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The Spirit is Willing, But the Flesh is Weak:Contemporary Pan-Africanism and TheChallenges to A United States of AfricaAdesola [email protected]
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Recommended CitationAdeyemo, Adesola, "The Spirit is Willing, But the Flesh is Weak: Contemporary Pan-Africanism and The Challenges to A UnitedStates of Africa" (2018). Master's Theses. 1157.https://repository.usfca.edu/thes/1157
The Spirit is Willing, But the Flesh is Weak: Contemporary Pan-Africanism and The
Challenges to A United States of Africa Adesola A. Adeyemo
University of San Francisco Master’s in International Studies
Thesis
The Spirit is Willing, But the Flesh is Weak: Contemporary Pan-Africanism and The Challenges
to A United States of Africa In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
in
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
by Adesola A. Adeyemo
November 20, 2018
UNIVERSITY OF SAN FRANCISCO
Under the guidance and approval of the committee, and approval by all the members, this thesis project has been accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree.
APPROVED:
Adviser Date
________________________________________ ________________________
Academic Director Date
________________________________________ ________________________
Abstract:
Establishing a ‘United States of Africa’ to the average individual is deemed as a mythical idea in contemporary Africa, irrespective of the popularity of this idea several years ago. Today, the idea is idealized as overambitious – considering the balkanized state of the continent post-colonialization. Because of this, attempts made since then have favored enforcing regional integration over continental integration. Undeniably, this idea would not have come into being if it wasn’t for the concept of Pan-Africanism - which has for long guided the political and socio-economic policies created on the continent. The goal of this research is to explore the perceptions of Pan-Africanism on the continent tracing it from the past to the present conceptions. At the same time, this study aims to highlight efforts that have been made by the African Union - idolized to be a ‘renaissance of Pan-Africanism, towards continental integration. In turn analyzing whether continental integration will eventually occur – seeing as it is at the crux of the agendas laid out and encompassed in the philosophy.
Acknowledgements:
First, I would like to convey my sincere gratitude to Professor Paller and Professor Dowd-Uribe for believing in my abilities, most especially this research topic. Most especially Professor Paller who has been an excellent advisor and/or mentor and has contributed immensely to guiding me on how best to structure this thesis. Second, I would like to thank my parents and siblings for supporting me throughout my academic career at the University of San Francisco. All of this would not have been possible without all of them.
Table of Contents
Signature Page Abstract Acknowledgement Introduction...................................................................................................................................................1-20
Methodology ......................................................................................................................... 6-11 Literature Review ............................................................................................................. 11-20
Chapter1:TheEvolutionoftheConceptofPan-Africanism........................................................21-45
What is Pan-Africanism? ...................................................................................................... 21-23 Pan-Africanism in the Diaspora ....................................................................................... 23-28 Pan-African Congresses ................................................................................................... 28-31 Wave of Pan-Africanism in Africa ................................................................................... 32-37 Symbolic Pan-Africanism & Threat to State Sovereignty ............................................... 37-45
Chapter2:PerceptionofPan-AfricanisminContemporaryAfrica............................................46-65
How African Union Diplomats Perceive Pan-Africanism in Modern Day Africa ................ 48 Chapter3:Pan-AfricanisminPolicy:AUnitedStatesofAfrica?.................................................66-95
Seek Ye First the Economic Kingdom: Shift to Economic Policies from a Political Approach ......................................................................................................................................... .65-67 Regional Economic Communities (RECs) ...................................................................... 67-77 Agenda 2063: Africa We Want ....................................................................................... 77-80 African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) ............................................................ 80-87 African Passport .............................................................................................................. 89-95
Chapter4:BookEnding........................................................................................................................96-101
Bibliography............................................................................................................................................102-107
Appendix...................................................................................................................................................108-109
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Introduction
The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.
- Kwame Nkrumah (Africa Must Unite)
Without unity, there is no future for Africa. - Julius Nyerere
Continental integration today, primarily for the continent of Africa continues to be one of
the most controversial topics. This research is strategically titled “The Spirit is Willing, but the
Flesh is Weak: Contemporary Pan-Africanism and The Challenges to a United States of Africa.”
In other words, the transmutation of the continent of Africa into one country or a federal
government (Efrat, 1964), guided by a single government with the jurisdiction to control the
politically and economically feeble states within the continent. The idea of creating a ‘United
States of Africa’ has been in the Pan-African discourse in Africa for quite some time and has been
heavily contested within the continent and in the diaspora. The opinion of using Pan-Africanism
as a mechanism for the realization of the notion of a ‘United States of Africa’ dates back to the
period when African forefathers were struggling for independence from colonial rule. Bright
African Pan-Africanists like Kwame Nkrumah, Sekou Touré, Tom Mboya, Nnamdi Azikiwe,
Lumumba Patrick, and Julius Nyerere were amongst the many (African) proponents of this
doctrine.
In light of this, the main question driving this research asks; how do contemporary
understandings of Pan-Africanism and the African Union help us to better understand the
challenges and possibilities for a United States of Africa? Put differently, why is the concept of
Pan-Africanism endorsed on the continent but is yet to be put into practice? Essentially, why are
there large proponents of Pan-Africanism, explicitly those who are patrons of the reputable African
Union (an epitome of the Pan-African philosophy), but are still skeptical of applying the ideology
in reality by pushing the boundaries beyond the creation of an institution that does not entirely
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express the core values of the concept? Other questions that encircle this topic and research deal
with questioning; what has happened to pan-Africanism on the continent? does it still exist in ways
that it did 50 years ago?, how will a 'United States of Africa' play out locally and globally?,
alternatively, are there winners and losers to the fulfillment of the pan-African dream?, what are
the short-term and long-term outcomes, are there any substitutes to what constitutes as “African
unity?” what can be done to extricate the continent from generational curses and mistakes? what
has made it difficult for Africa to take charge of its destiny? how can Africans and African leaders
rethink re-integrating the core objectives of pan-Africanism into the present social, economic and
political state in Africa today? and can the ideas behind pan-Africanism save the continent? what
can save Africa from many more years of setbacks and disunity?
It has been over 50 years since Africa gained its “complete” independence from colonial
rule and or imperialism. With the established national identities and an emphasis on state
sovereignty in Africa today, putting the guiding philosophy of Pan-Africanism into practice as a
means to bring the vision of a United States of Africa to life has been overshadowed by its reduced
relevance in the political, socio-economic fabric of the continent. To put it another way, it is as a
consequence of the change in the understanding of the term Pan-Africanism. Particularly, a shift
from an emphasis on African political unity as a means to develop the pan-African agenda to one
that now indicates economic unity as integral to delivering the pan-African dream. Also, coupled
with the importance of state sovereignty as an impediment to realizing the an-African dream in
modern-day Africa. Irrespective of these changes and hurdles to the unification of the continent,
the doctrine of Pan-Africanism remains moderately relevant to Africans generally, to those who
claim to be Pan-Africanists, proponents of enabling the continent to attain economic and political
independence and or stability, and to those who foresee and anticipate a complete political and
socio-economic turnover or transformation for Africa. Notwithstanding, this is also where the
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problem lies as those who claim to be Pan-Africanists and maintain that they agree with Kwame
Nkrumah's way of thinking or affirm that they share his dream and vision for the progress and
unification of the continent are afraid to allow his ideas to become a reality, precisely concerning
the creation of a United States of Africa.
Along the same line, of recent, even with the backing of powerful heads of states like
former Prime Minister of Libya; late Muammar Al Gaddafi and Zimbabwe’s former president
Robert Mugabe, to promote and set the ball rolling for continental unification by reminding the
continent of the Pan-African goals, the idea continues to be shut down by Africans and African
leaders, particularly regarding drawing up a blueprint for the political and socio-economic
integration the continent. Africans today continue to lament over the degradation of their countries,
and the representation of the continent as backward or underdeveloped in the eyes of the outside
world, yet, many, but not all, are blasé about taking full control of the political and socio-economic
situation in their countries. This is due to comfort and the growing lackadaisical attitude that
continues to build amongst political leaders and citizens concerning this topic. An archetype of the
biblical phrase that states; the spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak (Matthew 26:41). The spirit of
Africans accepts the ideology because of its historical and sentimental value to the continent, still,
the flesh is not amenable to adopting the concept wholly to bring to reality a federation of Africa.
The flesh, in this case, is symbolical and represents a number of things like; nationhood, state
sovereignty, and even the greed or corrupt characteristics of some heads of states who would rather
preserve the continent as it is to aid their own personal agendas.
Several scholarly works have been carried out, meticulously looking into the theme of
continental integration for Africa and what that means for the socio-economic and political
development of the continent. With the same inquisitiveness, using the philosophy of pan-
Africanism as the governing approach toward the creation of a United States of Africa, this topic
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will be researched through the following lenses; the first being the evolution of pan-Africanism -
the shift from understanding pan-Africanism as a political project to an economic policy. Second,
from the lens of understanding how the concept of Pan-Africanism is perceived in Africa by
bureaucrats and African nationals within the continent (and the diaspora). Third, from the lens of
state sovereignty in the context of Africa and political survival - by recognizing how the already
existing continental union; the African Union, a symbolic representation of Pan-Africanism poses
as a threat to the now sovereign states and the capacity of political influence that political leaders
can possess within their state’s frontiers and the continent. Finally, through a policy lens, scanning
for instances whereby policies have been - or are currently being - created and adopted by the
African Union towards continental integration. Applying these lenses as devices for investigating
the puzzling research question, more insight on the efforts and barriers to achieving a United States
of Africa will be presented.
Plainly put, the research will be structured utilizing the following operating hypotheses;
(a) Reduction in the meaning of Pan-Africanism The difficulty in attaining a United States of Africa originates from the shift and difficulties in the ways in which the concept of Pan-Africanism is conceived today in the theoretical context and also in the lingo of African political and economic development. Specifically, Pan-Africanism has changed over time to be understood from just being used to push a racial, political and or economic agenda. Precisely, looking at the idealization of the concept on the continent, the concept of Pan-Africanism has been envisioned as a political tool to unify the continent, to one that is determined through economic approaches. Pan-Africanism in the context of unifying Africa has shifted from a political approach to an economic policy. (b) Cultural and Ethnic Divisions The reluctance towards the manifestation of a United States of Africa stems from the vast cultural/ethnic differences that exist in African countries today making its feasibility unlikely. (c) Sovereignty Concerns
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The establishment of the African Union exemplifies how the Pan-African ideology is widely accepted but is yet to be put into practice. Because of this, putting it into practice also poses a threat to state sovereignty and the political survival of African heads of states. Precisely, the overall aim of this research is to bring to light the value of Pan-Africanism
in modern-day Africa. The same issues that concerned the Pan-African movements are still the
same issues disrupting continental and national progress in Africa, hence, making it as relevant as
it was over 50 years ago, to present-day Africa. Although the idea of Pan-Africanism and what it
truly means as it was conceived five decades ago might be deemed as an old-fashioned or over-
romanticized approach in realizing and bolstering continental unity in Africa, by enabling the
concept in its full competence without any limitations or reducing it to merely an economic project,
and also incorporating it as a political agenda (demanding for political unification), Africa and
Africans will reap tremendous benefits. By reifying the political and economic union of the
continent, the advantages comprise of, inter alia; having hegemony over continental economic and
political development without the influence of external parties - concurrently eliminating the
influence of neocolonialism in the guise of globalization, increased continental free trade, the
dissolving of political borders, freedom of movement with the enforcement of the African passport.
Yet, it has to be stressed that accommodating the goals of Pan-Africanism, African
nationalism or the unification of the continent cannot occur without first guaranteeing political and
economic unity. Creating a United States of Africa could potentially allow the continent to become
a global force to be reckoned with. Africans, today need to recognize that Africa's destiny relies
on the foundational ideas that have been laid down for them by African Pan-Africanists through
the concept of Pan-Africanism that urged and continues to call for the promotion of African
nationalism or continental unity as an alternative to envisioning a future for the continent in ways
that strays away from the philosophy and has also failed the continent as a whole numerous times.
6
Moreover, Africans need to begin to understand that Pan-Africanism should not only be
understood as equal economic participation. There is also the need for all African countries to have
a strong political front by virtue of political unification on the continent, also an imperative for
assuring economic integration. With that said, Africans need to begin to re-imagine themselves
from the viewpoint of a Pan-Africanist. One who is not only concerned about the advancement of
his or her country but rather is invested and burdened with the issues that affect the holistic growth
of the continent. Rather than cultivating the "White Man's Burden" rhetoric, the phrase needs to
be displaced with being an “African (Wo)Man's Burden." Without a Pan-African-like mind on the
continent, Africa might persist to suffer cycles of setbacks because of the political and socio-
economic disunity.
Methodology
To pursue this topic, this research involved a combination of theoretical, historical and
contemporary scholarships on the concept of Pan-Africanism, African unity and or continental
unification. In addition, I use qualitative and quantitative data gathered from interviews with
diplomats and or staffs working with the African Union. The included interviews regard their
perceptions on the idea of a unified Africa. Likewise, an extensive critique of the past and current
policies that have been devised by the organization that also indicates an attempt to nurture the
Pan-African dream is included in the literature. Generally, all these methods have been employed
in an attempt to find an answer to the puzzle. Based on the information found in the scholarships,
data collection/analysis, and policies, I also propose solutions that have been overlooked in the
literature.
Seeing as this topic is pertinent to the discourse on Pan-Africanism, especially in modern-
day Africa and how it is interpreted and for this reason, it is being examined in order to understand
and explore both the challenges and probabilities of establishing a United States of Africa in
7
present-day Africa. The bodies of literature applied to study this topic come from diverse fields of
studies- history, sociology, anthropology, economics, political science and legal literature -
relevant in unravelling the relationship between the scramble for Africa, colonial legacy,
decolonization of Africa, nation/state building, state sovereignty, ethnic or cultural amalgamation,
the history of pan-Africanism as a doctrine and a political apparatus for continental unification,
the formulation of regional economic blocs, evolution and role of the African Union since its
conception, amongst many other themes that have been explored in solving the puzzle that this
research proposes.
The methodologies for this project will consist of several references to historical and
contemporary scholarly works on the concept of Pan-Africanism, African unity, and continental
unification. First, this research will primarily involve an intensive critical descriptive and
explanatory analysis of historical scholarships that focus on the concept of Pan-Africanism.
Utilizing the discourse analysis method, I will be sketching the history and evolution of the concept
of Pan-Africanism and looking for three particular themes; race, unity and integration and
liberation and freedom from the West all of which are maintained to be at the center of the concepts'
goals. I will also be examining the changes from Pan-Africanism as a political device to an
economic policy. Through this, I will be discussing why the concept of Pan-Africanism is
appropriate to this topic and how the change in its conception overtime helps uncover the hidden
transcripts in the discourse. In general, I will be looking into the varying debates on the study of
the term Pan-Africanism then and now, looking for recurring themes, if any, and how they fit into
socio-political and economic situation in Africa today. In the context of Pan-Africanism in Africa,
the main Pan-African and political thinker I will be referring to is Kwame Nkrumah, also doing a
discourse analysis on his historical speeches, books (texts), and interviews, highlighting the major
themes in his writings that are motivated by the philosophy behind pan-Africanism.
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Additionally, by using discourse analysis, I will be connecting and deconstruction the
philosophy of Pan-Africanism as a mechanism used in the creation of the African Union. The same
method of discourse analysis will be applied in discovering the debates on continental integration,
scanning for similarities in the concerns on the validity of the idea of continental integration,
especially in the context of Africa with that of the concept of Pan-Africanism. I will be drawing
from contemporary scholarship on, and elite perceptions of “Pan-Africanism’ and the African
Union, to better understand the pathways and challenges to create a United States of Africa. The
major approach I will be adopting in exploring includes; a historical analysis of Pan-Africanism
as a concept, and or a movement, elite perceptions of greater integration and the United States of
Africa, and a policy analysis of existing attempts at integration.
I will be conducting an extremely thorough process tracing of African state formation
dating back to colonization with the scramble for Africa and analyzing what that meant for the
existing diverse cultural and ethnic groups in Africa and today, what that means in the context of
state sovereignty. In particular, I will be tracing the consequences following the balkanization and
inception of African nations from the onset to the present day. I will be looking for indicators
whereby cultural and ethnic diversity has been an impediment to national growth and solidarity,
for example, instances of civil wars driven by cultural and ethnic clashes, while simultaneously
examining and thinking about how cultural and ethnic diversity will turn out on a continental level.
This part of the research will also include figures on the number of ethnic groups that are on the
continent. I will then connect this to the concept of Pan-Africanism and how cultural diversity
might be an obstacle to the realization of Pan-Africanism in practice.
Moreover, this research relies on theories covering state sovereignty popularized by
political scientists, distinctively drawing upon its emphasis on control and authority over its
governing territory, its significance, contributions and implications to attaining a United States of
9
Africa (Winston and Hammer, 2004-2005). In other words, by executing a discourse analysis on
the political and philosophical scholarly works on state sovereignty, I will be dismantling the ways
in which state sovereignty has been discussed in the varying pieces of literature, linking it to how
this affects the governing power of a continental body (Winston and Aitza, 2012) like the African
Union. Essentially, by combining the theories on state sovereignty and continental integration in
Africa I will be exploring the connections, possibilities, and ramifications assuming Pan-
Africanism was put into practice. Further, investigating the ability of the African Union to move
from being merely a symbolic representation of Pan-Africanism to pushing forward for it to
become a reality, farther exploring how this could potentially limit state sovereignty assuming it
became a body that fostered continental unification in the creation of A U.S of Africa.
In addition, I have carried out interviews in addition to data derived from an online data
analysis; Afrobarometer, to capture the contemporary views on Pan-Africanism in modern-day
Africa. Participants for the interviews were gathered applying the snowball and or convenience
methods, particularly, participants recommended based on social networking and generally, those
who are willing to participate. These methods were chosen in an attempt to garner information
relating to the concept, mainly paying attention to the theories on pan-Africanism and continental
integration. These interviews were strategically designed to be carried out on diplomats and or
staffs of the African Union and took place at the headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.1
Coupled with the above, the interviews were structured to gain an understanding on how
these individuals comprehend the concept of Pan-Africanism, race, their identity as Africans or by
virtue of their nationality, and their views on; integrative policies, socio-political and economic
1A sample of the interview questions can be reviewed in the appendix.
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progress for the continent, trade in Africa, and lastly, the role of the African Union. Information
retrieved from the interview have been coded according to the reappearing themes this research is
attempting to explore. Through a critical content analysis on the qualitative and quantitative data,
transcripts from the conversations will be provided to support the study.
The goal of the interview is to get a grasp on whether Africans and contemporary Pan-
Africans still believe in the vision of a United States of Africa. I have also paid close attention to
the ages of the interviewees, with the hope that it could contribute to the evolution in the definition
of Pan-Africanism. In this case, the evolution could likely have varying impacts on different
generations. Likewise, the data gathered from the Afrobarometer which will also be in tune with
the information procured from the interviews also extending into broader themes that nonetheless
fall under the umbrella of Pan-Africanism and continental integration. These forms of acquiring
qualitative and quantitative data are relevant to the discourse on Pan-Africanism and generally the
topic of this research as it contributes to depicting the contemporary perceptions of Pan-Africanism
on the continent today from the public and diplomats who are products of this symbolic
representation of Pan-Africanism by virtue of their occupation. Lastly, I will be analyzing the
various integrative policies that exist using both content and discourse analyses to tease out
relevant motivations for the development of the policies possibly inspired by Pan-African ideals.
This research will also analyze the efficiency and effectiveness of the integrative policies, further
proposing suggestions for policy changes for successful policies for a more integrated continent in
the future.
Literature Review Comparing the existing literature on Pan-Africanism, studying how it was comprehended
over 50 years ago to how it is now understood in modern day Africa, there is an apparent shift in
the interpretation of the concept from its core themes - race, unity and integration and liberation
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and freedom from colonial rule. The turn away from the foundational themes that bound Pan-
Africanism paints a lucid picture of Pan-Africanism today and the manner in which it is understood
by Africans. Research and deliberations pertaining to the creation of a ‘United States of Africa’ or
in simpler terms, African continental integration typically focus on the concept of Pan-Africanism.
Precisely, research is conducted on Pan-Africanism and its relations to paving the way for African
continental integration. Similarly, scholarly works on this topic tend to focus on how the term was
derived and its main principles. In the same vein, these scholarly articles tend to analyze how the
term was conceived by the masterminds who popularized the concept and recipient's reaction to
the Pan-African ideology within the continent and globally. Presently, the core objective of Pan-
Africanism is considered to have deviated from the original goals expressed by the founders of
African Pan-Africanism years ago.
The concept ‘Pan-Africanism’ is said to have been coined by Pan-Africanist Henry
Sylvester Williams, although today, it is more known to have been popularized by Pan-Africanist
and African-American W.E.B. Du Bois who made it possible for African political thinkers during
his time and Africans in the diaspora (and other blacks) to begin a political revolution that sought
to free Africans or blacks from slavery and colonization and side-by-side unify black people (Ola,
1979). Not only did Du Bois voice his concerns for blacks in the United States, but he also
acknowledged the plight of Africans on the continent (Romero, 1976). Critics of the ideology of
Pan-Africanism have also pointed out the difference in Du Bois’ Pan-Africanism as a mechanism
to remind black Americans of their African identities and heritage which can also be likened to the
negritude movement and how it differs from Africans’ conception of Pan-Africanism (Adeleke,
1998). From this point, there is a clear emphasis on the significance of race in the Pan-Africanism
dialogue that does not entirely exist today. Because Du Bois is recognized as the founding father
of modern Pan-Africanism, some scholars scrutinize the concept as not being authentically an
12
African idea. In contrast, others disregard the claim that Du Bois is the mastermind behind Pan-
Africanism arguing that Pan-Africanism originates from the continent in an attempt to avoid
seeming to have adopted an idea that did not emerge solely because of the recognition of Africans
struggles on the continent but one with a foreign agenda.
From the onset, the unification of African people or black people has been an important
element of Pan-Africanism. Despite the general or global conception that Pan-Africanism was
initiated based on race, in Africa, Pan-Africanism is argued to have taken a different turn that
transcends beyond uniting based on race or a common racial struggle. Therefore, it is relevant to
note that Pan-Africanism has been deciphered in several ways for many years in the diaspora and
within the continent. In essence, with reference to the precise definition of Pan-Africanism,
political scientists still debate on how the term should be defined, in turn, contributing to the easy
evolution in the meaning of the ideology, adapting to a particular issue(s) of concern wherever and
whenever it is applied (Geiss, 1969; Nantambu, 1998; Ola, 1979).
Relating to how Pan-Africanism on the continent has been studied, academics have
achieved this by looking at trends pre- and post-colonialization that has precipitated the emergence
of the concept and its rampant use on the continent. In essence, by observing how "revolutionary,
intellectual, cultural, geopolitical Pan-African nationalists have fought and expressed their Pan-
African ideals on the continent (Nantambu, 1998). On one hand, political scientists and Pan-
Africanists explore the concept by virtue of two main themes; freedom (political) and political
integration (Ola, 1979). On the other hand, more recent studies on Pan-Africanism have been
analyzed through the lens of development, explicitly in reference to economic integration or
“technological re-creation” (Ola, 1979). This divergence transpired because of growing interest in
focusing on economic growth and independence from economic and technical aid from colonial
powers post-colonization. As a result, one of the shortcomings in the past studies on Pan-
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Africanism is the unequal concentration or lack thereof on the development aspect of the concept
as scholars tend to bend towards the political liberation and integration phase of Pan-Africanism.
This also shows the shift in perceptions of Pan-Africanism in modern day Africa as it tends to
focus more on the latter. "Pan-Africanism started as a political movement with its own ideological
basis at the end of the nineteenth century and has since followed a very complicated, contradictory
course” (Potekhin, 47).
Undeniably, Pan-Africanism gave way for political and economic independence on the
continent, at least in the context of allowing African leaders to realize the potentials existing within
their respective countries. (Ake, 1965). “This expanding world of free African nations is the climax
of the conscious and determined struggle of the African peoples to throw off the yoke of
imperialism, and it is transforming the continent” (Nkrumah, 1963). During and post-colonialism,
Pan-Africanism as a ‘political movement’ played a major role in the politics of many African
countries on the path of attaining freedom from colonial rule and for those who had already gained
autonomy from western powers it helped shape their nationalistic, political and socio-economic
agendas. During the decolonization of Africa, Pan-Africanism became the mantra for many Pan-
African (African) political thinkers like Kwame Nkrumah. Put differently, the continent's struggle
for the "triple dreams of African nationalism—decolonization, democracy, and development”
(Zeleza, 2014). Following the independence of Ghana in 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was among the
many intellectual African political thinkers who sought to liberate the continent from the clench
of colonialism and imperialism by popularizing the ideology.
Using Pan-Africanism as a political tool, African nations were able to emancipate
themselves from colonialism (Potekhin, 47). Inspiration is often drawn from Kwame Nkrumah
because of his sentiment on the colonial rule at the time. In ‘Africa Must Unite’ the former
Ghanaian president and notable Pan-African wrote, “imperialism is still a most powerful force to
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be reckoned with in Africa. It controls our economies. It operates on a world-wide scale in
combinations of many different kinds: economic, political, cultural, educational, military; and
through intelligence and information services” (Nkrumah, 1963). Even though this statement was
written years ago, despite the changes that have occurred over time, scholars maintain that this is
still Africa’s reality today. For this reason, with regards to liberating Africa, researchers often turn
to the works of the likes of Kwame Nkrumah as a means to interpret how African Pan-Africanist
thinkers visualized Pan-Africanism will play out on the continent considering his strong political
philosophy on the “freedom and unification of Africa and its islands” (Nkrumah, 1963).
Unity; African unity, or integration in the Pan-African discourse has from time immemorial
been addressed as one of the primary goals of Pan-Africanism as a political idea. In the past and
slightly in present times, the rhetoric has remained the same - recognizing that what the continent
needs to alleviate itself from external influence and simultaneously set itself on the path of
dictating its own socio-political and economic progress, a unified African people are needed for
this vision to become a reality (Potekhin, 47). Pan-African thinkers like former Guinean diplomat
Telli Diallo and Julius Nyerere have uniformly discussed in lengths, the importance of unity to
Pan-African movement. Nyerere especially discussed the issue of unity suggesting that “only with
unity can we ensure that Africa really governs Africa. Only with unity can we be sure that African
resources will be used for the benefit of Africa… African nationalism is meaningless, is
anachronistic, and is dangerous, if it is not at the same time Pan-Africanism” (Nyerere, 1963). Like
Diallo and Nyerere, Nkrumah too believed in the power of Pan-African unity from a more political
stance, declaring “we have added the objective of the political union of African states as the
securest safeguard of our hard-won freedom and the soundest foundation for our individual, no
less than our common, economic, social and cultural advancement” (Nkrumah, 1963). Realizing
the era in which these thinkers were writing, given their bold statements and confidence in a
15
politically unified Africa, it vividly shows how Pan-Africanism was understood by prominent Pan-
Africans at the time as a political project and how the comprehension of the ideology has slightly
changed in contemporary Africa.
Coupled with the above, a supplementary theme at the core of Pan-Africanism is the need
for freedom. Freeing Africa economically and politically has invariably been at the heart of the
mission of Pan-Africanism on the continent. Beyond redeeming the continent economically and
politically, Kwame Nkrumah and other Pan-African thinkers endeavored to push forward the
establishment of one African government whereby all African nations would adhere to its
principles and governance. This was proposed with the hopes of consolidating Africa and
bolstering Africa’s political and economic capacity. Nantambu (1998) concurs with this aspect of
Pan-Africanism expressing it as the main goal of ‘Pan-African Nationalism’ (Shivji, 2006).
Notably, research that has been executed on the topic of Pan-Africanism can also be
considered as being generally biased in the sense that researchers in the academia often focus on
the positive aspect of Pan-Africanism; driving political and economic unity. However, Pan-
Africanism according to Ake (1965), also propelled authoritarianism. In other words, under the
guise of promoting Pan-Africanism in driving out colonialism, it has also created a pathway for
African leaders to attain more power within government, allowing them to cultivate their own
agendas - which is potentially an obstacle to the goals of Pan-Africanism on the continent - in the
guise of being a driving force for increased continental unity. Ake (1965) notes that a “repressive
trend is reinforced by the tensions arising from the differences in the attitudes of African leaders
to Pan-Africanism. Although there is a consensus on the broad aim Pan-Africanism, there is little
agreement about priorities and methods for realizing them” (Ake, 1965). This is the side of Pan-
Africanism that is not frequently discussed in the Pan-African discourse.
16
In fact, another popular rhetoric in Pan-African studies and continental integration
discourse indicates the culturally and ethnically diverse nature of the continent, drawing concerns
on the inevitability of Pan-Africanism in practice or continental integration to fail and not reach
its potential (Bascom, 1962). With diversity as an assumed obstacle, this is also an evident reason
for the shift in the perception of Pan-Africanism from a political agenda (political unification) to
an economic blueprint (economic unification). There are two opposing sides on this matter; the
first being that it is impossible for people who have identified themselves according to a certain
ethnicity and in broader terms, a particular nationality, to abandon their identities - which is rooted
in their ethnic and national makeup, because of the Pan-African dream. In other words, this raises
questions about what identity will mean if and when continental integration was to happen. The
second and less professed aspect of cultural and ethnic diversity as an obstacle to pan-Africanism
being put into practice claims that it is possible for it to work considering that African states - that
are predominantly made up of several ethnic groups - have managed to live ‘somewhat’ peacefully
since the scramble for Africa through which the colonial powers created nations without any
regards for the culturally diverse composition of people that existed within the borders they were
establishing (Bascom, 1962).
Moreover, the above-mentioned viewpoint is often refuted as a few schools of thought have
demonstrated that the diversity of the continent does not hinder and should not be seen as a
deterrent to Pan-Africanism from flourishing on the continent as it has proven to promote increased
tolerance amongst many Africans. Another shift in the conceptualization of Pan-Africanism deals
with the issue of state sovereignty and there are two sides to this argument. First, proponents of
the Pan-African philosophy assert that maintaining the sovereignty of nation-states poses as an
interference to the manifestation of continental integration in as it only allows for increased
17
hostility and for heads of states to continue to promote their personal agendas that are usually to
the detriment of another nation-state (Matthews, 2005).
Likewise, in the Pan-African discourse, the African Union is often addressed as an
institution created to embody the aspirations of Pan-Africanism on the continent, essentially the
brainchild of Pan-Africanism. Pan-Africans often claim that the African Union’s purpose is to
physically and legally represent the ideals of Pan-Africanism and also allow the universality or
continental reach of the concept. In other words, through this institution, the Pan-African and
continental integration notion can be achieved. Identifying that the African Union, formerly known
as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was allegedly conceived by Pan-Africans; Haile
Selassie and Kwame Nkrumah (amongst other African leaders at the time) in 1963, Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, the choice to change the name of the institution from what it was known as in the past to
African Union has been commended as “a renaissance of Pan-Africanism” (Matthews, 2005),
again a reiteration of the institution as a prototype of Pan-Africanism.
Contrary to the above, the Pan-African idea has yet to be achieved, in light of the fact that
one of the goals of the institution is to protect and guarantee state sovereignty. Correspondingly,
in doing so, state sovereignty weakens the Pan-African influence the institution is expected to
exert. Hence, it then becomes a concern as to whether the African Union can perform effectively
(Magliveras and Gino, 2002). This same critique was applicable when the institution was bearing
its former name OAU as it failed miserably in putting into practice the Pan-African ideology. In
this situation, research on the works of the OAU is largely unbalanced as it mostly covers the
achievement of the OAU on the surface; principally post-decolonization. For this reason, in the
Pan-African discourse, there is some relevant literature missing that criticize the organization's
lack of success, coupled with its efforts in attaining the Pan-African dream (Ayittey, 2010).
Perhaps there is a problem with the Pan-African dream that these scholars are unwilling to address.
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Another aspect of the African Union’s relevance to the Pan-African discourse stems from
its perception by Africans. Confirming that Pan-Africanism is at the heart of the African Union’s
mission, most Africans; citizens and leaders included, prefer the path that the African Union has
chosen to take, with respect to not interfering with state sovereignty. As a result, when the idea of
Pan-Africanism is brought about in talks of being implemented in full-force with the hopes of
strengthening the continent, it frightens nation-states’ ‘right’ to autonomy (Magliveras and Gino,
2002). The aforementioned was evident shortly after the independence of Africa and is more
noticeable today as African leaders guard and prioritize the needs of their country over the African
Union’s Pan-African dream, using their sovereign power as a way to circumvent attaining African
unity (Emerson, 1962).
Similarly, comparative studies on African integration have also cited instances where an
attempt to create a ‘Union of African States’ has failed as a result of the increasing demand from
African countries to maintain their status of being a sovereign state (Kurtz, 1970). One cannot
emphasize enough the power of state sovereignty for countries as it permits the nation to do as it
wishes without being confined to specific sets of rules. Ghana, Guinea, and Mali’s attempt and
failure in making this work in the past has proven that self-determination continues to trump
attempts towards continental integration even under a supposed ‘African’ identity that unifies
them. This also stems from the need to be economically and politically independent, being able to
selfishly determine the economic and political future of one's nation and not that of the continent.
Again, proving that continental integration or Pan-Africanism on the continent might fail as it has
in the past by virtue of African leader’s desire to sustain their self-governing status.
An emphasis on state sovereignty has stalled economic continental progress or
amalgamation following the adoption of the; “OAU’s 1980 Lagos Plan of Action; 1991 Abuja
Treaty establishing the African Economic Community (AEC); and the New Partnership for
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Africa’s Development (NEPAD)2 adopted by the African Union” and other economic centered
policies adopted by the African Union (Akudo and Okeke-Uzodike, 2016). A more recent rejection
of economic integration - due to the individualistic approach many African countries tend to take
(as a result of the drive to govern one's economic future) - can be cited following the drawing up
of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) where the world witnessed how some of
the influential powers on the continent; Nigeria and South Africa, refrained from jumping on the
potential train towards pan-Africanism being realized in practice (at least on economic terms).
Generally, the common observation is that the bodies of literature covering this subject
consists predominantly of research that was carried out in the early and late nineties. This can
either be considered as beneficial or a flaw in the vast study on the creation of a ‘United States of
Africa.’ On the plus side, it is equally vital to understand that the concept of Pan-Africanism, which
is at the crux of creating a unified Africa was more popular many years ago and it allows readers
or scholars to engage in and appreciate the true meaning of Pan-Africanism from the perspective
of the individuals that advocated for it on the continent. In the same vein, the fact that most studies
on Pan-Africanism as a tool to unify the continent are not as recent or up to date with current
African political and economic affairs, past studies should be criticized and scrutinized to display
the present realities of the continent. That is to say, the bodies of literature mainly speak to past
perceptions and aspirations and not necessarily to how it has changed currently or in modern-day
discourses, which is an evident flaw. Given this, by drawing from contemporary scholarship on,
and elite perceptions of “Pan-Africanism’ and the African Union, this research aims to better
understand the pathways and challenges to creating a United States of Africa. In Chapter One, this
2NEPAD: The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). It was ratified by the African Union in 2002 in Durban, to deal with Africa’s development problems in a new paradigm. The main objectives of NEPAD have been to reduce poverty, put Africa on a sustainable development path, halt the marginalization of Africa, and empower women. The Partnership provides a comprehensive, integrated development plan that tackles key social, economic and political principles for the continent.
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research will entail a historical analysis of Pan-Africanism as a concept and a movement. Chapter
two will provide an account on the perceptions of bureaucrats working with the Africa Union,
specifically regarding how they perceive greater integration and the United States of Africa. Lastly,
in chapter three, I will be discussing and providing a policy analysis on existing attempts at
integration. In these chapters, I will begin to unveil and shed light on the three operating hypotheses
previously mentioned.
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Chapter 1 The Evolution of the Concept of Pan-Africanism
African nationalism is meaningless, dangerous, anachronistic, if it is not, at the same
time, Pan-Africanism. - Julius Nyerere
Why Pan-Africanism? In an attempt to carry out this research, there are certain terms, like the word Pan-
Africanism, that will be frequently referred to in the text and these words are paramount to
understanding this topic, hence the need to define these terms for the reader to grasp the contexts
in which they will be used in the entirety of the research. The term Pan-Africanism - multifaceted
in nature - is probably one of the few concepts in history that is difficult to define. This is because
the term has been defined to mean many things since it was popularized in the early 19th century.
It is also important to note that because of the interchangeable character of the term Pan-
Africanism, it can also be used to describe both African socialism, nationalism or democracy
(Shivji, 2006). “The term “nationalism” or “socialism” might seem western; yet what they denote
in Africa is not derivative but an inherently African development (which, they may concede, has
been stimulated by the experience of the West): hence “African nationalism,” which is equated
with Pan-Africanism and “African Socialism,” which is like African democracy” (Crutcher, 1966).
Since the conception of the phenomenon, the concept has unfolded over time to mean different
things to diverse sets or groups of individuals.
The concept of Pan-Africanism; which could mean anything from the collective
recognition of one’s African heritage to the political and socio-economic union of all African
people, has been at the forefront of Africa’s independence as a guiding ideology. Still, the
interpretation of the concept is open to however an individual chooses to interpret its core values.
For this reason, the literature on the underpinning principles of the concept tends to disagree due
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to the fact that the term has evolved and morphed to mean different things at certain periods in
history regards to the context or geographical location it is applied to.
According to Merriam Webster and popular definitions of Pan-Africanism, an ideology, is
defined as “the political union of all African nations.” For the purpose of this research, this
definition limits and singles out other factors such as the economic and social factors that play into
idealizing continental integration. Although this definition speaks explicitly to political
integration, for the purpose of this research the 'union' is not limited to only the political aspect as
it also involves driving social and economic unity across the continent. Differently, it can be
defined to insinuate unifying the continent in ways that imagined communities no longer exist,
nationalities or regional blocs are no longer capitalized upon and borders are dissolved.
Consequently, allowing for the emergence of a 'United States of Africa' where all inhabitants
identify as 'Africans' as opposed to associating with one's nationality. In the African context, Tim
Murithi describes Pan-Africanism best - as a concept or movement that “seeks to respond to
Africa’s contemporary crises of post coloniality illustrated most starkly by underdevelopment”
(Murithi, 2005). The fluidity of the concept Pan-Africanism makes it somewhat difficult to
pinpoint its purpose for the continent, nonetheless, for this study, Pan-Africanism should be
understood from the perspective of the definitions provided above.
Reduction in the meaning of Pan-Africanism: The difficulty in attaining a United States of Africa originates from the shift and difficulties
in the ways in which the concept of Pan-Africanism is conceived today in the theoretical context and also in the lingo of African political and economic development. Specifically, Pan-Africanism has changed over time to be understood from just being used to push a racial, political and or economic agenda. Precisely, looking at the idealization of the concept on the continent, the concept of Pan-Africanism has been envisioned as a political tool to unify the continent, to one that is determined through economic approaches. Pan-Africanism in the context of unifying Africa has shifted from a political approach to an economic policy.
Pan-African scholars have contended that the initial goal for the propaganda of this
philosophy was mainly concerned with race, precisely, during the age of slavery and the poor
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treatment of blacks in the United States. Drawing the attention of the plight of African and African
Americans based on the racial treatment they were receiving in the United States, at the same time,
forcing African Americans to identify with their lineages by means of this philosophy. In doing
so, it also helped connect them with the struggles of Africans on the continent as they were
experiencing colonialism. From the recognition of the racial solidarity of African Americans and
Africans in the diaspora and within the continent, Pan-Africanism then deviated towards enabling
the freedom of African states and the abolition of colonialism across the continent. DeLancey
(1996) describes Pan-Africanism best; in an article, Pan-Africanism is said to have undergone
certain phases. Thus, the “phases of Pan-Africanism; American reaction to racism, the drive for
African independence and the dream of continental unity” (DeLancey 1996). It is from the latter
phase that the likes of Kwame Nkrumah began to propose the ideology on the continent and with
the promotion of Pan-Africanism in Africa, the ideology took a turn towards the political
integration of the continent and the liberation of Africans from colonization.
Pan-Africanism in the Diaspora The root of Pan-Africanism or its major influencers is still highly debated in the Pan-
African literature. Even within the continent, many African scholars pay homage to the likes of
Du Bois as the mastermind behind Pan-Africanism. Without a doubt, Pan-Africanism did not
originate solely from the continent of Africa but was influenced by the struggles faced by black
people around the world, igniting the first conference in 1900 - set-up with the goal to redeem the
political, economic and social freedom of blacks all over the world. It is because of this recognized
struggle that the general understanding of the concept Pan-Africanism is immediately likened to
and reduced to the issue of race (collectively identifying as being black or having black
roots/origins).
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It was during this era that the world experienced a great wave of black movements. One is
the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), the largest and most influential black
movement in America (perhaps in the world), spearheaded by Jamaican born civil rights activist
and Pan-African; Marcus Garvey, or as habitually addressed, a militant or Black/Negro 'Moses.'
He was especially known in the U.S for his profound and controversial political stance on issues
concerning the black race. With the UNIA beneath his wings, Garvey used the association as a
medium to advocate for the political and economic needs of black people in America. Garvey
prided himself with ensuring that blacks within the diaspora (the U.S specifically) were equally
proud of their race irrespective of the inequalities. In other words, Garvey’s fundamental goal was
to promote black or negro pride.
At this stage in history, although it was not coined as Pan-Africanism; instead 'Garveyism'
(Clarke, 1973), was mostly used, the importance of race and unity between peoples of the same
race - facing the same racial, economic and political impediment within the US (and abroad) - was
the focus of the UNIA. Remarkably, his influence did not stop within the borders of the United
States, Garvey’s power was felt and his doctrines were heard all over the world. Acknowledging
his global reach, he placed himself at the forefront of not only driving for the unification of blacks
in the United States, but also for the emancipation of blacks in Africa. What was seen as most
prominent and profound during his 'militant' reign were his thoughts on the repatriation of blacks
in the diaspora back to Africa (Fergus, 2010) which he attempted to facilitate through his Black
Star line which he founded in the early 1900s. Amongst other “profound” ideas that Garvey created
and endorsed, he was also a proponent of the idea behind the creation of a United States of Africa,
expressed in his infamous poem “Hail, United States of Africa” - an idea that would later influence
pan-Africanism in Africa.
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Garvey was a firm believer in restoring blacks in the United States back to their motherland
or generational place of origin (Fergus, 2010). His efforts were not frivolous considering he had
the strong backing of his followers; most of whom were members of the UNIA. With his “back to
Africa” movement, he had already put in works for the repatriation of blacks back to Liberia.
Although the “back to Africa” (Clarke, 1973) movement proved to not be as profitable and thriving
as Garvey had hoped for, from his ways of thinking about Pan-Africanism or Garveyism, it is
evident that race and the unification of blacks were at the hub of these ideologies.
On the other hand, as aforementioned, there were other Pan-African or civil rights activists
that were less erratic and militant. A prime example is Web Du Bois, also known as the solon of
contemporary Pan-Africanism who differed greatly from Garvey. Many scholarly texts often
portray a united front between Garvey and Du Bois, almost as if they were two men who shared
the same ideas. Still, scholarly works tend to omit the fact that Garvey and Du Bois, (two men who
are very much important to the Pan-African dialogue and the history of civil rights), they did not
see eye-to-eye on several things particularly including their methods in how they sought to handle
the racial discrimination blacks were facing. Because of this, it is important to understand who
W.E.B Du Bois was, his opinion on the concept Pan-Africanism and the techniques he chose to
use to alleviate blacks/Africans from their oppressed position on the continent and in the United
States (perhaps globally).
Du Bois, though a proponent of Pan-Africanism or in simpler terms, the alleviation of
blacks from slavery or socio-economic and political oppression in the U.S and Africa, he did not
think of African unity or freedom in the ways that Garvey envisioned. “It was Du Bois's view that
the Pan African Movement was not a scheme to transplant the great masses of Afro-Americans
into Africa” (Mboukou, 1983). That is to say, Du Bois believed in emancipation but he did not
completely agree with the unification of Africans in Africa and Africans/blacks in the diaspora.
26
He held this verdict primarily because he presumed that the African continent needed to undergo
civilization prior to enabling the Pan-African dream (benefitting both Africans in the diaspora and
the continent). In view of this, Du Bois was very much critical of Marcus Garvey and his
movement. He also questioned significantly his credibility and the logic behind his way of thinking
(Mboukou, 1983).
Knowing this, when the idea of Garvey’s “back to Africa” movement was being
popularized, Du Bois did not favor the idea as much, and this was for a good reason. “DuBois
never argued for the inauguration of self-government for black Africans during the 1919-1927 Pan
African Congresses, although ultimately he did have this in mind, and demanded it. DuBois
specifically stated that "the principle could not be applied to uncivilized peoples. Undoubtedly
DuBois was imbued with the notions of "civilizing mission" and "modernizing Black Africa," as
demonstrated in his concept of the relations between Black Africans and Afro-Americans”
(Mboukou, 1983). To an extent, Du Bois' concerns at the time were laudable, given that the Pan-
African dream could not be established right off-the-bat and Africans needed to task or equip
themselves with strategies that would help the continent develop without the influence of external
parties - former colonial powers.
Most importantly, one of the reasons why Pan-Africanism took shape to focus primarily
on the concerns of Africans within the continent was the “savior syndrome” blacks in the diaspora
had towards Africa and Garvey and Du Bois were both plagued with this condition. Yes, without
a doubt these two men went down in history as a few out of many civil rights activists and Pan-
Africans, prioritizing themselves only with the issues and injustice challenging the black race.
Nonetheless, they both felt that they could save Africa. In other words, with Garvey, he had already
claimed himself as the 'Negro Moses,' and with his Pan-African agenda, he craved to be at the
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forefront of dictating the progress of Africa - he wanted to see to it that he was the leader of all
Africans or blacks (Mboukou, 1983).
In the same vein, Web Du Bois too assumed that it was critical to send technocrats or
learned individuals to the continent because Africans were less educated or uncivilized, needing
to be redeemed with the aid of well-learned African men from outside the continent before any
prospects of unification within the continent could take place (Mboukou, 1983). “The Pan African
Movement was only to be an organization of "talented" blacks, especially those from the United
States. These Blacks would fight for civil and political rights in the United States, the Caribbean,
and Africa” (Mboukou, 1983). It is because of this very problem, amongst others, that allowed
Pan-Africanism to contour in ways that singled out just an emphasis on the black race but focusing
chiefly on the economic and political unity of Africa - profiting Africans within the continent.
Africans within the continent began to separate themselves from blacks in the diaspora whom they
perceived as not authentically Africans, underlining the difference in their racial needs and their
reasonably differed socio-economic and political needs due to their varying geographical
locations.
On the contrary, Du Bois was also a significant figure in modern Pan-Africanism, mainly
in assisting certain African leaders in the early 1920s with gaining African independence and the
initiation of the Pan-African congresses. Likewise, he prided himself with highlighting the need to
dismantle the colonial system. Just like Garvey and the political African leaders that began to
sprout during this time, he believed that it was paramount for Africa to rid itself of colonial rule.
This was another set goal of the Pan-African congresses - most especially the fifth congress -
drawing up of “resolutions concerned primarily with the political, economic and social
development of Africa for the benefit Africans" (Rogers, Ben, 1955). The initiation of these Pan-
African congresses, each having different objectives, inspired several blacks all over the world,
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particularly Africans. These congresses enabled dialogues amongst various black elites,
“discussing the problems of their race” (Rogers, Ben, 1955), in turn, allowing for resolutions to be
drawn up, and much later, blueprints for the decolonization of Africa.
Pan-African Congresses i. 1919
The first congress was held in Paris (1919). This congress was not as publicly accepted as
the following congresses. Although granted the permission of the French prime minister the
congress took place, in consideration of that the organizers would not publicize the event - bearing
in mind how controversial the topics raised by the Pan-African movements were. “The idea of
Pan-Africanism was so strange that it seemed unreal and yet at the same time perhaps potentially
dangerous” (Nkrumah, 1963). Nonetheless, it did occur and set the stage for conversations -
amongst educated blacks all around the world - on the disparities that came with their racial identity
in their respective home countries. According to Kwame Nkrumah, the first congress was
successful enough that several resolutions were drafted, one being the global call for the protection
of people of color (blacks) or descendants of Africa (Nkrumah, 1963). Even though none of these
proposals were put into action, it disclosed the global plight of blacks around the world (Nkrumah,
1963) and set the ball rolling for the continuation of several other congresses.
ii. 1921 The second congress was held in London and Paris in 1921 like the first one was not as
specific to the African issue, that is, the issue of race, political and economic freedom in Africa.
Instead, the proposals drafted during this congress highlighted the need for the social, economic
and political equality of all black people. “In a Declaration to the World, drafted at the closing
session, it was stated that ‘the absolute equality of races, physical, political and social, is the
founding stone of world and human advancement.’ They were more concerned in those days with
social than with political advancement, not yet recognizing the pre-emption of the latter in order
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to engage the former” (Nkrumah, 1963). Also, the fact that the Congress and the proposals made
were mainly concerned with social improvement, it ignored the political need within the context
of the continent of Africa. During this period, African states were seeking full political autonomy
from colonization and imperialism and as a result of the stress on social improvement, it did not
suit the approach Africans saw as best fitting with their understanding of Pan-Africanism. To
reiterate, this conference did not truly represent the African opinion seeing as it was not specific
to the issue facing the continent of Africa. Instead, looking at Pan-Africanism from a universal
perspective, which is not problematic, however, flawed in the sense that it introduces a one size
fits all approach - a common avenue that typically fails when executed.
iii. 1923 In 1923, the third conference took place sequentially in London and Lisbon. It was during
this conference that the agendas started to stir towards the direction of the political improvement
of blacks, exclusively, the political freedom of Africa, the elimination of colonial governments
and the creation of African governments (Nkrumah, 1963). However, as with the first two
congresses, their agendas were not effectively put into action. But it did gain international attention
due to the issues that were discussed. Most especially, by cause of the matter of political
improvement becoming more apparent (Nkrumah, 1963).
iv. 1927 Four years after the third congress, the fourth Pan-African conference took place in New
York (1927) (Rogers, Ben, 1955), but was ineffective due to the lack of funding for the Congress.
The failure of the Congress, gave way for other organizations to take initiatives to form other
conferences, further seeking to speak to the African continental issues. An example is the
International African Service Bureau in 1937 with its main objective being to push forward the
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Pan-African agenda and alliance amongst Africans within the continent and in the diaspora
(Nkrumah, 1963).
v. 1945 Unsurprisingly, it took 26 years - since the first Pan-African congress - for it to truly the
take the course of challenging and solving the African problem. “Instead of a rather nebulous
movement, concerned vaguely with black nationalism, the Pan-African movement had become an
expression African nationalism” (Nkrumah, 1963). The fifth congress which took place in
Manchester, England in 1945, following the end of World War II was the true cornerstone of Pan-
Africanism within the continent, concerned largely with Pan-Africanism and African nationalism
(Nkrumah, 1963). The fifth Pan-African congress was held by young African men preparing to
retire to the continent with the intention to free Africa from imperialism and launch the Pan-
African movement in the realization of African nationalism (Clarke, 1973). “For the first time the
necessity for well-organized, firmly knit movements as a primary condition for the success of the
national liberation struggle in Africa was stressed” (Nkrumah, 1963).
During this conference, the key issues addressed included a combination of constitutional
changes and universal suffrage - in turn, political improvement. “There were to be variations from
territory to territory to the differing circumstances. The fundamental purpose was identical:
national independence leading to African unity” (Nkrumah, 1963). Du Bois was beckoned by the
young African Pan-Africans with George Padmore and Kwame Nkrumah being the prime
organizers. This invitation was extended with the hopes to discuss the future of Pan-Africanism
on the continent, in other words, breaking ground for the concept of Pan-Africanism to be brought
to life. At the commencement of the Congress, Du Bois was made the chairman of the Congress
making him central to the Pan-African movement on the continent and equally important to the
African Pan-Africans of that generation.
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On witnessing the struggles of blacks in the United States, given this pedestal, Du Bois
then extended, internationalized and globalized Pan-Africanism based on the international
struggles of black people again overriding the authenticity of Pan-Africanism to the socio-
economic and political struggles of Africans within the continent. It is irrefutable that blacks all
over the world were facing the same racial discrimination, per contra, because of the varying
geographical locations and the ways in which one's location brings about varying challenges
between Africans in the diaspora and the continent, Pan-Africanism had to take shape to
specifically fit to what Africans in Africa and in the diaspora were facing respectively. This again
denotes the differences between Africans in Africa and the diaspora which goes beyond just the
racial aspect. Pan-Africanism shifted from being “referred to as ‘racialistic’ to ‘state-centric’ or
‘institutional’ Pan-Africanism” (Edozie and Gottschalk, 2014). For this reason, we start to witness
the changes in the perception of the term through - the political messages and actions combined
with the understanding of the concept on the continent by political thinkers. As a result, in Africa
the concept of Pan-Africanism took a turn to suit the struggles Africans on the continent were
facing - with regards to pushing for political and economic autonomy and the unification of all
African states, in other words, African nationalism, the Federation of African states and or the
United States of Africa and the list of potential categories goes on.
Wave of Pan-Africanism in Africa
Inasmuch as the history of Pan-Africanism outside the continent is important, it is eminent
to look into the ways in which Pan-Africanism took form and fully impacted the political lingo in
Africa. Precisely, it is fundamental to acknowledge how certain elements in the concept of Pan-
Africanism was first realized following the alleviation of the Gold Coast, now known as Ghana,
from colonization through Kwame Nkrumah. From this point on, Kwame Nkrumah became one
of the forefathers of Pan-Africanism in Africa shifting his main goal (despite achieving
32
independence for Ghana), to gaining autonomy for the collective - for all Africans within the
continent and also in the diaspora (Edozie and Gottschalk, 2014). Hereafter, Africans began to
witness Pan-Africanism take charge on the continent. Also, how Pan-Africanism in West Africa
too helped influence other nations in distinct regions of Africa to realize the power in the idea of
Pan-Africanism, not only for their nations good but also for the betterment of all Africans.
Apart from the few conferences held overseas to discuss the injustice and crimes against
black people, as previously mentioned, the conference that spiraled the hunger for political
freedom on the continent was the fifth congress whereby African Pan-Africans discussed the
political, economic and social future of the continent in conjunction with using Pan-Africanism as
an engine to accomplish this goal. Plus, looking beyond just the racial context also succumbing to
African nationalism and Pan-Africanism within the context of Africa, several other conferences
were held in Africa to put into action the discusses agendas during the conference. This meant that
Africans were finally moving towards ensuring the complete freedom from and insubordination to
colonial rule. Even more so for the countries that were still under the gruesome colonial and
imperialist rule of the west, and then achieving the ultimate goal; continental (African) unity.
Because the conferences that spiraled within the continent initially started off in the Western region
of the continent, it was only concerned with freeing the West African region from colonialism, but
with time, the wind of change was felt in other regions of the continent through the extended
influence by virtue of the tutelage of the prime African Pan-African during this time. As a result,
the conferences that were held started to move towards prioritizing not only political freedom for
each African state but also Africa’s unification, finally depicting the essence of having an ‘African
personality or identity’ at the core of Pan-Africanism (Clarke, 1973). To name a few of the steps
taken by African Pan-Africanists towards African nationalism; the West African National
Secretariat, West African Conferences held in London, the United Gold Coast Convention,
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Independent African States conferences, All-African Trade Union Federation (1959), conferences
held between the Casablanca and Monrovia groups and so on.
Seek First the Political Kingdom: Kwame Nkrumah and the Journey Towards African Unity
Pan-Africanism on the continent can be described to have had two different stages. The
first stage of Pan-Africanism in Africa as aforementioned was primarily concerned with
independence for all African nations from colonialization. On the other hand, the second stage of
Pan-Africanism began to focus more on the political unification of the entire continent. A popular
phrase, Seek First the Political Kingdom is often used to address the drive for political unity across
the continent because “political restrictions lead to economic disabilities” (Ali, 1959). Thus, the
emphasis on seeking first the political kingdom within the Pan-Africanism movement in Africa
has always been the most important component of the concept and it is for this reason that
Nkrumah relentlessly stressed in his writings and speeches that true freedom from imperialism for
the African states and the continent in general, could not or would not become a reality without
political unification. The idea that political unity would at the same time determine socio-economic
growth on the continent is indeed persuasive and credible as without political unity amongst these
nations or a level of political agreement between African heads of states, socio-economic growth
for the continent will seem like a herculean task and could potentially become unfruitful - as we
will see in the later text with the new political and economic policies that have come to be since
the wave of independence and the reduced relevance of pan-Africanism on the continent.
Kwame Nkrumah, a Ghana native, was, in fact, a man beyond his time. As a focused,
political thinker who was determined to see colonial rule in Africa end, and for all Africans to
finally reap the true benefit of political, economic and social freedom, he strongly believed that
pan-Africanism - finally being where it truly belonged post- the fifth congress - was the key to
34
totally liberating the continent and the creation of a United African States. He dreamt and longed
for a unified future for the continent, a future where all the African countries would have
recuperated from the economic exploitations carried out within their respective territories by the
colonizers, and more paramount, a politically united Africa (Nkrumah, 1963).
One of the many infamous writings by African Pan-Africans concerning Pan-Africanism
and African nationalism is Kwame Nkrumah's Africa Must Unite (1963) which is more or less a
‘Pan-African doctrine’ that many African leaders today can refer to as a manual for amending the
current social, political and economic situation on the continent. Considering the fact that not much
has changed since its publishing in 1963, the problems addressed by Nkrumah in the book are still
prevalent. The key point in the entirety of this book was the need for continental unification.
Continental unification to Nkrumah meant not only political progress in Africa but also a step
towards social and economic headway for all of Africa. That being said, it was important for all
Africans and the time to respond to Nkrumah’s clarion call to seek first the political kingdom.
In Africa Must Unite, writing during the period of colonialization and the initiation of
decolonization in some African states, Nkrumah stated that there is was ongoing a wind of change
occurring on the continent, one that is unnatural and powerful enough to erode old order (Nkrumah,
1963). “Africans felt more strongly and more strongly, the need to join hands because their interest
is common and there are numerous bonds of history and culture that join them together. Negritude
of the African personality, and even more of a mighty Pan-African federation” (Ali, 1959). This
same wind of change is still felt on the continent as many African states are still undergoing
economic exploitations prompting institutions like the African Union to refer back to the idea of
reunifying the Pan-African dream idealized by African forefathers with the modern dream of
attaining development on the continent. In other words, reshaping, reimagining and reminding
Africa of its continental goal and identity.
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What is bizarre today is that many Africans tend to ignore that in the past there were indeed
successful attempts to initiate continental unification, spearheaded by some African states namely;
Ghana, Guinea, and Mali (Kurtz, 1970). Post-independence by working with other independent
states, Kwame Nkrumah ensured that he pushed the Pan-African agenda hence forming the
amalgamation of the first United African States (UAS). The union was first accomplished by
Ghana and Guinea with Mali joining afterward in 1960, almost two years after the Ghana-Guinea
union. “The first step towards African political union was taken on 23 November 1958, when
Ghana and the Republic of Guinea united to form a nucleus for a Union of African States”
(Nkrumah, 1963). The mere fact that this union existed set the tone for the need for African states
to unite first politically and then economically. Obviously, the union is non-existent today,
notwithstanding, it is necessary to take account of its usefulness in Africa’s history. Especially
since the union set the precedence for the creation of a politically unified continent, also creating
policies that could have been implemented holistically.
In spite of the various attempts to unify the continent by Nkrumah and his counterparts, by
working with the Casablanca and Monrovia groups in an attempt to finally move towards complete
political unification, this union did not come into being. Alternatively, the Organization of African
Unity was created, still underlining the goals of Pan-Africanism, though, not fully fulfilling the
needs of the movement across the continent. In 1963, Addis Ababa, African pan-Africans gathered
to discuss how the continent could prosper politically, socially and economically under a guiding
institution or the Charter of African Unity. Following the creation of the OAU, the establishment
of regional blocs, now RECs, would begin to determine the relevance of Pan-Africanism on the
continent and the steps towards continental unification.
Undeniably, the evolution of the concept Pan-Africanism, the disagreements on what it
truly means and how it is being conceived today helps to shape the success or failure of the
36
ambitious idea of a United States of Africa. In order for Pan-Africanism to be successfully put into
practice, Africans must understand what the philosophy means and then re-interpret and re-
integrate the ideas especially concerning using the concept as a means to achieve continental
integration as it was sought after by some of the strongest Pan-African political thinkers the
continent has ever produced (at the time the ideology was most ubiquitous), then apply it to the
current socio-economic and political situation in Africa.
Visibly, Africa has faced many difficulties that have hindered political, social and
economic stability on the continent. As a result, setting the mood for total liberation and the
unification of the continent was quintessential to overcoming the trials and tribulations that
Africans and Africans states have and continue to undergo. With the conception of Pan-Africanism
as a stepping stone to achieve political and economic unity, the various adversities that the African
continent has faced create opportunities for success and success for the continent lie in accepting
an ideology that would guide the continent towards complete political and economic unity. This
was the vision Kwame Nkrumah and many other African Pan-Africanists had, so what has
happened since independence?
Symbolic Pan-Africanism & Threat to State Sovereignty Sovereignty Concerns The establishment of the African Union exemplifies how the Pan-African ideology is widely accepted but is yet to be put into practice. Because of this, putting it into practice also poses a threat to state sovereignty and the political survival of African heads of states.
The idea of African nationalism has since then been truncated by the creation of the
Organization of African Unity. “The achievement of African political unification would radically
diminish if not remove the authority now enjoyed by the heads of many modern African states...
their supreme authority would have been superseded” (Crutcher, 1966). The OAU’s existence was
enough evidence to Africans and the international community the rift between African federalists
37
(Casablanca group) and moderates (Monrovia group), their different views on the issue of African
nationalism and the ultimate goal being the political kingdom. The members of the Casablanca
group were strong proponents of seeking first the political kingdom, being that everything else
good will come from it (the eventual creation of a United States of Africa and the socio-economic
and political prosperity of the continent). Members of the rival group; Monrovia, on the other hand,
thought it was best to guide jealousy their newly gained independence, maintaining their autonomy
and sleeping with the enemy (former colonial administration) instead of dealing with their political
and economic shortcomings.
Alternatively, if it was not for their clashing views on how best to unify Africa, the OAU
(later changed to the African Union in 2001 due to the inefficiency of the institution, and the
safeguarding of the sovereignty of newly independent states regardless of the influence of the
organization), would have been orchestrated as the continental governing body for Africa. That is,
if it were not for the estrangement between these two groups and their different perceptions on
how Pan-Africanism should influence Africa’s future, the OAU could have cemented Kwame
Nkrumah’s dream of a United States of Africa. “The state-driven process through the OAU has
gone its course from 1963 to 2001 and another state-driven process has emerged through the
AU/NEPAD process” (Muchie, 2004). With the shift in the role of Pan-Africanism in the
performance or autonomy of the African Union, African states were once again enticed by
neocolonialism (Mkandawire, 2011), further deepening colonial ties and the dependency of
African states. It is for this reason, post-independence, Nkrumah describes African elites as being
“neo-colonized,” painting them as Africa’s immediate enemy and Western influence or
neocolonial ties with the West as the continents major enemy both needing African unity as the
weapon used in combating their agendas (Herve, 1973). The former needing to be “neutralized”
first, then the latter, eradicated completely, in order to fulfill African socialism (Herve, 1973).
38
Between the years 1999 to 2001, the African Union was created as a metamorphosis from
the Organization of African Unity.3 This transition was successfully executed during the
Declaration of Sirte. The Declaration of Sirte was adopted with the intention to hasten continental
integration, with a focus on economic integration on the continent (Buyoya, 2006). This change
made the AU stand out from the OAU that was primarily concerned at the time with the liberation
struggle ongoing on the continent at the time. Irrespective of this significant difference, it would
be naive to state that the AU’s purposes are completely distinct from that of the OAU’s (Buyoya,
2006). The vision of the African Union; “an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by
its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in global arena" (African Union), in itself shows
that there are little to no discrepancies from the vision of the OAU.4
The change in the title and functions of the organization is a representation and
interpretation of the biblical parable about putting new wine in old bottles. “Neither do people pour
new wine into old wineskins. If they do, the skins will burst; the wine will run out and the
wineskins will be ruined. No, they pour new wine into new wineskins, and both are preserved”
(Matthew 9:17). This verse is self-explanatory and even more so, it is ever glaring when paralleled
with the challenges to steer Africa towards political and economic prosperity that has ensued since
the African Union. Subsequently, the idea of a United States of Africa is called to question.
The current state of the African Union depicts how the institution has slightly aberrated
away from the Pan-African ideal but has also conceded to Western influence. This is most
3Buyoya (2006) discusses the AU’s approaches to differ from the OAU by adopting three initiatives centered around economic integration, foreign investments, public participation and gender inclusivity. “the first approach is an integrative process that will move Africa from a condition in which states defend only their own political and diplomatic interests to a condition of true economic integration. The second approach is a step toward ensuring that the framework for public debate is open and inclusive of the whole continent, including women and civil society. The third is that of give and take, making overtures to other non-African regional and international organizations, such as the international aid community and foreign investors.” 4Since its conception, the African Union functions now because it consists of various organs, each having different tasks, that altogether work towards the vision of the organization. The organs are; the Assembly of the Union, the Executive Council, the Pan-African Parliament, the Court of Justice, the Commission, the Permanent Representatives Committee, the Specialized Technical Committees, the Economic, Social and Cultural Council, and the Financial Institutions (Constitutive Act of the African Union).
39
transparent with how the AU handles its political and economic activities on the continent, the lack
of interference regarding the social injustice, political corruption, and economic downfalls or
recession's persisting in African states, and significantly, because it chooses to respect the
sovereignty, African states remain unchecked and unsanctioned. All of which contribute to slow
development.
In the Pan-African discourse, the African Union has been researched as an institution
created to embody the aspirations of Pan-Africanists for the continent; “a renaissance of Pan-
Africanism” (Matthews, 2005), the brainchild of Pan-Africanism. “The elite through the OAU
recruited paradoxically and somewhat offensively a rhetorical 'Pan-Africanism' that tried to
ennoble the fraternity of post-colonial heads of states as an expression of Pan-African celebration
and solidarity” (Muchie, 2004). The symbolic and constitutional representation of the African
Union cannot be asserted as being mutually exclusive from the theory of state sovereignty. In view
of this, this research intertwines the African Union as a regional or continental body that has the
ability to grant the practice of Pan-Africanism on a grand scale and a perpetrating threat to state
sovereignty.
In addition, it can also be theorized that despite this fact, state sovereignty reigns supreme
in Africa and the African Union, regardless of the fact that it embodies a symbolic representation
of Pan-Africanism does not bear enough power to command how African leaders choose to dictate
the future of their nations and choose to overlook the grand schemes of thing - which in this case
is path towards the United State of Africa. Accordingly, it is not enough to assert that the African
Union (as an embodiment of Pan-Africanism) will successfully achieve the vision of Pan-
Africanism, thus why this theory is relevant to the discussions on this topic.
Today, with the establishment of the African Union as a continental "governing" body that
ensures the solidification of state sovereignty, Pan-Africanism has been reduced to plainly being
40
institutionally represented. Although the African Union is considered as a reincarnation of Pan-
Africanism or commended for reviving Pan-Africanism on the continent, it is merely institutional
Pan-Africanism, in turn, showing proof of its limitations. With the African Union’s existence as a
metaphorical illustration of the concept, the perception of pan-Africanism has changed to one that
does not connote an active move towards the suggested continental integration as the discourse in
contemporary Africa has moved away from the idea of politically unifying the continent.
Also, considering that there are no colonial powers to rid themselves of, many Africans no
longer associate modern day Pan-Africanism in the same way it was applied in the past. In other
words, Pan-Africanism is no longer prized in the hearts of the general African public and African
leaders in the context of fighting for a particular cause; liberation and freedom towards a unique
goal - a United States of Africa. But, with the rise and emphasis on political survival within the
continent, perhaps Africans need to begin to think about decolonizing themselves from their
current heads of state who are at forefront of decimating and infringing on the progress of political
and economic integration - which could potentially be a bonus for the socio-economic well-being
of the African population.
To remain stagnant in terms of economic and political growth, Africans and African leaders
are choosing to remain disintegrated, constantly being prone to the perils of neocolonialism
(Nkrumah, 1963). Modern-day Africa is now confronted with neo-colonialism and the dream to
attain Pan-Africanism will continue to appear as a far-fetched plan unless African governments
are willing to decolonize their political structures and civil society, also accepting certain
principles on Pan-Africanism that were rigorously and universally preached upon by the likes of
Kwame Nkrumah. To counter this stagnation, Africa needs to be organized into a political union
(Nkrumah, 1963). African nationalism needs to occur, cohesively dictating the pace of political
and economic growth in each Africa state. It has been over 60 years since the African states gained
41
independence through the Pan-Africanism movements. Yet, Pan-Africanism has not entirely
played out in Africa as the very struggles and oppression that were fought against are still parasitic
to the true political, social and economic freedom of the continent. “In a classical term, imperialism
depends on the colonial rule as the main form of political and economic control. Neo-imperialism
is about domination without necessary having physical control” (Lumumba-Kasongo 2011). The
dangers of neo-Imperialism or neo-colonialism that Kwame Nkrumah warned African states
against has crept its way into Africa by the way of globalization which in turn, entices and
influences the political and economic actions taken by African states.
Not only do African states depend on financial assistance from the West, but the African
Union also relies profoundly on monetary contributions from powerful countries outside of the
continent. These countries pump money into the institution in the guise of enabling the 'toothless
bulldog' (AU) to have a footing within the continent and the international community when in
actuality it gives the Western powers a free pass to mark their political and economic footprints on
the continent. “Perhaps most importantly, neocolonialism involves the ability for external
exploitation to exist alongside all outward trappings of constitutional sovereignty. Indeed, the
neocolonial formula Nkrumah developed included a complicit role of the official institutions and
stewards of the states in aiding in easing extra colonial systems of domination” (Young, 2010). It
is already apparent the disadvantages of aid from the West to African states. Not only did Nkrumah
refute this dependency but contemporary economists like Dambisa Moyo has also written
intensively on the detrimental effects of aid from the West to the continent. “Africa has not yet
fully owned the power to design its free future without European interference, either through
charity or conditionality” (Muchie, 2004). Yet, despite the warnings, African states remain heavily
dependent on their colonial linkages to the west for financial support.
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Moreover, neo-colonialism has also allowed for other growing powerhouses; China and
India, within the international community to have strong holdings in African states. Going by
Immanuel Wallenstein’s World Systems Theory, African states are considered to be economically,
socially and politically located in the periphery. Bearing this in mind, the African continent is
susceptible to interference from core states (Western influence). “What is most at stake in Africa
is the vast resources which have from time immemorial been of high importance to wealthy nations
usually for the purpose of extortion which in turn affects economic growth the underdeveloped
world. Slow economic growth then requires assistance, mostly financial from core states and
transnational financial institutions who then introduce Eurocentric structural adjustment programs
and provide aid assistance, again, immortalizing dependency” (Adesola Adeyemo, 2017). Despite
the fact that colonization ended several years ago, economic exploitation is still happening in
Africa.
What is most ironic and contradictory of it all is both the whopping $200 million brand
new African Union building funded and constructed by the Chinese government and the recently
inaugurated Julius Nyerere Peace and Security building funded by the German government,
estimated to have cost Germany an unbelievable 31 million Euro to build. These two buildings
have been described as merely a generous contribution to the organization, showing both countries
solidarity and support. However, it is known that nothing comes for free or without an expected
return. In other words, without some expected level of influence from either the Chinese or
German government in the AU's decisions. “Neocolonialism provides an effective framework for
reflecting on the current state of the unification debate and identifying some of the observable
trends that now portend to define that discussion” (Young, 2010). It would behoove African
leaders, and those who hope for a better future for the continent that instead of having their arms
stretched out to the West every now and then for aid, the intentionality needs to be questioned first,
43
if not Africa’s economy will continue to be demoralized (Ferguson, 2007), remain in the cycle of
constantly being depicted as a continent of catastrophe and the White Man’s Burden.’
Similarly, Achilles Mbembe in his popular work titled On the Post Colony, he theorizes
and depicts postcoloniality in Africa. In his writing, he asserts Pan-Africanism as a remedy to the
effects of postcoloniality on the continent. Furthermore, he introduces the commandment defining
it has to have three characteristics; “a regime departing away from the common law, on privileges
and impunity and the absence in differentiating between ruling and civilizing” (Mbembe, pg. 29-
31). These characteristics he suggests has been the methods applied by African heads of states post
colonialism in ruling civil society. In relations to Pan-Africanism in Africa, the commandments
being applied in the political framework of many, if not all African states, hinders Pan-Africanism
from flourishing in the sense that it focuses more on the political survival of African heads of
states, whilst simultaneously decreasing the political will to take action towards securing a Pan-
African continent.
In the same vein, Quijano and Ennis in Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin
America describe the ineptitude of colonized nations or continents to completely rid and strip
themselves from western influence. Although they write concerning Latin America, their theory
on postcoloniality and ties between former colonies and former colonial powers applies to the
current situation in Africa. “Colonization in a nutshell arrested and unraveled African civilization,
imposed Western imperial structures on Africa, and in the process, produced deleterious distorting,
disorienting and disarticulating effects on the entire political, social, legal and economic structures
of societies” (Omeje, 2018). Post colonialization, as much as the advocates of African nationalism
attempted to build a continent for the African people, there are clear remnants of colonial
institutions or systems of government and or governing civil society that have been incorporated
with modern African political frameworks.
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Kenning this, because political institutions in Africa have been constructed utilizing former
methods applied by former colonial administrations, there are visible repercussions, especially in
the political and economic sphere. This is also a result of the 'umbilical' cord between western
powers and the continent of Africa that refuses to be cut. “Europe’s hegemony over the new model
of global power concentrated all forms of the control of subjectivity, culture, and especially
knowledge and the production of knowledge under its hegemony” (Quijano and Ennis, 540). For
this reason, Pan-Africanism in Africa, years after the independence of African states from colonial
rule, has been affected by this umbilical cord. “The hegemonic powers have changed, but the
hegemonic control over Africa remains the same” (Muchie, 2004). For African nationalism to
take its true and full course, this means that it would have to come in close contact, in conflict, or
intertwined with the coloniality of power.
Without digressing from the topic at hand, these examples certainly show some level of
clenching unto colonial influence by African states. At the same time, these major western country
donors have a significant political influence on many African states. France is a prime example -
considering that many African nations in the CFA franc zone are francophone states. Hence
intensifying the economic and political impact the country has on certain states. In the same vein,
in the wake of Agenda 2063, AfCFTA and the need to re-integrate the Pan-African goals, with
BREXIT and the current state of the European Union, the chances of politically unifying the
continent of Africa is slim, allowing for the political will of African heads of state to remain
stagnant and in some case, entirely unwilling to adhere to integration policies adopted by the
African Union. Differently, seeing as BREXIT has played out for the EU, African heads of states
are increasingly becoming reluctant to merge into an economic union.
Key Findings:
• In this chapter, both operating hypotheses A and C are reasserted based on the findings.
45
• Specifically, the reduction in the meaning of Pan-Africanism which argues that a United States of Africa has not yet been achieved because of the plurality of the concept/movement and how it is and has been applied by various generations.
• The concept of pan-Africanism has shifted from being a racial objective to a political goal and now an economic objective.
• At the dawn of the African Union up until today, the hypothesis is valid as pan-Africanism has been applied differently – now emphasizing and prioritizing economic integration over political integration. Whether this prioritization will yield positive results for the continent is still to be determined seeing as there are still external (western powers) and internal (African states sovereignty concerns) parties hindering the successful implementation of economic (and political) integrative policies.
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Chapter 2 Perception of Pan-Africanism in Contemporary Africa
Unity will not make us rich, but it can make it difficult for Africa and the African peoples to be
disregarded and humiliated. And it will, therefore, increase the effectiveness of the decisions we make and try to implement for our development.
My generation led Africa to political freedom. The current generation of leaders and peoples of Africa must pick up the flickering torch of African freedom, refuel it with their enthusiasm and
determination, and carry it forward. - Julius Nyerere
As discourses on Pan-Africanism continues to storm the continent, be it in policies made
at the supra-governmental level (by the African Union), nationally in the various African countries,
or amongst specific Pan-African enthusiast groups within local communities - these policies show
how the perceptions of Pan-Africanism in contemporary Africa has changed from how it was
perceived when Pan-Africanism movements were rampant on the continent. Consequently, several
questions arise; how do Africans regard Pan-Africanism in modern day Africa? How relevant is
Pan-Africanism today to the socio-economic and political concerns of the continent? How popular
and or relevant is the concept of a United States of Africa to Africans today? When studying socio-
economic and political progress on the continent, past and current researches and scholarly works
often deviate away from using Pan-Africanism as a mechanism to outline the socio-economic or
political trends on the continent. That is, the efforts towards bettering the socio-economic or
political fabric of the continent are often not viewed from a Pan-Africanism lens.
At the same time, because of the ambiguity of a United States of Africa, there are not many
scholarships covering the topic, let alone, attitudes from African citizens on the topic of continental
integration in Africa. Scholarships on this issue are usually not people-centered enough and that is
a flaw when trying to understand the true nature of Pan-Africanism today as it affects the people
mostly. If anything, minimal attention is placed on the enthusiasm of African citizens regarding
this issue. Similarly, results usually stem from a pessimistic view as opposed to showing optimism
47
from the general “public.” In retrospect, in an attempt to evaluate the research question
appropriately, one must question how African citizens perceive Pan-Africanism. For this study, I
suggest that it is critical to get the opinion of African citizens (regarding the topic at hand) to
facilitate putting the puzzle together. I chose to pursue interviews on the contemporary attitudes
and perceptions of African citizens because it helps to gain more insight on their attitudes
concerning a more unified Africa which is also fundamental to understanding how realistic a
continentally unified Africa is to African citizens who are not necessary in a place of decision-
making power. Although the interviewees are bureaucrats/elites working for the African Union, I
also maintain that they represent the voice of African citizens, seeing as many of them are not
necessarily in positions that possesses significant decision-making power. Irrespective, of this, I
chose the participants of the study because I suggest that their occupation and familiarity with the
ongoing activities of the institution -African Union, equips them with viable knowledge that can
be insightful, surprising and or supportive to the findings and claims of this research. Similarly,
regarding the importance of the publics attitudes towards integrative strategies, the African Union
too has acknowledged the importance of including the voice of African citizens to matters
concerning continental integration.
These interviews were carried out on African bureaucrats working with the African Union.
Precisely, looking at how staffs of the African Union conceptualize the pan-African dream years
after Nkrumah’s failure to unify the continent. The selected group of participants were specifically
chosen given their position in the African Union and their hands-on experience with how the
organization does (or does not) use the philosophy of Pan-Africanism to guide the policies created
and generally to help shed light on the research question which asks why Pan-Africanism is yet to
be put into practice. Another goal of interviews is to confirm the hypothesis that Pan-Africanism
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has shifted from a political agenda to one that is fueled by economic policies or attaining
continental economic progress.
In order to derive information regarding the general perception of the configuration of a
United States of Africa in modern-day Africa, a series of interviews were carried out asking a
range of questions (see appendix). The questions asked during the interviews pertained to, inter
alia, how they define Pan-Africanism, unity and continental integration, inspirations to work with
the African Union, identity, and the creation of a United States of Africa. During the process of
these interviews, three recurring themes were identified in the responses. The recurring themes
are; Pan-Africanism/continental integration/unity and economic integration. These two different
codes will verify the data and the changing narrative in the Pan-African discourse in contemporary
Africa.
How African Union Diplomats Perceive Pan-Africanism in Modern Day Africa Pan-Africanism, Continental Integration and Unity:
Over the past years, the definition of Pan-Africanism has changed to mean different things,
ranging from a racial objective to a political and or a socio-economic goal to promote greater unity
on the continent of Africa. This theory is one of the foundational theoretical frameworks this thesis
explores - by looking into the diverse ways in which Pan-Africanism is conceived and how that
has, in turn, affected attaining a United States of Africa. Because of this theory, it can be
hypothesized that this is the same reality in modern times - by virtue of the fact that the term Pan-
Africanism means different things to diverse groups of people. Others emphasize the social aspect
of Pan-Africanism - relating it to a common cultural identity, some idealize the concept as a
common economic target, whilst very few envisage Pan-Africanism as having a political purpose.
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The three terms; Pan-Africanism, continental integration and unity, I find useful to
categorize together as these words can be used interchangeably when referring to the creation of a
United States of Africa. Scholarly works often downplay the popularity of the philosophy on the
continent and the preparedness and willingness of Africans to accommodate creating a more
integrated continent. The information drawn from the interviews has shown the growing support
for continental integration, and similarities in the popular ways that pan-Africanism continues to
be grasped (specifically by looking at how bureaucrats of the African Union, given their line of
work, define the concept).
Scholarships often tend to associate Pan-Africanism as a concept of emotions because it
resonates with the age of colonialism and stems from a place of passion (Mkandawire, 2011). It is
often associated to have been influenced by the emotional impulse that led to the Pan-African
movements in the past. When asked what Pan-Africanism meant to them, one of the respondents
(interviewee 1) defines Pan-Africanism as;
“...the spirit of the love and commitment for everything that will make Africa better by all means possible, upholding African values and preserving where you live.” Hence, this definition of Pan-Africanism speaks to the emotional aspect of the concept.
The words “love” and “commitment” give meaning to the seriousness and sentimental meaning of
the concept of Pan-Africanism to Africans. It is a commitment, one’s passion to ensure that Africa
is rejuvenated by all means necessary. Other ways in which the ideology of Pan-Africanism is
defined by participants shed light on the specificity of a “common interest” for all Africans
regardless of the jeopardized state in which the continent is - provided the balkanization of the
continent. Interviewee 2 says;
“Pan-Africanism means a common front for all Africans irrespective of your geographical locations. Free of entry across nations, common market, currency, etc.”
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Similarly, studies on Pan-Africanism often discuss the importance of crystallizing the
diaspora and Africans on the continent to configure a united Africa given the concept stemmed
from the diaspora. Different to the aforementioned, there is also an emphasis on the relationship
between Africans on the continent and in the diaspora. The term unity is crucial to the philosophy
of Pan-Africanism as it is at the nitty-gritty of enforcing continental integration. When asked what
Pan-Africanism meant, interviewee 3 replied;
“that is a movement of bringing African descents together by building a bond of unity and solidarity among them. It also means oneness and speaking in one voice.” Likewise, another participant as well spoke on the value of increased unity on the continent.
The ability for the continent to be “combined as one,” “to speak in one voice, to have a common
goal, to achieve things together and to ensure the peace within the Africans.” Reiterating the
collective interest of all Africans and people of African descent to attaining the said unified
continent.
Pan-Africanism is definitely on the horizon in Africa and the bureaucrats have visions to
see Pan-Africanism materialize on the continent. The popular vision captured from the interviews
is the call for the idea of a United States of America to be revisited. Articles on modifying the
continent into a United States of Africa seldom bring light to the enthusiasm on the continent to
actually see this vision become a reality. From the interviews, the respondents show an interest in
revitalizing this idea. Particularly as the African Union moves towards further integration on the
continent. To capture their perceptions on this issue, respondents were asked what their vision for
Pan-Africanism in Africa is and all of the participants agreed on seeing a United States of Africa
“emerge with preservation of its cultures and values,” and “seek avenues to preserve African
values and be each other’s keeper.”
In addition, in the first chapter, I suggest that Pan-Africanism has moved towards an
economic direction. One of the participant's visions for Pan-Africanism in the coming years
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explains wanting to see the concept being realized on economic terms (another reappearing theme
derived from the interview that will also be discussed in the following texts), interviewee 4 states
her vision for Pan-Africanism as one in which;
“Barriers in terms of trade between African countries will be removed and African will be able to compete effectively in today’s global marketplace.” Continental integration is another term encompassed under the umbrella of Pan-
Africanism. Continental integration speaks specifically to the goal of the Pan-African movement.
This has also been identified as an agenda of the African Union, employing the philosophy of Pan-
Africanism to ensure continental integration either politically or economically or a combination.
Apparently, when discussing continental integration, scholars often indicate the inclusion of both
political and economic policies to help guarantee the integration of the continent for the greater
political and socio-economic good of the continent. This is mostly done by analyzing Pan-
Africanism as a tool to generate trade, the free movement of people, goods and services and the
dismantling of borders. To support this information, one of the participants (interviewee 5)
recognizes the interconnectedness of continental integration to the Pan-African dream, signifying
it as;
“the collaboration of countries to work towards common social, political and economic interest by breaking the barriers in order to allow the free movement of goods and services within the African Continent.” In addition, interviewee 3 shared their views on continental integration as; “African countries working together toward the common goal; this can cover trade between countries, sharing resources and making common decisions to develop the continent.”
Furthermore, the data derived from the interviews not only show an increasing support for
continental integration but also highlight the difficulties in achieving this goal. It can be looked at
from a spectrum; on the far left there are those who propagandize the feasibility of a United States
of Africa with no obstacle, on the extreme right - falls individuals of the opinion that it will be an
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unattainable objective given the many obstacles and lastly, in between lies those of the opinion
that it is feasible but also confirm that achieving the goal will not be an easy process.
Coupled with the above, from a more Pan-African enthusiast point of view, one of the
participants who would fall on the extreme left of the spectrum (described above) vehemently
guarantees that there are absolutely no obstacles to achieving a United States of Africa, rather,
suggesting that there are steps that need to be taken to achieve continental unification. Examples
of the proposed suggestions include;
“Leaders who are ready to integrate and champion the dream, a network of roads that are accessible to safely travel across countries on the continent, and, free entry (removal of visa requirement of all Africans).” Although the participant’s confidence in the materializing of the idea oversimplifies the
matter at hand, giving suggestions to achieve the United States of Africa evidently shows that as
much as Pan-African enthusiasts believe strongly in the easy implementation of this Pan-African
dream, one cannot deny the fact the ambiguity of the idea makes putting pan-Africanism in practice
somewhat at a disadvantage to becoming a reality. Nonetheless, the participants' optimism in the
accommodation of continental integration gives hope that the Nkrumah’s Pan-African dream is
not dead yet and that there are individuals who do not second guess the feasibility of a United
States of Africa seeing as many individuals tend to look at the concept from a pessimistic view.
As inscribed in many studies carried out on conceptualizing a more unified continent and
as discussed in chapter one, pertaining to the worries of the Pan-Africanism movement at the time
when it was more active, some of the identifiable obstacles to boosting the integration of the
continent stems from the coloniality of power, the ongoing ties with and influence from former
colonial powers and the threat of a unified continent to state sovereignty.
Interviewee 1:
“Yes, I am in support of the argument because it will foster unity and make Africa believe in herself rather than depending on other continents for survival. With collective efforts
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and joining of hands together, the United States of Africa will benefit a lot in term of social, political and economic among themselves because Africa Continent is well endowed with both human and natural resources. The obstacles are to the different former colonial masters and over-dependent of western countries for aids. Fear of countries losing their sovereignty and political dominance and influence.” Interviewee 2, “I believe that African countries are stronger together. They are currently too small, and too weak to compete effectively in today’s global marketplace. Scale matters. With scale, you consolidate resources, reduce costs, project power, attract talent, and drive innovation. This needs a continent level effort.” In the same light another participant (interviewee 3) went ahead to elaborate their position
on a more unified continent and the pros and cons stating;
“As you and I may be aware of proverbs that relate to the subject of combined efforts, let me quote J.K Rowling’s to make my point; “we are only as strong as we are united as weak as we are divided.” She goes on to say “positive benefits will outweigh the negative outcome of being a United States of Africa. There are two main obstacles of the unification of Africa in my view; a colonial mentality that still exists amongst us and the willingness of the western powers/those having a strong interest in Africa.”
Correspondingly, political and cultural issues challenge strategies to successfully integrate
Africa (interviewee 3);
“On the other hand, there are still some obstacles, political and cultural integration are prerequisite to the success of integration. Leaders who are driving the integration need to address the political differences and different education systems in order to put resources together and work as one people.” What was interesting to find during the interviews was how these representatives of the
African Union also confirmed the organization as an embodiment of philosophy of Pan-
Africanism, “a continental organization that is working towards the unification of all Africa
countries and also ensure there is peace in the continent.” Some also describe the institution as one
that “drives the African integration and development process” on the continent, both important to
the Pan-African ideology.
Other complimentary comments from interviewee 4 include;
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“The institution is working rigorously by engaging in consultation and deliberation with its member states. In January this year, about 23 African countries have signed a treat for a single continent air travel market. This ought to create a single air transportation market across Africa. AU has been trying significantly in realizing the dream of Pan Africanism. It is projected that by 2063, the set objectives will be achieved.”
The African Union is undoubtedly fundamental to achieving a more unified continent and
for the participants to validate the purpose of the organization. The statement goes to show the
ongoing perceptions of the AU as the key to making continental integration a reality on the
continent. Also, there is often the dilemma regarding how prepared African citizens are for
continental integration and there are differing opinions. One side informs or forms the opinion on
the unlikeliness for Africans to easily conceive the realization of a United States of Africa for
reasons ranging from specific political and socio-economic concerns facing their respective
countries.
Interviewee 5;
“I can say 50/50. In my view, half of the people seem to be prepared, and the other half needs to be convinced in order to change their mindset towards uniting the continent. The strong belief of sovereignty may slow down this process or preparedness.” The other side, as confirmed in the series of interviews, contradicts the idea that Africans
are not prepared. Most of the participants were very much optimistic about the perceptions of the
general public, claiming that with the readily available access to information about Pan-Africanism
and the organization's efforts to promote continental integration, African citizens are without a
doubt prepared and willing to accept the formation of a more unified continent. A respondent
affirms; “Yes, Africans are prepared, people are enlightened and know the importance that unity
will bring to Africans. With robust consultative, the Unification of Africa is achievable.”
Additionally, in response to the readiness of Africans to the creation of a United States of Africa, interviewee 6 states;
“Yes, we are preparing for United States of Africa, African Union is a common voice for us, with numerous talented men and women. The unification is a gradual process, changing
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the orientation and mindset of member states, setting goals to be debated at various member states assembly and coming up with a total package, it takes time but we are getting there.” Collectively, the respondents agree that the unification of Africa will be beneficial for all;
politically, economically and socially. Categorically, some of the benefits are distinguished as
technology transfer, job creation which will in turn drive GDP up, reservation of foreign currency
and a decrease in development costs.
Economic integration
In recent times, more scholarships have identified the shift from a political agenda to an
economic policy executed by the African Union. Scholars now disregard the political goal of the
philosophy is that it poses as an unrealistic goal to attain acknowledging that the continent is
divided into different countries and further broken down into regional economic communities
(RECs). Economic integration, on the other hand, has been promoted as the most logical method
for pursuing a more unified continent.
In agreement with the scholarships on economic policies in line with have been put in place
to pave the way for a more unified Africa, during the interview, participants drew up other ways
in which continental integration has taken a turn to suggest more of a focus on economic unity.
Some of the conventional ways discussed include free entry, dissolved borders, establishing a
common currency, common passport, and “united efforts in addressing socio-economic challenges
of African nations” states one of the interviewees. This economic approach is also evident in the
works of the African Union with the recent AfCFTA which the respondents discuss extensively
providing both the advantages and disadvantages of the economic policy and how realistic it is to
achieve the Pan-African dream. Besides the AfCFTA, the current RECs are also discussed by;
scholars and the respondents respectively, as successful economic integrative strategies employed
by the African Union to expediting continental integration.
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Regarding the AfCFTA, respondents see this economic policy as a step in the right
direction in safeguarding a more unified Africa. Yet, considering that the AfCFTA, if ratified,
would make Africa the largest Free Trade Area in the world, participants showed both skepticism
and relief that there is (finally) an economic instrument that will put the continent on the rise.
Supporters of the AfCFTA claim that it will collectively benefit every nation on the continent,
however, economists, likewise almost all of the participants affirm during their interviews the
obvious disparity in the economic benefits each country will gain. One of the respondent’s remarks
that “it is understandable that there are some major players in the African economy, but the good
of all should come first then the individual comparative advantage of each country.”
Interviewee 2; “it will bring a more unified continent; most member states have advanced technology, with the free trade agreement, exchange in knowledge and technical know-how will emanate that will improve other states, tourism will increase thereby bringing revenue. There will be also more cultural awareness among nations. Inter-marriages will increase, that will help to minimize tribal wars.” A third interviewee says; “Yes, it can lead to a unified continent. The institution has a lot of work to do. It has to ensure that there are balances on issues of trade within the continent because some countries have comparative advantages over others in terms of labor, technology know-how, natural resources etc. Some counties have not signed the trade treat maybe because of fear of an influx of people that will have an effect on their security and other factors. The commission has to let its members know that the benefits of ACFTA outweigh its disadvantages. The trade within the continent will make money to be retained in Africa. This will also eradicate economy and political dependence on Western World.” Another, when questioned on whether the AfCFTA, could lead to a more unified continent
interviewee 4 responded; "As you and I couldn't agree more, no development without a strong economy and development can reach the desired level when the country or continent is trading with bigger economies which have a very strong competitive advantage. AfCFTA will help the continent to gain a competitive advantage over the other players. This will strengthen its bargaining power, keep the money on the continent, as job market will increase. In retrospect, the countries will feel more unity."
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In addition, a close analysis of the responses from the interviews shows a commonality in
how the interviewees perceive the obstacles to the AfCFTA and what that could potentially mean
for Pan-Africanism to be put into practice. Recent articles on the AfCFTA have shown reluctance
to fully embrace the agreement as one that will project positive outcomes, hence, the interviewees
have also shared their views on the challenges currently facing the full adoption of the agreement.
The common obstacles discussed were; financial capital to catalyze the agreement, security
concerns, lack of infrastructure in some countries, slow technological advancement, competition
between power holding countries.
Interviewee 1 elaborates on the obstacles and fears for the hindrance of the AfCFTA coming into being;
1. "High competition of the big market economies which are not ready to give up on Africa
because its population is a huge market for their goods produced cheaply. Also, these larger markets take advantage of Africa and market it as a dumping ground! Sad!
2. "Africa's shortage of highly skilled labor is an obstacle to AfCFTA's complete implementation.
3. “Low technology is another factor that will hinder AfCFTA's faster and full implementation"
Interviewee 5 explicitly stated; “Difference in political ideologies and the fear of dominance by fellow African Countries. Socio-cultural differences among Africa countries may affect the markets within the continent. There is a need for good transport networking to connect African countries together without this movement of goods and services will be hindered. Border security because of fear of being attacked by external forces and also to control the influx of coming people into their countries. Over-reliance on foreign aids and supports from foreign countries.”
Cultural/Ethnic Diversity:
From the information gathered from the interviews, what was most interesting to find was
that one out of all the respondents hinted to socio-cultural concerns coming in conflict with the
Pan-African agenda. In the data collated, there is little to no information on the issue of diversity
and how that truncates the making of a United States of Africa. This finding is most intriguing
because the majority of the literature on the formation of a politically integrated continent often
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insist on the unrealistic nature of the idea because of how diverse the continent is. Whenever there
are efforts made to hasten the Pan-African dream, antagonists of the pan-African philosophy are
always quick to discredit the idea, throwing in the cultural or ethnic diversity argument.
The power in which cultural diversity holds is unquestionable. Typically, in the case
whereby it truncates national identity. In essence, cultural diversity within a state can be both a
blessing and a burden as it could either bring forth stronger solidarity and respect for the varying
cultural identities or it could weaken and threatens solidarity. Relating to this research, this theory
(the theoretical framework I (b)) is vital to unraveling the underlying factors that contribute to the
failure of Pan-Africanism, recognizing the diverse nature of the continent and the potential for a
catastrophe to play out assuming continental integration occurred.
Cultural and ethnic diversity is undeniably one of the reasons why many African nations
are failed states today. Most if not all African nation has experienced some form of cultural clash
that has led to ongoing conflicts and xenophobia which in return has stumped economic and
political changes. Now imagine the continental implication. In as much as this research is inclined
to support the beliefs of Kwame Nkrumah who strongly presumed that cultural diversity would
not be a hindrance owning to the fact that Africans all share a ‘common African identity’. At the
same time, there is not enough empirical information and real-life examples to support this idea
on a continental scale. Therefore, the dominant rhetoric of this theory centers around the
impracticality of Pan-Africanism in practice because of the diversity of the continent.
A popular rhetoric in Pan-African studies and continental integration discourse especially
in a culturally, politically, economically diverse continent, typically concerns the inevitability of
Pan-Africanism or continental integration to fail and not reach its potential. Regarding culture,
oftentimes this conclusion has been refuted as a few schools of thought have suggested that the
diversity of the continent does not hinder Pan-Africanism from flourishing on the continent as it
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has promoted increased tolerance amongst many Africans. Paradoxically, maintaining the
sovereignty of nation-states poses more of a threat to African continental integration reaching its
full potential as it only allows for increased hostility, and impoverishment in Africa (Matthews,
2005). This affirms Kwame Nkrumah’s proposition (amongst other political thinkers) who
strongly asserted that diversity is not an encumbrance to Pan-Africanism. In Africa Must Unite,
distinctively in chapter fifteen entitled ‘African unity,’ Nkrumah emphasizes that what unifies the
continent is the identification of all peoples as Africans which subdues all differences that may
exist.
“I am convinced that the forces making for unity far outweigh those which divide us. In meeting fellow Africans from all parts of the continent I am constantly impressed by how much we have in common. It is not just our colonial past or the fact that we have aims in common, it is something which goes far deeper. I can best describe it as a sense of oneness in that we are Africans. In practical terms, this deep-rooted unity has shown itself in the development of Pan-Africanism” (Nkrumah, 1963).
Overlooking the notion of Pan-Africanism and the validity of the philosophy with the
excuse of its lack of acknowledgment for the diversity of the continent stems from the “fear of the
unknown” or rather “Africa’s fear of itself.” (Matsinhe, 2011). I suggest that this fear of the
unknown emanates from Africans who fear not knowing how a United States of Africa will play
out and the fear of being outnumbered by the “other,” ergo, the discomfort with the idea. Arjun
Appadurai in Fear of Small Numbers explains the resentment that often arises within a community
or a nation notably when the majority group begins to feel outnumbered by a minority group. The
disconnect between the majority and the minority, therefore forms a wedge between these groups,
fueling gruesome ethnic conflicts. Africans fear the aftermath of a United States of Africa and the
complexities and challenges that come with it. Because of this, many Africans would rather
comfort themselves with nationalism, playing into the hands of those who stand to benefit the most
from a divided Africa.
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In support of Nkrumah’s claim, non-African scholars have acknowledged through their
research that tribalism at the national level, during the period of emancipation was not entirely a
barrier to national unity as states were able to form under one national identity despite the glaring
different ethnicities (Bascom, 1962). Again, proponents for continental integration, irrespective of
diversity reiterate the notion of colonialism still existing in modern day Africa by virtue of the
arbitrary borders that were not designed by Africans themselves but by the Western colony, hence,
continental integration will symbolize doing away with this colonial creation. In contrast, other
scholarly works on cultural diversity within the continent have realized and expressed the lack of
cultural solidarity within nation-states. Because of this, scholars fear that the mass incorporation
of the diverse cultures under a ‘United States of Africa’ will provoke one of the most gruesome
ethnic/cultural genocides the world would have ever witnessed (International Organization, 1962).
As previously stated, one of the main arguments against continental unification in Africa
is the diversity of the continent in terms of different races, cultures or ethnicities and languages
which Nkrumah describes as the key ingredients to unity (Nkrumah, 1963). Further, those who
contest the idea of a politically unified Africa, the idea is often countered on the basis that it
infringes on state sovereignty and overlooks the diverse identities prevalent on the continent. First,
regarding identity, Nkrumah detested the idea that African unity could be impeded because of the
diversity of the continent. Kwame Nkrumah was popularly known for resenting colonialism,
particularly the ripple effects of colonial rule on the continent. Colonialism, he argued, brought
about a realization of difference amongst Africans which in turn re-imagined ethnicity and
heightened ethnic, religious, political, gender, and racial conflicts across the continent. Because of
the realization of these differences, particularly through the distribution of power to particular
groups during the colonial regime, colonialism is also responsible for the re-imagination of people
into nations (Nkrumah, 1963).
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Relating to Benedict Anderson’s theory in his famous book Imagined Communities,
colonialism introduced gave birth to the socially constructed nature of nations within Africa,
through the Scramble of Africa which intentionally divided Africa with the intention to solely
extort the continent of its raw materials and its maintenance during colonialization and post-
colonialization. “The territorial boundaries dividing us were fixed a long time ago, often quite
arbitrarily by colonial powers” (Nkrumah, 1963). Communities in Africa have now been imagined
into a nation based on how people within a community identify themselves through certain
nationality indicators, under a given nation; an imagined political community. “Colonial
authorities placed undue emphasis on land instead of such integrative variables like economic ties,
inter-group consanguinity, and cultural cutting loyalties” (Okpey Ochayi, 2007/2008) Because of
this, Nkrumah believed that pan-Africanism was the key to unlocking the continent from its
arbitrariness and colonial construction and at the same time unlocking the continents potentials
through the creation of a single political and economic African government which he believed
would undoubtedly re-imagine Africa to what it was prior to the balkanization of tribalism, racism,
gender inequality, economic and political division (Charles Quist-Adade and Vincent Dodoo,
2015).
Hence, to argue that the diverse cultural identities will prevent a politically unified
continent is ignorant of Africa’s history (prior to its influence and occupation by imperialists).
Bearing in mind that our current societies were imagined by colonial powers, some historical
works have proven that Africans existed amicably with one another prior to colonialization.
Colonialization without a doubt intensified racial and ethnic identities within the continent causing
rifts amongst the various groups. A prime example is the Hutus and Tutsis of Rwanda two groups
that have been studied to have lived cohesively in peace several years before being occupied by
Belgium. Coupled with the fact that during the creation of the Ghana-Guinea-Mali union, each
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state was allowed the privilege to national identity which was undeniably prosperous during the
union. Again, this was not seen as an obstacle to the establishment of the unification of these
African states. This is not to deny the fact that many African states have split, like Sudan and South
Sudan, or many countries have not experienced ongoing ethnic conflicts, however, Africans and
African leaders need to look beyond the somewhat trivial ethnic argument as a barrier to a
politically unified continent, because continental unification for the continent does necessarily
mean that the diversity of the continent will be ignored when policies are being drawn.
In essence, the intention is to establish an African personality through African nationalism
that will be to the betterment of the individual (African) and the continent as a whole. As Nkrumah
eloquently stated, irrespective of our differences, the elements of what units are more significant
than whatever is composed as factors that divide us. Using diversity as a reason why political
integration should not occur will continue to be at the disadvantage of Africans and Africa in
general. A recent research carried out by Afrobarometer following Morocco rejoining the African
Union, specifically looking into how accepting Moroccans are towards other Africans, the data
shows that Morocco ranks the highest in terms of the least welcoming African country.5 According
to Afrobarometer, “significant minorities say they would “somewhat dislike” or “strongly dislike”
living next-door to people of a different religion (33%), people of a different ethnicity (26%), and
foreign workers and immigrants (33%) – about two to three times average levels of intolerance
across surveyed countries.” The findings from this data depicts the clear challenges towards
approaches to secure a more unified continent seeing as certain countries like Morocco have
citizens that are xenophobic, further hindering attempts to pursue free movements of people within
Africa. That is to say, the clear xenophobia or African on African hatred or resentment based on
5Afrobarometer. “Rejoining the AU, Moroccans bring decidedly mixed attitudes toward regional integration” http://afrobarometer.org/publications/ad137-rejoining-au-moroccans-bring-decidedly-mixed-attitudes-toward-regional-integration
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the differing cultures and ethnicities (religion included) obstructs the possibilities of establishing
an integrated continent.
For the philosophy of a United States of Africa is put into practice in its full form i.e. by
eradicating borders inherited during colonialism and changing African citizen’s identities,
Africans might have to start imagining themselves differently. Simply put, through ‘de-ethicizing’
or ‘denationalizing’ processes (Ladun, 1974). Depending on the approach utilized by the African
Union in reaching continental integration, Africans might have to sway away from having to
introduce oneself based on their given nationality to simply identifying as an African, implying a
common identity. It is this tactic, amongst other actions that have to be taken to configure a united
Africa that scares many citizens - seeing as most Africans pride themselves based on their national
identity first, then their common identity as African second. Hence, this begs the question of
whether throwing out ‘ethnic’ or ‘national’ markers is an effective mechanism that will truly
support the Pan-African dream.
Beyond the concerns regarding identity, others add that the cultural diversity at a national
level has contributed to the lack of political and economic progress and wonder how that would
play out if a United States of Africa became a reality. Specifically, scholarly works on
cultural/ethnic diversity express how diversity has from time immemorial been a barrier to the
success of economic policies which in turn affects economic growth (Easterly and Levine, 1997).
With that being said, on a continental scale, scholars worry that the same issue will happen
whereby economic integrative policies will only be great on paper and not in practice and
continental progress, in general, will be truncated and worsened under a United States of Africa.
Essentially, the formidable United States of Africa will definitely bring into question one's
identity. In the process of conducting the interviews, this very issue of identity was captured during
the interviews. When questioned on how they would identify themselves, some respondents
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acknowledged being African second and for example, Ethiopian first; I still identify myself
according to my nationality as I aim to change my mindset.” To oppose this statement, another
respondent strongly states always introducing themselves as African first. Interestingly,
interviewee 1 claimed to not fall on either of the spectra addressing their identity as a secular
humanist;
“I am Secular Humanist and advocate principle which makes larger group beneficial with equality. Thus, human first and then African.”
Interviewee 2; “If I am in Africa, my best way of identity is my nationality that makes it easy for anybody
to identify me. If I am on another continent, I will identify myself as an African” Clearly, identity is to an extent an issue. Further, as previously mentioned, in relation to
cultural and ethnic diversity as a stumbling block to continental integration, none of the
interviewees saw it fit to mention it as a challenge, thus, one might conclude that there is a changing
focus on the more relevant factors contributing to the slow implementation of continental
integration.
Key Findings:
• Public attitudes towards the integration of Africa has been changing overtime. Given the information derived from the interviews, it is clear that there are still some who are clenching unto the fact that a United States of Africa or a more unified continent is a mirage - considering the various obstacles – i.e. the diversity of the continent. Nonetheless, there is still hope!
• Unexpectedly, the perceptions and attitudes of the interviewees showed increasing support for the idea of more unified continent, especially for the economic prosperity of the continent and African citizens.
• As a result, in this case, the reduction in the meaning of pan-Africanism and what it means to African citizens in contemporary times has proven to have shifted towards attaining economic integration.
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Chapter 3 Pan-Africanism in Policy: A United States of Africa?
It is clear that we must find an African solution to our problems, and that this can only be found
in African unity. Divided we are weak; united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for good in the world.
- Kwame Nkrumah Seek Ye First the Economic Kingdom: Shift to Economic Policies from a Political Approach
How can Pan-Africanism be best put into practice instead of just being institutionalized?
“To guarantee Africa’s security in the emerging new world order, the continent needs to transform
the intellectual idea of Pan-Africanism to political, economic and military reality. African leaders,
like their counterparts in Europe, must vigorously pursue the unity of the continent in all areas,
especially economic and political” (Bekerie, 1998). Evidently, Africa has stepped away from the
liberation struggle. Thus, the African Union since its conception has taken several steps towards
guiding and establishing its fundamental values. In chapter one, the adoption of the African Union
from the OAU was described as an epitome of the Pan-African ideal. In fact, this is still true,
however, it is important to highlight that since the institution came into being, the African Union’s
agenda has changed, showing how Pan-Africanism in practice has changed over time. Because of
this, the African Union has taken a more economical direction to secure unification on the
continent.
For one, we know that Pan-Africanism isn't entirely non-existent on the continent it has
metamorphosed into the final stage. Considering the agents of destruction; neocolonialism or
globalization, that the continent now has to battle with, the logic behind choosing an economic
unification method as opposed to a political approach first is understandable. Because of this, the
mantra has changed to ‘Seek Ye First the Economic Kingdom and all shall be added to it.’
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Some of the initiatives taken by the AU has been successful, whilst others have not been
fruitful. African states, particularly heads of states need to come together and revive Pan-
Africanism with full-force since that is the only way the continent of Africa can finally begin to
reap economic growth. Otherwise, African development will remain a phantasm. Further, there is
the need for “a moment of deep African intellectual and political reflection on the political journey
traveled since the 1960s, as well as time for well-thought-out forecasting beyond the ‘murky’
present into the ‘mysterious’ future” (Ndlovu, 2012). Although political unification is still at the
bedrock of Pan-Africanism and the “ultimate” goal of the African Union - as it will be discussed
in the coming sections as seen in Agenda 2063 - Pan-Africanism in policy is now being executed
in amending Africa’s economic future. The African Union has worked towards economic unity
and firming Pan-Africanism in several ways, but for the purpose of this research, the following
methods; regional blocs, Agenda 2063, ACFTA will be focused on significantly.
On the economic front, scholars address the diverse economic and political situations in
African nations as a stumbling block to continental integration. Most importantly, since the end of
colonization, African nations have gotten the time to develop their individual national identities
by establishing political institutions and economies that best suits their respective economic
(natural resources) and political capacities. Similarly, with time, the continent has experienced the
inauguration of regional economic blocs that have proven to be a success and failure in
contributing to the continent’s development history (Luke, 1986). The ability for regions on the
continent to create these economic blocs and work cohesively in advocating for development,
scholars’ access to be an indicator that Pan-Africanism in terms of promoting economic integration
can work. On the contrary, other academics hold a bone of contention with this idea,
acknowledging the non-fulfillment and weakness of economic regional blocs today.
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Coupled with the above, comparative studies on African integration have also cited
instances whereby an attempt to create a ‘Union of African States’ has failed. Ghana, Guinea, and
Mali’s attempt and failure in making this work in the past has shown yet again that diverse nations
cannot collaborate or unify under one government even under a supposed ‘African’ identity that
unifies them or relative economic and political frameworks. Further, contributing to the opposing
side of African integration or Pan-Africanism on the continent by virtue of the immense diversity
(International Organization, 1962). The same issue of economic and political diversity has also
hindered economic continental progress or amalgamation following the adoption of the following;
“OAU’s 1980 Lagos Plan of Action; 1991 Abuja Treaty establishing the African Economic
Community (AEC); and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) adopted by the
African Union” and other economic centered policies adopted by the African Union (AU) (Akudo
and Okeke-Uzodike, 2016). Seeking first the economic kingdom, scholars contend is the gateway
to a more unified Africa. For this reason, it is important to highlight the pros and cons of each
economic initiative proposed by the union.
Regional Economic Communities (RECs)
Recognizing the change in Pan-African mantra across the continent, it is evident that the
economic turn from seeking first the political kingdom was initiated or came about with the
creation of the Regional Economic Communities (RECs). Regional integration is arguably the
most popular method employed by neighboring states within a region of a continent to unify each
nation under an economic and political bloc (Gibb, 2009). With the founding of the OAU (one of
the organizations somewhat successful approach to unifying the continent, although not on a large
scale, due to the conflicting philosophy is between the Casablanca and Monrovia groups
mentioned in the first chapter) regional bloc otherwise known as the RECs were set up on the
continent to promote regional economic, social and political progression. This was achieved
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through the African Economic Community treaty also known as the Abuja Treaty established in
1991. But the RECs did not start functioning in full force until three years after the adoption of the
treaty. Throughout its conception, the goal of this treaty was to eventually organize a common
African market for the continent or in achieving the aims of the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD).
By having economic communities in each region (with some overlapping memberships)
the main focus at the initiation of the RECs6 was to first build regional common markets to promote
intra-regional trade, sometimes forming regional political and military alliances, all of which are
steps in the direction of eventually making an African Common Market and a single monetary
union for the continent. Essentially, the RECs were created to boost intra-African integration. The
African Economic Community, an organ of the African Union established six stages for each
regional economic bloc to achieve in a given number of years (34 years). The various expected
stages are enlisted in figure 1. These RECs are seen as the building blocs to the African Unions
six stage to continental economic integration. Each bloc has had its fair share of up and downs,
and regarding the stages, many, if not all of the RECs are behind on finalizing the six stages
envisioned as steps towards the final creation of the AEC. Bearing this in mind, it is obvious that
inasmuch as Pan-Africanism still shapes the decisions and treaties or policies created by the
African Union, the final stage that would create a single market (African Economic Community)
has not yet been implemented, due to the varying stages that each REC has reached. Again,
hindering the chances of the continent to be unified into a United States of Africa.
6In the process, the Abuja treaty created eight RECs; Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), Community of Sahel–Saharan States (CEN–SAD), East African Community (EAC), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Southern African Development Community (SADC).
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Figure 1: Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Community 1991
(Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Africa UNECA)
For the purpose of this research it is important to look how each REC has been performing
economically, the economic impact they have made particularly in promoting economic
integration within their respective regions. There are several indicators that can be utilized as
measures of progress - notably in performing in accordance to promoting integration regionally
and continentally. These indicators are, inter alia, regional infrastructure, trade integration,
productive integration, financial and macroeconomic integration, and free movement of people
(African Regional Integration Index). The following figures depict the signs of progress made by
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each REC in the respective areas of regional infrastructure, trade integration, productive
integration, financial and macroeconomic integration, and free movement of people.
Figure 1.1: Free Movement
(Source: African Regional Integration Index)
Regional communities within the continent continue to make efforts towards ensuring the
free movement of people. Given that all RECs have put in place policies that will foster free
movement within their regional area, the chart below from the African Regional Index shows
which region performs better and the regions that need to improve. Although this looks at the
regions holistically, this should obviously do not suggest that all the countries within a specific
regional community are enforcing the policy appropriately. The scores are as a result of specific
countries (as seen in figure 1.7) that are exceeding above others, pushing the outlook of the region
to look more productive than others in the context of how liberal they are with the free movement
of people. From the chart, looking at the indexes provided; proportion of protocols ratified by a
country, proportion of countries whose nationals do not require a visa and the proportion of
countries whose nationals are issues with a visa on arrival, ECOWAS scores the highest in both
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the proportion of protocols ratified by a country index (1.0) and the proportion of countries whose
nationals do not require a visa index (1.0). Other regional communities have equally made
progress, but results are slow and full corporation regarding authenticating the free movement of
peoples within each region has yet been achieved. Again, this is a classic case of policies being
great on paper but not put into action as with other Pan-African influenced policies created by the
African Union and its sub-organs.
In support of the information above, data from the Afrobarometer on regional perceptions
on the free movement of people also shows how perceptions in the various regions impedes on the
success of increased intra-African mobility. In the research carried out in 2015 regarding support
for free movement across borders, the results from Afrobarometer highlights the following
regionally; West Africa: 66% were in favor of free movement across borders and 29% were in
support of limiting cross border free movement of people and goods, East Africa: 64% for free
movement and 26% against free movement, Central Africa: 44% for free movement and 43%
against free movement, Southern Africa: 51% for free movement and 42% against free movement,
North Africa: 38% and 49% against free movement.7 Despite the year in which the study the
research was carried out, in comparison to the figure above, the interpretation of the information
both from Afrobarometer and the African Regional Integration Index both show the limited
interests to promote free movement of goods and people inter-regionally and within the continent
as a whole.
7Afrobarometer. “Regional Integration for Africa: Could Stronger Public Support Turn Rhetoric into Reality?’ http://afrobarometer.org/publications/ad91-regional-integration-africa-could-stronger-public-support-turn-rhetoric-reality
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Figure 1.2: Trade Integration
(Source: African Regional Integration Index)
Trade integration within RECs is at the kernel of the African Economic Community Treaty
and the current African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). Without the harmonization
of trade within regions (intra-regional trade), an intra-African trade will be difficult to achieve,
businesses will deplete or suffer and incomes too. As regional communities work towards
completing the required six stages in the AEC treaty, boosting intra-regional trade is amongst the
top priorities, however, one might find that irrespective of the binding AEC Treaty, RECs have
been moving particularly slow with this specific agenda.
If anything, intra-regional trade has been particularly difficult for certain RECs to employ.
As a result, economists have studied and shown statistics proving the minimal or lack thereof, of
successful intra-regional trade on the continent. Inclusively, Gibb (2009) theorizes that the
modelling of regional communities after western forms of regional frameworks (Eurocentric
methods) equally contributes to the failure of these regional communities. Statistics on intra-
regional and or intra-African trade has shown that Africa trades more with the outside world than
it does with itself. Another reason why intra-regional and intra-African trade has not been as
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successful as other continents around the world is that many African countries are in several other
REC. In other words, the overlapping of countries in each REC, and the extra trade barriers that
these countries with multiple memberships face concurrently contributes to slow trade flows,
limited economic gains, and more losses.
The combination of the rampant nature of Africa’s trade with the countries outside of its
borders (an example being the EU’s Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA’s)) and the overlap
of membership by countries in the various RECs - this situation is known as the spaghetti bowl
phenomenon (Bhagwat, 1995) coined by Jagdish Bhagwati. Basically, in this context, the spaghetti
bowl phenomenon implies that for intra-regional or intra-African trade is to bear fruits on the
continent, the prevalence of preferential trading (preferential trading areas - PTA) (Mkandawire,
2011) with countries beyond Africa’s border and with countries owning membership in more than
one RECs, needs to be brought to a minimum or reevaluated in a way that Africa’s economic
growth is favored overall.
In figure 1.2, based on the level of customs duties on imports, a share of intra-regional
goods exports (% GDP), a share of intra-regional goods imports (% GDP) and share of intra-
regional goods trade (% total intra-REC trade), intra-REC trade is relatively slow. On a scale of 0-
4, 4 being the highest performing score, the highest performing REC, the EAC scores a total of
2.41 out of 4. According to the Africa Regional Integration Index, out of the 55 countries on the
continent, there is only a “total of 35 high performing countries across the eight RECs on trade
integration” (Africa Regional Integration Index). From the results, it shows how tariffs, non-tariff
measures, and other initiatives or policies carried out to limit trading amongst African states is
hampering the success of intra-regional trade in Africa.
Reshaping the trade policies on the continent is unquestionably the key to unlocking
Africa’s economic potential. When this occurs, African states that typically fall-behind or have
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limited access to expanding their economies due to the lack of connectivity or trade with other
larger African economies, they will, in turn, be able to tap into the benefits of having an
interconnected trade agreement or policy. If the EAC; comprising of mostly small states can
perform the highest in trade integration by adopting strategies that are bettering intra-REC trade,
then the bigger economies in other RECs can follow suit. Luckily, with the AfCFTA on the
horizon, Africa can finally get the chance to redeem herself and landlocked or countries with
smaller economies can begin to see socio-economic growth in their countries.
Inclusively, figure 3 depicts the outcomes of trade in each REC. From the figures, it shows
again the negative effects of not having intra-regional trade work effectively. Africa Regional
Integration Index declares the results as being caused by the lack of industrialization in these REC.
A solution proposed by the Africa Regional Integration Index is a “made in Africa” brand to foster
cheap prices for African goods for Africans (Africa Regional Integration Index). “Productive
integration matters for creating an economic base that is more resilient to shocks and more diverse,
but also for building a more skilled regional labor force that adds value to goods and services while
raising people’s incomes on the ground. That includes opportunities with mining and
manufacturing that are now shifting to Africa’s advantage” (Africa Regional Integration Index).
When productive integration is nonexistent or limited, economic growth is at the same time
negatively affected.
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Figure 1.3: Productive Integration
(Source: African Regional Integration Index)
Similarly, infrastructure is undeniably important to facilitating economic growth. Without
proper infrastructural methods in place, a country, city or state cannot flourish well. In this context,
regionally, data derived from the Africa Regional Integration Index on regional infrastructure,
again shows efforts but still some setbacks and room for improvement. “Regional hubs, as well as
small or landlocked countries, have a lot to gain from promoting infrastructure to boost economic
growth. Both traditional and new funding partners are continuing to invest in Africa’s
infrastructure at regional level. To power the continent’s energy needs and build first-class
networks, regions and countries need to encourage stronger ownership and involve the private
sector” (Africa Regional Integration Index).
Certainly, regional infrastructure is by far the most efficient index given that many African
states with each RECs has taken the task to build infrastructure within their territories. This
includes, water and sewage facilities, internet connection, electricity, railroads, highways and so
on. In regard to the information in figure 1.4, the African Regional Integration Index specifically
look at the following infrastructure indexes; electricity, ICT, transport and sanitation. From the
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graph, the IGAD is noted to be flourishing better than other RECs (Africa Regional Integration
Index). Evidently with the low results seen in figure 1.4, low regional infrastructure will
simultaneously affect intra-African trade. It is bound to be trump efforts to improving continental
economic growth as economic integration relies relentlessly on the interconnectedness of the
continent which can be facilitated by regional infrastructures.
Figure 1.4: Regional Infrastructure
(Source: African Regional Integration Index) Figure 1.5: Financial and Macroeconomic Integration
(Source: African Regional Integration Index)
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The data in figure 1.5 depicts information pertaining to the flow of cross-border capital in
the regional communities. Evaluating the regional convertibility of national currencies and the
inflation rate differential (based on the Harmonized Consumer Price Index). Both vital to the goal
of proliferating an African Economic Community, specifically an African Monetary Union. The
Africa Regional Integration Index concludes that although all the RECs are lagging behind in
pushing for financial and microeconomic integration within their specific niches, ECOWAS seems
to be doing better off when combining both index scores.
However, by solely looking at the regional convertibility of national currencies index,
ECCAS, a regional union of Chad, Central African Republic, Congo, performs higher than other
RECs. The progress in securing financial and microeconomic integration in this region is evidently
because of the CFA mainly used in francophone West African countries and parts of Central
Africa, making for cross-border financial flows, considering the high percentage in the
convertibility of the CFA. Generally, because of the lack of convertible currencies across the
continent, if adjustments are not made in each region to adjust expand regional financial centers,
making exchange rates available across the continent and efforts to subsidize inflation, the dream
of becoming an economic union will continue to be truncated because of the lack of financial and
microeconomic integration, not only in the respective RECs but also, looking outwardly, it affects
the entire continents financial capabilities and will continue to do so in the coming years.
Agenda 2063: Africa We Want Unlike the regional blocs, Agenda 2063 takes a more holistic (political and economic)
approach to solidify continental unification. “Agenda 2063, rooted in Pan-Africanism and African
Renaissance, provides a robust framework for addressing past injustices and the realization of the
21st Century as the African Century” (African Union; Agenda 2063). First, 2063 seems like a long
shot for the union to achieve the listed goals which will be discussed later. Most of the masterminds
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behind Agenda 2063 would not be alive to confirm if it was successful or not. Furthermore, with
the varying agendas that each AU chairperson brings to the table, who is to say that the complete
goals will be achieved and that personal goals would not be proposed. Again, without digressing,
in Agenda 2063, the African Union has itemized seven African aspirations that it hopes to
implement by 2063. The aspirations are;
1. A prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development; 2. An integrated continent, politically united, based on the ideals of Pan Africanism and the
vision of Africa’s Renaissance; 3. An Africa of good governance, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law; 4. A peaceful and secure Africa; 5. An Africa with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, values and ethics; 6. An Africa whose development is people-driven, relying on the potential of African people,
especially its women and youth, and caring for children; and 7. Africa as a strong, united, resilient and influential global player and partner
(Source: African Union: Agenda 2063)
Undoubtedly all the aspirations are important. But, pertaining to the topic of this research,
the most important aspirations are aspirations 2,8 5,9 and 7.10 These aspirations are significant
8Specifically, sub-clauses 19-22 and 24, in brief, state that; 19. Since 1963, the quest for African Unity has been inspired by the spirit of Pan-Africanism, focusing on liberation, and political and economic independence. It is motivated by development based on self-reliance and self-determination of African people, with democratic and people-centered governance. 20. We aspire that by 2063, Africa shall: Be a United Africa; have world-class, integrative infrastructure that crisscrosses the continent; have dynamic and mutually beneficial links with her Diaspora; and be a continent of seamless borders and management of cross-border resources through dialogue. 21. Africa shall be an integrated, united, peaceful, sovereign, independent, confident and self-reliant continent. 22. Africa will witness the rekindling of solidarity and unity of purpose that underpinned the struggle for emancipation from slavery, colonialism, apartheid and economic subjugation. By 2020 all remnants of colonialism will have ended and all African territories under occupation fully liberated. We shall take measures to expeditiously end the unlawful occupation of the Chagos Archipelago, the Comorian Island of Mayotte and affirm the right to self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. All kinds of oppression including gender, racial and other forms of discrimination will be ended. 23. The political unity of Africa will be the culmination of the integration process, which includes the free movement of people and the establishment of continental institutions, leading to full economic integration. By 2030, there shall be consensus on the form of the continental government and institutions. 24. Africa shall be a continent where the free movement of people, capital, goods, and services will result in significant increases in trade and investments amongst African countries rising to unprecedented levels, and in the strengthening of Africa’s place in global trade. (Agenda 2063: Aspiration 2:19-24) 940. Pan-Africanism and the common history, destiny, identity, heritage, respect for religious diversity and consciousness of African people’s and her diaspora’s will be entrenched. 41. We aspire that by 2063: Pan Africanism will be fully entrenched; the African Renaissance has reached its peak; and our diversity in culture, heritage, languages, and religion shall be a cause of strength, including the tangible and intangible heritage of Africa’s island states. (Agenda 2063: Aspiration 5:40-41) 1059. Africa shall be a strong, united, resilient, peaceful and influential global player and partner with a significant role in world affairs. We affirm the importance of African unity and solidarity in the face of continued external interference including, attempts to divide the continent and undue pressures and sanctions on some countries. 60. We aspire that by 2063, Africa shall be: a major social, political and economic force in the world, with her rightful share of the global commons (land, oceans, and space); an active and equal participant in global affairs, multilateral institutions, and a driver
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because of the sub-clauses indicated in Agenda 2063. For this reason, one must dig deeper into
these sub-clauses and examine how pragmatic they are - bearing in mind that there are just 45
years left for the Agenda 2063 to be fully considered and being put into practice completely, in
reality, and broadly on the continent.
Further, aspiration 6 of the agenda states that it will be people-centered, however, how
many Africans are aware that the Agenda 2063 exists? The answer? Not many. In the entire 55
countries that exist on the continent, there are too many African citizens that are unaware of this
agenda, especially concerning what it entails. Many Africans are too engulfed with their own
national and regional politics that some are completely blind sighted to the policies that the African
Union has adopted to accomplish Nkrumah’s vision.
So how will the African Union guarantee the full participation of all Africans in designing
an Africa that “we” want? How many African heads of states have been promoting the Agenda
2063 as their own national goals as an obligation to continental progress? Again, not so many and
this is why many policies tend to fail on the continent. When documents are created, not promoted
or made readily available to all African citizens, there's bound to be resistance. As representatives
of the African Union, heads of states need to take the path of expressing their commitment to
ensuring that all the aspirations of the Agenda 2063 are met, also adopting and putting into
consideration some, if not all of these aspirations into their national agendas.
From the sub-clauses, it is apparent that Agenda 2063 was developed incorporating the
previous goals of the former Pan-African movement that soared the continent in the early nineties.
The keywords and phrases like a “united Africa,” “a continent of seamless borders,” “links with
her Diaspora,” “an integrated, united, peaceful, sovereign, independent, confident and self-reliant
for peaceful co-existence, tolerance, and a sustainable and just world; and fully capable and have the means to finance her development. (Agenda 2063: Aspiration 7:60)
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continent,” are all encrusted in the aims of Pan-Africanism and are all what Nkrumah called for
during his time. Obviously, the African Union is responding to the late call for an all united
continent, nonetheless, when questioning if Pan-Africanism still lives on, on the continent, as seen
in aspiration 5, sub-clause 41. With Agenda 2063 in the works, Pan-Africanism is still as relevant
as it was to the development of the continent several years. Still, development has taken the path
of first securing economic progress in all African countries.
Agenda 2063 is definitely a wakeup call for the continent and heads of state, particularly
those who have a hand in degrading of their respective countries. It is a wake-up call because it
reminds Africans of the light at the end of the tunnel. It reminds Africans of the potential of the
continent. Most importantly it reminds us that for Africa to completely undergo a full makeover,
it depends not only on the political will of heads of state but also on the joint approval of all African
states to march towards creating - if not a political unification (although it is the end goal of the
agenda) but a strong economic union through increased intra-continental activities that will pull in
significant economic opportunities for all Africans.
At this point, in as much as all African states have their own sovereignty, it would be
stupendously selfish of heads of state to purposely hinder the productivity of the various policies
created by the AU to integrate the continent. A single-minded approach towards development as
opposed to a unified approach, especially seeing how Africa, a continent with great potential has
suffered severe setbacks for decades would be a callous move. For progress on the continent, for
Africa to truly “move forward,” it relies on the cooperation and unity of all African states and this
is where the newly developed African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) becomes most
relevant.
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African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)
Taking into account the newness of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA),
what is glaring from previous studies on economic integration in Africa is that most of the research
speak to economic policies that were created several years ago or economic aspirations from the
past, specifically, policies made to promote regional economic integration. So, what makes it
different and unique to other policies drafted and implemented in the past? With the AfCFTA on
the horizon - mirroring other existing trade unions in the world, the first of its kind on the continent,
(potentially the largest in the world), if implemented appropriately this would push Africa’s
economic contribution and potential to be 90% higher than it currently is. By increasing intra-
African trade, African states in cohesion with the trade act, the most gain would be for the
continent.
On the contrary, since the adoption of AfCFTA, naysayers in recent researches on the
agreement continues to trivialize the prospective positive outcomes that could be made from being
a part of the agreement as signatory state. Instead, because the AU has a long history of
unsuccessfully materialized policies, coupled with the fact that this is a grand approach towards
continental economic integration, there is the tendency to overemphasize the social, political and
economic implications for each signatory state. This, in turn, has become the basis of the argument
of some African states that are yet to become signatories of the agreement. Accordingly, the most
important questions then become; what are the gains from participating in the AfCFTA as an
African state? Essentially, why should African states participate? To derive answers, a proper
economic analysis of the AfCFTA is needed for a better understanding of whether the AfCFTA
will truly lead Africa to realize one of the many goals of Pan-Africanism. Further, one has to
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outweigh and understand what the pros and cons of the AfCFTA - are an additional puzzle to the
concept of Pan-Africanism and its holistic approach. Given this, what is the AfCFTA?11
There are several obstacles in the way of the full implementation of the AfCFTA. These
obstacles range from political to economic, at the same time affecting the legal aspect. The current
and most glaring challenge facing the AfCFTA is the limited political will from some African
states who are unwilling to comply as signatory states by fully entrenching the agreement into their
national policies - giving way for the goals of AfCFTA to be realistically achieved. Another
obstacle is the monitoring of the African Union over signatory states and how they are abiding by
the policies and meeting the requirements of the agreement. Knowing this, to safeguard the gains
of the AfCFTA, the African Union will need to scrutinize and strictly monitor how African states
are integrating and implementing the AfCFTA.
Hypothetically, the goals listed above can be idealized as the proposed benefit from
participating in the AfCFTA. Especially seeing as having a single continental market for goods
and services, with free movement of business persons and investments have worked out for
continents like Europe and the North American Free Trade (NAFTA). As much as I do not support
the one size fits all approach by mirroring already existing continental free trade areas, if Africa is
to succeed, heads of states need to look at the prosperity of countries like the United States of
America and how the country has grown economically overtime with the benefit of having
multilateral free trade set in place.
11Create a single continental market for goods and services, with free movement of business persons and investments, and thus pave the way for accelerating the establishment of the Continental Customs Union and the African customs union. Expand intra African trade through better harmonization and coordination of trade liberalization and facilitation regimes and instruments across RECs and across Africa in general. Resolve the challenges of multiple and overlapping memberships and expedite the regional and continental integration processes. Enhance competitiveness at the industry and enterprise level through exploiting opportunities for scale production, continental market access and better reallocation of resources. (African Union - African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA))
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While, the United States’ (U.S) multilateral free trade agreement is quite different from the
AfCFTA considering that the U.S is a country and Africa is not a country, yet, when evaluated
based on the number of states within the nation and the ways in which multilateral free trade has
influenced economic growth in each state and the country as a whole, strategies used in the US
can be borrowed into by the AU (with caution knowing the difference between the U.S and Africa).
As the adage goes, Rome was not built in a day, hence, at the initial start of putting the AfCFTA
in practice, there is the possibility for setbacks to be experienced in each country. Nevertheless,
when weighing out the outcome, the long terms effects should be favored over the short-term
outcomes. As long as the agreement is coordinated appropriately, the long-term outcome will,
without questions skyrocket Africa’s economic potential. That is, make Africa an international
economic powerhouse. For this to be the expected outcome, the agreement needs to be fueled by
the unwavering political and economic cooperation of all African states.
Although the disadvantages should not be overlooked, the successful implementation of a
single continental market in certain regions has put participating countries at the forefront of the
international community. Today, the members of some of the existing continental markets are
amongst of the most economically powerful nations in the world. Based on this, why then should
Africa hesitate in forming the largest Free Trade Area since the formation of the World Trade
Organization (WTO)? By liberalizing intra-African trade and abolishing non-tariff barriers by
90%, economists have argued that this will not inhibit, but boost continental economic gains that
have been previously hindered - through the use of rigid trade measures put in place to intentionally
limit imports and exports by certain African states. During the summit organized in Kigali by the
AU to discuss the AfCFTA, it was estimated that the liberalization of non-tariff barriers on trade
will raise intra-African trade by 53.2% by the year 2022. There is also an expected double in the
estimated growth if all non-tariff barriers are weeded out. Additionally, if this should be
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established as the norm for all African states, the UNCTAD estimates that Africa could potentially
acquire “$3.6 billion in welfare through a boost in production and cheaper goods” (UNCTAD).
Again, this is fundamental to the Pan-African agenda, especially Nkrumah’s dream for Africa's
economic growth - as it is well known that it is because of the influence of colonialism that many
African states today still continue to limit trading activities with one another.
Per contra, as great as this sounds on paper or as an ideology, so to speak, what is most
important here is how a Pan-African approach to economic development can be beneficial to all
African states. One of the glaring implications of being a signatory to the AfCFTA is that not all
fingers are equal. This basically means that the economic potential of each African state differs
from one to another. Seeing as the main aim is to enhance intra-African trade, some countries are
better equipped with businesses and infrastructures that would better facilitate trade within the
continent. Scholarships on the AfCFTA have argued that the benefits of the agreement would not
be felt equally by all African states. On one hand, some countries are resource-rich and on the
other, some are lagging behind or experience slow incremental economic growth because they are
not as resource-rich as their counterparts.
Already, in the international community, we are witnessing the varied levels of economic
growth being experienced in core states (developed), semi-periphery (developing) and periphery
states (underdeveloped) because of the unequal dispersal of global wealth. Given this, economists
fear that if the AfCFTA is implemented, because of the varied levels of development the effects
will be felt differently by each country at different stages of development. Definitely risks for
individual countries when tariffs are eliminated exist, but in the long run, losses from tax revenues
will be replaced and market expansion will occur. A study on the cut of tariffs in Sub-Saharan
Africa from 1998-2013 carried out UNCTAD validates this argument.
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Economically speaking, looking at the projected short-run outcome, the economic gain
will most likely be felt more by countries with a higher level of competitiveness - Nigeria, Kenya,
and South Africa. Also, economic loss will be felt more by economically weak states or states with
lower levels of competitiveness, for example, landlocked states. In other words, countries with
small economies than the former countries. The loss will be felt more by countries that fall under
these categories because of the tariff cuts which many countries rely on for revenue. Recognizing
the uneven benefits from country to country, equality should be promoted.
Although the aforementioned is relatively true, a counter-argument to this claim is that
because the AfCFTA aims to re-address and reorganize Africa’s intra-trade and trade with the
international community, all member states of the AU and signatories of the agreement will have
an equal voice when global markets approach the continent for economic dealings and even intra-
African trade deals. By using the one voice approach, all members will be able to guarantee the
equal gains of each African state. Put differently, as opposed to having world powers impose on
how trade deals should be handled on the continent, Africa will now have the power to dictate
which deals are most beneficial and how they should be implemented. In doing so, by approaching
economic integration on an equal plane, it is guaranteed to invigorate Africa’s buyer and supplier
bargaining power. This approach towards establishing a single continental market will also allow
for the increase of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). If the agreement is carefully implemented,
Africa will become even more attractive to foreign investors for economic dealings aiding the
bolstering of economic growth on the continent.
Another advantage that Africa is fated to receive from the AfCFTA is the reduction of input
cost. With reduced import cost, already existing businesses and the ones that will merge into the
market will experience a decrease in the cost of production. When the cost of production is
reduced, economic growth is projected to occur. Along the same line, when a continental free trade
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area is in place, the goods and services produced will also be brought to consumers at lower prices.
In addition to this, the high levels of poverty in Africa are not unknown, knowing this, by being a
signatory to the AfCFTA, participating African countries secure the destinies of their citizens. That
is, continental free trade in Africa is expected to reduce the levels of poverty in each participating
country. Increased economic opportunities simply imply that citizens can take part in the
economies of their respective countries, with increased job creation, in turn, shrinking poverty and
bettering the standard of living in each country.
Likewise, a current problem facing many African economies is the prevalence of informal
markets and or informal cross-border trade; the act of having legitimately produced goods and
services imported and exported through illegitimate methods because of existing economic
policies or regulations set in place by the government of a given African state or states (Ogalo,
2010). These activities “often go unrecorded or incorrectly recorded into official national statistics
the trading countries” (Ogalo, 2010). If the AfCFTA is efficiently incorporated in the respective
African states, it presents opportunities for informal cross-border trading activities to be halted, by
not only promoting a more legal route of cross-border trade, but also allowing informal traders or
small-scale traders who engage in informal cross-border trade to formally participate in their
country’s economy with the existence of reduced tariffs or government regulations. Essentially,
the AfCFTA provides an avenue for new markets to be created, whereby small or medium
businesses (SME’s) can partake in. “Productive economic gains will be achieved in our economies
if by transferring production from low-productivity informal firms to more productive formal firms
or by facilitating the formalization of informal firms” (Ogalo, 2010). Further, it allows for the
misplaced revenues from these activities to finally be accounted for and beneficial to the given
trading African state, allowing for economic growth (Ogalo, 2010).
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Inclusively, to ensure that the AfCFTA is implemented in every country, the body of the
agreement can serve as a guiding tool for each REC to weave into the existing policies within each
respective REC. Although this would imply that the AU will have to maintain RECs even with the
full implementation of the agreement. Because of this, to fully put the AfCFTA into action, the
AU has to consider working on ways to create a single market with or without the RECs. How can
the agreement work in the absence of or when it overrides the existence of RECS? One solution to
this issue is for the AU to push for the RECs to converge into CFTA. This means the total
demolition of the RECs. The only downfall to this becoming a reality is the fact that the six stages
that were created during the Lagos Plan of Action for the Economic Development of Africa which
included the eventual creation of an African Common Market, have not been reached by all the
RECs, not to talk of how difficult eliminating RECs would be.
Also, since the topic of a continental free trade arose, critiques of the AfCFTA is that it is
more of a ‘process-based’ agreement, that is, it predominantly focuses on eradicating tariffs seeing
that the AfCFTA requires more than just tariff reduction or elimination. Knowing this, a
suggestion to ensuring that the agreement is well executed, heads of states also need to approach
it with the aim to provide clear development progress. In other words, a combination of both a
process-based approach and having a development focus. In the same vein, for the AfCFTA to
work, there is a need for the collective economic strength of all African states, in cooperation with
the private sectors residing in each state. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) not
only proves that Pan-Africanism is still in high spirit on the continent, but it also shows how Pan-
Africanism is being woven into policies. In essence, we are witnessing Pan-Africanism being put
into practice.
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State Sovereignty as an Obstacles to the AfCFTA
Generally, with every policy created by the African Union that defies the norm, there is
bound to be pushbacks. With the AfCFTA in motion, since March 1, 2018, the agreement has
received criticism from heads of states. As much as the agreement has been labeled as historical
for the continent, from the onset, heads of states from South Africa and Nigeria, to name a few,
refused to sign the agreement, leaving only 44 countries; from the said date, as signatories of the
agreement. President Buhari of Nigeria refused to sign because he wanted to consult with
stakeholders. The president of South Africa; President Cyril Ramaphosa, on the other hand, did
not sign immediately based on the need to firm up certain legal procedures. Given that these two
countries are amongst Africa’s biggest economies, contributing to 50% of the continent's economy,
not being signatories to the agreement, hinders the possibilities of making the economic bloc a
successful one. In as much as the presidents might have their country’s economy in their best
interest, one cannot deny the influence of wanting to maintain state sovereignty and dictating the
economic growth of one's country without being tied down to a continental objective.
By seeking first, the economic kingdom, the African Union also hopes to initiate other
strategies to boost Africa’s economic and political integration is to create a common currency.
Although this is less discussed because of other pressing issues at hand like the AfCFTA which,
given its full-fledged implementation will give way to the creation of an African currency. Creating
a currency that unifies a region is not a new phenomenon on the continent. For example, with
ECOWAS, it is projected that the members of this REC are seeking to initiate the ECO, a currency
that is expected to be used in all member states of ECOWAS. The ECO, unlike the CFA Franc,
will not have any attachment with or be regulated foreign currencies, making it authentically
African. Like ECOWAS, other REC has also started talks to create their own common currency.
Recognizing that certain RECs are pushing towards establishing a common currency, definitely
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shows that the Pan-African dream is not completely dead. Yet, seeing as ECOWAS is moving
towards adopting the eco, possibly by 2020, it might come in conflict with the common currency
the African Union intends to disperse across the continent and emphasizing the importance of the
currency by making an African Monetary Union.
Recall in figure 1.5 where currency convertibility was measured, if the African Union can
successfully implement a common currency, this could skyrocket Africa's currency convertibility
internationally. Another objective on the Pan-African agenda of the African Union is creating a
single transportation. Again, like the common currency, this is less spoken about in research and
academic scholarships. Hence, the single transportation idea is rather ambiguous and open to
interpretation; either an African air service or an African railway transportation service. What it
could also mean is the interconnectedness of transportation services in Africa. Like the Chinese
One Belt One Road initiative, the African Union can construct a similar plan to again foster the
AfCFTA and the economic growth of the continent.
African Passport
In the year 2016, the African Union established the African passport with the intention to
later implement it on a continental scale. Whereby all Africans would be in possession of the
document, allowing them to travel to any African country without any visa hassle, with ease. Of
course, this is an amazing idea to push forward the Pan-African Agenda 2063 knowing its potential
to increase continental integration within Africa. “The Commission has to put in place an
implementation roadmap for the development of a Protocol on the Free Movement of persons in
Africa by January 2018, which should come into immediate effect in the Member States, in line
with the continental transformation framework, Agenda 2063” (African Visa Openness Report
2017). Currently, the passport has been dispersed only to heads of states and diplomatic officials
and one can only wonder when African citizens will get their own copies. The African Union aims
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to have the common passport issued to African citizens now by 2020. However, not to sound
pessimistic, knowing how the implementation of policies created by the institution tends to be
delayed and the current statistics on visa openness within the continent, the release date could
potentially be pushed back a couple of years. Another question to ask is what happens to the
national or regional passports that African citizens within each regional bloc currently hold?
Despite the slow implementation of the African passport - due to many African states
impeding on the ‘borderless Africa’ initiative by creating a strict border and visa policies, kudos
must be given to the African Union for finally; after over sixty years, creating a passport that would
create various opportunities for Africans to travel. The initiative, though a copy of the European
Union passport (issued to EU citizens within the European Economic Area to freely travel around
the Schengen area), it brings to light other issues like the weak intra-trade system within the
continent and the fact that it is easier for western citizens to travel around the continent than it is
for African citizens themselves.
In the same vein, a common passport could potentially address Africa’s dire migration
(voluntary migration) and or refugee (forced or involuntary migration) crisis. With violence
ensuing in many African states, the migration crisis in Africa is ridiculous. Not to trivialize the
migration issue in Africa and assume that a common passport would solve the problem of
migration and violence inflated by immigration. Yet, beyond doubt, the availability of an African
passport will promote free movement and allow individuals and families to easily find refuge in
neighboring countries that are more stable than their home countries. Of course, this has a plethora
of concerns associated with it, in terms of the fear of overpopulation in countries that are already
struggling with population problems or the over-crowdedness of major economic cities. Still, the
array of opportunities for safety and economic opportunities should not be neglected - as it is not
only beneficial to the individual commuting but also the host country when skills and talents are
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allowed to flow into the country. “Large migrant populations spur economic diversification,
private-sector development, and value-added production. Moreover, migrants spend about 85% of
their earnings domestically. That infusion of capital adds to destination countries’ tax base and
boosts local consumption” (Kituyi, 2018). That goes to say that the African passport can be well
enforced and adopted by all the 55-member states of the African Union without undermining the
security of the nation-state. For these reasons, amongst others, promoting the African Passport will
set the ball rolling towards finally enabling Pan-African unity.
As previously stated, improved visa policies will have to be taken into account for the
African passport to fully bear fruits, considering that many African states employ the use of visas
- because the majority economically benefit from the capital gained from the issuance of visas to
foreigners. As Agenda 2063 aspires to eradicate colonial inherited borders, some African states,
instead of completely eradicating visa entry requirement for other African citizens, they have
chosen the route of permitting visa upon arrival for African travelers. Although this is not
necessarily a major step in the direction of freeing borders, bearing in mind that visa upon arrival
in some of these countries is neither guaranteed, irrespective, it is obvious that the Pan-African
‘unity’ wave is working its way into policies established by some of the member states of the
African Union.
Over time, visa openness in Africa has changed, some for the good and some with further
restrictions. Utilizing the data derived from the 2017 Africa Visa Openness Index; a report carried
out in analyzing the level of visa openness in Africa, specifically looking at three index category
indicators; visa required, visa on arrival and no visa. For example, the “number of countries from
whose citizens a visa is required as a % of the total number of countries” (African Development
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Bank). Further using a scale of 0 - 1, 0 being the least open (visa required) and 1 being the most
open (no visa) country, these scores determine how each country is ranked.12
In 2016, according to the African Development Bank (AfDB), as seen in the graph below
the top 10 countries scoring and ranking the highest by demanding less requirements from visitors
travelling into their country includes; Seychelles (1,1) Uganda (0.867,2) Togo (0.859,3) Guinea
Bissau (0.852, 4), Cape Verde (0.844, 5), Ghana (0.833,6), Mozambique (0.83,7), Mauritania
(0.83,7), Rwanda (0.807, 9), and Mauritius (0.807, 9). Visa openness does not necessarily indicate
that the country will experience a rapid rise in its economy - at least based on current findings.
That is, there is not always a positive correlation between visa openness and economic growth. In
some cases, there is, but not in all situations as many of the listed African states still experience
ongoing economic problems and or slow economic growth. On an individualistic scale, visa-
openness has not shown as many economic growth results, however, once visa openness in all
African states is scaled at 0, the holistic economic benefits will be enormous, when coupled with
the recent African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Nonetheless, the benefits should not
be understated.
12Africa Visa Openness Index Formula: A country’s score is calculated by adding the results from all three indicators; (% of visa required x 0) + (% of visa on arrival x 0.8) + (% of no visa x 1) = country visa openness score (African Development Bank).
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Figure 1.6: Africa Visa Openness Index
(Source: African Development Bank)
With Agenda 2063 on the horizon, again looking into the regions, from a report carried out
in 2016 by the African Development Bank, figure 1.7 below shows which regions are doing better
in promoting free movement of African people. From the results, there is clearly still a lot more
work to be done in each region. It is unsurprising that the East African region outshines the other
regions considering the efforts made by countries like Rwanda and Kenya in limiting the
extraneous hurdles Africans face when visiting their countries by adopting visas on arrival.
Likewise, in West Africa, progress is being made; mainly in the countries depicted in the figure,
given the bolstering of the Free Movement of Persons, Residence and Establishment established
in 1979 (African Visa Openness Report 2017). It is also rather unfortunate, yet understandable,
that the so-called African powerhouses - South Africa and Nigeria, have not made significant
changes to loosen the requirements for entry into their countries. “Many of the continent’s regional
and strategic hubs continue to have restrictive visa policies” (African Visa Openness Report 2017).
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In contrast, it is “Africa’s small, landlocked and island states that are more open, also promoting
trade links with their neighbors” (African Visa Openness Report 2017). This is expected seeing as
these economic powerhouses on the continent might face certain economic setbacks with the
immediate implementation of visa openness. But who is to say that the economic gains will not
outweigh other forms of losses typically suggested by politicians and African citizens in like
manner who are usually anti-integration?
Figure 1.7: Free Movement by Region
(Source: African Development Bank)
Similarly, by promoting free movement, the likelihood of the positive economic
contributions exceeding the social and perhaps political implications should be prized more. “If
pro-migration policies are adopted, Africa’s per capita GDP could increase 61% by 2030 – to about
$3,250. In other words, intra-Africa migration is not only a human and social phenomenon; it is
also a vital ingredient of growth” (Kituyi, 2018). On the continental front, eradicating rigid visa
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policies will be greatly propitious to intra-regional (and then intra-African) trade within the
continent. From studies based on movements of people in Africa - comparing and contrasting
countries with less strict free movement policies with countries with more confined policies,
results have shown that labor plasticity contributes to economic progress and when applies
continentally. When labor mobility is no longer obstructed by ludicrous visa policies in Africa, the
economic gains from a more integrated continent, particularly in regard to the obliteration of
borders, will be colossal. Knowing this, African heads of states need to begin to see the benefits
of enforcing free movement policies. Supporting Africans to move freely will without a doubt
advance the continents regional integration efforts and promote human capital (African Visa
Openness Report 2017). In such a situation, various sectors such as tourism, trade, and investment
on the continent will begin to see major changes individually and in unison (African Visa Openness
Report 2017).
Key Findings:
• Presently, it is clear that the African Union has been making significant efforts to secure economic integration within the continent. Truly, the mantra has shifted, and increasing the continent’s economic gains is now at the heart of how the African Union chooses to manifest the pan-African ideal.
• As a result, the AfCFTA, the African Passport and the African Economic Community – amongst other economic approaches to unify the continent - are amongst the top (economic) priorities of the African Union as of now.
• The African Union has chosen to focus on trade – including the free movement of people as a means to attain cohesion or unity on the continent.
• Despite the lack of support of continental integration in Africa, the steps being taken by the African Union shows a clear interest in integrating the continent - if not politically, then economically.
• Economic unification despite slow, it is gradually germinating on the continent.
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Chapter 4 Book Ending
What if everyone became increasingly curious about rethinking the conceptualization of A
United Africa? It is in the best interest of every African that Africa truly rises from being the smirk
of the world. That is, the progress of the continent should be in the best interest of all African
scholars. Particularly in terms of the socioeconomic and political future of the continent. The
concept of Pan-Africanism and a ‘United States of Africa' - both uniquely complex in their own
ways, - are key concepts that need to be constantly associated in discussions regarding the growth
of the continent. Despite the fact that the concept of Pan-Africanism was administered years ago,
its core values can still be used and are still being used to shape what political and economic growth
on the continent looks like. Mainly as it was promoted by the likes of Kwame Nkrumah, Sekou
Touré, and Julius Nyerere in the past and in more contemporary times by Gaddafi and Robert
Mugabe. Pan-Africanism can remind Africans of what and how Africa should be. Africans today
need to keep asking 'what if' questions. What if colonialization never happened? What would
Africa look like today? To answer these questions, it can be theorized that the continent of Africa
could have slowly taken the form to become a United States of Africa - without any form of
balkanization - a contributing factor to the tumored political, social and economic growth of the
continent.
At the beginning of this thesis, I proposed the research question; how do contemporary
understandings of Pan-Africanism and the African Union help us to better understand the
challenges and possibilities for a United States of Africa? Based on the findings, there are two
conclusions that can be drawn; the first being that yet again Africans have reached a dead-end and
pan-Africanism – in terms of enforcing political and economic integration - will not be fulfilled
due to the sovereignty concerns, external and internal influences and the diverse nature of the
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continent. The second conclusion is that pan-Africanism is taking aggressively form and is evident
on the continent based on the activities of the African Union. The former conclusion seems to
weigh more seeing as several approaches taken by the African Union has been affected or
downplayed by these factors. Given these factors, the possibilities of a United States of Africa may
continue to pose as a mirage or a façade. Irrespective of this, based on the economic policies and
information provided above, there are prominent opportunities for the idea of a United States of
Africa to materialize.
Concerning the latter, Pan-Africanism is on the rise in Africa. It is indeed beautiful to
witness how the African Union is finally taking charge of driving for the progress of Africa,
especially in the least conventional ways known to the continent. It has taken so many years since
the publishing of Africa Must Unite and since Kwame Nkrumah including other Pan-Africanists
called for the economic and political unification of the continent. Although the policies currently
going through and being processed by the African Union do not explicitly state or affirm the
creation of a United States of Africa, due to the ‘sensitivity’ of the topic. Still, with Agenda 2063
and the AfCFTA and all that these bodies of works entail, the undertones show a clear move
towards both the economic and political unification of the continent. In order to achieve this (based
on the report provided in chapter three), what is most needed for Africa to truly succeed and for
Africans to get and design the Africa that “we want,” is strengthened political will. Heads of states
need to remove the scales from their eyes, abandoning their personal goals for the greater
continental goal. With political will, this will in turn push for and empower the economic strength
of the continent. The socio-economic situation in Africa is in dire need of revamping. The socio-
economic life of Africans needs to be rejuvenated, and this can only be achieved if African states
capitalize on their unified economic strengths.
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An important question to ask is whether Pan-Africanism will continue to live on
symbolically by the African Union? Evidently, based on the policies provided by the African
Union, this is not the ultimate intent and one can only be hopeful that this will not be the case.
Regarding this, Africans can only be hopeful as it would only mean that instead of taking a step
forward, the continent would be taking several steps back, again impeding on any kind of growth,
obliterating progress made towards the decolonization of neo-colonial regimes or policies in Africa
(Mkandawire, 2011). Rather than just putting out processes (process-based approaches) to achieve
political, economic and social progress, an emphasis needs to be placed on producing results
(development-based approach). The African Union needs to step out of all 'talk and no action'
stereotype because time is of the essence. Particularly as the success of the agreements and policies
discussed in the previous chapter are fundamental to ameliorating the (African) human life.
Definitely, the African Union will be faced with political challenges from heads of states that will
refute specific attempts to unify the continent. Notwithstanding, by empowering institutions like
the Pan-African parliament; bestowed the responsibility of ensuring the full economic and to an
extent political unification of the continent, the steps taken by the African Union can be gas-lighted
if the Pan-African parliament is allowed to exercise its full-blown legal rights.
The RECs, though great in analyzing how regional harmonization works, it is a gradualist
approach towards what Nkrumah envisioned for Africa (Luke, 1986). It is now the time for all
African states - sovereignty aside and other distractions (that can be presented as a hindrance to
the political and economic unification) cornered, to implement the African Economic Community
(AEC). This is the best opportunity for Africa, as the European Union is currently being shaken
by BREXIT and the current political climate in the United States under President Donald Trump.
A continental government, be it the African Union transforming into a governmental body for the
continent is important, now, more than ever. African citizens have suffered greatly for far too long
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for African leaders to continue sitting arms crossed in their air-conditioned and lavishly built
homes - without having to worry about any socio-economic impediment in their lives - to not take
any action or shun the responsibility of moving towards an African Economic Community. The
AEC will then guarantee the political and economic union of the continent. It is high time that they
grab the opportunity presented to them now to change the narrative of Africa, putting African
citizens first, acknowledging that increased continental economic integration will do more good
than harm to Africans.
As the African Union sets the precedence for integration for Africans within the continent,
other methods need to be considered regarding ways to unify or include Africans of the diaspora
(West, 2005). During the period of slavery or the colonialization of Africa and the ongoing racial
struggle in the diaspora, Africans within the continent and those overseas made attempts to cater
to one another's need. Of recent, the African Union has recognized incorporating the diaspora in
its integration plans. But, if and once a United States of Africa is eventually created, how will the
diaspora be included? (West, 2005). The most logical approach to including the diaspora is by
making way for increased economic cooperation with countries; like Haiti for example, to
contribute to and also gain from economic union with the continent of Africa. One way to
accomplish this is to provide conditional citizenship to Africans in the diaspora which will add to
Africa’s need to expand economically. Creating a United States of Africa is a herculean task
enough, that an attempt to further expand into countries that diasporans exist in could potentially
complicate matters, hence, the non-governmental approach towards inclusion. Arguably, doing the
opposite will draw issues with what or who is authentically African - rather issues with identity
OR what being an African truly means. It could also encourage a rift between Africans in the
continent and Africans of the diaspora.
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A United States of Africa being realized could be the ultimate development booster for the
continent. Seeing as conflicts are surging here and there in Africa (primarily influenced by corrupt
political regimes), rebellions against the socioeconomic situation in the particular states, food
insecurity, oppression against certain religious groups, sexuality, and so on, a U.S of Africa, if
modeled right would address the insecurities affecting the African population. Unifying African
foreign/internal policies, creating a common economic or financial market, establishing a common
monetary union and currency, capitalizing on dissolving borders and empowering a common
military, all of these strategies have the capability of strengthening the deficiencies of the
continent.
The goal of this research is not to claim that achieving this will be an easy feat, on the
contrary, it is clear that an attempt to achieving this on a continental scale will be faced with
political, social and economic challenges. Certainly, it might even take additional years to the
anticipated 2063 goal, yet, this should not hinder the African Union's attempt to seeing to it that
Agenda 2063 is carried out effectively by the given year. In turn, this will mean that the African
Union will need to have a sturdier footing on the continent, enforcing stricter rules and sanctions
on countries that are thwarting socio-economic and political growth in their respective countries,
Agenda 2063 and other policies to follow. This implies that the African Union will have to contest
with state sovereignty. Again, this might pose difficult, but given the task at hand and Africa being
a ticking time bomb waiting to blow up in all our faces, it is inevitable and at the same time
pertinent to the Pan-African goal. ‘Africa rising’ has been the narrative for years now, but can
Africa really be classified as rising? For Africa to truly rise, a firm political and most specifically
an economic empire needs to be built and this can and will be accomplished with the AfCFTA.
If all the aspirations of Agenda 2063 are met, another task on the horizon is that a new
political map will have to be drawn up if the ‘seamless borders’ agenda is to be taken upon.
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Colonization brought about the balkanization of Africa, hence, true decolonization of Africa today
will mean re-organizing and reconnecting Africa in ways that will eliminate the enshrined
neocolonial impacts and former colonial influence, such as balkanization (Ladun, 1974). Scholars
might call this unrealistic, however, de-balkanizing Africa can also go hand in hand with the
African Union's goal facilitate the freedom of movement of Africans and also contribute to
mobilizing better trade integration on the continent. Though it seems ambitious to achieve,
exterminating borders on the continent will be a symbolic move, witnessed on an international
platform, showing Africa truly rising, rising from remnants of colonialization.
In conclusion, hopefully, this research will contribute to the theoretical bodies of work that
concern the concept of Pan-Africanism and how it has changed over time. Considering the new
findings that are not largely discussed in modern texts concerning Pan-Africanism, it is much
clearer now the emphasis on economic integration. Because of this, for the African Union's policies
to prosper, especially towards unifying the continent, the organization should focus more on
economic unification than political. This is because political unification attempts have proven to
be more controversial than economic unification policies have been, in the past and presently.
Also, empirically, this will research will show the challenges to putting the concept into practice
on the path of creating a U.S Africa and contribute to the integrative policies on the continent by
suggesting ways in which the institution of the African Union specifically can work around
achieving a successful integration. Conclusively, the information garnered confirms the operating
hypotheses described in the earlier texts. At the same time, it draws attention to the efforts being
made by the institution.
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Appendix
Interview on the Conceptualization of Pan-Africanism, Continental Integration, and the African Union:
1. What is your nationality? 2. What is your position at African Union? 3. What inspired you to join the African Union? 4. Are you familiar with the term Pan-Africanism? 5. What does this the term Pan-Africanism mean to you? What do you think Pan-Africanism
is? 6. Would you affiliate/consider yourself as a Pan-African? 7. How would you identify yourself? As an African first or according to your nationality? 8. How would you define unity (specifically, African unity)? 9. What comes to mind when you hear the phrase “continental integration?” What is your
vision for Pan-Africanism in Africa? 10. Popular African pan-Africanists have argued that the unification of the continent will be
beneficial for all Africans, what is your take on this argument? Are there potential social, political and economic consequences or benefits? Is it a far-fetched idea? What obstacles might occur in the process of making African unification a reality?
11. Are Africans prepared for a United States of Africa? 12. Tell me about the mission of the African Union... 13. Considering the mission of the institution, how successful has the African Union been in
achieving its set goals? How has the African Union helped in realizing the dream of Pan-Africanism? In other words, as an embodiment of Pan-Africanism or a continental body that is meant to unify Africans politically, economically and socially, how successful has the AU been in achieving this?
14. In March, the African Union drafted the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) with the aim to empower the continent through; allowing the free movement of people, venturing towards establishing a single market in order to solidify the economy of the continent and most importantly, promoting trade within the continent. However, since its adoption, only forty-four countries signed on to the agreement. What do you think about the free trade agreement? Could this potentially lead to a more unified continent?
15. What are the obstacles of the ACFTA amongst African countries? Refer to the specific goals of the CFTA - Continental Free Trade Area below:
- Create a single continental market for goods and services, with free movement of business persons and investments, and thus pave the way for accelerating the establishment of the Continental Customs Union and the African customs union.
- Expand intra African trade through better harmonization and coordination of trade liberalization and facilitation regimes and instruments across RECs and across Africa in general.
- Resolve the challenges of multiple and overlapping memberships and expedite the regional and continental integration processes.
- Enhance competitiveness at the industry and enterprise level through exploiting opportunities for scale production, continental market access and better reallocation of resources
Additional Questions from Afrobarometer:
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Regional integration for Africa: Could stronger public support turn ‘rhetoric into reality’? Afrobarometer Questionnaires: Support for free cross-border movement of people and goods: Which of the following statements is closest to your view? Statement 1: People living in (region) should be able to move freely across international borders in order to trade or work in other countries. Statement 2: Because foreign migrants take away jobs and foreign traders sell their goods at very cheap prices, governments should protect their own citizens and limit the cross-border movement of people and goods.
16. How would you define citizenship? In your opinion, how easy or difficult is it for people in (region) to cross international borders in order to work or trade in other countries, or haven't you heard enough to say? Regional Role in Protection of Democracy and Human Rights: Which of the following statements is closest to your view? Statement 1: The governments of each country in (this region) have a duty to try to guarantee free elections and prevent human rights abuses in other countries in the region for example, by using political pressure, economic sanctions or military force. Statement 2: Each country in this region should respect the independence of the other countries and allow them to make their own decisions about how their country should be governed. Perceived utility of African Union and RECs Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how much (does the regional organization for your region) do to help your country, or haven’t you heard enough to say? In your opinion, how much the African Union do to help your country, or haven’t you heard enough to say?