THENEWCAMBRIDGEHISTORYOF ISLAM Proofs November 2009
59
THE NEW CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF ISLAM
Transcript of THENEWCAMBRIDGEHISTORYOF ISLAM Proofs November 2009
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THE NEW CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF
ISLAM
Gustav Heidemann
Typewritten Text
Proofs November 2009
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THE NEW CAMBR IDGE H I STORY OF
ISLAM
The New Cambridge History of Islam offers a comprehensive historyof Islamic civilisation, tracing its development from its beginningsin seventh-century Arabia to its wide and varied presence in theglobalised world of today. Under the leadership of the ProphetMuh.ammad, the Muslim community coalesced from a scattered,desert population and, following his death, emerged from Arabiato conquer an empire which, by the early eighth century,stretched from India in the east to Spain in the west. By theeighteenth century, despite political fragmentation, the Muslimworld extended from West Africa to South-East Asia. Today,Muslims are also found in significant numbers in Europe andthe Americas, and make up about one-fifth of the world’spopulation.To reflect this geographical distribution and the cultural, social
and religious diversity of the peoples of the Muslim world, TheNew Cambridge History of Islam is divided into six volumes. Fourcover historical developments, and two are devoted to themesthat cut across geographical and chronological divisions – themesranging from social, political and economic relations to the arts,literature and learning. Each volume begins with a panoramicintroduction setting the scene for the ensuing chapters and exam-ining relationships with adjacent civilisations. Two of the vol-umes – one historical, the other thematic – are dedicated to thedevelopments of the last two centuries, and show how Muslims,united for so many years in their allegiance to an overarching anddistinct tradition, have sought to come to terms with the emer-gence of Western hegemony and the transition to modernity.The time is right for this new synthesis reflecting developments
in scholarship over the last generation. The New Cambridge Historyof Islam is an ambitious enterprise directed and written by a teamcombining established authorities and innovative younger schol-ars. It will be the standard reference for students, scholars and allthose with enquiring minds for years to come.
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General editor
michael cook, cleveland e. dodge professor ofnear eastern studies , princeton univers ity
volume 1The Formation of the Islamic world
Sixth to Eleventh Centuriesedited by chase robinson
volume 2The Western Islamic World,
Eleventh to Eighteenth Centuriesedited by maribel fierro
volume 3The Eastern Islamic World,
Eleventh to Eighteenth Centuriesedited by david morgan and anthony reid
volume 4Islamic Cultures and Societies to the End of the Eighteenth Century
edited by robert irwin
volume 5The Islamic World in the Age of Western Dominance
edited by francis robinson
volume 6Muslims and Modernity:
Culture and Society since 1800edited by robert w. hefner
Grants made from an award to the General Editor by the
Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and from the National Endowment
for the Humanities RZ-50616-06, contributed to the development of
The New Cambridge History of Islam. In particular the grants funded
the salary of William M. Blair, who served as Editorial Assistant
from 2004 to 2008.
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THE NEW CAMBRIDGE
HISTORY OF
ISLAM
*
VOLUME 1
The Formation of the Islamic World,Sixth to Eleventh Centuries
*
Edited by
CHASE ROBINSON
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cambr idge univers ity pres sCambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi
Cambridge University PressThe Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 8ru, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.orgInformation on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521838238
# Cambridge University Press 2008
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exceptionand to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2008
Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data
isbn 978-0-521-83823-8 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence oraccuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to inthis book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is,
or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
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Contents
List of illustrations page xList of maps xiv
List of genealogies and lists xvList of contributors xvi
A note on transliteration and pronunciation xixA note on dating xxiChronology xxii
List of abbreviations xxvi
Introduction 1chase f . robinson
part iTHE LATE ANTIQUE CONTEXT 17
1 . The resources of Late Antiquity 19john haldon
2 . The late Roman/early Byzantine Near East 72mark whittow
3 . The late Sasanian Near East 98josef wiesehofer
4 . Pre-Islamic Arabia 153michael lecker
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part iiUNIVERSALISM AND IMPERIALISM 171
5 . The rise of Islam, 600–705 173chase f . robinson
6 . The empire in Syria, 705–763 226paul m. cobb
7 . The empire in Iraq, 763–861 269tayeb el-hibr i
8 . The waning of empire, 861–945 305michael bonner
9 . The late qAbb�asid pattern, 945–1050 360hugh kennedy
part ii iREGIONALISM 395
10 . Arabia 397ella landau-tasseron
11 . The Islamic east 450elton l. daniel
12 . Syria 508r. stephen humphreys
13 . Egypt 543michael brett
14 . The Iberian Peninsula and North Africa 583eduardo manzano moreno
Contents
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part ivTHE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF EARLY ISLAMIC
HISTORY 625
15 . Modern approaches to early Islamic history 627fred m. donner
16 . Numismatics 650stefan heidemann
17 . Archaeology and material culture 666marcus milwright
Conclusion: From formative Islam to classical Islam 685
chase f . robinson
Glossary 698Bibliography 701
Index 786
Contents
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Illustrations
Plates
16.1 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Byzantium, Heraclius, nomisma, Constantinople,[c. 616–25 CE], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2007-04-1 (4.21g)
16.2 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Byzantium, Constans II, follis, Constantinople,regnal year 3 (643–4 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-D5 (4.80g)
16.3 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Sasanians, Khusrau II, drahm, pHM (Hamadh�an),regnal year 29 (618–19 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 302-B5 (3.46g)
16.4 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, tremisses/thulth dın�ar, Africa(Qayraw�an), undated [c. 90–3/708–11], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no.305-B2 (1.37g)
16.5 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, fals, Emisis/H. ims., [c. 50s/670s–74/692],validating mark ΚΑΛΟΝ and t.ayyib; Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no.303-C8 (3.85g)
16.6 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, fals, Dimashq (Damascus), [c. 50s/670–74/692], validating mark j�apiz; Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-C10(5.19g)
16.7 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, qAbd All�ah ibn qAmir ibn Kurayz, drahm,abbreviation DP (probably Fas�a in the D�ar�abjird district), AH 43 (immobiliseddate, c. 663–4 CE) Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2005–15–2 (4.04g)
16.8 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zubayrids, qAbd All�ah ibn al-Zubayr, drahm, DpGH(D�ar�abjird–Jahrum), Yazdegerd era 60 (72/692), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jenainv. no. 2005–15–4
16.9 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zubayrids, qAbd al-qAzız ibn qAbd All�ah, drahm,abbreviation SK (Sıst�an), AH 72 (691–2 CE), coll. Mohsen Faroughi
16.10 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, dın�ar, [Damascus], AH 77 (696 CE),Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-A2 (4.45g)
16.11 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, fals, Manbij, [74–7/692–6], title amıral-mupminın and khalıfat All�ah, Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-G6 (2.70g)
16.12 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, anonymous, dın�ar, [Damascus], AH 93(711–12 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 306-A2 (4.23g)
16.13 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, anonymous, dirham, K�ufa, AH 79 (698–9CE),Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 305-H10 (2.87g)
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16.14 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, anonymous, dın�ar, [al-R�afiqa], AH 191(806–7 CE), mint mark r�ap, Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2000–11–1 (4.10g)
16.15 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, anonymous, dirham, K�ufa, AH 132(749–50 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 312-H7 (2.70g)
16.16 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, al-Mahdı Muh.ammad as heir apparent,dirham, Rayy, AH 146 (763–4 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2002–9–29(2.74g)
16.17 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, al-Amın as heir, Khuzayma ibn Kh�azim asgovernor of Armenia and Ism�aqıl ibn Ibr�ahım as another official, dirham, Armenia(D�abil), AH 190 (805–6 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 317-F9 (2.92g)
16.18 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, qUmar ibn al-qAl�ap, governor of T. abarist�an,T. abarı-(half)-dirham, T. abarist�an, 123 post-Yazdegerd era (158/774–5), Oriental CoinCabinet Jena inv. no. 1998–2–498 (1.69g)
16.19 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, al-Mahdı Muh.ammad, drahm, [Bukh�ar�a],[158–69/775–85], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 305-E7 (2.33g)
16.20 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, al-Muqtas.im bill�ah, Ab�u Jaqfar Ashin�as,governor of the west, Muh.ammad ibn Y�usuf, governor in northern Mesopotamia,fals, al-R�afiqa, AH 226 (840–1 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 321-B7 (3.41g)
16.21 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, anonymous, fals, (Syria), [c. 130–50/750–70],cast, Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 1998–2–378 (1.18g)
16.22 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, al-Mapm�un as khalıfat All�ah, qAlı al-Rid.�a as heir,al-Fad. l ibn Sahl as Dhu ’l-Riy�asatayn, dirham, Is.fah�an, AH 204 (819–20 CE), OrientalCoin Cabinet inv. no. 328-F1 (2.97g)
16.23 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, anonymous, dirham, Madınat al-Sal�am, AH208 (823–4 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 321-E5 (2.88g)
16.24 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, al-Muqtas.im bill�ah, dirham, Madınat al-Sal�am,AH 226 (840–1 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 321-E4 (2.88g)
16.25 (a, b, obverse and reverse) S. aff�arids, Yaqq�ub ibn al-Layth, dirham, Panjhır, AH 261(874–5 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 327-H6 (2.82g)
16.26 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Dulafids in Central Iran, Ah.mad ibn qAbd al-qAzız,acknowledging the qAbb�asid al-Muqtamid qal�a All�ah and the heir al-Muwaffaq bill�ahas overlords, dın�ar, M�ah al-Bas.ra, AH 273 (886–7 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no.323-A2 (4.11g)
16.27 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbb�asids, al-Muttaqı lill�ah, and Bajkam as amır al-umar�ap,dirham, Madınat al-Sal�am, AH 329 (940–1 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 325-G7(2.28g)
16.28 (a, b, obverse and reverse) B�uyids of F�ars, Qiw�am al-Dın, acknowledging the B�uyidBah�ap al-Dawla as overlord, good silver qadl dirham, Shır�az, AH 400 (1009–10 CE),Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 2002–9–127 (3.07g)
16.29 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qUqaylids, Jan�ah. al-Dawla, acknowledging the B�uyidBah�ap al-Dawla as overlord, dirham, Nas. ıbın, AH 385 (995–6 CE), Oriental CoinCabinet Jena inv. no. 340-A6 (3.21g)
16.30 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Sall�arids, Jast�an and Ibr�ahım ibn al-Marzub�an, dın�ar,Mar�agha, AH 347 (958–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 326-A4 (4.41g)
16.31 (a, b, obverse and reverse) S�am�anids, Ism�aqıl ibn Ah.mad, dirham, Sh�ash (present-dayTashkent), AH 292 (904–5 CE), Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 329-C4 (2.82g)
List of illustrations
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16.32 (a, b, obverse and reverse) S�am�anids, Nas.r ibn Ah.mad, fals, Bukh�ar�a, AH 305(917–18 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 335-G9 (3.18g)
16.33 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Ghaznavids, Mah.m�ud, dirham yamını, Ghazna, AH 399(1008–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2006–2–67 (3.42g)
16.34 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Salj�uqs, Maliksh�ah, dın�ar, Nısh�ap�ur, AH 484 (1091–2 CE),Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 1999–14–3 (5.09g)
16.35 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Salj�uqs of the East, Sultan Sanjar acknowledgingMuh.ammad T. apar as supreme sultan, debased dın�ar, Walw�alıj (present-dayQunduz), Muh.arram AH 493 (1099 CE), with tamgha. sword, Oriental Coin CabinetJena inv. no. 2003–17–17 (2.82g)
16.36 (a, b, obverse and reverse) F�at.imids, al-qAzız bill�ah, dın�ar maghribı or mis.rı, Mis.r,AH 368 (978–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 401-H6 (4.16g)
16.37 (a, b, obverse and reverse) F�at.imids, al-Muqizz li-Dın All�ah, dirham, al-Mans.�uriyya,AH 358 (968–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 401-G7 (1.36g)
16.38 F�at.imids, al-Mustans.ir bill�ah (r. 427–87/1036–94), token, dark-blue glass, OrientalCoin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 440-A9 (3.02g)
16.39 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Numayrids, Manıq ibn Shabıb (r. c. 440–54/1050–62),acknowledging the F�at.mid caliph al-Mustan.sir bill�ah, dirham aswad, withoutmint and date, [Ruh�a, H. arr�an or al-Raqqa], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no.2006–1–1 (1.11g)
16.40 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zangids, N�ur al-Dın Mah.m�ud, qirt.�as, Dimashq(Damascus), AH 558 (1162–3 CE), private collection, photo Oriental Coin Cabinet(5.56g)
16.41 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zangids, al-S.�alih. Ism�aqıl, dirham, Aleppo, AH 571(1175–6 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 2001–1–1 (2.79g)
Figures
17.1 Plan of the d�ar al-im�ara at K�ufa, Iraq, first/seventh century and later. AfterK. Creswell, Early Muslim architecture, rev. edn (1969), vol. I.1, fig. 18 669
17.2 Exterior of Qas.r al-Khar�ana, Jordan (before 92/710). Photo:Marcus Milwright 670
17.3 Late Roman castrum known as Qas.r al-Bashır, Jordan (293–305).Photo: Marcus Milwright 670
17.4 Plan of the town of qAnjar, Lebanon. After Creswell, Early Muslimarchitecture, vol. I.2, fig. 540 674
17.5 Plans of mosques I (possibly 84/703, marked in black) and II (markedin grey) in W�asit.. After F. Safar, Wâs.it., the sixth season’s excavations(1945), fig. 5 675
17.6 Corona satellite photograph of al-Raqqa, Syria, taken between 1960and 1972: (1) al-Raqqa (Kallinikos); (2) walled city of al-R�afiqa; (3) north gate;(4) ‘Baghdad gate’; (5) congregational mosque; (6) possible line of the wallenclosing al-Raqqa al-Muh. tariqa (‘the burning Raqqa’); (7) site of anqAbb�asid-period glass workshop; (8) Tal Aswad 678
List of illustrations
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17.7 Aerial view of S�amarr�ap with the mosque of Ab�u Dulaf (245–47/859–61).Creswell archive: EA.CA.271. Creswell Archive, courtesy of the AshmoleanMuseum, University of Oxford. 679
17.8 Earthenware bowl with tin glaze and cobalt (blue) and copper (green)painting, Iraq, third/ninth century. 1978.2141. Courtesy of theAshmolean Museum, University of Oxford. 681
List of illustrations
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Maps
1 The physical geography of the Mediterranean andNear Eastern world
page 27
2 The political geography of the Mediterranean and NearEastern world, c. 575
28
3 The expansion of Islam in the east 294 The expansion of Islam in the west 305 The qAbb�asid empire in c. 800 316 The Islamic world in c. 950 327 Arabia 338 The Islamic east 349 Syria 3510 Egypt 3611 Spain and North Africa 37
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Genealogies
1. The ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ Arabs page 1562. The Quraysh 1693. Muh.ammad’s family 1884. The Umayyads 2135. The Shiqite imams 2656. The qAbb�asids 2707. The Bu�uyids 3668. The rulers of Egypt, 868–1036 5649. The Umayyads of Spain 599
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Contributors
MICHAEL BONNER is Professor of Medieval Islamic History in the Department of NearEastern Studies at the University of Michigan. His publications on jih�ad and the medievalIslamic frontiers include Aristocratic violence and holy war: Studies on the jihad and theArab–Byzantine frontier (New Haven, 1996) and Jihad in Islamic history: Doctrines andpractice (Princeton, 2006). His work on social and economic issues in the medieval NearEast has resulted in several publications including Poverty and charity in Middle Easterncontexts (co-edited with Amy Singer and Mine Ener) (Albany, 2003).
MICHAEL BRETT is Emeritus Reader in the History of North Africa at the School ofOriental and African Studies, London. He is the author (with Werner Forman) of TheMoors: Islam in theWest (London, 1980); (with Elizabeth Fentress) The Berbers (Oxford, 1996);Ibn Khaldun and the medieval Maghrib (Aldershot, 1999); and The rise of the Fatimids: The worldof the Mediterranean and the Middle East in the fourth century of the hijra, tenth century CE(Leiden, 2001).
PAUL M. COBB is Associate Professor of Islamic History at the University of Pennsylvania.He is the author of White banners: Contention in qAbbasid Syria, 750–880 (Albany, 2001) andUsama ibn Munqidh: Warrior-poet of the age of Crusades (Oxford, 2005).
ELTON L. DAN IEL is Professor in the Department of History, University of Hawaii atManoa. His publications include The political and social history of Khurasan under Abbasidrule 747–820 (Minneapolis, 1979) and The history of Iran (London, 2001). He has writtenseveral articles on qAbb�asid history and theHistory of al-T. abarı, among which are ‘The “Ahlal-Taqaddum” and the Problem of the Constituency of the Abbasid Revolution in the MervOasis’ (1996) and ‘Manuscripts and editions of Bal’ami’s Tarjamah-yi Tarikh-i Tabari’ (1990).
FRED M. DONNER is Professor of Near Eastern History in the Oriental Instituteand Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at the University ofChicago. He is the author of The early Islamic conquests (Princeton, 1981) and Narratives ofIslamic origins (Princeton, 1997). He has published a translation of a section of al-T. abarı’sHistory, The conquest of Arabia (Albany, 1992), and numerous articles on early Islamichistory.
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TAYEB EL -H IBR I is Associate Professor in the Department of Near Eastern Studies atUniversity of Massachusetts, Amherst. His book Reinterpreting Islamic historiography: Harunal-Rashid and the narrative of the Abbasid caliphate (Cambridge, 1999) was awarded an AlbertHourani Book Award Honorable Mention at the 2000 Middle East Studies Association ofNorth America Annual Meeting.
JOHN HALDON is Professor of History at Princeton University and a Senior Fellow at theDumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies in Washington, DC. His publicationsinclude Byzantium in the seventh century (Cambridge, 1990), Three treatises on Byzantineimperial military expeditions (Vienna, 1990), The state and the tributary mode of production(London, 1993),Warfare, state and society in Byzantium (London, 1999), Byzantium: A history(Stroud, 2000) and The Palgrave atlas of Byzantine history (New York, 2006).
STEFAN HE IDEMANN is Hochschuldozent at the Institute for Languages and Cultures ofthe Middle East, Jena University. His publications include Das Aleppiner Kalifat (AD 1261)(Leiden, 1994) and Die Renaissance der Städte (Leiden, 2002). He has edited or co-editedRaqqa II: Die islamische Stadt (Mainz, 2003), Sylloge der Münzen des Kaukasus und Osteuropasim Orientalischen Münzkabinett Jena (Wiesbaden, 2005) and Islamische Numismatik inDeutschland (Wiesbaden, 2000).
R. STEPHEN HUMPHREY S is Professor of History and Islamic Studies at the University ofCalifornia, Santa Barbara. His previous books include From Saladin to the Mongols (Albany,1977), Islamic history: A framework for inquiry (Princeton, 1991), Between memory and desire: TheMiddle East in a troubled age (Berkeley, 1999) and Mu’awiya Ibn Abi Sufyan: From Arabia toempire (Oxford, 2006), along with numerous articles and essays on the history of medievalSyria and Egypt, Arabic historiography, and a variety of other topics.
HUGH KENNEDY is Professor of Arabic at the School of Oriental and African Studies,University of London. He is the author of numerous books on Islamic history, includingThe Prophet and the age of the caliphates (London, 1986; new edn Harlow, 2004), The court ofthe caliphs (London, 2004) and The great Arab conquests (London, 2007).
ELLA LANDAU-TAS SERON is Professor at the Institute for Asian and African Studies at theHebrew University. She translated and annotated al-T. abarı’s Dhayl al-mudhayyal,Biographies of companions and their successors (Albany, 1998), and has also written onIslamic historiography, h.adıth, Arabian tribal society and Islamic warfare.
MICHAEL LECKER is Professor at the Institute of Asian and African Studies at theHebrew University. His publications include Jews and Arabs in pre- and early IslamicArabia (Aldershot, 1998), The Constitution of Medina: Muhammad`s first legal document(Princeton, 2004) and People, tribes and society in Arabia around the time of Muhammad(Aldershot, 2005).
List of contributors
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EDUARDO MANZANO MORENO is Research Professor at the Instituto de Historia ofthe Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CSIC-Madrid). He is the author ofConquistadores, emires y califas: Los Omeyas y la formación de al-Andalus (Barcelona, 2006),Historia de las sociedades musumanas en la Edad Media (Madrid, 1993) and La fronterade al-Andalus e época de los Omeyas (Madrid, 1991).
MARCUS MILWR IGHT is Associate Professor of Islamic Art and Archaeology in theDepartment of History in Art at the University of Victoria, Canada. He is the author ofThe fortress of the raven: Karak in the middle Islamic period (1100–1650) (Leiden, 2008) and ispreparing a book on Islamic archaeology for the New Edinburgh Islamic Surveys series.
CHASE F . ROB IN SON is Professor of Islamic History, in the Faculty of Oriental Studies,University of Oxford. He is the author of Abd al-Malik (Oxford, 2005), Islamic historiography(Cambridge, 2003) and Empire and elites after the Muslim conquest: The transformation ofnorthern Mesopotamia (Cambridge, 2000).
MARK WHITTOW is a Fellow of St Peter’s College, Oxford. His publications on the historyand archaeology of the Late Antique and medieval world include The making of orthodoxByzantium, 600–1025 (Basingstoke, 1996), ‘Recent research on the Late Antique city in AsiaMinor: The second half of the 6th c. revisited’ (2001) and ‘Ruling the late Roman and earlyByzantine city: A continuous history’ (1990). He has carried out field work in Turkey andJordan.
JO SEF WIE SEH O FER is Professor of Ancient History at the University of Kiel and directorof its Department of Classics. His publications on early Persian history include Das antikePersien von 550 v.Chr. bis 651 n.Chr. (Zurich and Munich, 1994; 4th edn 2005, trans. as AncientPersia: From 550 BC to 650 AD (London, 1996; 2nd edn 2001)), Das frühe Persien (3rd edn,Munich, 2006), (ed.) Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse – The Arsacid Empire: Sources anddocumentation (Stuttgart, 1998), Iraniens, Grecs et Romains (Paris, 2005) and (ed.), E?r�an undAn�er�an: Studien zu den Beziehungen zwischen dem Sasanidenreich und der Mittelmeerwelt(Stuttgart, 2006).
List of contributors
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A note on transliteration and pronunciation
Since many of the languages used by Muslims are written in the Arabic orother non-Latin scripts, these languages appear in transliteration. The trans-literation of Arabic and Persian is based upon the conventions used by Theencyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, with the following modifications. Forthe fifth letter of the Arabic alphabet (jım), j is used (not dj), as in jumla. For thetwenty-first letter (q�af), q is used (not k. ), as in q�ad. ı. Digraphs such as th, dh, gh,kh and sh are not underlined. For terms and names in other languages, theindividual chapter contributors employ systems of transliteration that arestandard for those languages. Where there are well-accepted Anglicisedversions of proper nouns or terms (e.g. Baghdad, Mecca), these are usedinstead of strict transliterations.As far as the pronunciation of Arabic is concerned, some letters can be
represented by single English letters that are pronounced much as they areEnglish (b, j, f, etc.); one exception is q, which is a ‘k’ sound produced at thevery back of the throat, and another is the ‘r’, which is the ‘flap’ of the Spanish‘r’. Others are represented by more than one letter. Some of these arestraightforward (th, sh), but others are not (kh is pronounced like ‘j’ inSpanish, gh is similar to the uvular ‘r’ of most French speakers, and dh is ‘th’of ‘the’, rather than of ‘thing’). There are also pairs of letters that aredistinguished by a dot placed underneath one of them: thus t, s, d, z andtheir ‘emphatic’ counterparts t., s., d. , and z. , and which give the surroundingvowels a thicker, duller sound (thus s ‘sad’, but s. ‘sun’); z. may also bepronounced as dh.The p is the hamza, the glottal stop, as in the Cockney ‘bu’er’ (‘butter’); the q
is the qayn, a voiced pharyngeal fricative that can be left unpronounced, whichis what many non-Arab speakers do when it occurs in Arabic loan-words; andthe h. a voiceless pharyngeal fricative that can pronounced as an ‘h’ in allpositions, just as non-Arabs do in Arabic loanwords. Doubled consonants arelengthened, as in the English ‘hot tub’.
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The vowels are written as a, i, and u, with �a, ı and �u signifying longerversions; thus bit and beat.W and y can function as either consonants or, whenpreceded by a short vowel, as part of a diphthong.Persian uses the same alphabet as Arabic, with four extra letters: p, ch, zh
(as in ‘pleasure’) and g (always hard, as in ‘get’).
A note on transliteration and pronunciation
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A note on dating
The Islamic calendar is lunar, and divided into twelve months of twenty-nineor thirty days each: Muh.arram, S. afar, Rabıq I, Rabıq II, Jum�ad�a I, Jum�ad�a II,Rajab, Shaqb�an, Ramad.�an (the month of the fast), Shaww�al, Dh�u al-Qaqda, andDh�u al-H. ijja (the month of the pilgrimage). Years are numbered from the hijra(‘emigration’) of the Prophet Muh.ammad from Mecca to Yathrib (Medina),conventionally dated to 16 July 622 of the Common (or Christian) Era; thisdating is known as hijrı, and marked by ‘AH’. As the lunar year is normallyeleven days shorter than the solar year, the Islamic months move in relation tothe solar calendar, and hijrı years do not correspond consistently withWesternones; AH 1429, for example, will both start and finish within 2008 CE (soindicated as ‘1429/2008’), but this is exceptional, and most overlap with twoCommon Era years, and so ‘460/1067f.’.
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Chronology
224 Defeat of the Parthian king Artabanus V by ArdashırI; Sasanian dynasty takes power in Iran
260 Sh�ap�ur I’s victory at Edessa; capture of the Romanemperor Valerian
284–301 Reign of Emperor Diocletian; Roman army isenlarged and administration reformed
298 ‘Peace of disgrace’ concluded between Romans andSasanians
306–37 Emperor Constantine I; conversion of the Romanempire to Christianity
363 Emperor Julian’s Persian expedition378 Catastrophic Roman defeat by the Goths at
Adrianople387 Partition of Armenia410 Rome is sacked by the Goths, led by Alaric439 Vandals conquer Carthage484 Sh�ah Fır�uz is defeated by the Hepthalites527–65 Reign of Justinian; administrative reforms and
military victories528–9 al-H. �arith ibn Jabala made supreme phylarch by
Justinian531–79 Reign of Sh�ah Khusrau I; social, economic and
administrative reforms undertaken540 ‘Eternal peace’ between Romans and Sasanians,
agreed in 532, is broken by Khusrau572 Sasanian advance into southern Arabiac. 575 Birth of Muh.ammad in Mecca602 Assassination of the last Lakhmid ruler Nuqm�an III
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603–28 Last great war between Romans and Sasanians, thelatter occupying Syria and Egypt
610–41 Reign of Emperor Heracliusc. 610 Muh.ammad delivers first revelations in Mecca1/622 The ‘Emigration’ (hijra) of Muh.ammad and his
followers from Mecca to Medina628 The Sasanian shah Khusrau is murdered; civil war in
Ctesiphon ensues630 Emperor Heraclius restores True Cross to Jerusalem11/632 Death of Muh.ammad in Medina11–13/632–4 Reign of first caliph, Ab�u Bakr; the ‘wars of apostasy’
break out13–23/634–44 Reign of second caliph, qUmar ibn al-Khat.t.�ab:
conquest of north-east Africa, the Fertile Crescentand the Iranian Plateau
23–35/644–56 Reign of third caliph, qUthm�an31/651 Assassination of the last Sasanian king, Yazdegerd III,
at Marw35/656 First civil war (fitna) begins, triggered by the
assassination of qUthm�an; the battle of the Camel35–40/656–61 Reign of qAlı ibn Abı T. �alib, which ends with his
assassination41–60/661–80 Reign of the (Sufy�anid) Umayyad Muq�awiya ibn Abı
Sufy�an61/680 Killing of al-H. usayn, the Prophet’s grandson, at
Karbal�ap by Umayyad forces64–73/683–92 Second civil war: the Sufy�anids fall, Ibn al-Zubayr
rules the caliphate from Mecca and the Marw�anidUmayyads come to power
73–86/692–705 Reign of qAbd al-Malik ibn Marw�an79/698 Conquest of Carthage86–96/705–15 Reign of al-Walıd, first of four sons of qAbd al-Malik
to rule; Qutayba ibn Muslim leads conquests inTransoxania and Central Asia
92/711 T. �ariq ibn Ziy�ad crosses the Strait of Gibraltar, andIberia soon falls to Muslims
98–9/716–17 Failed siege of Constantinople
Chronology
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99–101/717–20 Reign of qUmar II, later considered the fifth of the‘rightly guided’ caliphs
101–2/720 Revolt of Yazıd ibn al-Muhallab104/723 Muslim campaigns beyond the Indus106/724 Muslim defeat in Transoxania on the ‘Day of Thirst’;
Muslims now on defensive in the east114/732 Muslim army defeated near Poitiers by Charles
Martel122/740 Berber revolt; Umayyad authority dissolves in North
Africa and Spain; revolt led by Zayd ibn qAlı, agrandson of al-H. usayn
127–32/744–50 Reign of Marw�an II, last Umayyad caliph129/747 Ab�u Muslim leads the H�ashimiyya in rebellion,
conquering Marw in early 130/748132/749 The qAbb�asid Ab�u al-qAbb�as acclaimed as caliph in
K�ufa132/750 Umayyad caliphate falls to qAbb�asid–H�ashimı
armies; Marw�an killed in Egypt.132–7/750–4 Umayyad counter-revolts in Syria and al-Jazıra136–58/756–75 Reign of al-Mans.�ur; Ab�u Muslim is murdered,
qAbb�asid power is firmly established and the ‘city ofpeace’ (Baghdad) is built (145/762–3)
137/754 Revolt of qAbd All�ah ibn qAlı, qAbb�asid governor ofSyria
145/762 Rebellion of the qAlid Muh.ammad, ‘the Pure Soul’;construction of Baghdad begins
170–93/786–809 Reign of H�ar�un al-Rashıd170–80/786–96 ‘Decade of the Barmakids’; vizieral family dominate
qAbb�asid administration and culture180–92/796–808 H�ar�un al-Rashıd makes al-Raqqa his capital193–8/809–13 Civil war between H�ar�un’s two sons, al-Amın and al-
Mapm�un; Baghdad besieged198–218/813–33 Reign of al-Mapm�un; large numbers of Turkish slave-
soldiers are introduced into the army from the 820s206/821 Appointment of T. �ahir ibn al-H. usayn as governor of
Khur�as�an; beginning of T. �ahirid rule218–27/833–42 Reign of al-Muqtas.im; caliphal court is moved to
S�amarr�ap, where it remains until 892
Chronology
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218–37/833–52 The mih.na: the caliphs impose the doctrine of the‘createdness’ of the Qurp�an
232/847 Turkish commanders participate in council to decidecaliphal succession
232–47/847–61 Reign of al-Mutawakkil: intensive building inS�amarr�ap, struggles with the Turkish commanders
247/861 Al-Mutawakkil is murdered in S�amarr�ap251/865 Civil war in Iraq between al-Mustaqın and al-Muqtazz254/868 Ibn T. �ul�un arrives in Egypt and begins to establish his
rule there255/869 Outbreak of Zanj revolt in southern Iraq262/876 Yaqq�ub the Coppersmith is defeated near Baghdad270/883 Defeat of the Zanj in the swamps of southern Iraq295/908 Accession of al-Muqtadir to the caliphate, followed
by the revolt of Ibn al-Muqtazz297/909 The F�at.imid qAbd All�ah the mahdı is declared caliph
in North Africa309/922 Execution of the mystic al-H. all�aj317/930 The Qar�amit.a attack Mecca and seize the Black Stone320/932 Death of al-Muqtadir323/935 Death of Mard�avıj ibn Ziy�ar, warlord of northern Iran324/936 Ibn R�apiq becomes amır al-umar�ap in Baghdad334/946 Ah.mad ibn B�uya Muqizz al-Dawla enters Baghdad;
end of the independent qAbb�asid caliphate350/961 qAlı ibn Mazyad al-Asadı establishes Mazyadid rule in
H. illa and central Iraq366/977 Sebüktegin seizes power in Ghazna367–72/978–83 Rule of the B�uyid qAd.ud al-Dawla in Iraq380/990 al-H. asan ibn Marw�an establishes Marw�anid rule in
Mayy�af�ariqın and Amida381–422/991–1031 Reign of al-Q�adir, resurgence of qAbb�asid authority389/999 Ghaznavids secure power in Khur�as�an420/1029 Issuing of the ‘Q�adirı creed’ by the caliph al-Q�adir;
Mah.m�ud of Ghazna takes Rayy and ends B�uyid rulethere
421/1030 Death of Mah.m�ud of Ghazna440/1048 End of B�uyid rule in Baghdad442/1050 Death of Qirw�ash ibn Muqallad al-qUqaylı
Chronology
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Abbreviations
BAR British Archaeological ReportsBASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental ResearchBGA Bibliotheca Geographorum ArabicorumBSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African StudiesCII Corpus Inscriptionum IranicarumCSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christanorum OrientaliumEI2 Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, 12 vols., Leiden, 1960–2004EIr Encyclopaedia Iranica, London and Boston, 1982–IJMES International Journal of Middle East StudiesJA Journal AsiatiqueJAOS Journal of the American Oriental SocietyJESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the OrientJNES Journal of Near Eastern StudiesJRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic SocietyJSAI Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and IslamJSS Journal of Semitic StudiesMW Muslim WorldOrOcc Oriens et OccidensREI Revue des études islamiquesRSO Rivista degli Studi OrientaliSI Studia IslamicaZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft
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16
Numismaticsstefan heidemann
Islamic coins as a historical source
At least since Leopold von Ranke (1795–1886), the historical-critical approachto any study of history has demanded parallel independent proof in order toestablish firmly a given historical fact. Historians of Islamic societies havealmost no primary documents or archives for the period prior to the fifteenthcentury. In contrast to the scarce primary documents, the secondary sources –literary and historical accounts, especially from the ninth to the tenth centu-ries – are abundant.This gross imbalance between the lack of primary documents, produced in
the course of the events, and chronicles written much later has led scholars todepend greatly upon medieval but secondary authors. Since they typicallywrote from the point of view of a city, a ruling house, a ruler or a religiouscommunity or school of law their accounts are necessarily biased. Withoutindependent documents or material evidence the modern historian is oftenunable to corroborate or to refute these literary accounts; sometimes evenimportant lacunae in our knowledge may remain unnoticed. After beingwidely neglected following the First World War the study and use ofIslamic numismatic documents have again become a prospering academicsubject, particularly in the 1990s.**
Islamic coins of the classical period can be characterised above all as bearersof texts of up to 150words (fig. 16.35). The texts on coins struck during the firstsix-and-a-half centuries of Islam often mention up to five names, providing theentire hierarchy of power – from the local governor up to the caliph at thetime and location of minting. They usually name the mint town, sometimeseven the urban quarter, usually the year, and sometimes even the month andthe day. Religious legends provide hints of the political orientation of the ruler
** See the chapter bibliography below.
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who commissioned the coin. The inclusion of the name onto the coin protocol(sikka) and in the Friday prayer (khut.ba) served in their time as proof of whothe actual ruler was. Both had a similar political value. The reference to thehierarchy of rulers in the Friday prayer was purely verbal and thereforetransient, whereas on coins the protocol can be found permanently storedon a metal object that was frequently reproduced, like a ‘bulletin of state’. Aswhat are normally precisely datable archaeological artefacts, they open afurther dimension of information.1418
Coins as source of economic and legal history
Money as a means of coordinating human decisions and economic exchange isa complex social invention. It must always adjust to the prevailing economic,political and juridical conditions. Seen from another angle, its design andevolution reveal much about the societies creating it. In the pre-modernworld the supply of coins – the physical instruments for the exchange ofgoods and services – were usually scarce. However, in order to function as an‘absolute price’ (thaman mut.laq) or ‘equivalent’ (thaman) – that is, as money –at least one certain type of coin has to be available in sufficient quantities. Non-physical forms of money, bills of exchange (h.aw�ala) and cheques (suftaja),were developed in the Middle East, but they were used only among smallcommunities bound by ties of trust and kinship, such as, for example, innetworks of long-distance merchants in major trade cities.The value of coins was determined bymarket forces. It always exceeded the
value of the same amount of metal as a mere commodity, although it wasbound to the metal content, the difference being smaller for high-value coinsthan for petty coinage. If a coin-type was generally accepted and was insufficient supply, it was maintained over a long period and remained stablein design and usually in metallic content.Two separate currencies always existed side by side, serving distinct needs
within different social classes: high-value money, usually gold or pure silvercoins; and petty coinage, usually debased silver, billon or copper coins. Goldcoins, and, to a certain extent, silver coins, constituted the principal currencyfor wholesale and long-distance merchants (tujj�ar and jall�ab�un) as well as for
1418 S. Heidemann, ‘Settlement patterns, economic development and archaeological coinfinds in Bil�ad as∧-S∧�am: The case of the Diy�ar Mud.ar’, in K. Bartl and A. Moaz (eds.),Residences, castles, settlements: Transformation processes from Late Antiquity to early Islamin Bilad al-Sham. Proceedings of the International Conference held at Damascus, 5–9November 2006, Orient-Archäologie 24 (Rahden, 2009).
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fiscal administration and state expenditure. It was also the money of high-ranking state officials and military, who needed it to store wealth, to transfer itconveniently over long distances and to make payments of large sums. High-value coins could be traded between regions, and stood in competition withother similar coins. Geographically well-defined borders of currency zoneshardly existed. If they did exist, then it was for economic reasons and fiscalmeasures.The second currency type fulfilled the needs for daily purchases. It was
the money of small dealers, artisans, workers (s�uqa and b�aqa) in the urbanmarket (s�uq) and, of course, of the rest of the urban population. The urbanpopulation was dependent for their livelihood on income that usually camefrom their activities within the boundaries of a city or town, and thus onpurchases within the urban markets. The majority of the people in pre-modern societies – the rural population, peasants and nomads – reliedmainly on subsistence. Only certain extra requirements and excess producewere bought and sold in the s�uq.The ratio in price between high-value and petty coinage was usually
determined by supply and demand. The demand for small coins far exceededtheir supply, as the central authorities usually neglected to provide a sufficientsupply. This allowed a much higher profit for those who could provide thesemeans of exchange – in other words, the local fiscal and political authorities orprivate money-changers. Petty coins could also be imported from otherregions at a profit.During the third/ninth century the legal prescriptions for money
became fully developed, the most important among them being the theoryof value and the prohibition of rib�a (illegitimate profit according to thesharı qa). Islamic law forbids two equal amounts of precious metal frombeing valued differently in one single transaction. This is the core of theprohibition of rib�a. Islamic legal theory determined the value of money tobe identical with the intrinsic value of the bullion. Only silver and goldwere the commodities that could be legally used for any transaction as‘absolute price’. Muslim jurists of the fifth/eleventh century, however,were aware of the contradiction between observed empirical reality andnormative imperative of the revealed law. They recognised that thefluctuating value of coins was based on the interest of the public in it –that is, on the market forces. In order to facilitate a monetary economy inthe period of regional currencies with different finenesses and weights thejurists invented several legal arguments to ensure that market exchangeswere in accord with Islamic law.
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The majority of the jurists did not regard copper coins – the generic term isfals/ful�us – as money or ‘absolute price/equivalent’; if they regarded them atall, then they did so only as a substitute for money. Copper coins could servein some, but not all, legal transactions, as did gold and silver.1419
The development of the representation of a newuniversal religion and its empire: Zubayrid and
Kh�arijite challenge and Umayyad reform
Coins and their imagery are our only contemporary continuous primarysource for the genesis of the self-representation of the new religion and itsempire in the seventh century. Our understanding on these early coins hasgrown quickly since the 1990s.1420
The Islamic armies swiftly conquered three major zones of monetarycirculation, and took over much of their fiscal organisation: the formerByzantine territories in the centre; the Sasanian empire in the east; andGermanic North Africa and Spain. In the Byzantine territories the workhorseof the fiscal cycle, of taxation and state expenditure, was the gold solidus ornomisma of about 4.55 grams (fig. 16.1). The money used for the daily
1419 C. M. Cipolla,Money, prices and civilization in the Mediterranean world (Princeton, 1956),pp. 27–37; R. Brunschvig, ‘Conceptions monétaires chez les juristes musulmanes(VIIIe–XIIIe siécles)’, Arabica, 14 (1967); Avram L. Udovitch, Partnership and profitin medieval Islam (Princeton, 1970), pp. 55–6; S. Heidemann, Die Renaissance der Städtein Nordsyrien und Nordmesopotamien: Städtische Entwicklung und wirtschaftlicheBedingungen in ar-Raqqa und H. arr�an von der Zeit der beduinischen Vorherrschaft bis zuden Seldschuken, Islamic History and Civilization, Studies and Texts 40 (Leiden, 2002),pp. 356–61, 367.
1420 M. Bates, ‘History, geography and numismatics in the first century of Islamic coin-age’, Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau, 65 (1986); S. Heidemann, ‘The mergerof two currency zones in early Islam: The Byzantine and Sasanian impact on thecirculation in former Byzantine Syria and northern Mesopotamia’, Iran, 36 (1998);L. Treadwell, The chronology of the pre-reform copper coinage of early Islamic Syria,Supplement to Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter 162 (London, 2000);S. Album and T. Goodwin, The pre-reform coinage of the early Islamic Period, Syllogeof Islamic Coins in the Ashmolean 1 (London, 2002); A. Oddy, ‘Whither Arab-Byzantine numismatics? A review of fifty years’ research’, Byzantine and ModernGreek Studies, 28 (2004); T. Goodwin, Arab-Byzantine coinage, Study in the KhaliliCollection 4 (London, 2005); C. Foss, Arab-Byzantine coins: An introduction, with acatalogue of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (Cambridge, MA, 2009). For the economicand political history see esp. J. Johns, ‘Archaeology and the history of early Islam: Thefirst seventy years’, JESHO, 46 (2003); M. G. Morony, ‘Economic boundaries? LateAntiquity and early Islam’, JESHO, 47 (2004). For the iconocgraphic development seeS. Heidemann, ‘The development of the representation of the early Islamic empireand its religion on coin imagery’, in Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai and MichaelMarx (eds.), The Qurpan in context: Historical and literary investigations into the Qurpanicmilieu (Leiden, forthcoming).
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purchases, the copper follis (pl. folles) (fig. 16.2), was sold by the treasury aswell. In 629/30 Heraclius (r. 610–41) had concentrated all minting in theimperial capital, Constantinople. During the Sasanian occupation between606–7 and 628 irregular mints were established in Syria, supplementing thecirculating stock of copper coins.1421 In the Sasanian empire the money ofthe fiscal cycle was the uniform silver drahm of about 4.2 grams, which wasstruck in the days of Khusrau II (r. 590/591–628) in about thirty-four mints(fig. 16.3). Almost nothing is known about late Sasanian copper coinage. Tinycoppers, which are now rare, probably circulated in the major urban centres.Their issues became especially rich in design under Arab rule, and constitutean excellent source for art history.1422 In Spain and North Africa monetaryeconomy had receded since the Roman empire, since the fifth century. Thethird of the solidus, the tremisses (c. 1.5 g), was the main and only coin struck inSpain and the rest of western Europe (cf. fig. 16.4). In North Africa Carthagewas the only mint to continue striking petty coinage.In the first decades after the battle of Yarm�uk in 636 CE and the establish-
ment of the Taurus border zone, Byzantine coppers remained in circulation,and were with few interruptions almost continuously supplemented by newimports from Byzantium. In contrast, the influx of nomismata dropped con-siderably. The obverse of the follis shows the emperor – here (fig. 16.2) thestanding figure of Constans II (r. 641–68) wearing a crown with cross, holdinga globus cruciger in one hand and a long cross in the other. On the reverse them indicates the Greek numeral 40, the mark of value of the Byzantine standardcopper coin. According to archaeological finds, an end to the importing ofthese coins can be discerned in the late 650s.The importing obviously disregarded political boundaries. The selling of
coppers was profitable for the Byzantine treasury. Early Islam, outside theH. ij�az, was the elite religion of a tribally organised military. During the periodof conquest the Islamic religion possessed only a rudimentary theology,which was probably even more basic among military units. ContemporaryByzantiummight have perceived the conquest as a menacing rebellion and – ifthey had noticed the religious dimension at all – an Arab heresy of Judaeo-Christian origin. This perception would not necessarily have challenged theuniversal claim of the all-embracing Roman empire, since the idea of Rome
1421 H. Pottier, Le monnayage de la Syrie sous l’occupation perse (610–630) Cahiers ErnestBabelon 9 (Paris, 2004).
1422 R. Gyselen, Arab-Sasanian copper coinage, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 284, Veröffentlichungen der numismati-schen Kommission 34 (Vienna, 2000).
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was neutral to religion. In these early days the Umayyads in Damascus did notdevelop an imperial state ideology of their own. As leaders of the victoriousArab armies they were probably content with their de facto rule and modestfiscal exploitation. Numerous attempts to conquer Constantinople might beinterpreted as the inheritance by the rising Islamic Arab power of the universalRoman claim.The minting of the first copper coins in the former Byzantine territories
commenced after 636 CE. These imitations supplemented the circulatingstock and followed even weight reductions in Byzantium.1423 We do notknow who the regulating authorities were, but it is possible that militaryauthorities in the garrisons, local authorities in the cities, money changers ormerchants were involved in their production. Beginning in the 660s with theSufy�anid reforms, some sort of coordination, if not central policy, can beassumed. In a study, Luke Treadwell focused his attention on the develop-ments in the mints of the provincial capitals Damascus, Tiberias and H. ims..Although these ‘imperial image’ coppers still depict Byzantine emperors withcross insignias, they now have carefully prepared flans and carefully engraveddies. The mints were named on the coins, in Greek, Arabic or both. Validatingexpressions were included, such as KAΛON or t.ayyib (both meaning ‘good’),or j�apiz (‘current’) (figs. 16.5, 16.6). No attempt to represent the new state orreligion was made; petty coinage first of all served as means of exchange. TheSufy�anid government set up a ‘very loose tributary state’.1424
As a centralised state, the Sasanian empire fell while at its apogee – at leastas far as its administration, its army, which was based on cash payments, andits monetary economy were concerned. Silver coins were the backbone of thefiscal cycle, and were available in enormous quantities. The typical lateSasanian drahm (fig. 16.3) of about 4.2 grams shows on the obverse the portraitof the sh�ah�ansh�ah – either Khusrau II (r. 590–628) or Yazdegerd III (r. 632–51) –with an enormous winged crown as sign of their royalty. On the reverse, thefire altar served as the central symbol of the dualistic Iranian religion,Zoroastrianism. Priest attendants stand on either side, and beside them areabbreviations indicating the mint and the regnal year of the ruler. Dies wereprobably cut in a central workshop and then distributed to the provincialmints, a recurrent phenomenon in the later Islamic coinage. In his twentiethregnal year, 651, the last sh�ah�ansh�ah Yazdegerd III was assassinated in Marw,
1423 H. Pottier, I. Schulze andW. Schulze, ‘Pseudo-Byzantine coinage in Syria under Arabrule (638-c.670): Classification and dating’, Revue numismatique belge, 154 (2008).
1424 C. F. Robinson, Empire and elites after the Muslim conquest: The transformation of northernMesopotamia, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization (Cambridge, 2000), p. 166.
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the last eastern remnant of his empire. The coins in the conquered territoriesare almost indistinguishable from the coins under the authority of YazdegerdIII, except that mints lay outside his shrinking realm. For some time after 31/651 coins continued to be struck with the names and portraits of Khusrau II orYazdegerd III and with the fire altar. Frequently – but not always – additionalArabic validating marks were set on the margin, such as bism All�ah (‘in thename of God’) or jayyid (‘good’), as on Syrian copper coins. The resultingpicture for the early decades seems to correspond to a situation in which theSasanian administration remained operational, but broken down to aprovincial level and now responsible to Arab governors.1425 Starting in about40/661, with Muq�awiya’s regime, the names of Khusrau II and Yazdegerd IIIwere replaced, first occasionally and then regularly with the names of theprovincial governors in Pahlavi, placed in front of the traditional portrait of thesh�ah�ansh�ah. In many mints, but not in all, the dating shifted to the hijra year(fig. 16.7)The Zubayrid and Kh�arijite challenges between 681 and 697 – the period of
the second fitna – mark the watershed towards the initial inclusion of Islamicsymbols in the coin imagery and finally to a clear iconographic expression ofreligion and state. qAbd All�ah ibn al-Zubayr was a close, venerated and meritedmember of the family of the Prophet. He emphasised the religious–politicalcharacter of his caliphate and demanded a state in accordance with the principlesof Islam, whatever this meant at that time. After Muq�awiya’s death in 60/680 hestrongly opposed the Sufy�anid regime, and was supported in many parts of theempire. As early as 62/681f. his name was put on coins of Kirm�an. The coinsshow in 64/684 that he assumed the caliphal title ‘amır of the believers’ (fig.16.8). In 67/687 his brother Mus.qab secured Bas.ra, Iraq and the territories to theeast as far as Sıst�an. The Umayyads seemed to have lost their cause.Between 66/685 and 69/688f., in the city of Bish�ap�ur,Muh.ammad ras�ul All�ah
(Muh.ammad is the messenger of God) was placed for the first time oncoinage, on that of the Zubayrid governor of the east. The coin image itselfremained as before, the portrait of the sh�ah�ansh�ah and the fire altar. TheZubayrids thus propagated the new Islamic imperial rule with reference to theProphet and putative founder of the state. Probably in 70/689f. the Zubayridauthorities created a coin with the name of Muh.ammad in front of the portraitof the sh�ah�ansh�ah and in the margin a reference to Muh.ammad, for the firsttime including the profession of faith and the unity of God, the shah�ada, in
1425 S. Sears, ‘Amonetary history of Iraq and Iran, ca. CE 500 to 750’, Ph.D. thesis, Universityof Chicago (1997).
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Arabic: l�a il�aha ill�a All�ah wah.dah�u.1426 In 72/691f. the Zubayrid governor of the
province of Sıst�an, in south-eastern Iran, replaced the Zoroastrian fire altarwith the profession of the new faith (shah�ada). Iraj Mochiri read the Pahlaviscript thus: ‘Seventy-two / One God but He / another God does not exist /Muh.ammad [is] the messenger of God / SK [mint abbreviation for Sıst�an]’(fig. 16.9).1427 Clearly dated, the shah�ada appears here on a contemporarydocument in Pahlavi script and in the Persian language. Together with theProphetic mission of Muh.ammad, it is the first symbol of the Islamic religionand its empire known. The Zubayrid governor had targeted the ideological–religious deficiencies of the Umayyad regime. In the same year the Marw�anidsre-conquered Iraq, and in 73/692 the caliphate of qAbd All�ah ibn al-Zubayr wasbrutally suppressed in Mecca.The Marw�anid activities that followed can be seen as aimed at integrating
the defeated moderate Zubayrid movement in ideological terms, and as wellas a forceful reaction to the ongoing Kh�arijite menace. At this point in historyat the latest, the idea was created of an Islamic universal empire in its ownideological right. In 72/691f. qAbd al-Malik built the present Dome of the Rockand the al-Aqs.�a Mosque in Jerusalem as probably the first architecturalmanifestations of the new Islamic empire. The choice of Jerusalem placedthe imperial religion in the tradition of Judaism and Christianity and in thecentre of the medieval world.Between 72/691f. and 77/696f. the Marw�anid government experimented
with new symbols as representations of religion and imperial power, not allof which are well understood today. Most famous is the image of the standingcaliph on gold, silver and copper coins in Syria and northern Mesopotamia(figs. 16.10, 16.11). On the Syrian silver drahms and on some copper coins qAbdal-Malik asserted his claim to being khalıfat All�ah (the deputy of God), to enhancehis politico-religious leadership (fig. 16.11).1428However, the recurrent theme of
1426 L. Ilisch, ‘TheMuhammad-drachms and their relation to Umayyad Syria and northernMesopotamia’, Supplement of the Journal of the Oriental Numismatic Society, 193 (Autumn2007).
1427 M. I. Mochiri, ‘A Pahlavi forerunner of the Umayyad reformed coinage’, JRAS, (1981).Further discussion in S. Sears, ‘A hybrid imitation of early Muslim coinage struck inSijistan by Ab�u Bardh�aqa’, American Journal of Numismatics, 1 (1989); and L. Ilisch,Review ofAmerican Journal of Numismatics, 1, Der Islam, 69 (1992).
1428 For the iconographic interpretation see N. Jamil, ‘Caliph and Qut.b: Poetry as a sourcefor interpreting the transformation of the Byzantine cross on steps on Umayyad coin-age’, in Jeremy Johns (ed.), Bayt al-Maqdis: Jerusalem and early Islam, Oxford Studies inIslamic Art 9, part 2 (Oxford, 1999); L. Treadwell, ‘The “orans” drachms of Bishr ibnMarw�an and the figural coinage of the early Marwanid period’, in Johns (ed.), Baytal-Maqdis: Jerusalem and early Islam; L. Treadwell, ‘“Mihrab and qAnaza” or “sacrum andspear”? A reconsideration of an early Marwanid silver drachm’, Muqarnas, 30 (2005).
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all experiments in coin design was the inclusion of the name of the founder ofthe religion and the putative founder of the empire, Muh.ammad ras�ul All�ah,sometimes together with the shah�ada. This was the symbol of Islam comparableto cross, fire altar and menorah. The Zubayrid idea was firmly adopted.Between 77/696 and 79/699, just after the final defeat of the Kh�arijite
caliph Qat.arı ibn al-Fuj�apa, the definitive symbolic representation of Islamand the Islamic empire on coinage were launched. In 77/696 new dın�arswere produced (fig. 16.12) – probably in Damascus – bearing the newreligious symbols of the Islamic empire: the shah�ada, encircled by the ris�ala,the Prophetic mission of Muh.ammad (Q 9:33), and on the opposite side theword of God, the s�urat ikhl�as (Q 112) and the date of minting. Late in 78/697f.al-H. ajj�aj ibn Y�usuf, the governor of the east, ordered the reform of thedirhams in his realm, similar to the new dın�ars, but stating the mint namealso, as on Sasanian drahms. The reform started in K�ufa, Azerbaijan,Armenia, Jayy and Shaqq al-Taymara in al-Jib�al, as far as we can currentlytell. The following year saw the application of the new design in more thanforty mints (fig. 16.13).1429
Precious-metal coins remained anonymous until the time of the qAbb�asidal-Mans.�ur (r. 136–58/754–75). The image and the name of the ruler were takenout of any representation of the empire. This constituted a historicallyunprecedented breach with a tradition of Hellenistic coin imagery goingback about a millennium. The epigraphic image of the profession of faithand the words of God can be read as ‘the sovereignty belongs to God’, almosta concession to Kh�arijite thinking. Anonymity did not mean modesty, becausethe new Islamic universal emperor claimed nothing less than being khalıfatAll�ah: the deputy of God.
Umayyad and early qAbb�asid coinage
The new currency system of the empire consisted of an almost pure gold dın�arregulated to the mithq�al weight (4.2 g), an almost pure silver dirham regulatedto a dirhamweight (2.8–2.9 g) and unregulated copper coins which had a tokencharacter. This became the standard model for currency in the emergingIslamic law. Although the Umayyad empire was far from a centralised state,the coinage does show a high degree of organisation and centralisation, owing
1429 M. Klat, Catalogue of the post-reform dirhams: The Umayyad dynasty (London, 2002);L. Ilisch in Dr. Busso Peus Nachf. Münzhandlung Frankfurt, Katalog 369 (31October 2001),no. 1467, pp. 80–1.
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to its Sasanian heritage.1430 It can be supposed that the gold coinage, whichmentions no mint, would have been struck almost exclusively at the caliph’scourt, first in Damascus and later in Baghdad. Mints for thulths (tremisses) andsome dın�ars were set up in al-Andalus and Ifrıqiya (Qayraw�an) (fig. 16.4). WithqAbd al-Malik’s reforms all old Byzantine gold coinage vanished immediatelyfrom circulation in Egypt, Syria and northern Mesopotamia, indicating a tightfiscal regime on the gold circulation in the former Byzantine territories. Duringthe reign of H�ar�un al-Rashıd (r. 170–93/786–809) the production of gold dın�ars inmore than one mint became apparent, as indicated by the inclusion of thenames of provincial governors and specific mint marks (fig. 16.14).The organisation of silver coinage serving the fiscal authorities in the former
Sasanian east was different. The new design soon spread to all mints in the eastand the capital Damascus; in 97/715f. it was adopted in Ifrıqiya, and finally, in100/718f., in al-Andalus. It was struck in about a hundred mints. After thefoundation of W�asit. in Iraq and the move of al-H. ajj�aj to his new capital in 83/703f., W�asit. became the paramount silver mint of the empire until the qAbb�asidcoup d’état. For a brief time between 84/703f. and 89/707f. W�asit. was the onlydirham mint except for Damascus; all others were closed down.1431
Between 132/749f. and 147/765f. Bas.ra and K�ufa became the principal silvermints of the empire. This paramount role then shifted in 146–7/765–7 to Madınatal-Sal�am and to Rayy/al-Muh.ammadiyya, the first after the foundation of thepalace city in Baghdad – themint was opened in 146/765f. – and the latter after theestablishment of the heir apparent in Rayy in 145/762f.1432 The qAbb�asid takeoverhad little impact at first on the coin design; except that the s�urat al-ikhl�as., whichwas associated with the Umayyads, was replaced by Muh.ammad ras�ul All�ah,stressing the connection of the qAbb�asids to the family of the Prophet (fig. 16.15).In Rayy in 145/762f., the year of the menacing qAlıd revolt and its repres-
sion, the heir apparent, Muh.ammad (r. 158–69/775–86), began to insert thenewly adopted honorific title (laqab) al-Mahdı and his name into the dirhamcoin protocol, abandoning the anonymity of precious metal coinage (fig. 16.16).Later he continued this as caliph.1433 From now on, until the coinage reform of
1430 A. S. DeShazo and M. L. Bates, ‘The Umayyad governors of al-qIr�aq and the changingannulet patterns on their dirhams’, Numismatic Chronicle, 14 (1974); M. Bates, ‘Thedirham mint of the northern provinces of the Umayyad caliphate’, ArmenianNumismatic Journal, 15 (1989).
1431 R. Darley-Doran, ‘W�asit., The mint’, EI2, vol. XI, pp. 169–71 .1432 T. S. Noonan, ‘Early qAbb�asid mint output’, JESHO, 29 (1986).1433 M. L. Bates, ‘Khur�as�anı revolutionaries and al-Mahdı’s title’, in F. Daftary and
J. W. Meri (eds.), Culture and memory in medieval Islam: Essays in honour of WilferdMadelung (London and New York, 2003).
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al-Mapm�un (r. 194–218/810–33), various names appear on the coinage – thecaliph, the heir apparent, viziers, governors, officials – sometimes as many asfour names, giving a kaleidoscope of the administrative structure of the empire,which is not yet fully understood (figs. 16.17, 16.22).1434
The circulation of silver coins was far from uniform, unlike the new golddın�ars. Umayyad and Sasanian dirhams still circulated until the early fourth/tenth century. Some regions maintained, along with the imperial coinage, alocal one, usually debased silver of Sasanian appearance, notably in T. abarist�an(an exception as they are of pure silver) (fig. 16.18), Sıst�an and the oasis ofBukh�ar�a (fig. 16.19).1435
The copper coinage was of almost no concern to the central government; itwas left for the regional or local Umayyad and qAbb�asid authorities to supply,and for some supplemental coinage even private commercial enterprises canbe assumed. According to Islamic law copper coins did not constitute moneythat was legally valid in all transactions. Thus a huge variety of copper coinswith many names of local amırs and officials existed. Images were occasionallyapplied too. Thus the copper coins are an excellent source for local admin-istration, history and art history (fig. 16.20).1436 This decentralised productionresulted in temporary and regional shortages in petty coinage, frequentlybridged by cast imitations (fig. 16.21) and importation from other regions. Inthe period of H�ar�un al-Rashıd the growing demand in northern Mesopotamiaexceeded by far the regular production of copper coinage. Coins were thuscast until their model was unrecognisable, and plain copper sheets were cutinto mainly octagonal pieces.1437
1434 N. D. Nicol, ‘Early qAbb�asid administration in the central and eastern provinces, 132–218AH/750–833 AD, Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington (1979); N. Lowick andE. Savage, Early qAbb�asid coinage: A type catalogue 132–218 H/AD 750–833. A posthumouswork by Nicholas Lowick, ed. Elisabeth Savage, distributed MS (London, 1996).
1435 For T. abarist�an: H. M. Malek, The D�ab�uyid Ispahbads and early qAbb�asid governors ofT. abarist�an: History and numismatics, Royal Numismatic Society Special Publication 39(London, 2004). For Sıst�an: S. Sears, ‘The Sasanian style drachms of Sistan’, YarmoukNumismatics, 11 (1999).
1436 H. Bone, ‘The administration of Umayyad Syria: The evidence of the copper coins’,PhD. thesis, Princeton University (2000); Lowick and Savage, Early qAbb�asid coinage;S. Shamm�a, A catalogue of qAbb�asid copper coins: Thabat al-ful�us al-qabb�asiyya (London,1998). Single studies: see L. Ilisch, ‘Die Kupferprägung Nordmesopotamiens unterH�ar�un ar-Ras∧ıd und seinen Söhnen (786–842 AD)’, in International Association ofProfessional Numismatists (eds.), Numismatics: Witness to history, IAPN publication 8(Basle, 1986); S. Heidemann, ‘Die frühe Münzprägung von ar-Raqqa/ar-R�afiqa alsDokumente zur Geschichte der Stadt’, in S. Heidemann and A. Becker (eds.), Raqqa,vol. II: Die islamische Stadt (Mainz, 2003).
1437 S. Heidemann, ‘Der Kleingeldumlauf in der G∧azıra in früh-qabb�asidischer Zeit und dieMünzemissionen aus al-K�ufa’, in Heidemann and Becker (eds.), Die islamische Stadt.
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The reforms of al-Mapm�un and al-Muqtas.im bill�ah
The devastating war of succession between al-Amın (r. 193–8/809–13) and al-Mapm�un marked a turning-point. The latter initiated a reform in the design ofthe coinage, which went along with a reorganisation of coin production as awhole. The reform started with the first changes in design 201/816f. (fig. 16.22)and found its definitive appearance in 206/821f. (fig. 16.23). The new style wasconsecutively adopted during the following years in almost all mints.1438
First of all, gold and silver coins were given a standardised design basedon the dirham without altering the weight standards. The most obviouschange in the design was a second marginal obverse legend praising thevictory of God (Q 30:4–5). This design continued with few alterations untilthe fifth/eleventh century. Whereas the old style preferred an angular K�uficscript, the new style exhibited a neat curvilinear calligraphy. The new stylecoinage of al-Mapm�un once again became anonymous. The number ofmints was reduced to the major capitals of the empire. The production ofsilver and gold coinage dropped considerably, and even more under hissuccessors.Al-Muqtas.im bill�ah (r. 218–27/833–42) dismissed anonymity again, and
added his name to the new design on the reverse in 219/834 (fig. 16.24). Thisbecame the rule. From 236/850 under al-Mutawakkil qal�a All�ah (r. 231–47/847–61) the name of the heir apparent was also included. The production anddistribution of dies was almost centralised. The extent of the new capital cityof S�amarr�ap, built and provisioned entirely by tax money, is impressive proofof the high degree of the empire’s centralisation at its peak.1439
In the wake of the second devastating war of succession in 251–2/865–6al-Muqtazz bill�ah (r. 252–5/866–9) resumed the production of precious-metal coins on a large scale. Many mints were set up in the provinces.Weakened, the empire gradually lost its grip on its peripheral provinces.In Panjhır/Transoxania in 259/872f. Yaqq�ub ibn al-Layth (r. 247–65/861–79)
1438 T. El-Hibri, ‘Coinage reform under the qAbb�asid caliph al-Mapm�un’, JESHO, 36 (1993);S. Shamm�a, Ah.d�ath qas.r al-Mapm�un kam�a tarwıh�a al-nuq�ud (Irbid, 1995).
1439 M. Bates, The expression of sovereignty in the Abbasid caliphate, 218–334 H/833–946 CE(forthcoming); L. Ilisch, ‘Stempelveränderungen an islamischen Münzen desMittelalters als Quelle zur Münzstättenorganisation’, in T. Hackens and R. Weiller(eds.), Actes du 9ème congrès international de numismatique. Berne, Septembre 1979:Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Numismatics, Berne, September 1979(Louvain-la Neuve and Luxemburg 1982). Cf. L. Treadwell, ‘Notes on the mint atSamarra’, in C. Robinson (ed.), A medieval Islamic city reconsidered: An interdisciplinaryapproach to Samarra, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 14 (Oxford, 2001).
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was probably the first provincial ruler to add his name to the caliph’sprotocol on silver coins as proof of his autonomy (fig. 16.25). At least from266/879f. on, with the rule of Ah.mad ibn T. �ul�un in Egypt, the inclusion asan autonomous amır into the coin protocol became a regular feature(fig. 16.26). His model was followed by the S�am�anids in Transoxania andmany other ruling houses. Sikka and khut.ba in the name of the regionalruler became a sign of autonomy within the frame of the qAbb�asid empireuntil its end in 656/1258.In the qAbb�asid core provinces the inclusion of the vizier’s honorific title
(laqab) in 291/903f. and in 320/932f. set precedents for the imperial govern-ment. In 324/936 the first amır al-umar�ap, Ibn R�apiq, had abolished the dis-tinction between civil and military administration. The amır al-umar�ap Bajkamwas the first to be included in the coin protocol in 329/940 (fig. 16.27). In 334/945 the caliph delegated his power to the B�uyids (fig. 16.28) and followingthem to the Salj�uqs (figs. 16.31, 16.32), and these always –with few exceptions –appear on the coinage with flourishing honorific titles (figs. 16.28, 16.32) untilthe sixth/twelfth century when the caliph freed himself from Salj�uq politicaldomination.1440 Autonomous rulers who depended on the B�uyids, such asthe qUqaylids in northern Mesopotamia (fig. 16.29), and the H. asanwayhids
1441
in Kurdist�an, among others, acknowledged the B�uyids as overlords and addedtheir names to the hierarchy of power listed in the coin protocol. Others atthe periphery, such as the Ikhshıdids1442 in Egypt or the Sall�arids1443 inAzerbaijan (fig. 16.30) acknowledged only the caliph. Sometimes furthermint marks, names of die-engravers and dynastic emblems (tamgh�as) wereadded (figs. 16.34, 16.35). For the historian the sikka became an unrivalled toolfor defining length of reigns, the extent of territories, especially for localdynasties, and shifting political–religious allegiance (cf. fig. 16.39), which arenot in the focus of the main chronicles.During the middle decades of the third/ninth century copper coinage
vanished almost completely from the urban markets from Spain to Iran(fig. 16.20), remaining only in certain limited regions such as S�am�anidTransoxania (fig. 16.32). Fragmentation of the circulating precious-metalcoins served the needs of small change in the rest of the Islamic empire.
1440 L. Treadwell, Buyid coinage: A die corpus (322–445 AH) (Oxford, 2001).1441 qA. Q�uch�anı, ‘The territory of Ab�u al-Nadjm Badr b. H. asan�uyah based on his coins’,
Iranian Journal of Archaeology and History, 8, 2 (1994) (in Persian).1442 J. L. Bacharach, Islamic history through coins: An analysis and catalogue of tenth-century
Ikhshidid coinage (Cairo, 2006).1443 R. Vasmer, ‘Zur Chronologie der Gâst�aniden und Sall�ariden’, Islamica, 3 (1927).
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Coins were circulating more and more by weight expressed in standarddirhams and dın�ars instead of by tale or count.1444
Starting slowly, probably in the time of al-Muqtadir bill�ah (r. 295–320/908–32),the fineness of the silver coinage dropped, varying from region to region, andthe strict weight regulation was abandoned. After the political, economic andmilitary collapse of the central lands of the qAbb�asid empire during the fourth/tenth century the silver dirham declined to a debased copperish coin with noregulated fineness or weight.1445Now different kinds of dirhams were used, eachcurrent only within a limited region. Amounts of money were expressed interms of monies of account.1446 Actual payments of coins were transacted byweighing the coins. In the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries the numberof coins being struck diminished dramatically in the central lands of the empire.In the narrative sources these coins are referred to as ‘black dirhams’ (dirhamaswad), because of their dark appearance (fig. 16.39). In Egypt they were thencalled dirham wariq,1447 the ‘silver[ish] dirham’. Legal texts addressed them moreappropriately as dar�ahim maghsh�usha, ‘debased dirhams’. The monetary sector ofthe urban economy in the core lands of the Islamic empire – northern Syria,northern Mesopotamia, Iraq and western Iran – shrank to a low that may nothave been experienced since Hellenistic Antiquity.This monetary situation caused frequent complaints by jurists and theolo-
gians. It was open to unintended violations of the rib�a prohibition, the unequalmarket value of the same amount of precious metal: dirham aswads fromdifferent circulation zones might contain a different amount of silver alloy;the intrinsic amount of silver in foreign dirhams might be unknown (majh�ul),or the coins might be valued differently in the market with no regard to thereal content of precious metal. In order to avoid rib�a and to facilitate com-merce, jurists allowed transactions with dirham aswads only as long as theyinvolved current dirhams circulating within a single zone (r�apij fı l-balad).1448
In order to distinguish one issue of black dirhams from the other the issuingauthorities gradually diverged from the classical coin design. To remedy this
1444 L. Ilisch, ‘Whole and fragmented dirhams in Near Eastern hoards’, in K. Jonsson andB. Malmer (eds.), Sigtuna Papers: Proceedings of the Sigtuna symposium on Viking-age coinage1–4 June 1989, Stockholm, Commentationes de nummis saeculorum in Suecia repertis.Nova Series 6 (London, 1990).
1445 T. S. Noonan, ‘The start of the silver crisis in Islam: A comparative study of CentralAsia and the Iberian peninsula’, M. Gomes Marques and D. M. Metcalf (eds.), Problemsof medieval coinage in the Iberian area, vol. III (Santarém, 1988).
1446 ‘Monies of account’ are denominations not actually struck, or no longer struck, butused to determine legally amounts of money in transactions, contracts or debts.
1447 M. Bates, ‘Wariq’, EI2, vol. IX, p. 147.1448 Heidemann, Renaissance, pp. 369–80.
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unsatisfactory monetary situation, sporadic attempts at coinage reform weremade in some regions, but were of no avail in the long run (fig. 16.28).
The eleventh century: the currency system at thebrink of the reform
In the periphery, however, in Central Asia and in Egypt, a high level ofmonetary economy and an army based on cash payment remained. TheS�am�anids had the advantage of rich silver mines in present-day Afghanistan,and the resulting huge volume of coinage fostered a trade with these coinswhich, via the Volga river, reached the countries around the Baltic Sea in thefourth/tenth century (fig. 16.31). Although by contrast the dirhams of theGhaznavids (384–582/994–1186) with a high silver content in the late fourth/tenth and first half of the fifth/eleventh centuries were a regional coinage,they were nevertheless struck in abundant quantities. As early as the S�am�anidperiod the dın�ar of Nısh�ap�ur gained fame for its purity and stability (fig. 16.34).It became one of the preferred trade coins circulating between Iraq, easternnorthern Mesopotamia and Central Asia. It maintained its leading positioninto the Salj�uq period while the dın�ars of the other eastern Iranian andTransoxanian mints, Ghazna, Herat, Marw, Balkh, Bukh�ar�a and othersdebased, sometimes to such an extent that they consisted almost of pure silverand served only as regional standard currency (fig. 16.35). Sporadic attempts atcoinage reforms were made in some regions.The situation was different in Egypt. The Ism�aqılı Shıqite F�at.imids chal-
lenged the qAbb�asid claim of universal rulership both ideologically and mili-tarily, and thus their coinage named only the F�at.imid caliph. After theirconquest of Egypt their coins presented a visual distinction to the classicallate qAbb�asid coinage, moving towards a design consisting mainly of rings ofconcentric inscriptions (figs. 16.36, 16.37). The F�at.imids profited from theNorth African gold trade as well as from trade with the northern Italianmercantile republics. The F�at.imid dın�ar (fig. 16.36) of a regulated weight andan undisputed pure gold content became the preferred trade coinage for theIslamic Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and Iraq. On the level ofthe petty coinage the North African–Egyptian dirham suffered the samedecline as it did in the entire Islamic world (fig. 16.37).1449 Copper coinagewas also abandoned. A debate between Paul Balog and Michael Bates centringaround the question whether the abundant glass tokens of the Egyptian
1449 N. D. Nicol, A corpus of F�at.imid coins (Trieste, 2006).
The New Cambridge History of Islam
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F�at.imid and Ayy�ubid period served the purposes of daily purchases has not yetbeen settled (fig. 16.38).1450
Outlook: the reform
Islamic coinage of the middle Islamic period was quite different from thedegenerated state of the classical coinage system. The renewal commencedslowly from the end of the fifth/eleventh century and ended at about themiddle of the seventh/thirteenth. The ‘black dirham’ (fig. 16.39) disappearedmostly in the course of the sixth/twelfth century. In Syria N�ur al-DınMah.m�ud (r. 541–69/1150–74) issued it for the last time in 546/1151f. inAleppo, although it continued to be struck in Mosul into the 650s/1250s andin Egypt into the Maml�uk period. In the last decades of the fifth/eleventhcentury copper coinage resumed in northern Syria, northern Mesopotamiaand the Caucasus through the appearance of imported Byzantine folles, calledin Arabic sources qirt.�as or qart.ıs (pl. qar�at.ıs). In themiddle decades of the sixth/twelfth century a successful indigenous copper-coin production commenced,mainly in the Zangid and Artuqid realm (fig. 16.40). Regional copper coinagesspread to the other western Salj�uq successor states. In 571/1175f. – after almost250 years – the Zangids in Aleppo and the Ayy�ubids in Damascus reintroduceda dirham of almost pure silver with a regulated weight of about 2.8 grams(fig. 16.41). The success of the reform was achieved through the northernItalian trade of European silver. The reform spread from the Levant to theentire Middle East. Once again a currency system was established that con-formed to the requirements of Islamic law.1451
1450 P. Balog, ‘F�at.imid glass jetons: Token currency or coin-weights? JESHO, 24 (1981);M. L. Bates, ‘The function of F�at.imid and Ayy�ubid glass weights’, JESHO, 24 (1981).
1451 S. Heidemann, ‘Economic growth and currency in Ayy�ubid Palestine’, in R. Hillenbrand(ed.), Ayy�ubid Jerusalem: The Holy City in context (London, forthcoming).
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Chapter 17: Archaeology and material culture
Practical suggestions for further reading
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Johns, Jeremy, ‘Archaeology and the history of early Islam: The first seventy years’, JESHO,46, 4 (2003), 411–36.
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Kennet, Derek, ‘On the eve of Islam: Archaeological evidence from eastern Arabia’,Antiquity, 79 (2005), 107–18.
King, Geoffrey, and Averil Cameron (eds.), The Byzantine and early Islamic Near East, vol. II:Land use and settlement patterns, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1, Princeton,1994.
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