we give information to someone with the negative orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating negative statement or expression. For example:-

dada podaon nami be rajai, ai nungnga diboto hamu hian i, manang

aha na patut jaloon nami. do not advice we the king, because have known you already it,

whatever proper ask we-

We do not need to tell you anything about it because you have

known already what you are going to give us. 3. Giving goods-&-services (+) initiating = initiating offer (+) When we want to give goods and services to someone with the orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating positive offering expression. For example: -

onma suhut nami, nunga dison be ate-ate mangihut pusu-pusu. this our brother, have here leaver and stomach These are brother, here are the leaver and stomach

-

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4. Giving goods-&-services (-) initiating = initiating offer (-) When we want to give goods and services to someone with the negative orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating negative offering expression. For example: -

Dang pola ro be sian hami mangurupi. Do not come perlu datang untuk membantu! we do not need to come to help you!

-

5. Demanding information (+) initiating = initiating question (+) When we want to demand some information from other people with the orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating question; it means that we want that s/he will response to our question by giving us the information demanded by us. For example:-

sambol ma raja nami? slaughter our king? can we slaughter it?

6.

Demanding information (-) initiating = initiating question (-) When we want to demand some information from other people with the negative orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating negative order; it means that we want that s/he will do what we have them to do. For example:-

unang pola leleng be nian tapette ari ni pesta i!

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-

dont need to wait long the day. dont wait for so long to do it

7. Demanding goods-&-services (+) initiating = initiating command (+) When we want to demand goods and services from someone, with the orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating positive command or order or imperative expression. For example:-

hujalo hami ma gondang nami ate? ask we music our? can we ask our music?

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8. Demanding goods-&-services (-) initiating = initiating command (-) When we want to demand goods and services from someone, with the negative orientation of initiating, it shows that the result will be initiating negative command or order or imperative expression. For example:-

unang pola songon na mabiar hamu mandok! dont seem afraid you say dont seem be afraid to say!

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9. Giving information (+) response = response to statement (+) When we give information to someone with the orientation of responding, it shows that the result will be the positive responds it means that the statement or expression, will be in positive. For example:

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-

songoni ma hata sian hami like that word from we thats all we want to say

-

10. Giving information (-) response = response to statement (-) When we give information to someone with the negative orientation of responding, it shows that the result will be the negative responds it means that the statement or expression, will be in negative form. For example:-

tung songoni do, tung so boi do haolaon name hata mu. If like that, can not deny fullfil we word your If like that, we can not deny to fullfil your request.

-

11. Giving goods-&-service (+) response = response to offer (+) When we give or offer goods and services to someone with the orientation of responding, it shows that the result will be the positive responds to our offering, it means that the statement or expression shows agreement to our offer. For example:-

ba nauli raja name ya good king our ya, thats good ideas.

-

12. Giving goods-&-service (-) response = response to offer (-) When we give or offer goods and services to someone with the negative orientation of responding, it shows that the result will be the negative responds to our offering, it means that the statement or expression shows disagreement to our offer.

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For example:-

dang tikkos do pe raja nami. not true yet king our it is not true yet.

13. Demanding information (+) response = response to question (+) When we want to demand some information from other people with the positive response then it will show a positive response to the expression of the demanding. It means that we want that s/he will response to our question positively. For example: sambol ma raja name slaughter our king you can slaughter it

14. Demanding information (-) response = response to question (-) When we want to demand some information from other people with the negative response then it will show a negative response to the expression of the demanding. It means that we want that s/he will response to our question negatively. For example: -

dang dope raja name have not king our not yet our king

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15. Demanding goods-&-services (+) response = response to command (+) When we want to demand goods and services from someone, with the positive response then it will show that the result will be positive response to our command or order or imperative expression. For example:-

olo ma tutu raja name yes thats right one more yes our king

-

16. Demanding goods-&-services (-) response = response to command (-) When we want to demand goods and services from someone, with the negative response then it will show that the result will be negative response to our command or order or imperative expression For example: dang tolap do hami kami belum sanggub We are not able yet.

These examples were taken from the speech function in the Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony (Dody, 2010) The use of language in the mangongkal holi ceremony by the three pillars of the Toba Batak such as hula-hula, dongan tubu and boru are different, because these three pillars have different position in the process of doing the ceremony. For example, hula-hula as the highest position among of them will prefer to use more

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speech functions like statement, offer, command, and question rather then dongan tubu, and boru.

2.2.2 Speech Functions and Responses

Speech functions and responses, define the four primary speech functions of offer, command, statement and question. These in turn are matched by a set of desired responses: accepting an offer, carrying out a command, acknowledging a statement and answering a question. See table 1.2. (Taken from Eggin, 1994: 153) Table 1.2. Speech Functions and Responses Initiating Offer Responding Supporting Confronting Acceptance Rejection

Giving good and services Demanding good Command Undertaking Refusal and services Giving information Statement Acknowledgement Contradiction Demanding Question Answer Disclaimer Information As example of the use of speech functions classes above which can be used to describe the move sequences can be seen in the dialogue below. A. Nga hea ho lao tu Toba? Already have you go to toba (Have you been to Toba?) B. Nungnga, nga hea au sian i Already, already have I from it (Yes, I have been there) C. Dang huboto aha lapatanni i Dont know what meaning it (Disclaimer) (Answer) (Question)

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(I really do not know it) A. Ba, danau toba di samosir Oh, danau toba in samosir (Its toba lake in Samosir) B. I ma, tutu di Ya, it is in (Ya, Thats right) C. Daong, Dang di danau samosir i Not, not in toba samosir it (No, its not in Samosir) B. Jadi naeng porlu do botoon mu i? So do need to know you it (So do you like to know where it is) C. Nauli Beautiful (Well, Ok) A. Namargait gait do au da kidding I ok (Sorry for joking, Its in Takengon) B. Olo, tenang ma ho Yes, calm you (Yea, calm down your self) A. Nion do, jaha ma! (Command) (Acknowledgement) (Statement) (Accept) (Offer) (Contradiction) (Acknowledgement) (Statement)

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Here it is, read it (Here it is, read it) C: Mauliate da (taking the book) Thanks! These difference speech functions classes sometimes will make us confuse to recognize the correlation between the semantic choice of a speech functions and the grammatical structure which is typically chosen to encode it. However, Eggin (1994: 152) stated the correlation between them as following. A declarative clauses is used to make a statement e.g.: Its in Bali An imperative clauses is used to make command e.g.: Here, read it! An interrogative clauses is used to ask question e.g.: Have you been to Patentrong? A modulated interrogative clause is used to make an offer e.g.: So would you like to know where it is? There is also a correlation between the different structure of an initiating move and the structure of a responding move. The most initiating moves are long while most responding moves are short, because they typically involve some kinds of abbreviation or ellipsis or minor clauses. And the dialogue above show the short responding moves such as; Yes, I have (instead of Yes, I have been to Patentrong), Yea (instead of Yea Its in Takengon) and so on. (Compliance)

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2.3 The Similarity and the Difference between Speech Functions and Speech Acts From the point of view of semantic, speech functions cannot be separated with speech act, Botha (2008). The theory is analytical areas which share a common concerns with how utterances can be interpreted within their setting, rather than how they are produced. Both approaches are therefore philosophical rather than linguistics in their background and orientation. They focus on analyzing the meaning and intentions of speaker as they relate to the particular social setting, examining how participant use and understand the appropriateness of utterances in relation to various situational context. On the other hand, Poythress (2008) stated that speech-act theory, or genre theory, or any other theory, is not comprehensive in its attentiveness. So the danger arises that it too may overoptimistically be used as if it were the key to understanding, rather than a reminder of one more dimension in communication. The difference between speech functions and speech act is in grammatical aspect. Levinson (1983) stated that the illocutionary in speech acts consists of five classifications, they are:1. Assertive: commit the speaker to be the truth of the expressed exposition:

state, suggest, boast, complain, claim, report and warn.2. Directives: have the intention of eliciting some sorts of action on the part of

the hearer: order, command, request, beg, advice (to) recommend and ask.3. Commisives: commit the speaker to some future action: promise, vow,

offer, undertake, contract, and threaten.

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4. Expressive: make known the speaker psychological attitude to a

presupposed state of affair: thank, congratulate, condole, praise, blame, forgive, pardon.5. Declarative: are said to bring about a change in reality: sentence, resign,

christen, name and open (e.g. an exhibition). These classifications cannot be more extended. In other words, Bernal (2006) stated that speech act are static (passive) and speech functions are dynamic (active). The speech functions still can be extended. (See figure 1.1 on page 11).

2.4 Conversation Analysis Language is a means of communication. In other words, language is used when people want to express something. It could be both verbal and nonverbal language. The later is by using whole body of the participants, for example. When the participants meet in the street they will nod their heads to greet without any verbal language from their mouth. While the earlier is by expressing utterances, oral skill. Yuyun (2005) states that language both verbal and non verbal is used to communicate or to give what actually we want to say. We create a conversation in communication. Thus, it is interactive. It requires response. Once we start the verbal interaction, it needs to keep the talk going. Conversation analysis is done to see the continuation of the conversation. Conversation Analysis (CA) is the study of talk in interaction. CA generally attempts to describe the orderliness conversation are

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semantic activity, highly structured and functionally motivated. It is motivated by speakers to establish who we are, how we relate to others and what we think about the world. In brief, it is actually concerned on social relationship in society. Structure and sequential patterns of interaction, whether this is institutional (in the school doctor's surgery) etc. Verbal interaction in this term is encountered as casual conversation. Furthermore, Eggins (1997) defines that casual. A conversation will be having in the process of doing the mangongkal holi ceremony among of the three pillars of the Toba Batak, so the conversation will be analyzed in order to find what the types of speech functions found in the mangongkal holi ceremony are. 2.5 Early Historic Accounts of the Toba Batak Literary references to the island of Sumatra date from the early centuries of the Common Era, evident in the writings of Chinese and Arab seafarers, explorers and merchants. Marco Polo as well as Ibn Battuta visited the northern regions of Sumatra in the 13th and 14th centuries and while their accounts give little detailed information on the inhabitants of the region they both mention substantial trade in camphor and benzoin as well as the practice of cannibalism. The Venetian Nicolo di Conti, who spent a year on the island of Sumatra during the 15th century, provides one of the earliest detailed accounts of the people in the region of northern Sumatra. Part of his account, as it appears in Cunningham (1958: 20) states: In the part of the island called Batech live cannibals who wage continual war on their neighbors. They use the skulls of their enemies as coinage in commerce, and the man who possesses the most of these is considered the richest. Kozok, who has researched

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Batak laments and written extensively on the various Batak script traditions, makes the point that since the time of Contis report, any mention of cannibalism in Sumatra has been in connection with the Batak (Kozok, 1991: 16). By the 18th century British and Dutch colonial investment in Sumatra was well established. Marsdens History of Sumatra (1783) is considered to be the first scientific monograph on the island and Marsden devotes an entire chapter to the social culture of the Batak (called the Batta by Marsden). Marsden organizes his descriptions of Batak culture and social life systematically, including topics such as: governments, arms, warfare, trade, fairs, food, language, etc. (Marsden, 2006: 306328). Of particular significance to the present study, he includes a section devoted to Batak funerals in which he describes pre-funeral as well as burial rites and customs. Included in his descriptions is what might well be a description of lamenting by women. He writes, on the last of these days the coffin is carried out and set in an open space, where it is surrounded by the female mourners, on their knees, with their heads covered, and howling (ululantes) in dismal concert, whilst the younger persons of the family are dancing near it, in solemn movement, to the sound of gongs, kalintangs, and a kind of flageolet (ibid: 323). His final section is titled Extraordinary Custom and refers to the Batak practice of anthropophagi. Marsden explains that, rather than eat human flesh as a source of food or to satisfy natural pleasures, the Batak practice cannibalism as a means of punishment for certain crimes. Though none of his information is derived from firsthand accounts, Marsdens report provides a useful study of the Batak as seen through the eyes of colonial residents who lived in the area during the mid to late 18th century,

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revealing as well some of the particularities of colonial prejudices toward the indigenous inhabitants. By way of example, Marsden reports on music among the various peoples he encountered in Sumatra, stating that, among other things The Sumatran tunes very much resemble, to my ear, those of the native Irish, and have usually, like them, a flat third: the same has been observed of the music of Bengal, and probably it will be found that the minor key obtains a preference amongst all people at a certain stage of civilization (ibid: 176). It wasnt until the mid-19th century that firsthand scholarly accounts of the Toba Batak began to emerge, produced primarily by Dutch colonial residents and German missionaries. One of the first of these was the work of German physician and naturalist Franz Junghuhn who traveled throughout the Batak region in 184041. Junghuhns description of the Toba Batak reflects, like Marsdens earlier work, a timely European sense of moral and intellectual superiority, although he attempts to present himself as an unclouded and unbiased observer. Following Junghuhn, another important work of research and scholarship coming nearly 20 years later was that of the Dutch linguist Herman Neubronner van der Tuuk, who was contracted by the Dutch Bible Society to research and produce a translation of the Bible in the Toba Batak language. In addition to this monumental work, van der Tuuks significant contribution was a two-volume grammar of Toba Batak (Tobasche Spraakkunst, 1864 and 1867 and reprinted in English as a single volume in 1971 as A Grammar of Toba Batak). This study of the Toba Batak language included a dictionary, a grammar, a study of the Toba Batak script, as well as information on word structure and pronunciation. The work became the standard

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guide and reference tool utilized by colonial agents as well as missionaries working not only in the Toba Batak region but also in areas of the neighboring Batak groups (such as the Simalungun and Karo, even though there is little similarity between the Toba and Karo languages).

2.5.1 Toba Batak Origins Toba Batak mythology claims that the Batak originated near the village of Sianjur Mula-mula on slopes of the mountain Pusuk Buhit, located on the southwestern shore of Lake Toba. According to Batak legend (TB: turiturian), it was near the village of Sianjur Mula-mula that the first Batak, Si Raja Batak, was born. All of the Batak groups trace their ancestry back to this progenitor, whose descendents spread out from this region, establishing new clans and villages throughout North Sumatra. The Toba Batak homeland is situated within the province of North Sumatra (BI: Sumatera Utara), one of 10 provinces within the islands territory. The province of North Sumatra covers roughly 71,680 square kilometers, is divided into 18 regencies (BI: kabupaten), and has a population estimated at 11.5 million, divided among various ethnic groups, including Javanese, Melayu, Batak, and ethnic Chinese. The Toba Batak are one of six ethno-linguistically distinct subgroups of Batak (the others being the Karo, Simalungun, Mandailing, Angkola, and Pakpak). Altogether the Batak make up some 42% of the population of North Sumatra with an estimated population of 4.9 million living within the province and an additional 1.1 million living elsewhere.

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2.5.2 Toba Batak Core Cultural Values In North Sumatra an oft-repeated adage14 states that a solitary Batak will establish a new village, when two Batak meet, they will start playing chess, a gathering of three will launch into an argument and four Batak together will form a church choir. Though there are variants as to the kinds of activity in which the different groups will engage (sometimes the three will form a church, other times the two will begin to argue), the adage reflects, with a fair degree of accuracy, something of the stereotypical character associated with the Batak as well as the kinds of activities and behaviors which are perceived as valued in Batak society. There are numerous attitudes, behaviors and actions which, when considered broadly, reveal what Batak anthropologist Harahap refers to as the nilai budaya utama (core cultural values) (Harahap, 1987: 133) present in Toba Batak society. Harahap lists nine such core values: Kekerabatan (familial ties), Religi (religion), Hagabeon (abundant descendants), Hasangapon (charismatic respect from others), Hamoraon (abundant riches), Hamajuon (progressive advancement), Patik dohot Uhum (customary laws and regulations), Pengayoman (advocacy, support), and Konflik (conflict) (ibid: 133-134). The discussion which follows focuses primarily on the cultural values of kekerabatan, religi, hagabeon, hasangapon, hamoraon, and patik dohot uhum.1. Kekerabatan Familial Connections in Dalihan na Tolu (Three

Hearthstones)

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Familial and kin relations within Toba Batak society extend to include both consanguinal (blood) and affinal (marriage) relations. Such relations are viewed as a core cultural value among the Toba Batak and are expressed most clearly in the social institution expressed as dalihan na tolu, and the sib / clan structure referred to as marga. The term dalihan na tolu refers literally to the three stones (TB: dalihan) upon which a cooking pot rests, and figuratively as the tripartite interaction of the three kin groups whose formation is established through marriage. These three kin groups are known as the hula-hula (those from the wife-giving group), the boru (those from the wife-receiving group) and the dongan sabutuha / dongan satubu (literally: friend of the same wombor ones blood relations). These three relational positions are represented figuratively by the three hearthstones of the dalihan na tolu structure. It is the maintenance of harmony and balance between these three groups, through various kinds of reciprocal interaction that makes possible a cohesive and harmonious Toba Batak society. At the center of these three hearthstones sits the cooking pot which symbolizes Toba Batak adat, the social and customary laws and practices which form the socio-cultural and socio-religious bedrock of Toba Batak society. Proper care and maintenance of the relationships in the dalihan na tolu will insure that the adat is being upheld and remains strong and functional. The interactive relationship of these three kinship groups and the social / moral responsibility of each person to maintain stability between them is further articulated by the oft-heard saying: Somba marhula-hula, elek marboru, manat mardongan tubu. This saying may be translated as Show honor and reverence toward your hula-hula (wife-givers),

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make thoughtful, earnest requests of your boru (wife-receivers), be watchful over protecting of your dongan tubu (clan companions). This ideology of social and moral responsibility suggests an equality and balance between these three kin groups which is evident in the image of the three hearthstones that must be of equal size and shape if the cooking pot (adat) resting on them is to remain stable. As it happens though, in the daily working out of social relationships many Toba Batak feel that the hula-hula group has considerably more agency than does the boru group. As expressed by anthropologist Simanjuntak, the hula-hula are often referred to as debata na tarida (the visible god / the god who is seen). They are the ones at adat feasts that give blessing, that bestow grace and good fortune on the members of the boru group. The hula-hula are the ones whose earnest requests cannot be refused (Simanjuntak, 1976: 1). Such a status places the members of the hula-hula group in a position superior to the members of the boru group. In order to counter any perceived imbalance in power which might arise between these three kin groups (particularly between the hula-hula group and the boru group) a further extention of the dalihan na tolu structure incorporates a fourth element: the sihalsihal. In literal terms sihal-sihal are the small stones placed on and around the larger hearth stones if one of the three stones is smaller or shaped differently than the other two. The sihal-sihal is used to bring the hearthstones into balance and provide stability for the cooking pot. In terms of social interaction, the role of the sihal-sihal is a figurative description of a person whose role is that of an advocate and helper to those in the boru group during adat-related encounters between the boru and hula-hula when ritual speeches are being made and negotiations are taking

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place. In order to frame this concept, the expression dalihan na tolu is frequently extended to dalihan na tolu paopat sihal-sihal (three are the hearthstones, the fourth is the sihal-sihal). The saying is adapted from a Toba Batak umpama (a proverbial saying): Tolu do dalihan, paopat sihal-sihal. Torop pe anakniba, sada do siboto sibunian (Sibarani, 1972: 47). This translates as Three are the hearthstones, the fourth is the sihal-sihal. Though many are the children, only one knows whats hidden. This umpama describes the practice in Toba Batak culture in which, although a couple may have many children, the youngest child (siampudan) is often the favorite and it is this child with whom the parents will share most deeply their thoughts and feelings. In addition, information about the familys holdings (land, dwellings, finances, etc.) will be shared with this youngest child so that they are the ones with the knowledge of what might otherwise be hidden from the older children. In much the same way it is the person acting as the sihal-sihal who knows most thoroughly what is in the heart and mind of the boru member for whom they are acting as advocate. Besides an intimate understanding of the one they represent, a sihal-sihal will often be chosen because they are known to possess a detailed knowledge of Toba Batak adat regulations and practices. Additionally, they will, ideally, possess a solid command of the language and an ability to speak with authority and confidence Situmorang clan on this particular occasion as they were about to become the wifereceivers. During the negotiation discussions, matters relating to the wedding feast preparations, the bride price (TB: sinamot), the wedding location, the reception facility, the music, photographers / videographers, etc., were parleyed

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among the respective families by men from outside clans acting in the role of sihalsihal. They spoke with authority and confidence as each side made offers and counter-offers as to their contribution to the wedding feast and other details. It seemed clear that what the families of the prospective bride and groom were offering through their sihal-sihal spokesmen had been agreed upon and rehearsed prior to the martumpol feast, leaving the members of the Situmorang and Simamora families free to listen and enjoy the speaking skills of these negotiators. The role played by this sihal-sihal during the pre-wedding negotiations clearly illustrated an aspect of the stabilizing quality that the sihal-sihal can bring to the dalihan na tolu configuration. In explaining the dalihan na tolu system, many utterances were used in Toba Batak language with reference to the highly democratic nature of their society, stating that through the dalihan na tolu structure all Batak are kings, by which they meant that, depending on the context of a particular adat feast (what is being celebrated, who is hosting the feast, etc.), everyone is, at some point, in the position of hula-hula. During the pre-wedding feast described above, as wifereceiver, was in a boru position relative to the Simamora clan and they, as wifereceivers, were in the boru position relative to the Situmorang clan. A few months later, one of my Limbong younger sisters was being married to a man from the Situmorang clan. At that feast my position was as a member of the family. During my field research, the opportunity to observe these qualities enacted at the prewedding negotiations (TB: martumpol) between my adoptive father-in-law (from the Simamora clan) and the family of his middle sons future bride from the Situmorang clan. The Simamora clan was in a boru position relative to the hula-

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hula group and my actions relative to that ritual and feast were markedly different than during the previous wedding experience.2. Kekerabatan Familial Connections in the Marga (Clan) System

The marga (clan) system is a kinship system into which every Batak person belongs. Membership in a marga is a fundamental part of Toba Batak cultural identity. As mentioned above, each marga traces its lineage back to a single mythological progenitor, Si Raja Batak, the first Batak, born in the village of Sianjur Mula-mula located on the slopes of the sacred mountain known as Pusuk Buhit in the Limbong region near Lake Toba. The descendants of Si Raja Batak spread out from the village of Sianjur Mula-mula, opening new villages as they migrated. With the opening of each new village a new marga was created by the founder of that village, thus forming a strong connection between identity linked to clan name and identity linked to place. Batak cultural historian (Hoetagaloeng, 1926) study Pustaha Taringot tu Tarombo ni Bangso Batak (A Record of the Genealogy of the Batak People) is an important contribution to the history of the development of the Toba Batak clans, including commentary on their places of origin and migratory expansion. Because of the nature of record keeping and the prevalence of oral history prior to European contact, it is not clear when these migrations (and by association the marga system) began. Historian Situmorang suggests that it occurred both in the tenth and thirteenth centuries (Situmorang, 1993: 41) while Vergouwen estimates that the development of the marga system took place only about 400 years ago (Vergouwen, 1986: 64). In any case, there are at present several hundred marga and sub-marga among the Toba Batak. All Toba

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Batak marga are situated within two large moieties: the Sumba moiety, originating with Raja Isumbaon, and the Lontung moiety, originating with Guru Tateabulan, both of whom were male children of the first Batak, Si Raja Batak. No new marga have been established for many years. Instead, this practice has been replaced with the establishment of Batak ethnic associations or clan organizations (TB: punguan) seen primarily in urban areas outside of the Toba Batak homeland, formed by those who have migrated out of their home area to other regions of the country. These groups meet together regularly to discuss various clan activities, hold worship services, form choral groups, and collect dues (BI: arisan) which are then distributed on a rotating basis to various members of the organization for their personal use, thus maintaining the system of self-help and reciprocity that are important aspects of the traditional Toba Batak marga system (Bruner, 1972: 207229). Through the marga system and it accompanying practice of lineage tracing (TB: tarombo) a Toba Batak is able to trace his or her ancestry back through the generations, often as far back as Si Raja Batak. This process of genealogical record keeping and the naming of ancestors (TB: martorombo / martutur) is used in many situations in Toba Batak society such as adat feasts, casual social gatherings, at work, or when meeting another Batak for the first time. Engaging in martarombo (telling the family lineage) enables Toba Batak to know their genealogical / generational position relative to those around them. By establishing rank in this way they become aware of their rights and responsibilities toward those around them, enabling them to feel at ease in the social situation. It also enables the use of an extensive list of relational terms (such as hulu-hula, tulang, bere, ito, lae,

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namboru, etc.) which Toba Batak use as forms of address (and terms of endearment) as a way of showing the proper respect when interacting.

2.6 Mangongkal Holi Toba concept of the spiritual world in their indigenous religion as a background of mangongkal holi in order to understand the religious background to Toba Batak mangongkal holi, one need to clarify how the descendants and the ancestral spirits were thought to interrelate in the concept of the spiritual world in Toba indigenous religion before the introduction of Christianity. For this purpose it was relied on two well-known studies: the first is the work written by Wameck (1909) who resided in the Toba highland as a missionary from 1892 until 1908 and later as the president of the Rhenish Mission Society in Sumatra in the period 19191932; and the second is by Vergouwen (1986) who was a colonial official stationed in the District of Toba for a few years from 1927. Based on their descriptions, illustrates the relationship between descendants and ancestral spirits. The soul of the living which dwells in the body (pamatang) is called tondi. Vergouwen (ibid: 7981) mentions that tondi is considered to weaken or leave temporarily when a person becomes ill or dreams and to leave the body entirely when a person dies. The spirit (sahala), again according to Vergouwen (ibid: 83), is the tondi-power in its most active and most perceptible from. The spirit of the dead is called begu. According to Vergouwen, the begu is thought to be united in a begu-community which is very

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similar to the human community, but in reverse: for example, what human beings do by day the begu do by night (ibid: 69). Wameck (1909) offers more elaborate interpretation on the character of the begu than the explanation submitted by the common Toba: leaving the body absolutely, tondi does not change into begu after the death of a person, but the remnant of one's personality or self changes into begu (Wameck, 1909: 8) In either case we may consider that, in Toba indigenous religion, spirits of the dead exist as begu in the other world. According to Vergouwen and Wameck, the effect of the begu on people is believed to be two side, if the descendants entertain deep veneration for their ancestors and are faithful to make proper offerings, the begu of the ancestors bring earthly blessings and protection against misfortune which result in such benefits as good harvests and prosperity of the descendants; on the other hand, the begu which is ignored or paid little attention to may cause such calamity and misfortune as bad harvests, death of children and illness in man and cattle (Vergouwen, 1986: 69-70; Wameck, 1909: 15-17). It is through the mangongkal holi rituals that the descendants elevate the position of the ancestors in the other world from the begu to the spirit (sumangot), based on the belief that the sumangot can bring greater blessings and protection to the descendants who venerate them (Wameck, 1909: 84).

2.6.1 Mangongkal holi Requirements Not all the begu can be exalted to the position of sumangot. Therefore it is needed to explain some of the mangongkal holi requirements prior to the

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introduction of Christianity based on the descriptions by Vergouwen and Wameck, supplementing them with my own interviews in Toba Holbung. Wameck mentions that only those who have male descendants can become the spirit (sumangot). Most of the Toba pointed out that one of the most important requirements for mangongkal holi was being an "ompu" (a grandfather / grandmother) and that this requirement was as a rule in effect from the period before the introduction of Christianity. In Toba society the teknonym (a name of reference according to the relationship with one's child or grandchild) of a person changes when one has the first child or the first grandchild (the first child of any of one's sons). In general, a person any of whose sons has a child is entitled "ompu." Strictly speaking, a person entitled ompu does not always have male grandchildren as patrilineal descendants because there may be no male among the children of the sons: all of the grandchildren may be female. It should, however, be understood that the requirement referred to as "being an ompu" virtually means that one has male grandchildren as patrilineal descendants before or after one's death and that, consequently, one's spirit can be worshipped as an ancestral spirit by the patrilineal descendants. The virtue and influence of a man during his lifetime weighed heavily as a requirement for the elevation to sumangot through the mangongkal holi ritual. Vergouwen (1986: 70) notes that the spirits of deceased ancestors who, in their lifetime, became wealthy, had power and material goods, and whose descendants are many can be elevated to sumangot. Toba Holbung was traditionally required for mangongkal holi to fulfill the following three conditions called "3H" by the Toba:

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(1) hamoraon or economic prosperity; (2) hagabeon or proliferation in the number of descendants; and (3) hasangapon or being highly esteemed. Some of the Toba were interviewed to observe that the Toba raised the position of ancestral spirits from begu up to sumangot through the construction of a mangongkal holi tomb and an execution of the great mangongkal holi ritual as proof of the accomplishment of 3H. Most of the Toba Batak which were interviewed also added that it was important as a mangongkal holi requirement to die from causes which were not regarded as abnormal. According to my informants, the Toba considered death by old age or illness as death from natural causes. Death from murder or an accident (including a traffic accident) was not distinguished from the normal death as regards funeral and mangongkal holi: those who were distinguished were people who had committed suicide, who had died in childbirth and who had died of Hansen's disease. The Toba Batak who were interviewed were unanimous in explaining that such people had been buried immediately by close relatives and had been excluded from the possibility for mangongkal holi even though they had grandchildren. It can be thought that such harsh treatment of the deceased who committed suicide was intensified through the influence of Christianity which regards suicide as a mortal sin. However, mentioned that in the period previous to the introduction of Christianity those who committed suicide were considered to have been punished by a god in higher world called "Mulajadi na bolon" (the great beginning of existence). Therefore, it is speculated that such people might be subjected to terrible

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treatment after death even in the pre-Christian period. According to Wameck (1909: 77), death in childbirth was regarded as the most dishonorable death and the begu of such women were thought to be extremely dangerous in the Toba concept of the spiritual world because they intended to revenge themselves upon other pregnant women. It is not obvious whether the ill treatment to those who died of Hansen's disease originates in the period before the contact with Westerners. However, it is presumed that such ill treatment was at least possibly intensified at the direction of Westerners in the Dutch colonial period, judging from the fact that there were no native terms for Hansen's disease. It was expressed by the word sakit kulit (skin disease) in Malay or the word lepra which came from such western languages as German and Dutch. Additional supporting evidence came from some villagers who remembered that leprous patients were segregated in an isolation hospital at Laguboti in Toba Holbung managed by the Rhenish Mission Society in the colonial period.

2.6.2 Mangongkal Holi Ritual In Toba Batak society the patrilineal clan having its own name such as Simanjuntak, Hutagaol and Tampubolon is called marga, which is also a unit of exogamy. The relationship among the following three groups - hula-hula (wifegivers), dongan tubu (one's own patrilineal clan) and boru (wife receivers) ~ is termed dalihan na tolu (three stones for placing a cooking pot). As well as being of marked importance in ritual contexts, it is fundamental to the social relationship of the Toba. The wife-givers are believed to be spiritually superior to the wife-

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receivers. In a mangongkal holi ritual a patrilineal descent group which stems from an ancestor who is designated to be reburied constitutes suhut (the host group for the ritual). Among wife-givers and wife receivers who have affinal relationship with the members of the host group, those who are invited are obligated to attend the ritual. Male adults of the horja who are not included in the host group and their affinal relatives are also expected to take the responsibility for the smooth conduct of the ritual. The mangongkal holi ritual varies in accordance with several factors: the difference in generation between reburied ancestors and members of the host group; the duration of the ritual; the presence or absence of the traditional orchestra for the ritual dance; as well as the kind and the number of livestock for the ritual slaughter. According to the variations in these factors, three types of mangongkal holi rituals - turun, gombur, and partangiangan - are usually classified. I will examine later how the Toba distinguish these three types. However, the mangongkal holi ritual generally consists of the following five main rites: (1) exhumation of the bones of the ancestor; (2) transfer of the bones into a mangongkal holi tomb; (3) ritual feast; (4) ritual dance; and (5) ritual distribution of portions of slaughtered livestock.

2.6.3 Exhumation of the Bones In the process of a mangongkal holi ritual the exhumation of the bones of the dead is called mangongkal holi : the word mangongkal means "dig"; while holi means "the bones of the dead. ,,8) The Toba usually buried the corpse in the ground both before and after the introduction of Christianity.9) In principle the tombs for

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the dead without grandchildren are simple mounds made solely with gathered soil; whereas those for the deceased with grandchildren are rectangular parallelepipedic mounds or odd (three, five or seven) stepped mounds, on both of which the bulbous plants of family Amaryllidaceae called ompu-ompu (Haemanthus pubescens) are planted for the purpose of representing the status of the dead having grandchildren. However, tombs of stonework finished with mortar also began to be constructed in the colonial period. If the flesh of the dead has decomposed during several years after burial, the bones can be exhumed. The wife-givers, the wife-receivers and the representatives of male adults of the horja accompany the members of the host group at the exhumation of the bones. When the bones are located, the bones of the legs are retrieved first and the skull last. The descendants wash the exhumed bones with lime water. In some cases the bones of ancestors who were buried in the ground so long ago may not be found as a result of complete decomposition. In such a case, the host group takes a lump of earth from the bottom of the burial ground and ask the attendants whether they may regard this earth as the bones of the ancestors or not. If the attendants consent to the proposal, the earth is laid in the mangongkal holi tomb as the substitute for the bones of the ancestors.

2.6.4 Transfer of the Bones to the Mangongkal holi Tomb Transfer of the exhumed bones to the mangongkal holi tomb is called panangkokhon saring-saring. The words panangkokhon and saring-saring originally meant "raising" and "skull" respectively. Hutagaol (1989: 42) interprets

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that panangkokhon is conducted in the hope that the status of the ancestral spirits might be elevated to sumangot, and that the standard of living of the entire descendants might be upgraded as well. Quite a few of the Toba I interviewed told me that it was essential in Toba indigenous religion to proffer offerings to the washed bones of the ancestors in the mangongkal holi ritual as a direct interaction between the ancestral spirits and the descendants. Some of them elaborated that such offerings as palm wine, betel vine and cigarettes used to be made in order to ask the ancestral spirits for earthly blessings and protection. The bones were placed tentatively on the table set in front of the house of a member of the host group prior to the transfer to the mangongkal holi tomb. According to Schreiner (1994: 174175), a church regulation was established by the German mission in the first quarter of the twentieth century with the intention of excluding pagan elements from mangongkal holi rituals. Based on the regulation, the church elders have always tried to take strict charge of the exhumed bones under their supervision and have never failed to offer up Christian prayers and sing hymns led by them in order to make the Christian Toba conduct mangongkal holi rituals within the framework of Christianity (ibid: 176-179). Despite this restriction, however, Hutagaol (1989: 50) reports from his experiences as a pastor leading mangongkal holi rituals several times that some of those who feel themselves unhappy ask the ancestral spirits for earthly blessings and protection by crying over the bones of the ancestors and complaining of their distress.

2.6.5 Ritual Feast

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At the adat rituals the Toba have a ritual meal together which consists of rice and saksang, which is piece of seasoned pork boiled in the blood of slaughtered pigs. This is also indispensable at mangongkal holi rituals. Ritual feast is part of activity in the mangongkal holi ceremony. 2.6.6 Ritual Dance The most time-consuming part in the mangongkal holi ritual is the ritual dance. During the long time of the ritual dance, the host group stands in line facing with the members of other lineages of the same clan or the affinal relatives in order of genealogy and dances with them after exchanging ritual speeches. This rite is referred to as manortor (dance), which is usually accompanied by the gondang. The gondang, a traditional Toba Batak orchestra, consists of six drums of different sizes, four gongs and one or two wind instruments similar to oboe. It is comprised of at least seven performers. The word gondang can also be applied to the music played by the orchestra. For the Toba manortor is not just a ceremony of dance but an occasion on which the wife receivers obtain ritual and spiritual blessings from the wife-givers through the dance. When the wife-givers go dancing in front of the wife-receivers, some of the wife-givers dance holding ulos (traditional woven cloth) which is believed to be a symbol of spiritual power. Furthermore, some of the wifegivers give the ulos to the wife-receivers after covering their shoulders.

2.6.7 Ritual Distribution of Portions of Slaughtered Livestock The distribution of such portions of slaughtered livestock as head and rump to the participants in accordance with a fixed rule is called jambar, which is

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essential for the social recognition of the legitimacy of Toba adat rituals including mangongkal holi rituals. In principle, one or more water buffaloes or cattle offered by the host group of a mangongkal holi ritual are slaughtered and divided into several portions. Each portion is distributed by the host group during the rite in which representatives of the host group, the wife-givers, the wife-receivers and the male adults of the horja sit down on the ground taking respective sides of a square. There are, however, minute differences among horja in the way portions are distributed. The distribution in LNH is usually conducted in the following way: if a couple (husband and wife) is reburied, the rump (ihur-ihur) is given to the wife's clan; the head (ulu) to the clan of the husband's mother; and the neck (tanggalan) to the clan of their eldest daughter's husband as the representative of the spouses of their daughters. Each cuts the given portion into pieces and distributed them further to their own groups. In addition to these distributions, the sirloin (gonting) is given to the male adults of the horja, the ribs (panambolt) to the helpers for the ritual meal, and the thigh (tulan bona) to the village chief (kepala desa). As mentioned above, mangongkal holi rituals are divided into three types: turun, gombur and partangiangan. However, Schreiner (1994: 175) notes that the word paturunhon which derives from turun was the term which indicated, in the pre-Christian period, the action of taking the dead body out of the stilt house once it began to manifest symptoms of decomposition. He also mentions that the reason why the word gombur (which originally meant "muddy" or "turbid") is used as a term designating a kind of mangongkal holi ritual is quite uncertain. A German missionary adopted the word partangiangan (which originally meant "prayer" in Toba indigenous

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religion) as a word for Christian prayer. Some of my informants told me that it evolved to mean the simplified mangongkal holi ritual. Hehanusa (2003) comments similarly and adds that the word partonggoan, which primarily means the evocation of gods and spirits in Toba indigenous religion, indicates the same type of simplified ritual. Despite a divergence in opinion among the Toba over the classification of these three types of mangongkal holi rituals, the explanation which is common to the majority of the Toba I interviewed can be summarized as follows: turun is the most splendid mangongkal holi ritual with a great size of host group and guests in which the ritual dance (manortor) accompanied by gondang is conducted for several days (sometimes for several weeks) and more than several water buffaloes are slaughtered for the ritual distribution of the portions. In gombur, the ritual dance with gondang is carried out for three days at the most, the size of the host group and guests is smaller than turun, and a water buffalo or cattle are slaughtered. Partangiangan, which is conducted when the financial capability of the host group is insufficient, is a simplified mangongkal holi ritual without gondang. In such a case, a brass band usually accompanies the ritual dance.

2.6.8 Historical Changes of Mangongkal Holi Tombs Based on the history, this mangongkal holi tombs has some changes comparing the old style of tombs and it will be described in the next explanation. 1. Form of Old Mangongkal Holi Tombs There had been two types of old mangongkal holi tombs: tambak na timbo, which meant literally "high mound" and batu na pir, "hard stone." Although the

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Toba have their own script similar to those of other Batak groups such as the Simalungun and the Karo, it was not customary for the Toba to inscribe the name of the deceased and the year of the construction on tombs. Therefore we have to rely on the interviews with the villagers who have kinship relations with the reburied in the tombs in order to verify the year of construction of "high mound" and "hard stone." According to most of my informants, the typical shape of "high mound" is an odd (three, five or seven) stepped funerary mound made of earth, on the top of which a seedling of baringin (Ficus benjamina) or hariara (Ficus) is planted. "Hard stone" is a coffin, sculptured in most cases, made of a big stone produced by stonemasons. According to some elders in LNH, usually there were stonemasons who made stone coffins in any horja, yet some excellent stonemasons were invited from other horja. Most informants told me that the usual form of stone coffin was that of silhouette of the Toba traditional house called ruma, while some others said that motifs using chickens or locusts were common. The exhumed bones were stored inside the stone coffin which generally consisted of a lid and body which was hollowed out deeply, although volcanic tuff which is relatively easy to work is distributed around. Lake Toba (Scholz, 1983: 71), the big stone suitable for stone coffin which was available at restricted places had to be dragged to the graveyard from such places as the foot of the mountain and the river beach. It was told that in 1936 he had witnessed several hundreds of people engaged in the work of dragging a big stone from the river beach to the village for a week, during the period of which water buffaloes and cattle had been slaughtered to feed the workers. Most of the

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Toba, including, stated that, in Toba Holbung, stone coffins were valued higher than funeral mounds as the symbol of socio-political or religious prestige, because only the outstanding figures were able to mobilize the villagers as a labor force. Barbier (1983: 113, 124) reports that stone urns called parholian, which means "receptacle of the bones," were made in and around the island of Samosir, but that he had not found them at all in Toba Holbung. Stones ums are excluded from my discussion in this paper, because stone urns was showed during the research in Toba Holbung and never heard the Toba in the region talking about their presence. 2. Construction of Stone Coffins in LNH and Toba Holbung "High mounds" in Toba Holbung are not so many because of the reason I mentioned above. Although the construction of "high mounds" should, if possible, be examined in detail, there is no "high mound" in LNH in the strict sense defined above. At the side of the dirt road which penetrates LNH south to north, remains a large mound on which a hariara tree is planted. However, according to the villagers, this mound is a tomb which contains the dead bodies of a man and his wife who moved to LNH from the adjacent village in the pre-colonial period and those of his descendants. There is no oral tradition concerning their mangongkal holi. Thus, here it will first examine in detail the construction of stone coffins in LNH, based on its own census data of all mangongkal holi tombs in LNH. Later it will be extended the examination to stone coffins in Toba Holbung, mainly based on the observations as well as interviews in the region.

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Two stone coffins placed on the ground can be identified in LNH; and two more, according to the researcher and other villagers, are certainly buried under the large mound mentioned above. A stone plate, which is thought to have been made later and inlaid at the front of the stone coffin, indicates that the mangongkal holi ritual concerning this coffin was held in 1917. This information is inscribed on the plate in Toba Batak language in Roman script. The stone plate also indicates that this stone coffin was made when a man of the Simanjuntak clan (the 10th generation) and his eldest son (the 11th generation) were reburied with their respective spouses. Their descendants who live in LNH confirm this. According to many villagers in LNH, the eldest son was one of the key figures who played an important role in establishing a new communal irrigation system in the pre-colonial period. Additionally they told me that, as a result of hard work of his 14 sons in opening new paddy fields, the descendants of the eldest son came to have a large number of paddy fields in the central part of LNH. Although most of the villagers pointed out that the large number of descendants of the eldest son had been significant as a background to the construction of this stone coffin, there are other factors we should consider. The construction of this stone coffin and the realization of the mangongkal holi ritual were considered to be made possible based on the socio-political prestige of the eldest son (the 11th generation) who was one of the leaders in establishing the communal irrigation system, and on the wealth which was brought about by the ample paddy fields opened by the 14 sons (the 12th generation).2.7 Previously Relevant Studies

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Here, there are some data presented as the result of observation which has been done by the previous researcher in the area of speech functions, but those observations which had been conducted by other researcher have different subject what going to be conducted by me. And those studies are:(1)

Speech Functions in Court Room Texts

The research was done by Lidia (2009), it was focus on the speech functions in court room text. Speech functions are a term used in semantic as a part of classification of types of meaning. The function of language as an interpersonal functions means that the language is used to enable us to participate in communicative acts with other people to take on roles and to express and to understand feelings, attitudes, and judgment. The objective of the research are (1) to describe how the speech functions coded in court room texts, (2) to investigate the types of speech functions used in court room text, the pattern on the use of speech functions and why different types of speech functions are used the ways they are. The research used descriptive qualitative design based on participant observation and it is conducted in the state court Pematangsiantar. The research shows that in initiating of the speech functions the judge, prosecutor, and lawyer play an important roles and the dominant speech functions use by them is question.(2)

Speech Acts Used by Street Children in Medan

This journal was written by Maslathif (2010), with a focus on the speech acts used by street children in Medan. Speech acts are the utterances which are spoken by speaker intend of fact and always produces an act relates to the listener. There are three focuses on study about speech acts, types, function and the way of

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performing acts. This study is qualitative research where to make understand the study, this study is conducted descriptively. The data are taken from the natural utterances which are produced by street children and the guider in their daily conversation on the street. The types of speech acts used by street children are indicated as directive act, connotative act, assertive act, declarative act and also commissive act. And the dominant one is indicated as directive types, while the dominant category of directive act is asking act.(3)

Interpersonal Meaning Construction in the Oprah Winfrey Talk

Show This article was written by Samanhudi (2010) and it explores the variation of interpersonal meanings construction in the Oprah Winfrey talk show. It focuses on how Oprah Winfrey, the host of the program, constructs meanings interpersonally in the progress of her conversations. Using systemic functional grammar, a transcript of the Oprah dialogues was analyzed through identification of clause mood structure and speech functions. The patterns of mood structures and speech functions, the use of mood elements, like subject, finite, complement, adjuncts and modals were investigated. In analyzing the data, the researchers also explore the use of non verbal communication features by Oprah during her talk. This is used to enrich interpretations towards the data being analyzed. The results suggest that Oprah uses her time asking questions to her guest/s. Oprah uses various ways of digging more information by especially employing those probing and rhetorical questions. The first one is indicated by confirming, clarifying, exploring points and exclamation and the second is done by gaining agreement, cross

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questioning and reviewing questions. Another finding is the fact that she is also very good at integrating non verbal language features in her talk such as facial expressions and tones in order to make meanings easy to transfer.

2.8 Conceptual Framework

In the process of doing the mangongkal holi ceremony of Toba Batak, the three pillars of the Toba Batak take important roles from the preparation of the ceremony to the end of the ceremony, and in the process of doing the ceremony also there are lots of conversations happened among the three pillars of the Toba Batak and each pillar expresses or uses different speech functions, and very complex because of the use of the speech is according to which pillars someone is. For example the pillar of hula-hula from girl side will tend to use language different from the language uttered by the dongan tubu and the language uttered by boru. Those languages or utterances will be analyzed in the area of functional grammar, it is classified here the types of speech functions are used in the mangongkal holi ceremony of the Toba Batak, how the speech functions are realized by the three pillars of the Toba Batak life phylosophy (Tulang/Hula-hula, Dongan Tubu, Boru) in the mangongkal holi ceremony, and why the speech functions coded by the three pillars in the ways they are.

CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHOD

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3.1 The Design of the Research

This study applied descriptive qualitative explanative design, based on an observation (participant-observation) which is basically interpretative research is to purposefully select informants either documents or visual materials that may be the best answer to the research problem. This design was chosen because of the subject matter of the study was related to speech functions of elements used in Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony. Qualitative research has the natural setting as the direct source of data and the researcher is the key instrument. Researcher enters and spends considerable time in the location. The data is collected on the premises and supplemented by the understanding that is gained by being on location. In addition, mechanically recorded materials are reviewed in their entirety by the researcher with the researchers insight being the key instrument for analysis. Bogdan & Biklen (1982) state that descriptive means the data collected are in the form of words rather than numbers. Descriptive qualitative explanative design tries to analyze the data with all of their richness as closely as possible to the form in which they were recorded and transcribed, and the written result of the research contains quotation from the data to illustrate and substantiate the presentation. In a qualitative research a researcher usually does not have fixed schedule of what to be done, but the researcher is more like loosely schedule traveler than the other. In other words, the researcher enters the research with some

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idea about what s/he will do, but a detailed set of procedure is not formed prior to data collection. Ary & Razarviech (1979) define that the descriptive study is used to get certain information about certain phenomenon that happens when a study is conducted. On the other words it is intended to describe the variable or condition that really occurred in a certain situation. Participants observation means that the researcher attends the situation with the purposes of engaging in the appropriate activities, people, and physical aspects or the situation.

3.2 The Location of the Research

The study was held in Tanjung Bunga, Jl. Pangururan, Tano Ponggol, Samosir. The mangongkal holi ceremony was held by Mr. L. N. on 21st of July 2011.

3.3 The Source of the Data

The data were recorded and written utterances from direct observation during the process of mangongkal holi ceremony that was held by Mr. L. N. in Samosir. Variables or variation of speech functions produced during the mangongkal holi ceremony were related to the persons involved in the mangongkal holi ceremony. It means that this research was concerned on the realization of speech functions on the conversation among of the three pillars of Toba Batak.

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The speech functions which were analyzed in the mangongkal holi ceremony held by Mr. L. N. in Samosir consisted of initiating statement on the utterances of hula-hula, boru, and dongan tubu, initiating offer on the utterances of hula-hula, boru, and dongan tubu, initiating question on the utterances of hulahula, boru, and dongan tubu, and initiating command on the utterances of hulahula, boru, and dongan tubu. The speech functions used by hula-hula, boru, and dongan tubu are qualitatively described to determine the pattern or the meaning of the research. The pattern will be related to the social context of the mangongkal holi ceremony in order to answer the problems of the study.

3.4 The Instruments of the Research

The instruments used in this research was Audio visual recorder, the audio visual recorder was used to record the conversation which happened as long as the mangongkal holi ceremony among of the three pillars of the Toba Batak or among the participants of the mangongkal holi ceremony. Interview, the interview was done in order to get the data. The researcher will directly interview the key informant who was considered masters the problems that is being observed by the researcher.

3.5 The Techniques of Collecting the Data

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The data were collected through the recorded and written conversational of the elements in the mangongkal holi ceremony. There are three steps in collecting the data, they are:1. Record the participants conversation. 2. Transcript the conversation. 3. Confirm the data revealed.

3.6

The Techniques of Analyzing the Data

The data analysis was administered in the following steps.1. Determining the speech functions used in the Toba Batak mangongkal holi

ceremony from the transcript.2. Analyzing how are the speech functions realized by the three pillars of the

Toba Batak life phylosophy (Tulang/Hula-hula, Dongan Tubu, Boru) in the mangongkal holi ceremony by specifying the transcript according to the three pillars of the Toba Batak language use.3. Explaining why are the speech functions coded by three pillars in the ways

they are.

CHAPTER IV

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THE DATA ANALYSIS AND THE RESEARCH FINDINGS

4.1 The Data Analysis Data analyzed were taken from mangongkal holi ceremony which was held by Mr. L. N. in Samosir through direct observation. Then the data were analyzed based on the SFL theories. Mangongkal holi ceremony of Toba Batak culture is a very long process, mainly the process consists of exhumation of the bones where the bones of the dead were dug, transferring the bones into the tombs, ritual feast, ritual dance, and ritual distribution of portions of slaughtered livestock. The language use by the three pillars of the Toba Batak in the mangongkal holi ceremony were different and below is the analysis of speech functions in Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony. This study is concerned with speech functions types found in the Toba Batak mangongkal holi ceremony by analyzing realizations of the speech functions themselves by each pillar of Toba Batak life philosophy involved in the ceremony.

4.1.1 Speech Functions by the Dongan Tubu

During the ceremony, conversations between the suhut (the person who celebrated the mangongkal holi ceremony) and dongan tubu (the family which has the same clan with the person who celebrated the party) took place. In texts of conversations were analyzed by separating the texts into clauses. The clauses as units of conversations were classified in terms of speech functions made. The

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proportions of each type of speech functions by the dongan tubu (see the appendic on page 93) are summarized in Table 1.3. Table 1.3 Initiating of Speech Functions by the Dongan Tubu No 1 2 3 4 Total Types of Speech functions Statement Question Offer Command Quantity 40 7 15 62 Percent (%) 65% 11% 24% 100%

The table shows that the dominant speech functions used by the dongan tubu is statement, which is more than a half (65 %) of the whole utterances (62) in the mangongkal holi ceremony and followed by command is 24 %, then question is 7% and offer was not uttered by the dongan tubu. It means that not all types of speech functions (Statement, Question, Offer, and Command) are used by the dongan tubu in the mangongkal holi ceremony. However, the dominant speech functions used by the dongan tubu is statement.

4.1.2 Speech Functions by the Hula-Hula

Speech functions of the hula-hula are seen in the mangongkal holi ceremony between the suhut and hula-hula (the family from mother side) was taken place. All the utterances which uttered by the hula-hula were divided into clauses. The realization of the speech functions by the hula-hula (see the appendic on page 98), and the result of the analysis is summarized in Table 1.4. Table 1.4 Initiating of Speech Functions by the Hula-Hula No 1 Types of Speech functions Statement Quantity 108 Percent (%) 80%

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2 3 4 Total

Question Offer Command

2 25 135

1% 19% 100%

The table shows that the dominant speech functions used by the hula-hula is statement, which is more than a half (80 %) of the whole utterances (135) in the mangongkal holi ceremony and followed by command is 19%, then question is 1% and offer was not uttered by the hula-hula. It indicates that not all types of speech functions (Statement, Question, Offer, and Command) are used by the hula-hula in the mangongkal holi ceremony. However, the dominant speech functions used by the hula-hula is statement.

4.1.3 Speech functions by the Boru

Speech functions by the boru are found in conversations between the suhut and boru (the family from father side). In analyzing the realization and proportions of the speech functions, the utterances were also divided into clauses to get more clear analysis. The realization and proportions of the speech functions by the boru (see the appendic on page 106) are presented in Table 1.5. Table 1.5 Initiating of Speech Functions by the Boru No Types of Speech functions Quantity Percent (%) 1 Statement 29 83% 2 Question 3 Offer 4 Command 6 17% Total 35 100% The table indicates that the dominant speech functions used by the boru is statement, which is more than a half (83 %) of the whole utterances (35) in the

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mangongkal holi ceremony and then followed by command is 17%, but question and offer were not uttered by the boru. It means that not all types of speech functions (Statement, Question, Offer, and Command) are used by the boru in the mangongkal holi ceremony. However, the dominant speech functions used by the boru is statement.

4.1.4 Speech Functions by the Suhut

Suhut is the main person being responsible for the ceremony. As the responsible side the suhut respons to all utterances which were uttered by the three pillars of Toba Batak life phylosophy. The proportions of speech functions by the suhut (see the appendic on page 108) are summarized in Table 1.6. Table 1.6 Initiating of Speech Functions by the Suhut No 1 2 3 4 Total Types of Speech functions Statement Question Offer Command Quantity 82 2 29 103 Percent (%) 80% 2% 28% 100%

The total of the utterances found in the process of doing mangongkal holi ceremony by the suhut is 103 utterances after they were devided into clauses. The table above shows that the dominant speech functions used by the suhut is statement, which is more than a half (80%) of the whole utterances (103) in the mangongkal holi ceremony. This proportion is followed by command is 28%, and then question is 2%, but offer was not uttered by the suhut. It means that not all types of speech functions (Statement, Question, Offer, and Command) are used by

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the suhut in the mangongkal holi ceremony. However, the dominant speech functions used by the suhut is statement.

4.1.5 Speech Functions among the Three Pillars of the Toba Batak

In order to know how the speech functions realized in mangongkal holi by the three pillars of the Toba Batak life phylosophy (Tulang/Hula-hula, Dongan Tubu, Boru) in the ceremony, so they need to be compared then it will be known which pillars of Toba Batak use more statement, command, offer and question. Then at last it will be explained the reason why the speech functions are coded by the three pillars in the way they are. The speech functions of statement made by the three sides of the pillars are compared in Table 1.7. Table 1.7 The Comparison of Statement by the Three Pillars of the Toba Batak Types of Speech functions Statement The Three Pillars of Toba Batak Dongan Tubu Hula-hula Boru Total 40 108 29 177 Percent (%) 23% 61% 16% 100%

The table shows that hula-hula tend to use more statement comparing to other pillars of Toba Batak in the mangongkal holi ceremony. Out of 100% statement, 61% is covered by hula-hula, and then followed by dongan tubu is 23%, and at last followed by boru is 16%. Realizations of statement in the mangongkal holi ceremony is great