Elisabeth Keller 07.04.2023

The Terminology of Ruling in the Vinland Sagas

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Elisabeth Keller 07.04.2023

Approach and Outline:

The objective of this paper is to examine what terminology is used to describe rulers -

both worldly, religious and divine in the Vinland sagas – Grænlendingasaga1 and Eiríks saga

rauða2. Since my intention is not to find out about what “really” happened or who was who,

but hopefully to gain some insight on how the writers of the Vínland Sagas related to their

leaders and God and/or how they imagined their ancestors’ relationship to those, the factuality

of the sagas contents is not an issue so much as their content is the premise for the study.

In order to gain a clear overview I will start with making the appropriate statistics for

both sagas. I will then be able to see which different terms and denominations are the most

commonly used, in what context they can be found and if there is anything else in particular

that catches the eye. I also intend to further examine each of the vocabulary-statistics by

asking the same set of questions and to follow Halldórsson by also asking: “[…] why any

particular saga may have been written.”3

A short introduction of the two sagas in question seems in order, they are also made

available as an attachment with the statistically relevant words highlighted.

Eiríks saga rauða is known to us from Hauksbók or AM 544 4to from the 14th century

and from Skálholtsbók or AM 577 4to from the 15th century. It is somewhat longer than

Grænlendingesaga. While Grænlendingasaga is known to us from Flateyjarbók, existant only

in one manuscript and described as “ a calfskin codex, Gks. 1005 fol., written in 1387-94 for

Jón Hákonarson by the priest Jón Þórðarson and Magnus Þórhallson”4 But let us take a look at

the statistical material now.

Initial statistics for the Vinland sagas:

Old Norse Norwegian/ English/ German translation

Comments Eiríks saga rauða

Grænlendinga saga

Total amount

herkonungr Hærkonge/Heerkönig Chap.1: 2x 2x/0xkonungr Konge/king/König And

derivatives (names, places)

Chap.1: 4xChap.5: 7xChap.7: 1xChap.8: 1xChap.12: 1x

14x/0x

Jarl Jarl/ Earl/ Jarl (später And Chap.1: 1x Chap.3: 1x/3x

1 Meaning: saga of the Greenlanders, abbreviated GS2 Meaning: saga of Eirik the Red, abbreviated ES3 Halldórsson, Ólafur:”The Vinland Sagas” in: Andrew Wawn and Þórunn Sigurðardóttir (ed.s): Approaches to Vínland, Reykjavík, 2001, p.394 Et kalveskinds codex, Gml. kgl. sml. 1005 fol., skrevet i 1387-94 for Jón Hákonarson af præsten Jón Þórðarson og Magnus Þórhallson. See: http://heimskringla.no/wiki/Kildeindex#F

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Herzog) derivatives (names, places)

3x

ættstórr maðr

Mann av stor ætt/highborn man/ von edler Herkunft

Chap.1: 1x 1x/0x

Hirð Hird/court/Hof Chap.5: 1x 1x/0xHirðmaðr Hirdmann/retainer/

Gefolgsmann des KönigsChap.3: 1x

0x/1x

yðvarr Eder/Thy/Ihr Chap.5: 2xChap.8: 1x

3x/0x

höfðing Høvding/Chief/Häuptling Chap.5: 1x Chap.7: 1x

1x/1x

guð Gud/God/Gott Chap.6: 2xChap.8: 2x

4x/0x

rauðskeggjaði

Den rødskjeggede/the red bearded/der Rotbärtige

Here synonyme for Thor

Chap.8: 1x 1x/0x

Kristr Kristus/Christ/Christus Chap.8: 1x 1x/0xÞór Tor/Thor/Thor Chap.8: 1x 1x/0xfulltrúann Min fulltro venn/ my most

faithful friend/mein volltreuer Freund

Another synonyme for Thor

Chap.8: 1x 1x/0x

Byskup Biskop/bishop/Bischoff Chap.14: 3x Chap.1: 1xChap.9: 3x

3x/4x

munka reyni

Munkers prøve/ tester of monks/ Prüfer der Mönche

Chap.2: 1x

0x/1x

Foldar hallar dróttinn

(krigs-)Herre over Jordens hall/(war-)Lord over Earth’s hall/(Kriegs-)Herr der Erdenhalle

Chap. 2:1x

0x/1x

Tab.1

Summarizing statistics:

worldly religious divine TotalEiríks saga rauða (22 pages)

23 3 8 34

Grænlendingasaga (17 pages)

5 4 2 11

Tab. 2

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Elisabeth Keller 07.04.2023

1) Worldly leadership in the Vínland sagas

How are worldy leaders called in Eiríks saga rauða?

The word ”konungr” is with its 14 appearances the most commonly used of the terms

in question in ES5. However, it is not an unproblematic term for us readers. ”Konungr” is used

on a multitude of personae, and as Régis Boyer correctly states, it has nothing to do with our

idea of the word ”king”6. These kings were not, as kings often are romanticizingly imagined,

sitting in their thrones, ruling over large kingdoms. They were more like powerful travelling

chieftains constantly surrounded by a larger group of their closest friends and allies, who

helped them to control loosely cohesive areas of differing size, means and strategical

importance7. Their only means of keeping these areas united under their rule was a constant

demonstration of power and exchange of gifts for their loyalty. This was valid for all sorts of

kings and the Norse would therefore give them this fellow name.

The same can be said about the Norwegian jarls. In fact no obvious difference can be

found in ES. In theory a jarl8 should – in rank – be under the king but above other vassals, but

in chapter 1 of ES, we can read that “Þorsteinn gerðist herkonungr. Hann réðst til lags með

Sigurði jarli inum ríka, syni Eysteins glumru.”9 suggesting that Jarl Sigurd was the more

important figure of the two, otherwise one would expect the jarl riding with him. Also the

jarls of Lade competed with other princely lineages for the crown of Norway, several

Norwegian kings supposedly stem from their lineage.

In the saga Leifr Eiríksson, son of the condemned but very rich murderer and outcast

Eiríkr Þorvaldsson and grandson of the murderer and fugitive Þorvaldur Ásvaldsson gets to

know the Norwegian king on one of his travels and becomes part of his court. The Norwegian

king Óláfr Tryggvason is mentioned four times and given as the source of Leifs conversion

and his attempt to Christianize Greenland. Halldórsson believes this to be unlikely and

proposes Óláfr helgi Haraldsson instead10. Leifr knows how to properly address the king and

how to behave to his liking. This shows that he has knowledge of the European concept of

kingship and courtly manners, despite literally coming from the farthest corner of the known

5 Add ”herkonungr” and it appears 16 times in a history of roughly 22 pages length. ”Herkonungr” is seemingly only a variation of the same understanding of the word, but emphasizing the aspect of military leadership.6 Boyer, Régis: ”Review: Viking empires” in Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 60e Année, No. 5 Paris, 2005, p. 10737 Wallace, Birgitta Linderoth: ”An Archaeologist’s Interpretation of the Vinland Sagas” in: William W. Fitzhugh & Elisabeth I. Ward (ed.s): The North Atlantic Saga, Washington and London, 2000, p. 2268 English: earl9 http://heimskringla.no/wiki/Grænlendinga_saga meaning:“ Torstein made himself war-force king. He rode together with Sigurd jarl the mighty, son of Eystein Glumra” - my translation10 Halldórsson, Ólafur:”The Vinland Sagas” in: Andrew Wawn and Þórunn Sigurðardóttir (ed.s): Approaches to Vínland, Reykjavík, 2001, p.46

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world and from a not too flattering line of provenance at that, I will come back to this at a

later point.

Just the opposite can be said of Vífill, whom the saga attests a noble lineage, but who

got taken as a captive in the west and is a thrall until freed by Aud.

When Torstein – Eiriks youngest son – comes back with his men from their failed

attempt to go to Vinland, he has to remind his father that being a good host is being like a

good chieftain. Eirik quickly agrees with his son. I suspect the author wishes to ennoble this

rather unusual family.

How are worldy leaders called in Grænlendingasaga?

GS does not tell of kings, but of jarls. More specifically of one Eiríkr jarl, who hosts

Bjarni Herjólfsson and takes him into his service. I find it somewhat unclear who the writer

was thinking of, and will therefore elaborate a little bit on the question.

Is the author entitling Eiríkr rauði with the title of jarl, maybe implicating Eiríkr rauði to be

jarl of Greenland or is he talking about for instance Eiríkr Hákonarson, bastard son of Hákon

Sigurðsson11?

”[…] pushed by competition among complex chieftainships and emergent secondary

states, and fueled by growing wealth and population at home, this rapid expansion appeared

destined to complete the circumpolar circuit […]”12 Though economically motivated

exploration and expansion as McGovern and Wallace13 propose is a much more likely basis

for Eiríks and others emmigration from Norway/ Iceland to Greenland and further west, I find

it unlikely that the writer would give him such a high title. Eventhough he is rich and the

leader of the first settlement project in Greenland, he is said to be a murderer and an outcast

and first his son’s marriage to Guðriðr puts his family back on the map of the social elite14. To

entitle him jarl seems a little farfetched and nothing else suggests he is of noble lineage, as

most jarl-families would point to some mythical origin.

From the little information we get from GS it is not possible to deduce which family of

jarls this Eiríkr belongs to, but I remembered there being a jarl mentioned in ES and hoped he

might clarify the question.

11 also known as Hákon jarl inn ríki meaning Jarl Hakon the mighty – my translation12 McGovern, Thomas H.: “The archaeology of the Norse North Atlantic.” in Annual Reviews of Anthropology 19, Palo Alto, 1990, p. 33113 McGovern see above and Wallace, Birgitta Linderoth: ”An Archaeologist’s Interpretation of the Vinland Sagas” in: William W. Fitzhugh & Elisabeth I. Ward (ed.s): The North Atlantic Saga, Washington and London, 2000, p.22614 Konstam, Angus: Historical Atlas of the Viking World, London, 2005, p.111

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In ES we hear speak of Sigurðr jarl, whom I at first thought to be of the Ladejarls 15,

but then his name would be Sigurðr Hákonarson, while this sagas Sigurðr is said to be the son

of Eysteins Glumra, and hence from a different family of jarls. A family who holds land

everywhere from Møre to Oppland and Hedemark as well as the Orkneys16 the Orkneys being

a logical point of contact for westward travelling seafarers of the time - anyways the

coherence I was looking for was not there after all.

I therefore believe that this is merely an unclearly formulated passage in the text. That

it really tells of the two different persons one being Eiríkr jarl, possibly of the Ladejarls, and

the other one being Eiríkr rauði outlaw and founder of the first Norse colony on Greenland.

We also find the term höfðing in chapter 7, but it conveys almost no useful

information for our purpose. It is said about one ”mikill ok vænn”17 Skræling. Karlsefni

therefore assumes him to be their chieftain. This is seemingly irrelevant for this assignment as

he is the leader of the outsiders group. I do however believe it to be an indication of the

author’s own prejudices, as it can be seen in connection with the Germanic belief that

chieftains and later kings have divine blood in their veins giving them special powers and

enhancing their positive qualities and abilities therefore making them the best of their people.

How do they compare?

On the one hand ES is clearly concerned with the establishment of kingdom(s) in

Norway. GS on the other hand doesn’t pay any attention to this, but to a much smaller degree

points to the far spread establishment of earldoms around the Norse colonies. I have therefore

come to think that the authors must have had quite different agendas, and that the two sagas

must have originated in different environments, be they spacial, social or both. This would

effectively explain their dissimilar focus on worldly leadership. We should also consider the

possibility that GS simply is not written for the purpose of anything else than the telling of the

Vínland voyages, as Halldórsson proposes. Such an event seems to me too big to be told as

just a good story. Though considering that they had been almost forgotten in the centuries that

followed we can not dismiss the possibility completely either. So far I do believe that

reducing the saga to a mere fairytale would be a mistake. Maybe looking at both their views

on spiritual leadership will clarify this question somewhat?

15 This would have made a nice little line of the ladejarls: Sigur, Hákon and Eiríkr.16 See: Olav den helliges saga, kapittel 96. http://heimskringla.no/wiki/Olav_den_helliges_saga17 Meaning ”big and beautiful” – my translation, see: Grænlendingasaga, Chapter 7 http://heimskringla.no/wiki/Grænlendinga_saga

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2) Spiritual leadership in the Vínland sagas

How are spiritual leaders called in Eiríks saga rauða and Grænlendingasaga? How do they

compare?

Since the only kind of spiritual leader found in both sagas are bishops, I will discuss

the issue as one question for both sagas.

Both sagas make a point of Þorfinnr Karlsefni and his wife Guðríðr being the

ancestors of three bishops. In ES they appear as follows: bishop Þorlák, bishop Bjarnar and

bishop Brandr, while it is Brandr, Þorlák and Bjarnar in GS18. They also have silghtly

different familiy trees. Both seem to agree that Þorlák is one of Snorri Karlsefnissons

grandchildren, while Brandr is one of his great-grandchildren.

But the sagas seem to disagree on the account of Bjarnar’s pedigree. In ES he is said to

be bishop Þorláks great-grandson, while in GS he is said to be one of Þorfinnr Karlsefnis

great-grandchildren. Also notable is that both use Karlsefnisson as Snorres last name. This is

somewhat unusual given that Karlsefni is his fathers epithet, and that the namegiving

traditions where based on firstname and patronym19.

As Ólafur Halldórsson points out Guðríðr is prophesized a bright future for her

descendants in both sagas. He interprets this as an attempt to launch Bjørn Gilsson as Hólars

first saint, an attempt that failed and was eradicated from history, when the failure became

apparent20. This is certainly a possibility, but I find his ”evidence” a bit meager.

In the thirteenth century the church reformations that had taken place from the

beginning of the high Middle Ages onwards – initially much to the distress of the bishops

themselves, who saw their power and autonomy threatened21 – had successfully linked them

directly to the Papal see in Rome by means their position within the churches’ hierarchy and

their education.

Therefore we must see the bishops emphasized role not as a means of showing that

even in these farthest corners of the Christian world, one was at the same intellectual level as

the rest of Europe and knew the European codes of conduct, but as an indicator that these

forms and thoughts were already thouroughly incorporated into the intellectual cultural goods

18 And according to Halldórsson it is Bjarnar, Þorlák, Brandr in Stúrluboks geneology, see: Halldórsson, Ólafur:”The Vinland Sagas” in: Andrew Wawn and Þórunn Sigurðardóttir (ed.s): Approaches to Vínland, Reykjavík, 2001, p.4319 Meaning that the surname derives from the father’s first name.20 Halldórsson Halldórsson, Ólafur:”The Vinland Sagas” in: Andrew Wawn and Þórunn Sigurðardóttir (ed.s): Approaches to Vínland, Reykjavík, 2001, p.4721 Reuter, Timothy: ”Introduction to the 2002 Edition” in Adam of Bremen’s History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, New York, 2002, p. xii and xv

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of the Icelandic elite.22 By the time we can assume that the sagas were finally written down,

they were well established within this newer more linear church structure and “Christian

European literary culture was not just present in Iceland, but in fact the dominant norm […]”23

3) Divinity in the Vínland sagas

How is the Divine portrayed in Eiríks saga rauða?

I will try to use some tools of literary analysis in order to shed some light on the

vocabulary used by the two sagas on this subject.

On the one hand ”guð” is the dominant name used in ES for the Christian God,

appearing a total of four times and suggesting a uniform understanding of the monotheistic

concept of divinity. The Trinity of God was not a big focus in Germanic Christian writing.

Especially the Northern Germanic peoples had been Christianized comparably late, and

according to their lawtexts clinged to many of their old beliefs, superstitions and traditions

and therefore were ”prone” to confuse trinity with polytheism. It therefore seems only proper

to emphasize Gods unity more than his Trinity. The only other name given to God is here

Kristr, and it is a heathen that uses Kristr instead of guð, placing it somewhat within the frame

of his attributed polytheistic understanding of divinity. This does not necessarily reflect reality

but indicates how the author imagines this to be.

On the other hand and in contrast to Grænlendingesaga, which I will discuss in a short

while, ES mentions Thor as a representative of the Old Norse pantheon. Thor is given not one

but three different names: a) rauðskeggjaði – a common attribute given to Thor24, Þór and

fulltrúann25. The latter indicates Eiríks relationship to the god. Giving Thor many names is

also coherent with him being part of a multitude of Gods. Not that the Christian God does not

have many names himself – the 9th century Heliand brilliantly defies that notion – but they

are not used in the saga.

If we consider the information given in the saga concerning the namegiving in Eirík’s

family as a premise, it is reasonable to assume that Thor was his family’s favourite God. This

is not an unknown phenomenon, but rather the norm when we look at the families’

namegiving tradition in Old Norse sources.

22 Frakes, Jerold C.: ”Vínland and the Discourse of Eurocentrism” in The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, Vol. 100, No. 2, Chicago, 2001, p. 16623 Frakes, Jerold C.: ”Vínland and the Discourse of Eurocentrism” in The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, Vol. 100, No. 2, Chicago, 2001, p. 16124 Davidson, H.R. Ellis: Gods and Myths of Northern Europe, repr. Middlesex, 1990, p. 8525 Translations given in the statistics above

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Kirsten Wolf, comparing the accounts of settlement in Vínland with the immigration

of Icelanders to Canada in the 1870’s, finds a convincing parallel in the way people expressed

themselves literally and says that there is ”the urge to assert unity in a time of initial conflict

and, […] a type of re-engagement with the past through the nurturing of a cultural myth [...]”

in order to build a ”bridge between cultures now […] severed”26. ES’s description of the

divine can be understood in that way, as building a bridge between the polytheistic and heroic

past and the monotheistic and chaotic state in the present of the author. Not least are the

heroes mainly heathen but the ancestors of a total of three Icelandic bishops.

Another reason for this could be the medieval belief that everything goes to hell –

literally. Many were convinced that history was continuing in a constant downwards spiral,

where Man started in Paradise and is doomed to live under ever worsening conditions until

Judgement day comes.

How is divinity portrayed in Grænlendingasaga?

In GS God only appears in a poetic little prayer said by one “southern islander”27 for

protection on their sea voyage, since these always were a hazardous affair.

He first calls God “the tester of monks” indicating the constant temptations everyone –

but the monastic clergy in the highest possible degree – were supposed to protect themselves

from. That neither monks nor nuns nor other celibate clergymen were always able to resist

temptation is well known throughout both the Medieval and the Early Modern world28 and can

be explained among other things by the fact that a lot of them never were following any

vocation, but being put in cloisters by their families, as orphans, as punishment, etc. Of course

even the actually devout were not safe from getting tempted as almost everything was not

only sinful but as is the nature of man so much more tempting when forbidden.

We must therefore assume that the seclusion, personal poverty and strictly governed

days, often marked by self-denial and penance, sometimes to the extreme, were not the idea of

what life should be like for everyone submitted to these principles. God is therefore seen to

constantly test the faith and obedience of his most devout servants.

26 Wolf, Kirsten: ”The Recovery of Vínland in Western Icelandic Literature.” in: Andrew Wawn and Þórunn Sigurðardóttir (ed.s): Approaches to Vínland. A Conference on the written and archaeological sources for the Norse ettlements in the North-Atlantic region and exploration of America. Reykjavík 9-11 August 1999, Reykjavík, 2001, p. 20927 Suðrey being the Old Norse name for the Hebrides28 Semmingsen, Ingrid (ed.): ”Fråtsing, drikk og usedelighet i klostrene” in Norges kulturhistorie, bind 2, Oslo, 1979, p. 41

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This could of course be the prayer of seafarers in the early days of a Christian

Scandinavia, but then one might expect to find it elsewhere. After so many years of oral

transmission it is also rather unlikely to be the exact wording of a potential Hebridian servant

or slave on a sea voyage in the North Atlantic West. More likely it seems to me that the

author himself is shining through here, or that he is making a general observation on the

subject.

In the next verse he calls God “foldar hallar dróttinn29” which is somewhat peculiar, as

dróttinn is not only a Germanic chieftain, but one leading a war-force of some sort, of course

God leads the celestial forces of his angels. The picture of God seen as a chieftain or king is

not uncommon in Germanic iconography. And even after a successful conversion the way of

expressing ideas within a society would not be immediately overthrown rather than adapted to

the new needs30. Which is what I believe is the case here. The author wishes to express a

certain fellow-germanic cultural unity and simply uses an archaism in order to bridge the gap.

How do they compare?

One could argue that while the author of ES is trying to express religious unity over

the stretch of time from around 1000-1200, the author of GS tries to express cultural unity

across the stretch of space Hebrides/ Norway/ Iceland/ Greenlandand/ Vínland and religion –

Old Norse vs. Christian. Many scholars believe that the sagas are a means of procuring

legitimacy for the elite’s claims to power and property when Iceland unstable, and sometimes

they could contain genuine traditions31. Though Andersson has successfully suggested a

course closer to that of Wolf, that of reconciliation in times of need.32

Conclusions:

The Vinland sagas differ greatly in their emphasis on and use of terms for different

kinds of rulers. Though both describe the supposedly same events33, they describe the

underlying structures necessary for the westward expansion very differently, though they both

seem to agree on the importance of bishops.

29 translation given in the statistics above30 Grabar, André: Christian Iconography: a Study of its Origins, Princeton, 1968, p. xliii31 Smith, Kevin P.: “Landnám: The Settlement of Iceland in Archaeological and Historical Perspective” in World Archaeology, Vol. 26, No. 3, Colonization of Islands, Oxfordshire, 1995, p. 320 and 32232 Andersson, T. M.:“Review” in Speculum, Vol. 52, No. 1 Cambridge, 1977, p.16433 Though differing greatly in more than just the vocabulary used, also the general storyline on a number of events does not match.

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Eiríks saga rauða focusses much more on King and God(s), on powerstructures in

general, than does Grænlendingasaga – one might say it cares for the proper form, the divine

order with God and King at the top of a descending pyramid, emphasizing the different rulers

roles in the events that take place34.

The Grænlendinga saga, focusses less on King and God, but more on their followers –

the jarls and the bishops. It uses less than 1/3 of the total amount of terms considering the

ruling compared to Eiríks saga rauða, though it is only about 1/5 shorter. King and God are

completely missing, only in a little poem I find the allegorical ” munka reyni” and ” Foldar

hallar dróttinn”. It is notable that the king’s role has been substituted completely by the jarls.

All in all it must be considered to much less political than Eiríks saga rauða.

34 Oakley, Francis: ”Celestial Hierarchies Revisited: Walter Ullmann's Vision of Medieval Politics” in Past & Present, No. 60, Oxford, 1973, p.7-8

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Syllabus

Books and Articles:- Andersson, T. M.:“Review” in Speculum, Vol. 52, No. 1 Cambridge, 1977- Arthur, Ross G.: English – Old Norse Dictionary, Cambridge, Ontario, 2002- Boyer, Régis: ”Review: Viking empires” in Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 60e Année, No. 5 Paris, 2005- Davidson, H.R. Ellis: Gods and Myths of Northern Europe, Middlesex, 1990- Frakes, Jerold C.: ”Vínland and the Discourse of Eurocentrism” in The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, Vol. 100, No. 2, Chicago, 2001- Grabar, André: Christian Iconography: a Study of its Origins, Princeton, 1968- Halldórsson, Ólafur:”The Vinland Sagas” in: Andrew Wawn and Þórunn Sigurðardóttir (ed.s): Approaches to Vínland, Reykjavík, 2001- Konstam, Angus: Historical Atlas of the Viking World, London, 2005- McGovern, Thomas H.: “The archaeology of the Norse North Atlantic.” in Annual Reviews of Anthropology 19, Palo Alto, 1990- Oakley, Francis: ”Celestial Hierarchies Revisited: Walter Ullmann's Vision of Medieval Politics” in Past & Present, No. 60, Oxford, 1973- Reuter, Timothy: ”Introduction to the 2002 Edition” in Adam of Bremen’s History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, New York, 2002- Semmingsen, Ingrid (ed.): ”Fråtsing, drikk og usedelighet i klostrene” in Norges kulturhistorie, bind 2, Oslo, 1979- Smith, Kevin P.: “Landnám: The Settlement of Iceland in Archaeological and Historical Perspective” in World Archaeology, Vol. 26, No. 3, Colonization of Islands, Oxfordshire, 1995- Wallace, Birgitta Linderoth: ”An Archaeologist’s Interpretation of the Vinland Sagas” in: William W. Fitzhugh & Elisabeth I. Ward (ed.s): The North Atlantic Saga, Washington and London, 2000- Wolf, Kirsten: ”The Recovery of Vínland in Western Icelandic Literature.” in: Andrew Wawn and Þórunn Sigurðardóttir (ed.s): Approaches to Vínland. A Conference on the written and archaeological sources for the Norse ettlements in the North-Atlantic region and exploration of America. Reykjavík 9-11 August 1999, Reykjavík, 2001

Internet Resources:http://heimskringla.no/wiki/Eir%C3%ADks_saga_rau%C3%B0ahttp://heimskringla.no/wiki/Grænlendinga_sagahttp://heimskringla.no/wiki/Olav_den_helliges_sagahttp://heimskringla.no/wiki/Kildeindex#Fhttp://www.jstor.org

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