Lamastic Buddhism

Religion is the centre point of Tibetan society, it is rather way of

life. Tibetan cosmology revolves around religion. To know Tibet

and its people in the true perspective, a broad familiarity with the

total picture of Tibetan religion and religion-dominated Tibetan

life is absolutely necessary. The institutionalized presence of

religion in the Tibetan social life clearly shows that it is religions

which provides the acts with meaning and validity. These acts are

further related to the cosmic and sacred order of the universe,

which is a practice common to all established and institutionalized

religious system of the world.

Sociologists study religion as one of the socially significant

phenomena and try to analyze religious propositions insofar as

their social causes and consequences are concerned and the

manner in which they relate to the institutional fabric of society.

Religion has been a very powerful integrative factor in Tibetan

society. Religion is one of the most important institutions, which

has become a powerful control mechanism in the society.

Religion also satisfies some of the deeper psychic longings of

man as well as imposes a cohesive order and pattern upon a large

community of people. As the Tibetan religion gradually organized

it inspired and directed different modes of life, interests,

49

aspirations, perspectives and ideas, which went to form the

intricate social web which through its organic structure provided

the vital integration solidarity and stability to the social

organization. Religion was a field that covered and determined

almost evety action of the Tibetans. 21

Furthermore, an important point about the traditional Tibetan .

religion was that the powerful religious institutions peculiar to the

Lamaistic Buddhism, were bureaucratically organized and in a

parallel manner there was theological legitimization of polity.

Even so Buddhism in Tibet was more or less a kind of ersatz

primitivism and magic, which deeply affected the national psy­

chology. To a great extent, the triumph of Buddhism in Tibet has

been due to its capacity for assimilation and absorption. That is to

say, Buddhism in Tibet distinguished itself by its syncretic

quality. The quality is a product of the historical process of the

emergence and development of Buddhism in Tibet. On its own

part also Tibetan Buddhism molded the course of Tibetan histoty

and the parameters of Tibetan life. The most remarkable thing

about Tibetan civilization is said to be its intellectual self­

sufficiency and vitality.

In course of time, Tibetan Buddhism absorbed and assimilated

many non-Buddhist beliefs and got its uniquely Tibetan character.

11 Subba, B. Tanka, Fligbt and Adaptation., lndraprastha Press, New Delhi, 1990, p. 113.

50

There were two main religious streams which influenced Tibetan

Buddhism. There was, firstly, the Bon religion (it still has some

adherents in Tibet as well as in India, who are called Bonpas)

which was Buddhism's predecessor in Tibet. Secondly, there was

a whole body of partially animistic and magical ideas, beliefs and

customs belonging to the indigenous tradition: the 'nameless

religion' which many of the Tibetan historians have confused

with the Bon religion. True to its assimilative tradition Tibetan

Buddhism absorbed the two older and less articulate religious

traditions. Table2.1

Sect wise distribution of refugee household

Sect No. of Household Per cent

Gelugpa 25 31.25

Kagyupa 30 37.5

Nyingmapa 14 17.5

Sakyapa 11 13.75

Total 80 100

Source : Fieldwork

The degree of adjustment, adaptation, compromise and refmement

that Buddhism underwent in Tibet was fully in accord with the

Tibetan wisdom, rationality and intelligence. It infused a new

spirit into every aspect of Tibetan life.

In the process some of the basic tenets of Buddhism also got

diluted or changed. Tibetan Buddhism had also to content with

the powerful influence of the neighboring Chinese religious

51

systems. Gradually, politics in Tibet got completely merged in

religion. From the 14th century monastic discipline progressively

tightened its hold upon Tibetan life and polity. The various

lamaseries steadily became the source and seat of the strongest

religious and political power in the land.

In fact, as far as the preambles of state policy go, the interest of

both the sacred and the sacred and the secular groups were

safeguarded in Tibet. The Government of the Dalai Lama was

composed the lay and religious personnel, which existed for a

dual cause: for temporal happiness in this world and spiritual

happiness hereafter. Thus worldly welfare was not the gover­

nment's only goal; there was also the ultimate happiness of the

human beings to be considered. With these dual aims in view the

government adopted many measures to foster religious activities

in the country.

' Lamaism, the central characteristic of Tibetan Buddhism, insists

on absolute devotion to the Buddha and his gospel. The

nomenclature highlights the important role that this religion

assigns to the lama the spiritual master or teacher (guru).

Lamaism as an institution is founded upon the concept and prac­

tice of religious specialization and specialists. Its doctrinal bases

are the two Indian schools, Madhyamika (the middle way) of

Nagarjuna, and Y ogacara (practice of yoga) of Asanga. The close

relationship of the two schools in Tibetan Buddhism is at once a

52

study in polarity and synthesis. The first school cames more

weight with the reformed sects, e.g. the Gelug, and the second

with the ancient or unreformed, e.g. Nyingma. The distant

founder of the first in Atisa and of the other Padmasambhava,

both of whom emigrated to Tibet from India. The first is more

typified by philosophy and theoretical discussion, and the second

meditation and psychic experiences; one emphasizing theoretical

study and the other tantric rituals.

There are five major religious traditions in Tibet, Bon, Nyingma,

Kagyu, Sakya and Gelug. The Bon tradition represents the earliest

pre-classical Indian Buddhist culture of Tibet. The Nyingma

represents the first wave of transmission of classical Indian

Buddhist lineage into Tibet, beginning in the seventh century.

The Kagyu and Sakya represent the second wave of transmission

of classical Buddhist lineage from India, beginning in the

eleventh century. The Gelug represents a distinct tradition which

formed towards the end of the fourteenth century. 22

Among all the sects of the Tibetan Lamaistic Buddhism, the cen­

tral religious activity is the exclusive and monopolistic concern of

the monks and hermits. In Tibet, on the whole, the lay Buddhists

generally did not take part in rituals and formal religious services,

except as spectators. They did listen to sermons, but hardly had

any private prayers. Their faith was expressed through the

53 ''

mystique in which only the lamas were specialized. The religious

activities of the laymen were confined only to piling up merits up

making gifts to the monasteries and the lamas, seeking the lamas'

blessings and undertaking pilgrimages of walking-tours to and

around sacred spots or objects. Whenever religious intervention

was deemed necessary, the common people turned to the

specialists-the lamas-for healing or exorcism, officiating at

weddings and child-birth, ensuring protection to crops and

livestock and so on. 23 As a matter of fact the lama was considered

omnipotent.

Notwithstanding the clergy's specialized role, the doors of the

monasteries were open to all in Tibet. The Buddhist monasteries

were almost the only seats of learning in Tibet. In the process the

Tibetan monasteries developed into universities or monastic

colleges on the pattern of ancient Indian universities like Nalanda

and Vikramasila. It will be wrong to suppose that the Tibetan

monasteries offered to teach only very few disciplines. Reliable

Tibetologists have testified to the fact that the monastic

institutions of the country offered courses on a variety of subjects.

The traditional Tibetan sciences like medicine and pharmaceutics,

astronomy and astrology, and humanities like grammar and

philosophy, art and literature were taught and learnt within the

monasteries. The monasteries also produced books, usually by the

22 Coleman, Graham, A Handbook ofTib~n Culture, Rupa & Co., ~ew Delhi. 1995, p.l2. 23 Stein, RA, Tib~ Civilization, Faber and Faber Limited, 1972, pp. 172 & 174.

54

block-print technique. The Tibetan legends go to indicate that the

monastery was the training centre even for the monk­

technologists. 24

What can be gathered from the works of the Tibetologists and

information obtained from the Tibetan respondents, the main

disciplines, however, were religion and theology, in which the

courses were well organized, efficiently administered and offered

a planned curriculum of study and training to the deserving

student lamas. A large number also specialized in performing

rituals interspersed with magical rites for the sick, for driving

away the evil spirits or for controlling the supernatural powers

etc. Special groups were also given military training and were

known as warrior-lamas. These lamas were trained not only to do

the sentinel duties at the monasteries but in a sense they also

formed a sort of national militia or the home-guards.

Buddhism, originally was not meant to be a social philosophy, but

gradually, as the religion spread among diverse social environ­

ments, the Buddha's ideas were reoriented and adapted to differ­

ent social situations. In fact, in a society it is neither feasible nor

possible for each and every person to become a priest in the true

sense of the term. On the other hand, it is not difficult for a people

to live in accordance with a religious philosophy which ultimately

can become a way of life. In the ancient Tibetan context the great

14 Ibid, p. 156.

55

Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo, a devout Buddhist and also a

social reformer, introduced a moral-civil code of conduct for the

laity which was a conscious attempt on his part to make the

people abide by the religious code and regulate their lives

according to the religious tenets. 25 It was in this way that the

Tibetan tradition which affirmed that the person who fully

adhered to the Buddhist faith was basically a good citizen

developed and gave a sense of direction to the Tibetan people.

Bow religion was an all-time presence to the Tibetans can be well

understood from the modes of Tibetan life. As has been observed

by Harrer, pious texts and holy words were constantly on the lips

of the Tibetans. The religious rituals were an inalienable part of

their lives. The prayer-wheel were constantly turned and the

prayer-flags waved on the house-tops, on the mountain passes and

the tree-tops. The religious symbolism pervaded their con­

sciousness. To the Tibetans the rain, the wind, the majestic snow­

covered peaks, in short all the phenomena of nature were the

various aspects of the godly presence. The divine anger, as the

Tibetans believed, was manifested by the hailstorm and benevo­

lence, by the fruitfulness and fertility of the land. The life of the

people was regulated by the divine will, whose interpreters were

the Lamas. 26

15 Tibetan Re,it=. VoL \111, :\"o.3, :\!arch 1973, p. 8. 26 Harrer, Heinrich., Seven Years in Tibet, Pan Books Limited, London, 1972, pp 162-63.

56

Lamaistic Order

The Lamaistic tradition was based on the hierarchical principle, at

the top of it was the reincarnate lamas. According to Tibetan

belief the highest lamas were the reincarnations of the Supreme

Lord, of whom there were hundreds, including the Dalai Lama

and the Panchen Lamas, who were of the apex of Tibetan

religious hierarchy. In fact, Tibetan religion succeeded in creating

the Lamaic hierarchy, a religious caste which, as it has been

remarked, is unparalleled in the world.

The faith that the holiest and most hallowed savants and divinities

were reincarnated in the lamas was a central determinant in the

hierarchical organization of the Tibetan monastic life. The lower

orders in the Lamaistic hierarchy were thus determined according

to the degree of eminence or charisma associated with particular

reincarnations. The lama, thus being a reincarnation whether more

eminent or less was fitted into the appropriate hierarchy in the

monastic structure. Thus, the highest ranking people in Tibet were

the religious personnel. And the monastery itself became the

sanctum of the various gradations of these most powerful and

venerable personages. But not all monks were lamas. The latt·er

were those whose spiritual attainments had been fully proved in

the various disciplines of the monastic life and those in whom the

symptomatic features of reincarnation had been discovered. The

non-lama monks, who also had their own categories, were those

57

whose merit and genius had not yet been fully demonstrated. But

all of them-the lamas and the monks of various orders-lived under

the same roof in the monastery and together constituted the most

powerful part of Tibetan national life.

In the above context we may quote Stenin's observations on the

Tibetan religious hierarchies, "Like the nobles, the monasteries

supply the government with officials (both civil and military) and

their dignitaries receive titles in accordance with a hierarchical

scale. On the other hand social classes are maintained inside the

monasteries. Private property is allowed there and can be

increased by private trade or private fees for performance of rites.

Rich monks own property and have poor monks for servants. "27

Additionally in Lamaism along the path to perfection, different

level of spiritual capacity were recognized. The lamas were

grouped into three categories, each capable of apprehending three

of the paths or vehicles to liberation, depending on the capacity of

their mental faculties to 'escape conventional truth.' This rule

constituted another causative factor behind the formation of the

monastic hierarchy.

In the monastic hierarchy in the light of this kind of categorization

there were three grades of monks. A neophyte entering the

monastery was expected to take the first vows and become a

58

rapping(novice). This was the first of the three grades of monks,

the other two being getsul(junior monks) and then gelong(ful.l­

fledged monks). All, however, were included in the broad

category of the nation's monastic order and were considered as

trapa or monks. The above system of gradation depended on a set

of vows that the monks had to take and strictly abide by according

to the rules of the sect to which they belonged. The rules were

stricter for the higher grades. As per the religious tradition, to

become a rapjng, sixteen vows must be taken, including

avoidance of certain sins and the adherence to certain rules,

Getsul involves the taking of twenty additional vows, and for

gelong the full two hundred and fifty-three vows must be taken ..

In the Gelug order the main vows included celibacy, temperance,

abstention from destruction of life, evil speaking -and stealing.

Each aspirant had to satisfy the abbot of the monastery that he

was fully qualified -~oth intellectually and spiritually for a higher

grade.

Within the above categories a special and very eminent distinction

could be achieved by a senior monk through intellectual

excellence when the title of Geshe was conferred upon him. A

monk who got the coveted title of Geshe, somewhat equivalent to

the doctorate degree of modem universities (Doctor of divinity)

was respected throughout the country as a master of spiritual and

esoteric studies and was qualified for high government post or

27Stein, RA, Tibctan Civilisation, Faber and Faber Limited, 1972, PP- 140-4L

59

one on the administrative board of the monastexy; but a monk was

permitted to supplicate for this high degree not before he was

fu~ ~nM m ~~m~ ~~~~~ ~1~~ ~~t~ ~f ff~~: Th~~~ t!m-~ ~M~~ t'lf monks constituted a hierarchical parte~ in relation to both the

monastic and the social orders. There was also a broad division of

the lamas into two functional categories: The 'non-student' lamas

and the 'student' lamas. The 'non-student' lamas were those who

performed all types of economic and social duties for their own

monasteries. The 'student' lamas devoted their entire time to

studies and could on their merit acquire the highest distinctions.

The 'non student' lamas, however, were not divorced from

religious life. Many of them were specially trained in the

performance of religious rites and sent out to minister to the need

of the people, taking back to the monastexy any gifts or alms they

might be given in lieu of their services.

In short, the monastic hierarchy was based on the dualistic

principle of jointness and hierarchical control. In evexything and

at all times, however, the overriding principle was the absolute

superiority of the monastic order. The 'subjects' of the monas­

teries were the 'domains of gods'; they were not subject to the

power of any superior but to that of the clergy and religious

authority. The religious authority had the right of control over the

secular authority at all levels in the society.

60

In the traditional :ribetan society, right from the individual to the

nation, almost everyone took refuge in the 'Three Precious

Gems', i.e. Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. The fourth refuge was

the lama, who symbolized all the three. Further, there was the

protective deity, in accordance with the Mahayana belief, whose

secret oracle was supposed to guide the destiny of the country. Its

is amazing that Tibetans expressed slightest doubt about the truth

of the Buddha's teachings. It is the faith that had been challenged

by Chinese "mass education," and. they resisted it with whatever

possible manner.

However, the Chinese occupation and 'Cultural Revolution' had

some impact on the religious order. People, who once had blind

faith, became critical. E.Kawaguchi, the Japanese traveler in

Tibet, tried to see things with an open and sympathetic mind. But

even he was upset by what he saw about the intellectual and

moral degeneration of the monks. Talking about a high Tibetan

official, an otherwise good man, Kawaguchi says that the ex­

Finance Minister had the stigma of living with a nun. He further

states that a lama traveling companion was a 'pedantic scholar'

who knew nothing of the essential principles of Buddhism, and

had only a vague notion of the doctrines. Kawaguchi admits, he

was 'loth to remain with so dissipated a priest'. The tutor of the

Tashi Lama, supposed to be a scholar, was disappointing in his

answers on grammar. Among the lamas the truly good and sound

61

were few and far between. The Tibetan priesthood, Kawaguchi

thought, contained plenty of rubbish, with very few diamonds.

With evident pain Kawaguchi comments that the main purpose of

the Tibetans in entering priesthood was only to procure the

highest amount of fortune and fame. To seek religious truth and to

work for man's spiritual deliverance was not, he felt, what most

of them wished to do. They simply desired, he says, to escape

from the painful struggle of life, and enjoy lazy and comfortable

days on earth as well as in heaven. However, accepting the above

observation Francis Y ounghusband remarked, "Practically the

religion of the Tibetans is but of a degraded form." Still he is

persuaded to make some allowance, because he adds, "yet one

does see gleams of real radiation... Deep down under the dirty

crust there must be some hidden source of strength in these lamas,

or they would not exert the influence they do".28 In this regard

Swami Pranavanand blames the entire religious system for the

moral decay of the Tibetan monks and 'holy' men and the

consequential moral torpor in the whole nation. According to him,

"Since monks and nuns are initiated into the order at a tender age,

when they have absolutely no idea of the austere life they are to

lead, it is no wonder if they do not have a high standard of

morality. It is the system which is at fault rather than the

individuals. "29

28 Yonghusband, Francis, India and Tibet. Oriental Publishers, Delhi, 1971, pp, 310-16. 29 PranaYanand, Swami, Exploration in Tibet, Cniversity of Calcutta. 1950, P.85.

62

In the first stage of the Tibetans' refugee existence in India one of

the major problems which the refugee community faced was how

they could arrange for the proper rehabilitation of the refugee

lamas. Some among the clerics were reincarnate and learned

lamas, who were scholars and were the custodians of the great

traditions of learning of Tibetan Buddhism. The Tibetan

leadership, on its part, also fully realized the value and need of

preserving, the religio-intellectual system of Tibet. Hence with

the twin aim in view-to rehabilitate the monastic community and

to keep the religious traditions alive the monasteries and religious

institutions were established.

Apparently, within a relatively short period of time the Tibetans

in India have succeeded in creating the religious 'environment'

which is distinctly theirs. The Tibetans in exile have shown.

remarkable initiative and activity in quickly setting up their

religious institutions on the Indian soil. As the monastic

establishment has been the most essential feature of Tibetan

religion, the establishment of monasteries has engaged the best

attention of the Dalai Lama's Administration and to a certain

extent community effort has also been made in this direction.

If the continued practice of traditional rituals shows the un­

flagging faith and fervour of the individuals, the once most

powerful Tibetan religious institutions also, though now fallen on

63

evil days, still show their spirit of survival. The Tibetans continue

to draw sustenance from their conviction that they left their

country for the sake of 'saving their religion.' This is not only

explicit in the statements of their leaders, but also articulated

through the desires and efforts of the entire refugee population.

The same realization is expressed in other ways also, for instance,

in the choice of the country of domicile, if they had permanently

to settle down outside Tibet. A great majority of respondents

expressed their distinct preference for either India which from

times immemorial has been a centre of pilgrimage to them and

which every Tibetan wanted to visit at least once iii his or her

lifetime, or any other Buddhist country. The factors determining

the choice could be safely categorized under two heads: religious,.

and other-than-religious.

In the scale of relative advantages of settling down in India or the

West, the vast majority of the refugees felt that those who had

settled in the West, had many material advantages but the

advantages were offset by the lack of religious 'atmosphere',

which they enjoyed while residing in India. The values attached to

their preference for India were invariably articulated through

religious symbols. India was the birth-place of Lord Buddha; the

very country where the Buddha attained enlightenment and

preached his first sermon to the world. The Tibetans call India

'Fagul', i.e. a holy land, the land of the Buddha and many saints

and sages, a country where there are many sacred Buddhist

pilgrim centres. Moreover, it is the country where their God-King,

the Dalai Lama, along with many 'Tullru', lamas, i.e. the

reincarnate lamas, has taken refuge.

In India the Tibetan refugees have found the much-needed near­

homely and secure environment. They are happy and grateful that

India has offered them the maximum opportunities to pursue their

religious and cultural aims. In this context it can be well

appreciated why one of the changes that disturbs many of them is

the declining religiosity of the younger generation which they feel

is becoming 'individualistic' and 'materialistic'.

Religion, thus, is the primary concern of the Tibetan refugees; it is

their heart and soul. It would be interesting to see how this

abiding faith strives with the newly emerging socio-economic

forces that have already laid a grip upon the Tibetan younger

generation growing up in India.

Since the Dalai Lama shifted his headquarters to Dharamsala

from Mussoorie in the year 1960, the place has become the centre

of pilgrimage to the Tibetans and other followers of Buddhism.

Dharamsala is a small town situated at the foot of the Himalayas,

north-west India, in the Himachal Pradesh. This deserted hill­

resort has thus suddenly assumed importance on the world map.

Since 1960 in this sleepy hill station many religious, educational

political and cultural institutions have been established by the

65

Tibetans so much so that some parts of the town have turned into

exclusively Tibetan localities. The town itself has come to be

known as 'Little-Lhasa'. The newly built residence of the Dalai

Lama called 'Thekchen Choling' is the Indian 'Potala' and

includes the personal residence of the Dalai Lama, his office and

personal monastery.

There stands in front of the Dalai Lama's residence a Buddhist

temple built in 1969. The temple is acclaimed as a fme specimen

of Tibetan architecture and craftsmanship. In the centre of

McLeod Ganj in upper Dharamsala a beautiful chorten (stupa) has

been installed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama, along with prayer

cylinders, which has added to the sacred atmosphere of the place.

At the time ofthe Tibetan New Year and the 'Great Prayer' Dhar­

amsala revives the glory of Lhasa, when thousands of Tibetan

pilgrims visit this town for earning virtue. Even the poorest

Tibetan refugee saves enough to be able to make the pilgrimage to

Dharamsala on this occasion. On this occasion Dharamsala is at

its religious best; in the truest sense the place is transformed into

the symbol of the deep religious faith of the Tibetans. The

celebration continues for a few days together. Everyday special

prayers are held and sermons are delivered by the Dalai Lama and

other holy abbots.

66

Not only on these special occasions but at all times the Dalai

Lama continues to command the charisma and holiness which he

held in Tibet, though with a lesser display than before.

Throughout the year people from all walks of life and all parts of

the world, both Buddhist and non-Buddhist, come to pay their

homage to the 'Living Buddha' and seek qis blessings. Most of

the Tibetans who come present the ceremonial scarf (Khatak) to

the Dalai Lama, as a symbol of reverential offering, scarf-offe1ing

among the Tibetans being the symbol of highest reverence.

The Tibetan refugees settled all over India are also doing their

best to maintain the religious traditions. Moreover in India

wherever the Tibetan refugee settlements are located, the refugees

have built chorten (stupa), gompas (monasteries) or temples, or all

the three, and these provide ample evidence of not only the

'Tibetans' full-hearted devotion and deep religious faith but their

finer craftsmanship which has, as always in past, stemmed from

their intense faith and devotion. In the refugee settlements one can

still see the traditional rituals being gone through with the deepest

religious fai~ such a ritual being the Tibetans' circumnabulating

the religious monuments (stupa, temple and monasteries). They

recite prayers with fervour and deep faith; in fact, old people are

seen reciting them almost throughout the day and night. Rosaries

and prayer-wheels are turned round and mantras are recited.

Inside the prayer-wheels and prayer-cylinders mani-mantras

written several times on slips of papers, are kept. The prayer-

67

wheels and prayer-cylinders are the ritualistic modes to earn

merit; though, at the same time, one must admit that such rituals

have made religion mechanical.

Tibetan refugees are also seen constructing mani-walls, the tops

of which are adorned with slabs engraved with the mani-mantras.

This is also a part of the ritual to earn virtue in this life. Another

important ritual is to read and recite the sacred books and thus

earn merit. The educated ones read the books themselves, the

unlettered engage others to recite for them. Lamas pray in the

monasteries often to the accompaniment of musical instruments,

such as short and long horns, bells and copper plates. They sing in

choir or pray rhythmically, blowing conch-shells during their

prayers. Lamas of the Nyingma sect, mostly, are commissioned to

pray in the laymen's houses on the occasions of marriage, birth,

sickness and death. These lamas are supposed not only to earn

merit and blessings for all but to ward off evil spirits, both

considered essential on these important occasions.

Most of the rituals connected with birth, death and mamage,

which were an integral part of the religious life in Tibet continue

to be followed in the state of exile. Butter-oil lamps and incense

are burnt in the monasteries, temples, stupas, and even in the

private altars, though at places due to economic reasons butter-oil

lamps are replaced by electric bulbs. Offerings are made to the

Triple Gems (Buddha, Dharma and Sangha). These offerings

68

consist of bowls of water and grain along with oil lamps, incense,

flowers and food. Gifts are given to the lamas and monasteries

and alms are distributed to the poor. At times other acts of

compassion are also done, e.g. releasing caged birds or throwing

into water live fish caught in the fisherman's net, in order to avert

evil influences. In India, as previously in Tibet, the momentous

Kalachakra, in Tibetan, Kukhoer Wangchen (Wheel of Time),

sermons have been delivered by the Dalai Lama. Kalacakra is one

of the most elaborate Tibeto-Buddhist rituals and is delivered by a

Dalai Lama only a few times during his life-time, six being the

customary maximum. The present Dalai Lama's sixth such

sermon was delivered at Leh (Ladakh, India) in 1976 at which

there was a vast congregation of the Tibetan refugees and

Buddhists from the entire Himalayan belt and also a few from

abroad. The present Dalai Lama has gone farther up to more than

20 Kalchakra puja, which emphasized changing nature of Tibetan

religion.

Everywhere in India where the Tibetans are clustered one can see

the tharchock (prayer flags), bearing different colours and

embossed with Buddhist prayers, flying aloft on trees, poles,

houses or hill-tops. These always help one to recognize the

Tibetan colonies or houses. The flags are supposed to be a guar­

antee for long life, material prosperity and defeat and rout of the

evil spirits. More than all this the flags also symbolize the

undying continuity of the hoary Tibetan tradition. Some of the

69

Tibetan refugees have also continued their traditional practice of

painting religious scrolls (thankas), and a few have taken to

writing religious books (Buddhist classics and commentaries) by

hand. It is their belief that these occupations are not only for

earning their livelihood or fulfilling the monastic requirements

but also for accumulating virtue and merit. In this way the Tibetan

refugees in India are still maintaining the essence of their religion,

including the accretions of astrology, magic and supernatural,

though only for economic reasons, the old splendor cannot be

possibly displayed any more.

What is of great importance from the sociological angle is that the

Tibetan refugees have been able to recreate a nucleus of the old

order and additionally though their strong initiative have also

developed monastic satellite societies. In this way the Tibetans

have shown remarkable initiative and activity in holding on to

their traditional threads and weaving the fabric of their unique

religio-sociallife anew on the Indian soil. In this way Tibetans in

exile are making the best efforts to keep alive their cultural

heritage and are erecting their typical religious institutions. To the

above end they have managed once again to ,move the wheel of

their monastic life and to a great extent prevent any snapping of

ties with their traditions.

The Four Sects

70

At the beginning of their stay in India, at Buxa (Jalpaiguri district

in west Bengal), they set up a 'Lama Ashram' which marked the

beginning of rehabilitation of the Tibetan religious functionaries

in India. Initially this institution functioned as a 'unified'

monastery for the followers of the different Tibetan Buddhist

sects, e.g. Gelug, Sakya, Kagyu and Nyingma. A great majority of

the lama were, however, the followers of the Gelug sect and came

from its 'big three' monasteries, viz., Sera, Drepung and Ganden

(all located in the neighborhood of Lhasa). The Buxa institution

itself, which had become for all practical purposes a residential

academy for the Gelukpa monks, was later on shifted to Palampur

in Himachal Pradesh where in the better climatic conditions the

academy was substantially developed and extended.

In the year 1963, at the direction of His Holiness the Dalai Lama,

the Tibetan Council for Cultural and Religious Affairs, called a

meeting of the four main sects of Tibetan Buddhism (Sakya.,

Kagyu, Nyingma and Gelug), for their unification as well as for

urging them to make collective efforts to unify and strengthen the

basic Tibetan beliefs. On this occasion in this speech the Dalai

Lama laid a strong emphasis on the importance of the role of

religion and religious leaders in the political as well as the

spiritual fields. He emphasized that it was substantially because of

the loss of their spiritual freedom at the hands of the Chinese that

they had to leave Tibet and seek shelter in India. Another meeting

of the Tibetan leaders presided over by the Dalai Lama, was held

71

at Bodh Gaya, in the year 1966. The meeting resolved that each of

the four main Tibetan orders should take up the task of providing

its own religious centres in India. The main purpose of

· establishing these centres was to preserve the Tibetan Buddhist

tradition and ensure proper rehabilitation of the different monastic

groups among the Tibetan refugees. This was envisaged as one of

the positive methods towards and preservation of the religious

traditions of each sect and Tibetan Buddhism on the whole.

The above objective has already been substantially achieved and

minor monasteries or branches of the four main sects have sprung

up in every Tibetan settlement on the Indian soil. Considering the

long-standing and acute rivalries among these sects in the

traditional Tibetan society, the constructive and joint move

towards ending sectarianism and establishment of unity could be

described as a landmark in the religious life of the exiled

Tibetans. A number of monks belonging to the Sakya, Kagyu and

Nyingma sects have been resettled by their followers in various

parts of India. It is worth mentioning here that the Sakya sect, one

of the most ancient in Tibetan Buddhism, has built its monastery

at Rajpur in Dehra Dun district(U.P.) The head of the Sakyapa

sect, Trizin Sakya Rimpoche, lives in India with his family. As

the headship of the sect is hereditary, its head is allowed to marry.

Gyalwa Karmapa Rimpoche, the head of the Kagyu sect, who was

one of the highest reincarnate lamas among the Tibetans, had

established the Rumtek monastery in Sikkim. The monks and

72

followers of this sect in Mysore also have gone ahead with their

plans to construct a complex of monastic buildings in the Cauvery

Valley settlement.

Likewise the chief Nyingmapa Lama, Dudjom Rimpoche, has

established a monastery at Kalimpong near Drujeeling (West

Bengal). The sect has also set up some small monasteries in other

parts of India, one of them being in the Chandragiri settlement in

Orissa, and another at Rewalsar in Himachal Pradesh. The great

monastery of the Panchen Lama, T echilhunpo, at Shigatse in

Tibet is reported to have accommodated nearly 4,000 monks.

Though the Panchen Lama joined the Chinese camp and stayed

back in Tibet, here in India efforts are being made to preserve the

basic institutional framework and provide for the religious

continuity of the Tashilhunpo monastery. The monks and

followers of the Tashilhunpo monastery have built a replica of the

original Tashilhunpo in the Tibetan refugee settlement at

Byllakuppe in Mysore, with the aim of rallying and rehabilitating

the scattered monks and their followers from the sacred

monastery. The main Gelukpa monastery, however, has been

established at Dharamsala.

Meanwhile in 1959, two tantric colleges had also been established

at Dalhousie (Himachal Pradesh), evidently with the aim of keep­

ing alive the tantric traditions of Tibetan Buddhism. In Dalhousie

itself, in the year 1961, a home-cum-school for the young lamas

73

was founded, and was given the name of Mahayana 1\tfonastic

House. However, subsequently and gradually as the different

sects set up their institutions at different Indian centres, Sera,

Drepung and Gaden monasteries also established their miniature

Tibetan counterparts in order to preserve their distinct identities.

Each of the monasteries has its Abbot, collegial council, sectarian

organization, and examination system for the conferment of

degrees.

At all these institutions the traditional chores of the Tibetan

monk's life are as systematically gone through as in Tibet. The

same faith leads the members of the holy orders on. Their daily

life revolves around the congregational prayers, tutorials and

debates. The student monks read and memorize numerous

Buddhist classics and commentaries. Each monastic college has

its own syllabus. At all the institutions strict discipline is

maintained and the inmates spend most of their time in studies

and prayers. All this testifies to the innate strength of the

organized religion and religious faith of the Tibetan refugees, in

spite of difficulties the monks have managed to revolve once

again the wheels of their monastic life which continues to vitalize

their lives even in the changed environment.

When the Tibetans had to leave Tibet and seek refugeehood in

India and elsewhere the odds against them were tremendous,

despite which they have had the task of religious and cultural

74

rehabilitation completed, if not fully, at least substantially. It may

not be easy to comprehend the handicaps from which they had to

suffer in this great organizational task. There were practically no

economic endowments for the upkeep of the monasteries. Though

a part of the necessary resources might have come by way of

donations from outside, the task has been mainly achieved with

the voluntary efforts of the followers of the different orders. This

clearly indicates the unsagging religious fervour and fellowship of

the Tibetans and the way they have overcome their drooping

morale. The monastic establishments have had to contend with

the fact that a refugee population would not be able to sustain

such a large number of monks. Hence efforts have been made to

link up the monastic establishments with some economic

enterprises, which would enable the inmates to sustain themselves

economically. The reiteration will not be unjustified that thanks to

the collective efforts of the Tibetan refugees, their old monastic

structure has been re-established and replicated within an admir­

ably short time, though on a much reduced scale; yet the question

that remains to be answered is about the stability of the clergy, i.e.

the number of people joining the Lamaist order, and any

quantitative as well as qualitative slide down in this regard. In the

first instance the answer should be sought in the situation created

by the erosion of the great economic support which the Lamaist.

Church used to enjoy in Tibet.

75

The Council of Religious and Cultural Affairs of the Dalai

Lama's Administration in exile closely oversees the spiritual and

cultural needs and activities of the entire Tibetan refugee

community. The Council maintains contact with the Tibetan

Buddhists as well as with the Buddhists of other countries. It also

ensures that the voice of each Tibetan Buddhist sect is represented

in the Tibetan administration in India in order to facilitate the

proper development of all the sects in the present state of exile.

The Tibetan leadership is equally keen to preserve Tibetan

religion and culture amongst the youngest generation and to

prevent the growth of undesirable tendencies mainly that of

alienation, among them.

To preserve and foster the pristine religious heritage of the

Tibetans the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives was estab­

lished at Dharamsala, in the year 1971. The institution also

conducts under its aegis regular courses in Tibetan Buddhism. So

far a great number of students from various Asian and European

countries have attended these courses besides students coming

from Canada, U.S.A. and Latin America. Tibetans in India

proudly claim that through this institution they have been able to

broadcast the gospel of the Buddha far and wide. But more

important than this purpose is the efficacy of the institution in

maintaining and preserving the continuity of Tibetan religion and

culture, the Tibeto-Buddhist philosophy, classics and

commentaries, along with their systems of ideation. The library

76

has also fulfilled the aim of preserving Tibetan books and rare

manuscripts brought by the refugees from the famous monasteries

of Tibet.

The establishment of the Tibetan Music, Dance and Drama

Society (Bho Ki Dhoegar) in 1960 was another landmark in the

direction of keeping alive the Tibetan cultural tradition. Based at

Dharamsala the institution aims at preserving the rich tradition of

the Tibetan opera and lama dances. The members of the society

give regular performances which enact the various facets of

Dharma. The institution has organized the Tibetan sacred dance

ensemble. There are also performances of the mystery dances

which highlight both the sacred and secular aspects of the Tibetan

life. Some of the dances are based on the famous legendary epic

hero, Ling Gesar, who, according to the Tibetans, was the greatest

protector of Dharma. Ritual dances are also performed exhibiting

all their mystic intonations. According to Tibetan belief these

dances owe their origin to the great Indian mystic saint

Padmasambhava who, in the hoary days of the past, restored the

sanctity of Dharma in Tibet. This is also a voluntary organization

and depends on its own resources, though it happens to be a wing

of the Council for Tibetan Education and that way of the Tibetan

Administration in exile. The society has been giving regular

performances at various Indian centres and has also visited the

foreign countries.

77

Another achievement towards maintaining the cultural continuity

was the establishment of the Buddhist School of Dialectics in the

year 1973 at Dharamsala. This was followed by the setting up of

the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies at Samath,

Varansi(U.P.), registered in 1977. The Tibetans' cherished goal is

to develop these institutions into the highest centres of learning

and research in Tibetan language, religious literature and other

typically Tibetan disciplines. In fact in the recent years, outside

the closed environs of Tibet, Tibetan Buddhism has reached a

new milestone by forging extensive links throughout the world,

particularly with those countries where people of the Buddhist

persuasion live, and with the people of other religions as well.

It is interesting to note that wherever Tibetans have settled, even

in small numbers, they have e.stablished their own institutions,

viz., Buddhist societies, monasteries or meditation centres. One

can fmd such institutions in the United Kingdo~ Switzerland, the

Netherlands, U.S.A., South Africa and New Zealand apart from

different parts of India, Bhutan and Nepal where the refugees

have settled in bulk and where naturally the number of such

institutions is larger. Non-Tibetans can hardly realize the intensity

of the Tibetans' desire to be blessed in their localities by their

God-King and other high lamas. Fully conscious of this popular

desire the Dalai Lama and other heads of the different sects have

made it a point to take to regular peregrinations. They visit the

78

Tibetan settlements wherever these are. This has certainly helped

in keeping up the religious faith and dedication of the people.

All these activities, to which they have been motivated by their

strongest aspiration and in which by and large they have had to

depend upon their own resources, show that the energies of the

Tibetan refugee community to a certain extent are being devoted

to the cause for which they left their country, which is articulated

as 'to save their religion and culture'. However, sociologically

speaking, one has to consider that any establishment will make all

efforts to maintain its integrity, and specially in the case of the

Tibetans this is truer than ever, as the establishment was

transplanted in a new environment with its essential features

basically unimpaired, through on a much reduced scale. One has

to see and analyze the degree of its acceptance by the refugee

community as a whole.

From its outward manifestations the religious fervour of the

Tibetans is still almost as strong as it ever was. The general

feeling among the Tibetan refugees, who were contacted, is that

of a certain kind of fear about the erosion of their religion and

religious institutions. A majority of tP.e respondents expressed that

they can hardly afford the costly practice any more and that

religion as a whole time and exclusive pursuit of a large number

of people at the cost of the community, as it was in the original

society, required serious reconsideration. It was gathered from the

79

Tibetan respondents, that there were instances of the Tibetan

people's resenting donations levied for construction or

maintenance of monasteries. Evidently new values are replacing

the old one, though frequently these are justified in tenns of

economic rationality or hardships.

The picture of the emerging psychology as drawn above is closely

related to the situation of uprootedness in which the monasteries'

economic viability has been seriously eroded. The monasteries

have also lost some other vital roles that they traditionally

performed for the community, most importantly as the only insti­

tutions of public education. In India the monasteries have had to

reduce their educational activities and are now more or less

exclusively concerned with religious education. A whole chain of

substantially secularized Tibetan schools on modem pedagogic

lines have come up in all the refugee settlements. Even though the

lamas still figure on the school boards, the educational contents

are patterned on the model of 'general schools'. The newly drawn

distinction between the sacred and the secular education is clearly

indicated in this change.

The devaluation of the Tibetan monastic order in the changed

situation may be seen from other angles. In the traditional system,

the high dignitaries of the monastic establishment lived in

magnificent isolation from the community. It is true that through

the cadre of 'lay' monks the monasteries had a network of

80

contacts and reciprocal functions with the community. But the

higher clergy lived in splendid ivory-tower seclusion. The 'godly'

status of the lamas, at least in popular image, was built upon the

esoteric style in which they lived. Leaving some larger monastic

establishments, the Tibetan lamas in India are also forced to live

in the community. The charisma of the high lamas seems to be

fast wearing out. Some of the respondents went to the extent of

expressing that they were hurt to see the 'devaluation' in the

status of their God-King, the Dalai Lama. In support of their

statement they offered the clarification that the Dalai Lama had

become far too easily accessible, while in Tibet it used to be a

rare good fortune to get his blessings or even have a glimpse of

him.

Some of the respondents regretted that the strict code of conduct

prescribed for the lamas is fast breaking down; in Tibet the lamas

were not allowed to visit anybody's house unless on a religious

purpose, or to go to any public place like market etc. women

entered the monasteries very rarely and that too with special

permission; no 'lay' person could stay in a monastery after the

evening hour. In addition to the factors discussed above, which

have caused the erosion of the organized bases of religion the

Chinese methods or tactics of mass education itself also started

this process, at least to some extent. Their manner of thamzing

(sort of public prosecution of humiliation) of the lamas included

making them sit in front of the deity without food, taunting that

81

their god should satisfy their hunger. Contrary to the popular

belief that the country and the people were protected by their

religious incarnations, when the Tibetans saw them helpless like

ordinary mortals, it must have given them a rude shock and

violently shaken their religious faith.

This is a far cry from the respect with which a lama was looked

upon in the traditional Tibetan society which considered a lama

omnipotent. In India also the sharp change from the traditional

situation is clearly visible. The monasteries no longer attract men

and women because these have to depend entirely on the charity

of the refugee Tibetan community. There is much economic

stringency and hardship everywhere. Another direction of change,

as an offshoot of the financial insecurity, is in the recruitment to

the monasteries. In Tibet generally the parents sent their children

when still very young to the monasteries. This enhanced the social

prestige of the family. In the changed situation in India, the Dalai

Lama has ruled that a person can be initiated into the monastic

order only on his attaining the age of 17, i.e. after attaining

majority. But it appeared that the rule was not always strictly

followed. One can still see some very young lamas in the Tibetan

monasteries set up in India.

Changes in some vital aspects of the traditional order was

relatively more pronounced, for instance, in the educational

system, which in the traditional society was completely geared to

82

the needs of the religious order, and was subservient to it. Simply

stated. every 'Tibetan was educated in a religious way'. The

respondents were asked about the 'shape' of the 'future'

educational system and most of them favoured modem

educational system.

The conclusion is inevitable that the Tibetan mind that had

remained closed for centuries together is now flinging the wind­

ows open. In this cmmection a long dialogue with a Tibetan

refugee-a Khampa warrior who had taken part in the abortive

Khampa insurrection against the Chinese occupation forces­

yielded interesting information. Even with his warlike Khampa

background and his active participation in the war of national

liberation, the respondent showed the amulet that he was wearing

and stated that he had believed and still believed that the amulet

was a divine talisman which gave him absolute security against

all weapons or missiles. When asked why despite his amulet he

had failed and had been compelled to take to his heels, his naive

reply was that everything was the fruit of his karma, which must

guide the source of his life. This shows the working of the

average Tibetan mind. As against this the new manifestations of a

questioning attitude towards the traditional religion should be

considered as a revolutionary dimension of the working of the

Tibetan refugee mind.

83