The Use Of Tax Increment Financing In The City Of Saint Louis (Downtown)
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Transcript of The Use Of Tax Increment Financing In The City Of Saint Louis (Downtown)
7/27/2019 The Use Of Tax Increment Financing In The City Of Saint Louis (Downtown)
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TESTIMONY
ADVANCING LIBERTY WITH RESPONSIBILITY
BY PROMOTING MARKET SOLUTIONS
FOR MISSOURI PUBLIC POLICY
THE USE OF
TAX INCREMENT
FINANCING IN THE
CITY OF SAINT LOUISBy David Stokes
Testimony Before the Tax Increment Financing Commission of the City of Saint Louis
October 30, 2013
Tere is nothing
about this project that
should involve public
assistance. Te project is
proposed for a desirable
location in a central
part of an economically
vibrant area.
To the Honorable Members
of the Commission
Tank you or the opportunity totestiy today. My name is DavidStokes and I am a policy analyst or
the Show-Me Institute, a nonprot,nonpartisan Missouri-based think tank that supports ree-marketsolutions or state policy. Te ideaspresented here are my own. Tistestimony is intended to summarizeresearch that the Show-Me Institutehas reviewed and conducted regarding ax Increment Financing (IF).
Te redevelopment o the General
American building in downtownSaint Louis is exciting, but thenow standard assumption o public subsidies or these projectsis unortunate. According to theIF application or this project, thedeveloper is asking or more than
$16 million in public assistance(which includes more than just this$8,148,000 IF request). Saint Louiscrossed the Rubicon o authorizing IF ar too requently many yearsago. (Tere are currently 125 IFs
within the city.1) However, even by Saint Louis’ generous IF standards,$8 million in ax IncrementFinancing to help a company movetwo blocks is eye-opening.
Tis is another excellent opportunity or this commission to reconsider theconstant subsidy approach. Nothing about this project should involve publicassistance. Te project is proposed or
a desirable location in a central part o an economically vibrant area. Te idea that a new development right next tothe Cardinals ballpark and Ballpark Village (also, unortunately, subsidized)needs urther public subsidy is sadly misguided. Redevelopment can go
David Stokes is a
policy analyst at the
Show-Me Institute,
which promotes
market solutions for
Missouri public policy.
7/27/2019 The Use Of Tax Increment Financing In The City Of Saint Louis (Downtown)
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SHOW-ME INSTITUTE I TESTIMONY
2
orward in this area without subsidies. Teact that other developments in downtownSaint Louis may have a subsidy is a testament to the ease o getting them, notthe necessity o them.
The TIF ProcessIn theory, establishing a IF districtinvolves serious and impartial deliberationand calculus. A city intends to revitalize a part o its community, but rst it must gothrough a complicated process designedto test whether certain tax incentives areallowed. Te city contracts with urbanplanners who “independently” determinei the proposal could happen “but or”
the taxpayer assistance, and also i thearea meets the eligibility standards ora designation o “blight” or anotherappropriate designation. A developer isthen brought into the process and, withthe assistance o the government andthe taxpayers, produces an economicgrowth engine that provides jobs, a revitalized community, and (eventually)an expanded tax base.
In reality, the process alls ar short o reasonable standards or policy debate. Te“but or,” “blighting,” and other tests thatare supposed to be subject to independentanalysis have become a biased process.How else to explain why I cannot nd oneproject in the state o Missouri that ailedthese tests and urban planners ound to beinappropriate or taxpayer assistance? Notone. axpayer dollars pay back the lawyersand planners who work arm-in-arm with
the cities, shielding the process rom harddecisions and risk. Everyone involved inthe process (planners, architects, lawyers,and developers) makes money i theproject goes orward. Who among themis going to jeopardize the entire deal by saying — or something close to it — thedevelopment would likely happen even without taxpayer assistance?
Effects of TIF in Saint Louis
ax Increment Financing has had theollowing efects on the Saint Louis region:
1) It has increased governmentmanagement o the economy,urther empowering plannersand bureaucrats to decide wherebusinesses locate instead o economic best practices andmarket actors.
2) It has sparked the abuse o eminentdomain or private purposes.
3) It has made subsidies a permanentxture o development in
our community. Tis issue isparticularly evident in this proposal
4) It has transerred the cost and therisk o prot-making enterprisesrom the business and its lenders tothe taxpayers.
5) It has ailed at one o its mainpurposes: economic growth.Te East-West Gateway Council
o Governments (EWGCOG)concluded that IFs andransportation DevelopmentDistricts (DDs) have created jobs in our community at therate o one retail job or every $370,000 in taxpayer subsidies.2 Tat is not a road to growth — itis a road to poverty.
6) It has authorized local leaders
to make tax decisions that may benet their immediate city at theexpense o everyone else. In thisIF decision, the city o Saint Louisis making tax choices that willnegatively impact entities such as thecommunity college and zoo-museumdistricts, which serve everyone inSaint Louis City and County.
Another study in
Illinois found that
economic growth was
stronger in cities that
did NO use IF
than in cities that did use IF.
7/27/2019 The Use Of Tax Increment Financing In The City Of Saint Louis (Downtown)
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October 2013
Economic Research
Te East-West Gateway study is not theonly study that ound that IF ails at job creation and economic development. A study o the use o IF in Iowa
concluded that, “On net (…) there isno evidence o economy-wide benets(trade, all non-arm jobs) scal benets,or population gains.”3 Another study inIllinois ound that economic growth wasstronger in cities that did NO use IFthan in cities that did. From the study (emphasis added):4
I the use o tax increment nancing spurs economic development that
would not have happened but orthe public expenditures, we wouldexpect (ater controlling or othergrowth determinants and or sel-selection) a positive relationshipbetween IF adoption and growth.I the use o tax increment nancing merely moves capital around within a municipality, relocating improvements rom non-IFareas o the town to within IF
district borders without changing the productivity o that capital, we would expect (ater appropriatecontrols) to nd a zero relationshipbetween IF adoption and growth. What we fnd, however, is a negative relationship betweenIF adoption and growth. Tis isconsistent with the hypothesis that government subsidies reallocate
property improvements in such a way that capital is less productivein its new location.
Te one thing IF succeeds at doing is imposing new costs on other taxing districts without allowing them to grow their tax base to pay or those costs.Cities aggressively seek IF because cities
are the only entities with the incentivesto maximize their use, even whileharming other taxing districts. Citiescan easily recover any lost, or, moreaccurately, orgone property taxes via thesubstantial sales or earnings taxes that a
new development garners.
Other types o taxing districts like thelocal school, community college, library,re, or museum district depend (inmost cases) entirely on property taxesand cannot replace the lost revenue.5 And, because any new development willincrease service requirements to at leastsome o those entities, expenses or theseentities will increase and create pressure
to raise taxes on those people andbusinesses not covered by IF.
Te research is also strong that localearnings taxes are more harmul thanlocal property taxes to economic growth.So, by hallowing out the property tax base in order to, presumably, keep theearnings taxes o companies that requestsubsidies, the city is moving in the wrong direction. In this particular IF
proposal, the city is weighing the gainsrom maintaining, and perhaps growing,uture earnings and payroll taxes againstthe uture loss o property taxes, eitherthrough oregone increases (General American Building) or potential realdeclines (Laclede Gas Building). Whilethat equation may seem correct or any one project, trading property or earningstaxes is not in the long-term interest o
Saint Louis.Conclusion
As the East-West Gateway Council hasdocumented, IF has ailed the SaintLouis region. It has harmed our economy and other taxing districts withoutachieving any o its ostensible goals.Despite enormous use o IF over the
Recently, both
Crestwood and
Florissant rejected
IF proposals in
their cities. Yet, in
Florissant at least,
the project is going
forward without
a IF.
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past ew decades, the population o Saint Louis is stillshrinking and the economy is not growing as ast ascomparable cities.6 It is time or the city to remove itsel rom its purported role in economic development andallow markets, entrepreneurs, and customers to makethose choices. Recently, both Crestwood and Florissant
rejected IF proposals in their cities. Yet, in Florissantat least, the project is going orward without a IF. 7 Walmart stores in Kansas City are also being developed without IF. Te City o Saint Louis should strongly consider joining that club.
Note on Transparency
At a minimum, the city should greatly improve thetransparency and public openness o the IF process.It is incomprehensible that in 2013, the relevant
IF documents are not posted online or the publicto review and study. While some IF documentsrom other applications are now posted online, thisproposal is not. All IF applications should have allthe documentation available online well beore thepublic hearing, not ater. Te technology to do this isso cheap and simple that the lack o public availability o these documents could be viewed as a deliberateattempt to impede public involvement in thesedecisions. Tat has to change.
NOTES1 Source: Missouri State Auditor, 2012 TIF reports.
2 East-West Gateway Council o Governments. “An Assess-
ment o the Eectiveness and Fiscal Impact o the Use o
Local Development Incentives in the St. Louis Region.” Final
Report, January 2011: 18. View online here: http://www.ew-gateway.org/dirr/datafles/2012update.xls .
3 Swenson, David, and Liesl Easthington. “Do Tax Increment
Finance Districts in Iowa Spur Regional Economic and De-
mographic Growth?” Department o Economics, Iowa State
University, April 2002: 11.
4 Dye, Richard, and David Merriman. “The Eects o Tax
Increment Financing on Economic Development.” Journal of
Urban Economics , Volume 47, Issue 2, March 2000: 306-328.
5 The author is aware that not every one o these districts ap-
plies in the City o Saint Louis.
6 Research compiled by the Brookings Institute. View on-
line here: http://www.brookings.edu/research/interactives/
metromonitor#overall.
7 The developers in Florissant did receive a smaller subsidy
in the orm o a TDD rom the court.
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