The Social Organization of Deviance
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Transcript of The Social Organization of Deviance
This section looks more closely at the lives and activities of deviants.
Best and Luckenbill (1980) have noted in their analysis of the social organization of deviants that relationships among deviants take many forms varying in: (1) numbers of members(2) task specialization (3) stratification within group(4) type of authority structure
Part 6
Such deviants are most solitary interacting with others but keeping their deviant attitudes, behaviors or conditions secret
This category includes sexual asphyxiates, self-injurers, anorectics, bulimics, computers hackers, and pedophiles
Websites now permit many such “loners” to connect online with others like themselves thereby presenting potential surrogate forms of “community”
Part 6
Such websites provide several latent functions for participants, they: Transmit technical and ideological know-
how enabling deviants to more effectively engage in and legitimate their deviance
Bring together persons into common discourse regardless of age, gender, marital status, ethnicity, or SES
Are global spanning several continentsSuch deviant cyber-communities provide a
“space” for deviance to grow
Part 6
Such deviants have face-to-face relationships with others like themselves but don’t need their cooperation to perform their deviance
This category includes the homeless, recreational drug users & con artists
Big advantage over loners is that mutual association brings possibility of membership in a deviant subculture or counterculture
The individual gains social support from colleagues
Part 6
Such deviants engage in deviance with others like themselves but have only minimal division of labor
This category includes neighborhood gangs who congregate with their friends but have little division of labor except possibly a leaders
Part 6
A deviant group of 3-12 persons who band together to engage in more sophisticated deviant acts with larger monetary payoffs such as theft, smuggling, hustling at gambling
Especially fascinating to media and the public, crew deviance involves a complex division of labor involving specialized training and socialization
Part 6
Larger than crews and extending over time and space, this category includes Cosa Nostra Mafia “families” and the Columbian drug cartels
Such organizations may involve transnational links to other similar groups
They are much larger than crews & may have 100 or more members
They are ethnically homogenous, employ violence & are vertically & horizontally stratified, and have been known to infiltrate and corrupt law enforcement
Part 6
Legitimate persons and organizations may engage in deviant acts although these may be an occasional or “side” activity to their main activity
This is crime that is directly related to those privileged persons and groups in a position to abuse financial, organizational or political power
Such deviance may be financial but may also extend to bodily injury and death
White collar crime can be divided into two main subsections: occupational and organizational crime
Part 6
Pursued by persons acting on their own behalf
This includes employees at all levels of organizations who may steal from their companies, including embezzlement & computer crimes
Corporate executives at firms such as Enron, Tyco, and WorldCom looted their companies, shareholders & employee retirement plans through fraudulent accounting, offshore & dummy corporations to live in high style
Part 6
Persons in charge of purchasing for their firms are in a position to accept bribes to give business to its vendors
In government sector persons evade taxes through offshore companies and false tax shelters often sold to them by accounting and brokerage firms who charge millions for their services
Politicians may sell political power such as awarding of military contracts
Part 6
Professionals may collect money for their individual benefit such as doctors who accept gifts from drug companies to steer patients toward the use of their drugs
This includes a stockbroker who may engage in insider trading (e.g., Martha Stewart case)
Physicians who overcharge and/or over-service patients with Medicare/Medicaid fraud
Part 6
Crime committed with support of a legitimate formal organization & designed to advance goals of the firm or agency
Examples: false advertising, fraud, Antitrust violations, corruption pertaining to government contracts
Unsafe products represent another area: drugs, auto and tire industry, medical products
Part 6
Worker safety violations & unsafe working conditions result in hundreds of deaths and thousands of injuries annually including but not limited to coal mining, oil
and chemical industries, nuclear power plants, pesticide manufacturers
Government activity such as illegal domestic or international police or military operationsSecret FBI files, Iran-Contra scandal, secret
CIA prisons, etc
Part 6
Most research focuses on either eating disorders or drug use.
This study reports original research on college women who used licit pharmaceutical drugs or illicit street drugs in an ongoing effort to manage their body weight.
Evidence of eating disorders since ancient times, but before the late 1960s, virtually unknown to the general public.
Diagnosis of anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa & other eating related medical syndromes skyrocketed during the 1970s
Part 6: Ch. 32
In-depth life-history interviews conducted with 57 college-age women at large, public university (N=57)Freshman to seniors, living on & off
campusAges 18-25 yearsFrom middle to upper-middle SES groups
Convenience sampling given difficulty of finding participantsSemi-structured interviews
Part 6: Ch. 32
Instrumental: motivation to use predicated on substances’ specific effects
Instrumental drug-using women varied according to temporal nature:Some reported disordered eating before
onset of drug useOthers reported development of non-
normative weight managing behaviors after a period of drug use
Part 6: Ch. 32
Reported history (foundation) of disordered eating prior to instrumental prescription drug use for weight loss
Conventional in that they used more socially acceptable Rx drugs instead of street drugs
Overall motivation – achieving cultural ideal of thinness, thus the goal was to conformConforming became over-conforming
Most presented as thin, but not too thinLargest category in typology (n = 24)
Part 6: Ch. 32
Reported foundation of disordered eating after turning to street drugs for weight control
Drugs used were described as “dirty,” “unacceptable” & “inappropriate”Access to drugs not as reliable or
consistent, thus they scrounged to find them
Second largest category of instrumental users (n = 13)
Part 6: Ch. 32
Those whose drug use pattern “journeyed” or “evolved”
Used Rx drugs recreationally or medicinally prior to their instrumental use for weight control
Journeyers comprised smaller typology (n = 11)
Part 6: Ch. 32
Engaged in substance use before they turned into instrumental drug users
Initially used street drugs recreationally & later instrumental patterns for weight control purposes
Smallest category (n = 9)
Part 6: Ch. 32
Individuals engaged in deviance alone as “loners” (Best & Luckenbill, 1980)Examples: sexual asphyxiates, self-
injurers, substance abusing pharmacists, embezzlers, anorectics & bulimics
Solitary operators act alone & don’t associate with deviant others, while subcultural participants acted alone but their behaviors heavily influenced by group memberships (Prus & Grills, 2003)
Part 6: Ch. 32
Lies & secrecy employed by participants in this research
They kept their deviant behaviors hiddenMany feared if others found out about
their instrumental drug use, they would be forced to stop
Chose loner lifestyle to avert potential negative consequences
Online communities (“pro-anorexia” & “pro-bulimia”) provide community of support that encourages their deviance
Part 6: Ch. 32
Often embarrassed about methods of weight control
Other methods employed by participants to control weight:Severe caloric restrictionEpisodes of bingeing & purgingLaxative abuseCigarette smokingDishonesty in the course of medical careObsessive thoughts about weight & body
management
Part 6: Ch. 32
In general, research participants were high achievers or perfectionists, included:Honor studentsCollege athletesSocial leaders Award winnersFuture professionals
Part 6: Ch. 32
Participants worried that instrumental drug use would be associated with disordered eating, which was generally negatively stigmatized
Obtaining their medications entailed lies & secrecy:Visiting campus clinic during the weekCreated alibis for such visits
Part 6: Ch. 32
Different kind of secrecy employed in that street drug illegal & frowned upon socially
Had to access those who valued and used psychoactive substances
Secrecy about their drug use dropped when around others who engaged
Part 6: Ch. 32
This was voluntary during episodes of drug use
Fear of others finding out would result in benefits of weight control diminishing
Part 6: Ch. 32
Participants not truthful with medical personnel thus they were forced to rely on self-created systems of interpreting signs & signals regarding changes in their bodies
Rx users too felt the need to withhold negative information from their doctors
Most Rx users went to psychiatrists, thus no physical exams conducted to make sure they were “fit” enough to take medication
All users reported effects on their moods & energy levels
Part 6: Ch. 32
Costs varied depending on dosages of drug use & specific substances
On average, cocaine users spent more for their supply ($50-$100 per gram)
Rx users costs’ varied (estimated $40-$200/mo)
Some given generous allowances, others worked None engaged in selling to support drug use Some played “middleman” role hooking sellers
with users without benefits for themselves But more time they spent with dealers & drug
subculture, less their drugs costsPart 6: Ch. 32
Rx drug users filled prescriptions & the cost varied depending on whether they had health insurance
Patterns of use depended on supply – the more available the more they did, however, money was not a significant concern for participants
Overall, financing drug use didn’t force illicit drug users out of their deviant careers
Part 6: Ch. 32
How does this form of deviance differ from other forms in the context of its stigmatizing effects?
What were some of the major differences among illicit & licit drug users?
Part 6: Ch. 32
Those who cut, burn, brand, pick at, or otherwise injure themselves in a deliberate but non-suicidal attempt to achieve relief by harming themselves
They grew from relatively small & unknown population into a burgeoning but largely secretive group in the late 1990s
Part 6: Ch. 33
The early 2000s saw rise of online communities of self-injurersfirst just as places where individuals could
find each other and gain non-judgmental acceptance
later as support groups composed of like-minded others.
Self-injurers thus represent a hybrid associational form, behaving as loners in the solid world and colleagues in the cyber world.
Part 6: Ch. 33
In-depth interviews with 25 self-injurers conducted between 2001 to 2004 (N = 25)
Ages 16-35 years with most given up behavior
Self-injury for most occurred in middle & high school, with just a few continuing past that age
Three-quarters women, all whiteConvenience sampling usedFocus on loner self-injurers – 80% of total
Part 6: Ch. 33
Characteristics of loners outlinedDescribes ways self-injurers are similar &
differ from Best & Luckenbill’s (1982) ideal typical model: where some deviants organize & commit their acts as loners, without the support of fellow deviants
Part 6: Ch. 33
As loners, on their own in constructing meaning & set of rationalizations to legitimize their deviance
Similar to rationalizations of convicted rapists where rapists denied violent nature of act & suggested that victims precipitated or wanted it
Part 6: Ch. 33
Nonetheless, self-injurers had a much more difficult time giving social meanings & legitimacy to acts
Some focused on neatness – ability to do it without making a mess
For others, control was the issue – they could control where to hurt themselves & when
Part 6: Ch. 33
Behavior viewed as private, not to be shared
A need for focus & concentration of being alone while injuring themselves
Given opportunity to interact or meet other self-injurers, many withdrew from or avoided interactions
Part 6: Ch. 33
Without a subculture, self-injurers found themselves on their own in coping with practical problems presented by their devianceUnable to anticipate peoples’ reactionsPrior to 1996, scars could be explained
away, but no nowLed to cutting in places that weren’t as
visible such as the stomach, thighs, etc.
Part 6: Ch. 33
Self-injurers socialized by society, not by fellow deviants, to choose devianceThus they choose it because they face
situations where respectable courses of action not attractive or satisfactory
Resulted in condemnation of their behavior & feelings of shame
Part 6: Ch. 33
Self-injurers lack of support made deviance unstable, with difficulty sustaining their deviance over long periods of time
Structural strain between normative expectations & deviant behavior
Lack of support also made it difficult to reaffirm meaning of their deviance
Ceasing of their deviance left strong feelings of absence
Part 6: Ch. 33