The role of women in the conservation of the genetic …(Photo: Miguel Leiva) Photo 8. Teosintle...

The role of womenin the conservation of the

genetic resources of maizeGuatemala

Food and Agriculture Organizationof the United Nations

International PlantGenetic Resources Institute

Rome, 2002

GENDER AND GENETIC RESOURCES MANAGEMENT

The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO ) is the lead agency for agri c u l t u r e,fo r e s t ry, fisheries and ru ral deve l o p m e n t . An intergove rnmental agency, FAO has 183 Member Nations plusa member organization, the European Commu n i t y.Since its inception in 1945, FAO has wo rked to allev i a t ep ove rty and hunger by promoting agr i c u l t u ral development, improved nu t rition and the pursuit of fo o dsecurity – the access of all people at all times to the food they need for an active and healthy life.

The International Plant Genetic Resource Institute (IPGRI) is an autonomous international scientificorganization, supported by the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR). IPGRI’smandate is to advance the conservation and use of genetic diversity for the well-being of present and futuregenerations. IPGRI's headquarters are based in Maccarese, near Rome, Italy, with offices in another 19countries worldwide. The Institute operates through three programmes: the Plant Genetic ResourcesProgramme, the CGIAR Genetic Resources Support Programme and the International Network for theImprovement of Banana and Plantain (INIBAP).

© FAO and IPGRI 2002

The designations employed and the presentation of the materialin this publication do not imply the expression of any opinionwhatsoever on the part of the Food and Agriculture Organizationof the United Nations or the International Plant GeneticResources Insitute concerning the legal status of any country,territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning thedelimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

All rights reserved. Reproduction and dissemination of material in thisinformation product for educational or other non-commercial purposes areauthorized without any prior written permission from the copyright holdersprovided the source is fully acknowledged.Reproduction of material in thisinformation product for resale or other commercial purposes is prohibitedwithout written permission of the copyright holders. Applications for suchpermission should be addressed to the Chief, Publishing and MultimediaService, Information Division, FAO, Viale delle Terme di Caracalla, 00100Rome, Italy or by e-mail to [email protected]

Collaboration:Forestry Action Plan, Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food,Guatemala.

Researchers:Enma Leticia Díaz Lara and César Azurdia

Coordination and guidance:Zoraida García, Programme Officer, Gender and Development ServiceGender and Population Division, Food and Agriculture Organization ofthe United Nations (FAO)

92-5-104784-7

PREFACE:ESSENTIAL ASPECTS TO BE CONSIDERED IN THIS STUDY

This study finds its origins in the field of biology and anthropology; and morep recisely in ethno-botany. This discipline, which examines the dynamic re l a t i o n s h i pbetween humans and their natural environment, allows us to study the re l a t i o n s h i pbetween human groups in the Department of Huehuetenango, the development ofmaize production through the ages (an historical study of the human-maizerelationship) and in diff e rent environments (various sites within the Department ofHuehuetenango). Through an understanding of this relationship one can drawconclusions as re g a rds the role women have played in the evolution of maize and itsc o n s e rvation as a genetic re s o u rc e .

The most revealing ethno-botanical studies are carried out in regions that are richin culture and in plant genetic resources. These conditions exist in Guatemala. Thecountry is located in the heart of Central America, one of the centres renowned forboth the origin and the diversity of its plant species, as well as for its cultural wealthdue to its legacy inherited historically from the Mayas, as represented by thedifferent ethnic groups existing in the area. In the Department, nine differentnative language groups are represented, and it also offers a great deal of plantdiversity, which can be observed in seven distinct life zones. Moreover, thegeographical location of the country, which is a bridge between the north and thesouth of the American continent, gives rise to the presence of flora consisting ofelements typical of the north, the south and the Caribbean, and especially ofendemic species1. In addition to the above, its geography, dominated as it is bymountain ranges, affords the presence of many isolated habitats; an essentialrequirement for the acceleration of the plant evolution process.

Human beings, in their interaction with the environment, have selected certain plantspecies to develop in them the process of “selection under domestication” which isguided basically by the “selection motives” that are established by the human gro u p sinvolved in this pro c e s s .

For a long time it has been suggested that the region of Huehuetenango was thearea where maize first grew, given the presence of a number of wild sub-species andthe great diversity of the maize varieties in the area. It is equally important torecognize the direct role played by the culture in the domestication of maize; orrather, the historical role of maize in the Mayan culture and what now remains ofthis in the human populations of the region under consideration. Knowledge of allthis constitutes a basic reference on the selection motives, which, we may say, are oftwo types: factors of an agronomic type, such as the selection of material that canresist pests, diseases, droughts, can adapt to different environments and producethe highest yield; or factors of a culinary type, in other words, the genetic material’sadaptability to the culinary tastes and customs of the population as regards colour,

The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize iii

1 Azurdia, 1989.

texture, sugar content, ease of peeling, etc. One cannot discard the possibility of theexistence of a third set of selection criteria defined by considerations of a religioustype.

A knowledge and an understanding ofthe genetic diversity of the maizec u rrently present in the region ofHuehuetenango, compared to that ofthe past (40 years ago, for example,about which we have the informationgenerated by Wellhausen)2 can provideus with a clear picture of the role playedby women in the conservation of thegenetic resources of maize. In the sameway, we must consider factors of a socialn a t u re (acculturation) and economicfactors (introduction of higher yieldc rops, improved varieties and newfarming techniques) that are causinggenetic erosion in the germplasm of themaize present in the Department ofHuehuetenango.

Understanding the role of women in theagricultural production process enablesus to interpret their influence in theevolution of maize, the great diversityof varieties they generated and howthey maintain them.

iv The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize

2 Wellhausen et al. 1957.

Figure AYum Kax, Mayan god of maize

CONTENTS

Preface iii

Glosssary ix

I. Background 1

II. Introduction 2

III. The origin of maize and its cultivation 33.1 The origin of the word maize 33.2 How maize reached Guatemala according to the Mayas 33.3 Women and maize in the oral tradition 43.4 Maize in the cosmic vision of Central America 63.5 The origin of maize and the role of Huehuetenango

in its evolution 73.6 Maize culture and other agricultural activities 9

IV. Genetic conservation of the resource: maize 10

V. Area of the study 135.1 Geographic location and topography 135.2 The most important life zones 135.3 The linguistic component 135.4 Characteristics of the situation of women in Huehuetenango 14

VI. Classes of maize specific to Huehuetenango 16

VII. Introduction of improved varieties 21

VIII. The farming of maize 22

IX. S u rv ival of the cosmology of pre-Columbian Central A m e r i c a ,and the central place of maize 32

X. Other considerations 37

XI. Conclusions 39

XII. Recommendations 42

Annex I. The communities of the study 45

Annex II. Teosinte: the possible origin of maize 47

Annex III. Women’s testimonies 48

Annex IV. Distribution of the different local languagesin the Department of Huehuetenago 51

Bibliography 52

The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize v

TABLES

Table 1. Agricultural production in the north-western region (Has.). 10

Table 2. Urban and rural population by sex (%).1980 and 1995. Huehuetenango. 14

Table 3. Ethnic composition of the population, 1994. Huehuetenango. 14

Table 4. Female population by age group, 1994. Huehuetenango. 14

Table 5. Formal education of women by age group, 1994. Huehuetenango. 15

Table 6. Women over the age of 7 by occupation, 1994. Huehuetenango. 15

Table 7. Classification of maize by colour in Spanishand various Maya languages. Huehuetenango. 17

Table 8. Types of maize cultivated in the Departmentof Huehuetenango by zones. 18

Table 9. Participation of women (W) and men (M)in maize cultivation (%). 24

Table 10. Participation of women (W) and men (M)in post-harvest processing of maize by geographical zones. 32

Table 11. Participants in the workshops, by placeand ethnic language group of origin. 37

Table 12. Maize food and beverages prepared in Huehuetenango. 49

vi The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize

PHOTOGRAPHS

Photo 1. Black maize for the preparation of black tortillas,which are eaten on special occasions. 17

Photo 2. Local varieties of maize, grown by farmerswho use traditional methods. 19

Photo 3. Woman taking part in the maize harvest. 23(Photo: Mario Fuentes)

Photo 4. The shelling of the maize is a time when women playa major role in selecting the genetic material that isto be used in sowing the next crops. 29

Photo 5. The sale of surplus maize in the local marketsis an exclusively female activity. 31

Photo 6. Making tortillas, an activity carried out exclusively by women. 32

Photo 7. The development of workshops makes direct consultationwith people from the different communities possible. 38(Photo: Miguel Leiva)

Photo 8. Teosintle (Zea mays subspecies huehuetenangensis)from Jacaltenango, Huehuetenango, Guatemala. 47

Photo 9. Post-harvest processing and selection of the maize to be usedfor the next sowing. The different classes of maize are shown.The maize for human consumption is spread on the ground,while the maize for sowing is arranged in bunches. 50

The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize vii

MAPS

Map 1. Location of the Department of Huehuetenangoin the Republic of Guatemala. 12

Map 2. Present map according to the people in the area of Aguacatán. 33

Map 3. Present map according to the people in the area of Tzunul. 34

Map 4. Future map according to the people in the area of Tzunul. 35

Map 5. Present map of the area of Río San Juán. 36

Map 6. Distribution of local languages within the Department of Huehuetenango. 51

viii The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize

GLOSSARY

Alcaldes re z a d o re s : religious specialists who lead certain rites and who areresponsible for praying.

Anona: tree of the tropical zone (Annona spp.) with edible fruits.

Aporque: see juleo.

Bledo: a species (Amaranthus spp.) which grows as a tolerated weed in maize crops,since its leaves are consumed by human populations.

Calza: see juleo.

Coa: a sharpened stake used to open the furrows where maize is sown. This tool isof pre-Hispanic origin.

Chimán: religious specialist who practises divination.

Chompipe: turkey.

Copal: a very aromatic resin produced by a tree of the same name (Protium copal) intropical regions. Copal is burned and gives off a very pleasant aroma. It is also usedin the preparation of varnishes.

Doblador: dried husk. Modified leaf that protects the maize cob.

Doblar: activity consisting in “folding down” or wrapping the maize plants to allowthe cobs in their husks to reach full maturity and protect them from humidity, birdsand rodents.

Gallina ciega: larva of beetle (Melolontha sp.) that attacks the roots of maize.

Guatal: thicket, brushwood.

Gusano cogollero: larva of the Heliothis which consumes the shoots of maize.

Hierba mora: type of weed of the Solanum nigrum complex (black nightshade) thatgrows among the maize plants. It is a “managed weed” since it is used as a leafygreen vegetable.

Horchata: a drink prepared with rice.

Incienso: resin of burseracco trees. Gives off an aromatic smell when burned and isused in religious ceremonies.

Jícara: fruit of Crescentia alata used for certain drinks or for storing certain seeds.

The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize ix

Jocote: tree (Spondias sp.) with edible fruits.

Juleo: activity also referred to as aporcar or calzar, which consists in making earthmounds around each maize stalk to serve as a support.

L a n d ra c e : F a rm e r-developed varieties of crops that are adapted to local enviro n m e n t sand uses.

Matasano: species of an edible fruit (Casimiroa edulis).

M i l p a : maize plant or stalk. Commonly used to refer to a traditional maize field orplantation.

Miltomate: native species of Central America (Physalis philadelphica) which producesedible fruits, widely used in traditional cookery. Its name refers to a tomato-likeplant that grows in maize fields.

Morral: woven bag with a strap to be carried on the shoulder.

Nance: species of edible fruits (Byrsonima crassifolia).

Nixtamal: maize cooked in ashes and lime to soften it and facilitate the making oftortillas and other dishes.

Pataxte: wild species of cocoa (T h e o b roma bicolor), with which chocolate can be made,though it is of a lower quality than the cultivated crop. Its husk can also be eaten raw.

Quintal: unit of weight, equivalent to 100 pounds.

Rastrojo: stubble or harvest leftovers (plants or parts of plants) which remain in thefields.

Tapanco: platform made of wooden boards. The space between this and the roof ofthe house is used to store grain.

Tapisca: manual harvest of maize.

Teosinte: graminaceous plant, (Zea mays subsp. huehuetenangensis), 2-3 metres talland very luxuriant; it is considered the original parent of maize, and is good forage.

Tortilla: cooked pancake, patted and thinned into a round shape by hand.

Troje: rough country barn for the storage of maize and doblador.

Zajorín: person considered able to divine the occult.

Zapote: tropical tree (Pouteria sapota) with edible fruits, also known as mamey.

Zompopo: type of ant that cuts the leaves of maize.

x The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize

I. Background

Both the history and the developmentof Guatemala are intimately linked tomaize (Zea mays L.), not only as aspecific crop, but also as a whole systemwhich includes historical, linguistic,economic, social and even politicalcomponents. In view of this, a numberof studies have been undertaken withparticular focus on aspects ranging fromthe technologies used in maize farmingto the religious significance of maize inthe daily lives of the rural populations.

The study on “El cultivo del maíz enHuehuetenango – un estudio exploratorio”(Maize farming in Huehuetenango – anexploratory study) carried out in 1993under the auspices of FAO, constitutedthe first stage of the re s e a rc hundertaken. Enquiries were made in 31municipalities of the Department ofHuehuetenango, in each of which 8 to15 cases were studied, producing a totalof 385 cases. However, the data on therole of women in the conservation ofthe genetic resources of maize suggestedthat further study would be necessary.

It is known that women participate invarious tasks related to the farming ofmaize; however there is not enoughinformation on how women influencethe conservation of its geneticresources. A study aimed at acquiringgreater knowledge of this subject, notonly as a source of basic information, isalso a necessary element for thedevelopment of policies in which thefundamental role women play inpractical terms for the conservation ofplant genetic resources is recognised.

The second stage of the field study wasc a rried out in six communities of theD e p a rtment of Huehuetenango, chosenon the basis of the characteristics of theire c o l o g y, ethnic composition and localf a rming techniques. The communitiesselected for the study are in themunicipalities of Aguacatán, Chiantla,Todos Santos, Cuchumatán, Nentón andJ a c a l t e n a n g o .

For this second phase of the study, amethodology was adopted that wouldallow both women and men to beinvolved in a more active andparticipatory way. The interviews andmini-workshops that took place wereaimed at seeking information related tothe origin of maize, on the classificationand uses the farmers themselves makeof their local maize (l a n d r a c e s), thecustoms and rites still being practised,the process of introducing improvedvarieties, the maize production cycleand the role of women especially in theselection of seed-grain and post-harvesttasks as predominant elements in theconservation of the genetic resources ofmaize.

At the end of this inform a t i o n -gathering phase, a “general workshop”was held in which, together withre p resentatives of 12 communities,governmental organizations and NGOs,the results of the communityconsultation process were discussed andevaluated. Guidelines for action wereproposed as a conclusion.

The information and conclusionspresented in this study are the fruit ofthe two consultation exercises carriedout in diff e rent Huehuetenangocommunities and of a thorough reviewof secondary sources on the subject.

The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize 1

II. Introduction

Guatemala is located in an area whichcontains one of the highest levels ofplant genetic diversity in the world. Itsp a rticular geography and types ofvegetation are characterised by the factthat the country has 14 life zones. Inaddition, the Maya population whichinhabited Guatemala before theEuropean conquest developed one ofthe world’s most advanced culture. Theexisting human wealth-botanicalwealth interaction makes this countryan ideal place to study genetic diversityand the evolution of crops, such asmaize, but also other crops like beans,cocoa, cotton, chilli peppers, squashes,achote (Bixa ore l l a n a), manioc andsweet potatoes.

Many studies have focused on themodifications plant materials haveundergone in their evolution; howeverlittle has been done in the study of thepredominant role of human culture inachieving these modifications, basicallyt h rough the domestication of plantresources. Many studies on the originand evolution of crops pay insufficientattention to the action of society, andare even less concerned with the actionof women within society.

Although women have been closely linkedto the process of the domestication ofplants, there is little documentation on therole they have played in the conserv a t i o nof plant genetic re s o u rces. This is why ag reater understanding of the subject isn e c e s s a ry, as an input in the discussion onbiodiversity and the contribution theindigenous populations of CentralAmerica, and women in part i c u l a r, havemade in agriculture. It is the aim of thisstudy to identify the role played by women

in the conservation of the geneticre s o u rces of maize crops (Zea mays L.) inthe Department of Huehuetenango.

In this work, it is assumed that the aimsof social development are to enhance thevalue of rural areas, farming and the menand women involved in it. This is linkedto the premise of not separating socialdynamics from the dynamics of nature .

Another central issue here is thereassessment of the role of women in therural world. Their roles within the familyas processors of food, as managers of thehome economy, as linguistic and culturalmodels for their children and ascraftswomen who generate income forthe family are traditionally notrecognised as a contribution to social andeconomic development; furt h e rm o re, inalmost all societies, the function ofwomen as agents of social and economicexchange, and as guardians of localwisdom, is generally ignored. This raisesthe issue of the diff e rent ways in which,generally speaking, the role of women insociety is underestimated: invisibility( t h e y, or their work, are not considere di m p o rtant, or are not visible), stere o t y p e s(the role of women is associated withsubmission, resignation, self-denial,etc.), their work and responsibilities areu n d e r-valued (their work is seen as acomplement or help to the familyeconomy), prejudices (lack of skills, lackof leadership, etc.), and lack of equality.

Although women take part in variousfarming activities, their main role in theselection of the types of maize (speciesand sub-species) present in the differentregions illustrates the importance oftheir work in the conservation of thegenetic resources of maize.

2 The role of women in the conservation of the genetic resources of maize

III. The origin of maizeand its cultivation

3.1 The origin of the word maize

The origin of the word maize has takenre s e a rchers along diff e rent paths,reaching as far as remote areas such asChina and Tibet. However, it is generallyaccepted that the word has its origin inAraguaco and the name was bro u g h tback to the Old World by ChristopherColumbus who heard it for the first timein the Caribbean islands. Based on thiscommon name, Linnaeus included thename as species epithet in the botanicalclassification Z e a (Z. mays L.) .

The word used in all the Mayalanguages is “ixim”. Similarly, invarious native languages of Guatemala,re f e rence is made to certain term srelated to maize, such as “Gumarkaaj”(place of the canes), “Kanil” (name of aday in the calendar) which derives fromthe word “kan” meaning yellow, “Aj”(another name of a day) which refers toclote or tender maize.

3.2 How maize reached Guatemalaaccording to the Mayas

Among the Maya peoples of Guatemalathe maize deity is still worshippedtoday. In Huehuetenango, this figurecan be male, as in the case of SantiagoChimaltenango, where it has the nameof Padre Paxil3, or female, as inColotenango, where it is called K’txu(Our Mother in Mam) or Paxil4. Paxil isthe name of the place where maizeoriginated according to the Popol Vuh,the sacred book of the K’ich’s, whereaccording to one of the versions of theorigins of maize from the Mam oral

tradition of the municipalities ofIxtahuacán and Colotenango, the grainwas brought from there by animals, andthat is where the “Mother of Maize”resides5.

The oral tradition tells that in ancienttimes there was no maize, and that inthose times human beings ate the ro o t sof a plant called txetxina (mother Maize);a plant with a very large root and a singlestalk. It is also said that… “It was thenthat the ancients realised that thee x c rement of the mountain cat (wech)contained maize”.

This tale, like many others from thepopular wisdom, recounts the appare n tlinking of the origin of maize with otherp re-existent species in the region, as doesthe following fable. In those distanttimes, it is said that animals could speak.This was why the people of the re g i o nasked the mountain cat where he wentto feed, and they asked him to showthem this place. The mountain cat toldthem that someone should go with himto see the place where he fed. So theancients sent the louse to travel on theback of the mountain cat to see wherehis mount went; but the louse fell off onthe way and never reached the placew h e re the maize gre w. They immediatelysent the flea, again on the back of themountain cat; but the flea also fell offthough it managed to jump back on andcling to the cat’s back to reach the placethat was sought. Thus, when the fleare t u rned, he was able to tell the ancientsthe place where the maize gre w. Fro mthen on, people stopped eating the ro o tof txetxina. They also say that in Libert a dt h e re is always an abundance of thisgrain6.


3 Wagley, 1957.4 Valladares, 1957.5 Valladares, 1957.6 Valladares, 1957.

The above quotation from the PopolVuh is another demonstration of thefact that maize was a central element inMaya life and culture.

3.3 Women and maizein the oral tradition

In contrast with what is found in texts andimages, women have an important role inthe oral tradition of the Maya peoples,which can be seen in the diff e rent legends

and folk tales. One example is thedescription of the meeting of Ixmucané,the grandmother, with Ixcuic, the motherof Hunahpú and Ixbalanqué.

In this story we have a glimpse of thecosmology (cosmovisión) of the peoplesof Central America, and the existence ofvarious female deities linked to nature,agriculture and in this particular case,the growing of maize. In addition, theregreat symbolism in the reference to


“Here then is the beginning of how man was made and what was sought out for the nourishmentof the flesh of man. The Progenitors, the Creators and Formators, who are called Tepeu andGucumatz thus declared: “The time has come for the dawn, for the work to be finished and for thosewho must sustain and nourish us to appear, the enlightened sons, the civilised vassals: let manappear, humanity, on the face of the earth”. Thus spake they.

They met, arrived and held a council in the dark and in the night; then they searched and discussed,and here they reflected and thought. In this way their decisions came clearly to light and theydiscovered what was to enter the flesh of man.

Soon, the sun, the moon and the stars appeared over the Creators and Formators. From Paxil andCayalá, as they are called, came the yellow corncobs and the white corncobs. These are the namesof the animals which brought the food: Yac (the mountain cat), Itiú (the coyote), Quel (a parrot,commonly referred to as chocoyo) and Hoh (the raven). These four animals brought them the newsof the yellow corncobs and of the white corncobs, they told them that they were in Paxil and showedthem the way to Paxil.

And this was how they found food and that is what entered the flesh of created man, of formed man:it was their blood, from it the blood of man was made. This is how maize entered (in the formationof man) through the work of the Progenitors.

And this is the way they became filled with joy, because they had discovered a beautiful land, fullof delights, with an abundance of yellow and white corncobs as well as pataxte and cocoa,innumerable zapotes, anonnas, jocotes, nances, matasanos and honey. There was an abundance offood in that land called Paxil and Cayalá.

There were foods of all kinds, small foods, large foods, small plants and large plants. The animalsshowed the way. And by grinding the yellow and white corncobs, Ixmucané made new drinks, andthese provided strength, girth and they created the muscles and the vigour of man. This was doneby the Progenitors, Tepeu and Gucumatz, as they are known.

In continuation they entered into discussions about the creation and formation of our first motherand father. Out of yellow maize and white maize, flesh was made; the arms and legs of man weremade of maize dough. Only maize dough went into the flesh of our parents, the four human beingswho were created.

Passage from the Popol Vu h

Ixcuic’s children and their origin (Hun-Hunahpú) in relation to maize, seen asthe material from which the firsthumans were created. This denotes thelinking between the symbols of humanlife and maize in the Maya culture, aswas noted by López-Austin (1994).Similarly, in this story the manipulationof cultivated maize by women is statedwhen, from the “red tufts” placed in thenet, Ixquic obtained maize cobs.Current ethnography confirms this fact,the women look after the maize seedfrom which the crop reproduces andthus guarantee its conservation.

Another story which links women tothe reproduction of maize is the Pipiltale which tells of the origin of whitemaize: “Thousands of years ago, accordingto the story, the Lord of the Pipil had abeautiful daughter with large eyes andwhite, sparkling teeth. She liked to admirethe woods and to bathe in the river pools.One day, she was playing in the water andshe heard a voice inviting her to meet a talllad. Following the instructions, she reacheda cave which she entered. Inside there was avery handsome man, the Lord of the Bats.The young woman stayed to live with himand they had a child who had the nose of hisfather and the large eyes as well as the whiteteeth of his mother. Among her people, atthat time, there was a famine. A plague ofrats ate the heart of the maize used for seed.When she heard of the misfortunes that hadbefallen her people, the young daughter ofthe Lord of the Pipil decided to return to hervillage. Her father received her bitterly,accusing her of having caused this evil. Goback to your village, said the Lord of theBats. Let the men work the land and, whenthe right season comes, pull out your teethand sow them! This was done, and when themaize fields bore fruit, the grains of themaize were as white and sparkling as theteeth of the young woman. Since then, thePipil have white maize as a gift from thegods, in memory of the girl who sowed herteeth to save her descendents”.

As can be appreciated from this story,the Pipil oral tradition also recognisesthe role of women in the conservationof maize. “Had it not been for theintervention of the Lord of the Pipil’sdaughter, maize would not have beenable to reproduce, because the seedshad been finished by the rodents”. Thisawareness of the conservation of thegenetic resource and at the same time,of the possibility of famines, appearsf requently in the traditional legends


Ixquic was made pregnant by the skull ofHun-Hunahpú which hung from thecalabash tree. Since she was repudiated byher father Cuchumaquic, the Lord ofXibalbá, she went to find the mother ofHun-Hunahpú. This was Ixmucané. I amyour daughter-in-law, said Ixquic. But thegrandmother did not accept her withoutconditions. Go and bring the food for thosewho need to be fed – she ordered – “go andharvest a large net of maize and come backat once”, she said. Ixquic went to the maizefield, but there was only one stalk of maize,one stalk with its single ear of grain. Thegirl’s heart was filled with anguish. So sheinvoked the guardian of the crops, theChahal of food supplies. She also imploredthe help of the goddesses linked to the cult ofmaize: “Ixtoc, Ixanil, Ixcacau, you who cookthe maize”. Then she took the tuft of redhairs of the maize, without cutting the cob,and she placed them in the net as if theyw e re corncobs. The net filled itselfcompletely. The animals of the field took themaize to the house. Where did you get allthis maize from? asked Ixmucané. You musthave finished our maize field off. She wentto the maize field and saw that there was thesingle stalk of maize with its cob. This is theproof that you are my daughter-in-law, shesaid. Those whom you bear are also wise,she concluded.

about maize. One of the most repeatedstories, told in many villages ofGuatemala and Mexico, is the oneconcerning the participation of zompopos(ants) in the appropriation of maize byman, which is what happens during afamine. We also find the story of St.P e d ro Necta, in which hunger issatiated, after re c u rrent shortages ofmaize, by means of the consumption ofa plant known as “donkey’s or mule’shelmet”. The participants in this studywho were asked about their knowledgeof this plant said that they knew of itsexistence through their parents. Theyidentified it as a plant that was found inthe mountains, where their ancestorswent to gather it from the ground. Theyused it to make tortillas or drinks tocompensate for shortages of maize.

3.4 Maize in the cosmic visionof Central America

In “Tamaoanchan and Tlalocán”7 t h ecosmology is defined as a s t ru c t u re dc o l l e c t i o n of ideological systems whichemanate from diff e rent fields of activityand which re t u rn to them, explainingprinciples, techniques and values. Itfollows that, since the cosmic visionbuilds up through all the daily practices,the logic of these practices is translatedto the cosmic vision, impregnating it.The general principles of the tradition,by being repeated over time asn o rmative models, become arc h e t y p e s .The archetype is formed by thesepractices being reiterated over thousandsof years, forming a nucleus of perc e p t i o nand action in the face of the universe.

In Central America, the cultivation ofmaize lies at the centre of the cosmicvision, since the time when it becamethe basic source of sustenance for these

civilisations. This shared cosmologyconfers unity to a wide variety ofpeoples which enables the cosmic visionto turn into vehicles of cohesion. Thus,the cosmic vision was important for allsegments of society.

The Tzotzil people, for example, dividethe year into a season for rains and aseason for dro u g h t s8. To these are addeda drought, or dry season, called c a n i c u l a(in Guatemala, in July and August). Tw oreligious feasts are linked to this division(May 3, the feast of the Holy Cross, andNovember 1-2, the feast of the Dead);since May to November is the rainyseason and November to May, the dryseason. The cultivation of maize, whichguides this division, provides more thanten subdivisions in the generalclassification. The year is divided intoritual periods of sowing and harv e s t i n gof 160 days re s p e c t i v e l y, with 100surplus days. The first phase starts onF e b ru a ry 14. It is the period of thep reparation of the land, in which therea re 73 distinct days for the burning of thefields and the tilling of the earth and 67for the sowing, the sprouting and theg rowing of the stalks (140 days). Thesecond phase (starting in July) of 120days, corresponds to the flowering andmaturation of the maize. In Novemberthe end of the ritual year is marked andsignals the start of both the harvest andthe sowing season as well as the hundre dday break, in which other crops areg rown. This calendar varies according tothe altitude and the climate of the re g i o namong other circ u m s t a n c e s .

The important moments of this Totzilagricultural calendar are the following:• The burning of the fields. Trees and

shrubs are cut and burnt as well asthe grasses to prepare the land.


7 López-Austin, 1994.8 López-Austin, 1994.

• Ritual preparation of the ground for thesowing of the grain. In the warme a rth, a rite is celebrated whichrequires the help of a priest.

• The sowing of the maize. Sexualabstinence is observed by the ownersof the maize fields. Prayers are said forthe soul of the maize. The pro p i t i o u smoment for the sowing is related tothe moon. At his time a ritual meal ofmaize cooked without lime is eaten.

• Tender maize shoots spro u t. The newmaize is blessed.

• Storage. The maize is protected bya wooden cross and by corncobsarranged in a traditional way.

• Loss of part of the grain. Losses due toanimals are quantified. A rite iscelebrated for the lost maize.

• P reparation of the first food from theh a rvest (Eating). The ritual atol ( m a i z e -flour drink) is consumed. A rite iscelebrated to obtain the stre n g t hre q u i red to feed on the grain.

Among the Tzotzil9, earth and rainre p resent living entities with which arelationship of respect and gratificationmust be established throughout thehills, the caves and the springs by meansof the agricultural rites. The eart hre f e rred to as Yahwal Balamil has doubleinfluences in caves and in springs; assuch, this entity (earth) has a right overall the fruits of the earth and so overmaize. This is why the farmer feelsrespect and dependency in relation to itand communicates with it in his nativetongue. Similarly, maize, mountains,animals and the waters re p resent otherentities. Natural phenomena likelightning and rain are also considered tobe living phenomena, and as such to bein communication with each other.

These beliefs are shared by other Mayac u l t u res still present in Central America.Pacheco (1985), for example, gives adetailed description of the beliefs andreligious behaviour of the Maya-Kekchic u l t u re in the Department of AltaVerapaz, Guatemala. This author pointsout that maize has been the staple foodof this people for thousands of years,with clear periods of abundance ands c a rc i t y. As a result, a series of ritesdeveloped which reflect the variousstages of the maize production cycle andtheir relation to human surv i v a l .

3.5 The origin of maize andthe role of Huehuetenangoin its evolution

The studies carried out at the beginningof the century by Vavilov and others( B u k a s o v, 1981; Va v i l o v, 1997) showedthat the genetic diversity of cultivatedplants is concentrated in certain re g i o n sof the world, which they called “centre sof origin and diversity”. Central Americais one of the seven regions initiallyidentified by Va v i l o v. Among theoutstanding original crops of this re g i o nis maize, given the genetic diversityp resent in the area as well as thep resence of wild species and subspeciesrelated to maize, an outstanding on ofwhich is teosinte.

The discovery of teosinte at the end of thelast century attracted the attention ofbotanists in their attempts to establish theorigins of maize. In 1939, Beadledemonstrated reliably that maize andteosinte could be freely crossed and thatthe hybrids obtained were completelyf e rtile. This suggested to him that the twotaxa were c o n s p e c i f i c and that they hadonly recently diverged. Other scientistsdeveloped diff e rent opinions on the origin


9 López-Austin, 1994.

of maize. All these considerations omittedteosintle as a participant in the evolutionof maize and proposed that it originatedfrom a hypothetical “wild maize”( M a n g e l s d o rf, 1974). This author basedhis theory on the fact that the maize coband the teosintle cob are hugely diff e re n t ,which made it impossible over such as h o rt period (about 10,000 years) for suche v o l u t i o n a ry changes to have taken place.H o w e v e r, most of the scientific evidenceand historical re f e rences relating to maizes u p p o rt the hypothesis that teosintle wasan ancestor of maize.

These considerations are important if onerealises that in Guatemala there are twospecies of teosintle currently classified asZea mays subsp. h u e h u e t e n a n g e n s i s1 0 a n dZea luxurians1 1 distributed in theD e p a rtment of Huehutenango and theeast of Guatemala re s p e c t i v e l y. This iswhy Guatemala is identified as one of thepossible centres of the origin of maize inCentral America.

The first detailed studies of the diversityof maize in Guatemala were carried outin 195712, in which reference is made tofactors that explain the evolution ofmaize, including the following:

• Primitive maizes included differentvarieties of palomero or small-grained maize whose diff e re n c e sw e re determined by diff e re n taltitudes and different ecological andenvironmental conditions.

• The exotic maize landraces of SouthAmerica established themselves ontheir own and became new hybridcultivars by crossing with the oldindigenous varieties.

• Through hybridisation with teosintethey came to form additional hybridcultivars.

• Geographical and ecological isolationtended to pre s e rve the landraces.

• The existence still today of a largeindigenous population contributes tothe conservation of the specificlandraces of maize.

In Guatemala, 13 landraces and 12 localcultivars of maize have been identified,of which seven landraces and four subraces are present in the Department ofHuehuetenango, which indicates thei m p o rtance of the area for the geneticdiversity of maize. Already some yearsago (1945), McBryde had made a samplecollection of maize in Guatemala, thegenetic material of which was analysedand it was discovered, on the basis of thenodes present in the chromosomes ofmaterial collected in an area in theD e p a rtment of Huehuetenango, thatthese contained “almost all the nodepositions known in chromosomes of allthe races of maize in the world”. Theyc e rtified the presence of a great numberof a diff e rent types of maize in a veryrestricted area. In this study, the authorsclaim that western Guatemala is wherethe majority of the maize types grown inCentral America, North America, the lowlands of South America, North Americaand the West Indies actually originated1 3.

The presence of Zea mays s u b s p .h u e h u e t e n a n g e n s i s in the Department ofHuehuetenango has come to bec o n s i d e red the most important elementsin the generation of variability in maize.It was noted that there was genetici n t ro g ression between teosintle and themaize types grown in the neighbouringa re a1 4 and the indigenous populationrecognised that hybridisation did occur.In 1937, various hybrid ears similar toteosintle were found; and then1 5, in1955, 45 F1 and 3 F2 m a i z e - t e o s i n t e


10 (Iltis & Doebley) Doebley. 13 Mangelsdorf and Cameron, 1942.11 (Durieu & Ascerson) Bird. 14 Kempton and Popenoe, 1937.12 Wellhausen et al. 15 Randolph, 1955.

hybrids were found in the vicinity of theNoyoya and San Antonio Huixtlav i l l a g e s .

Doebly et al. (1987) made a comparativeanalysis of isoenzymatic variationsp resent in maize and teosinte using 13enzymatic systems that codify 21 loci.This work included 56 teosintepopulations re p resented in thegeographic area of its distribution and 99populations of maize distributed overMexico and Guatemala1 6. On the basisof the results, it was possible to observ ethat the Guatemalan teosinte distributedover the Department of Huehuetenango(Zea mays subsp. h u e h u e t e n a n g e n s i s) is theone that least resembles cultivatedmaize materials, whereas the teosinte ofe a s t e rn Guatemala (Zea luxurians) bearsa greater resemblance to the MexicanZ. pere n n i s and Z. diplopere n n i s.

On the other hand, it was generallyassumed that cultivated maize (Z. mayssubsp. m a y s) was more related to theteosintles of Mexican origin, especiallywith the taxon Z. mays subsp. p a rv i g l u m i sv a r. Central Balsas which comes fro mthe central part of Mexico. More re c e n tstudies based on morphological aspects,biochemical markers and molecularmarkers show clearly that the theorythat maize originated from teosinte isnow more generally accepted. It ist h e re f o re now being suggested thatmaize is in fact a domesticated form ofannual Mexican teosintle Z. mays s u b s p .p a rv i g l u m i s.

H o w e v e r, if as some authors maintain,maize was introduced in Guatemala,evidence seems to indicate a very earlyi n t roduction (at least some 4000 yearsa g o1 7). Time and the skill of the indigenouspopulations were sufficient to ensure thegeneration of the great morphologicaldiversity present in this country.

3.6 Maize culture and theother agricultural activities

Due to the characteristics of the soil, thetopography and the climate, theD e p a rtment of Huehuetenango ismainly a forested area. However thereis a considerable amount of agriculturalactivity which includes a wide variety ofcrops that depend on the eco-physicalnature of the area. In the lands at low ormedium altitudes with a warm andtemperate climate, the crops are coffee,s u g a r-cane, tobacco, chillipeppers,groundnuts, cassava, annatto, tropicalfruits; whereas at higher altitudes withcolder climates, the crops are barley,wheat, potatoes, alfalfa, beans and leafygreen vegetables and fruits. Maize isgrown at all altitudes.


16 Studies on the DNA of the chloroplast (Doebley, 1987) and mitocondrial DNA (Weissinger et al., 1983).17 McClung de Tapia, 1992; McNeish, 1992.

C e rtain effects of the teosintei n t ro g ression in maize that can beobserved are an increase in the numberof nodes in the chro m o s o m e s ,increased resistance to certain plantdiseases and pests, and a gro w i n gtolerance to excessive heat andh u m i d i t y. More o v e r, Reeves (1950)demonstrated that the intro g re s s i o nimproved the adaptation of the geneticmaterials to tropical and subtropicalconditions. This was demonstratedwhen it was seen that the racesdescribed by Wellhausen et al. (1957)adapted to conditions of lower altitudesabove sea-level, where heat andhumidity levels are higher, there aremore nodes in the chromosomes (acharacteristic which comes fro mteosintle), whereas the landracespresent at higher altitudes have fewernodes in their chromosomes.

Maize is grown mainly with traditionaltechnologies, since the use of improvedvarieties is scarce. Given the populationgrowth in the region and the need toincrease the food supply, maize farminghas spread to areas that are notappropriate for agriculture due to thesoil quality and steepness of the slope.As a staple food in the region, maize isthe most cultivated crop (Table 1).

Data provided by a more detailed studycarried out by FONOPAZ indicate thatmaize is grown on 94% of the lands inthe region, followed by beans (85%),coffee (49%), wheat (33%), fruit trees(22%).

IV. Genetic conservationof the resource: maize

Plant genetic re s o u rces re p resent anunder-valued source of wealth. Theyre p resent the whole history of theevolution these re s o u rces have underg o n eover thousands of years, through bothnatural selection and selection underdomestication. Plant genetic resourcescontain the accumulation of all thegenetic changes that occurred overtime. The wealth referred to here is thegreat genetic diversity present in thegermplasm of any particular species. Itis thus worth considering the purpose ofthis “genetic variability” stored in theg e rmplasm of a given species. Lifec a rries on under the effects of achanging world, both from a purelyphysical point of view, that is tosay, environmental changes (climate,vegetation, soil types, associated species,p redators, etc.) and from a socialviewpoint (changes in eating habits,changes in farming techniques, changesof crops, etc.). In this sense, the onlyway to confront these selective forces isto have ready access to genetic diversity,in other words, there can be noevolution if there is no “geneticdiversity” to respond to the changesre q u i red, be they environmental orcultural. Hence the importance ofpreserving genetic diversity.

Maize is an important element in theculture of Guatemala due to its role inthe nutrition and in the cosmic vision ofthe country ’s rural population,especially of those peoples of Mayandescent, who actually developed thetraditional farming techniques. In thissense, maize is an element of culturalcohesion and ethno-botanical balance.In order to have a better understanding


of the nature of the germplasm it isessential to conduct more thoro u g hstudies on the selection criteria that thedifferent peoples applied, their possibleaccess to empirical knowledge and theirunderstanding of the here d i t a rymechanisms. It is not easy to elucidatethe considerations used by farmers inadjusting their production practices andtheir selection of species to thep revailing ecological, technological,social and economic conditions1 8,because of the cultural void in whichthe researchers are working.

For example, production risk andsecurity factors in limiting and uncert a i nweather conditions are not taken intoaccount when the focus is on maximumyield for commercial purposes.

The maize varieties present inHuehuetenango correspond to theneeds of the population, as well as tothe germplasm’s capacity to adapt tothe changes in the diff e rent micro -e n v i ronments that exist in theDepartment, given its great ecologicaldiversity and the diff e rent anthro p o c e n t r i cfocuses specific to the different cropsp resent in the area (sources ofcarbohydrates, construction materials,medicinal and fodder materials,better soil management as well as amythologically and cere m o n i a l l yi m p o rtant plant). This is why thepreservation of the germplasm of maizeis not an isolated phenomenon, but afact linked to the preservation of the lifeof the communities that grow it.

The discussion of maize conservation inHuehuetenango is centred on theselection motives, in other words, thosehuman pre f e rences, decisions, andp rocesses that determine which dire c t i o n

the genetic variation present in themaize germplasm will take. Wi t hre f e rence to the diff e rent and changinge n v i ronmental factors, local men andwomen farmers have a perf e c tknowledge of the types of maize thatadapt to locations at diff e rent altitudesand in diff e rent weather conditions, andconsequently they know the geneticmaterials that are resistant to dro u g h t ,diseases, diff e rent soil types, etc. Thisaspect will be the focus of what follows.

A selection motive in the conserv a t i o nof the genetic re s o u rces of maize inwhich the human factor, especially thatof women, plays a direct part, are thec u l i n a ry virtues of the diff e rent types ofmaize. In areas where traditionalf a rming is practised, certain geneticmaterials have specific uses and culinaryqualities, and this is what determ i n e sthe priority given to their conserv a t i o n .Women are the ones who are mostknowledgeable in the management ofthese traits within local maize varieties.

An important factor in the loss of cert a i ngenetic re s o u rces was the arrival of theso-called “green revolution” whichb rought the introduction of highyielding varieties, which in turn impliedv e ry high costs through the erosion ofgenetic re s o u rces and the enviro n m e n t a ldamage it generated in the pro d u c t i o nmodels it intro d u c e d .

C u rre n t l y, other factors continue todecimate the existing stock of maizegenetic re s o u rces. The construction of newroadway and irrigation infrastru c t u re, andthe predominance of market-drivensystems are factors which shatter thegeographic isolation and replace thetraditional practices linked to systems ofexchange in kind and local consumption


18 Hernández, 1978.

which used to facilitate the pre s e rvation ofnative genetic re s o u rces that had surv i v e deven after the Spanish conquest1 9.

As demonstrated by Hernandez andO rtega (1987) each maize varietycorresponds to a different ecological and

social niche. For this reason, thep re s e rvation of a maize variety isdependent on the survival of theecological and social niche that fostersit. Where economic and social changesdisturb or eliminate these ecologies andniches, much diversity may also be lost.


19 Montes, 1978.

Map 1Location of the Department of Huehuetenango in the Republic of Guatemala

Mexico

Pacific Ocean

Honduras

El Salvador

V. Area of the study

5.1 Geographic locationand topography

The Department of Huehuetenangoborders to the north with Mexico, tothe east with the Department ofQuiché, to the south with theDepartments of Totonicapán and SanMarcos and to the west with Mexico(Map 1). The area covers about 7,403s q u a re kilometres, which re p re s e n t s6.8% of the national territory.

The topography of the Department ise x t remely varied, with mountains ofm o re than three thousand metres inheight and lowlands down to aboutt h ree hundred metres, with climatesthat vary according to the diff e re n taltitudes in the area. The region isdrained by eight river basins towards theGulf of Mexico and by the riverMontagua which flows into the Atlantic.

The soils of Huehuetenango have beendivided into 26 categories, consisting of 22series of soil, two phases of soil and twoclasses of miscellaneous land. Accord i n gto the classification of Simons, Tarano andPinto (1959), the soils of the nort h -w e s t e rn region, to which Huehuetenangobelongs, were divided into five gro u p s :mountain volcanic soils (1%), soils of thecentral high plateau (27%), soils of thelimestone hills (60%), Petén lowland soils(11%) and the miscellaneous classes ofsoil (1%).

The annual rainfall in the area is about1,000 mm, although this can varyg re a t l y. There is a clearly defied dryseason (November-April), generallyre f e rred to as summer. Even during the

rainy season, there are two well knownd ry periods re f e rred to as canículas. Asre g a rds humidity, the IGN (1972) for thea rea was 60% to 70% of atmospherich u m i d i t y.

5.2 The most important life zones

In the Department, 7 life zones areidentified, in other words 50% of thelife zones known in Guatemala20, whichdemonstrates the plant diversity whichcan be found in both wild plants an incultivated plants.

The most widespread life zone is the “lowmountain humid forest” which coversabout 36% of the region and isdistributed mainly over the southern partof the Departments of Huehuetenangoand Quiché. The natural vegetationconsists of everg reen oak (Q u e rc u s s p p . ) ,“sad” pine (Pinus pseudostro b u s) and ocotepine (Pinus montezumae), as well ascapolin cherry (P runus capuli) and cold-land strawberry trees (Arbutus xalapensis) .

Another important life zone is the “hothumid sub-tropical forest”, which coversabout 24% of the re g i o n ’s surface are aand is distributed over the north of theD e p a rtment. The typical plant speciesa re babassu (Orbignya cohune) andb readnut trees (B rosimum alicastru m) .

5.3 The linguistic component

In the terr i t o ry of Huehuetenango,there are nine different peoples of Mayaorigin, out of a total of 21 existing in thec o u n t ry: Akateko, Awakateno, Chuj,Huista (Jakalteco), Q’anjob’al, Mam,Tectiteco, K’iche and Q’eqchi’. Thisgives a complete picture of the culturaldiversity that exists in the Department.It is an element of prime importance in


20 De la Cruz, 1982.

the ethno-botanical study we arec a rrying out. Map 6 (Appendix IV)shows the distribution of the ethnicgroups present in the Department ofHuehuetenango.

5.4 Characteristics of the situationof women in Huehuetenango

To understand the role of women in thec o n s e rvation of maize genetic re s o u rc e s ,it is important to start with anunderstanding of the social, educationaland economic context in which thisp a rticipation was defined.

PopulationTable 2 shows population data for theDepartment of Huehuetenango in 1980and 1995, where we can appreciate ahigh concentration of population inrural areas. More than 4/5 of thepopulation, both men and women, livein rural areas; and there is very littlevariation between 1995 and thesituation 15 years previously, despitethe migrations abroad recorded and thearmed conflicts over this period.

The census of 1994 shows ap redominance of local ethnic populationin the region of Huehuetenango (seeTable 3). The female population, bothindigenous and non-indigenous, is

slightly larger than the male population,which is probably due to migration andthe armed conflicts which have affectedthe area.

Table 4 shows the female population bya g e - g roups, which reveals that in 1994the female population of Huehuetenangowas remarkably young, with the re s u l t i n gpotentiality from the point of view of aneconomically active population. Morethan 50% of the women over the age of12 were younger than 30; a situationwhich contrasts with the low levels ofschooling that were found.

There is a predominance of womenwho receive no formal education at all,followed by those who have only beeneducated at Primary level. Although thelack of schooling is more evident amongwomen over 45, the indicator is high inall age-groups. This explains why only


15 women reached university graduationafter higher education courses.

Women’s employmentThe majority of women over 7 years ofage were considered as a population noteconomically active, as shown in Table 6.Out of a total of 244,309 women, only18,023 were considered as aneconomically active population (7.38%).This indicates that the participation ofwomen is not considered as work inmany cases. More o v e r, the census datashow that, within the work categories,out of a total of 17,804 women withjobs, 5,127 were in the group of non-remunerated family-based employment,5,459 were self-employed and 6,918w e re employed. As re g a rds the noteconomically active population, it wasfound that of the total of 226,286women in this group, 179,141 statedthat their main activities were “homeduties”, which is not classed as aneconomic activity; 42,032 were studentsand 1,326 were re t i red and the rest werein the ‘other’ category. These figures donot reflect the contribution womenmake to the economy of Huehuetenago.

H o w e v e r, other sources (FLASCO-1996) indicate that in the region ofHuehuetenango and generally in theother rural regions of Guatemala theworking day of women registered as

“housewives” begins at five in them o rning and ends at eight in theevening, a total of 15 hours of activity.Their main activities are the following:

• Preparation of three meals• Gathering wood• Milling maize by hand, or taking it to

the mill• Cleaning the house• C a re and feeding of domestic animals

(chicken, pigs and others)• Washing clothes in the local river or

wash-house• Mending or making clothes for the

family• “Helping” in farming tasks• Making craft objects for sale• Bringing up the children• Fetching water• Migrating to the coast for the coffee

or sugar-cane harvests.


A c c o rding to INE, APROFAM andCITGUA, the main indicators of the healthof women in Huehuetenango are :

Life expectancy 66.9 years

Age of first child-bearing 14 years

Average number of children ofreproductive age per household 6.9%

Women using contraceptives 13.2%

Women with tetanic toxoid 39.9%

A p a rt from the migration to the coastand the making of craft objects, theother activities are not remunerated anda re not quantified, even in the censusp rocesses. In certain cases, the work inthe craft workshops is not considered aswork, because it is assumed that they dothe work “in free time”. This situation iss u p p o rted by the existence of the CivilCode of Guatemala, which establishesthat the re p resentation of the home isthe right of the man, who in thiscapacity can oppose any re m u n e r a t e demployment outside the home on thep a rt of the woman.

Women’s access to resources

• Access to landIn the study by León and Vargas (1992)it appears that only 10% of land deedsissued by the INTA since 1954 were inthe hands of women who had mainlyobtained them through inheritance orwidowhood. On the other hand, 88%of those interviewed indicated that theyhave no possibility of acquiring land,since there are no government policiesfor land deeds to be made outspecifically to women; this is why themajority of the women interv i e w e d(50%) thought that credit for landp u rchase could be the most viablesolution.

However, even access to credit is verylimited for the rural farmers and evenmore complicated if these are women.León and Vargas (1992), in their studyon women, showed the variousconstraints women face in gainingaccess to the limited sources of credit.Only 16% of those interviewed hadever made a request for credit; of these,40% received it from an NGO, 33%from a public institution, 20% from acooperative and the rest from money-lenders. The NGOs that work in the

field of credit indicated that their loanlevels are low, with low interest ratesand over short terms. As regards theirpurpose, the majority are for pro d u c t i o n ,craft-work projects or marketing. Thereis a lack of data concerning the use ofcredit in maize farming.

VI. Classes of maize specificto Huehuetenango

The people of Huehuetenango classifymaize according to criteria such asc o l o u r, period of growth, shape of thegrain, geographical origin and length ofthe growth cycle. By colour, maize isclassified as white, yellow, black,c o l o u red (red) and p i n t o (grains ofd i ff e rent colours on the same cobresulting from cross-polination ortransplants). Table 7 shows the term sused in Spanish and 5 local languages(Q’ajob’al, Chuj, Popti’ [Jakalteko], Mamand Awakateko). Depending on theperiod of growth, summer maize isdistinguished from winter maize. Theshape and size of the grains serve toidentify certain named varieties: pache(plump), long, dog tooth, etc. Due togeographical origin, there is a distinctionbetween diff e rent types of maize:Comiteco (supposed to come fro mComitán, Mexico), Chiapaneco (Chiapas,Mexico) and many others. Similarly, themaíz bre v e (quick maize) and maíz del año(maize of the year) owe their names tothe time it takes to grow them.

In Huehuetenango, 47 classes of maizehave been identified. Table 8 lists thed i ff e rent varieties of maize identified inthe study with their local names and byclimatic zones. It also gives the datare f e rring to the colour and growth cyclesof the maize. In accordance with thesocial and historical dynamics of the


Huehuetenango region, a high rate ofexchange of maize seed between thed i ff e rent zones was re c o rded. Forexample, in the municipalities of Huistaand in the north of the Department a

yellow maize called C o m i t e c o is gro w nwhich differs from the Te h u a, and boththese races of maize are abundantlyp resent in Mexican terr i t o ry.


Photo 1B l a ck maize used for the preparation of black tortillas, wh i ch are eaten on special occasions

By analysing the genetic variety asregards the races and sub-races of maizein the Department of Huhuetenangoaccording to the agro-ecological zones,one observes that the cold agro -ecological zone presents a gre a t e rnumber of races (five) and sub-races(four), while in the temperate zone,three races are recorded, as in the hotzone. All together, it is certain that atleast eight races and four sub-races ofmaize are present. Lastly, Huehuetenangois one of the Departments, if not theDepartment, that presents the greatestmaize diversity in Guatemala, with57% of the races and 33% of the sub-races recorded in the country.

The description of maize varieties canhelp to interpret the races of maizepresent in the Department which, ashas already been said, is one of theelements that enables us to know theselection motives and to understand therole of women in the selection andc o n s e rvation of the specific geneticmaterial of maize in Huehuetenango.

A practical example with reference toGuatemala is given by Hern á n d e z ,(1987) who mentions that in the zoneof San Marcos one often finds seedalmost exclusively of the leafy types, acharacteristic generally linked to theconcept of fertility. The fact that therea re fewer nodes present in thechromosomes compared to the Quichoraces is a clear indication that efforts arebeing made by the local humancommunities to preserve this type ofmaize free from contamination by otherraces and especially by teosinte.

In the hot agro-ecological zone therea re 25 types of maize have beenrecorded on the basis of their commonnames and grain colour, which does not


necessarily imply that this re g i o nprovides greater genetic variety, since asingle genetic material can be givendifferent common names.

In the cold agro-ecological zone 16common names have been re c o rded forthe types of indigenous maize that arewhite, yellow, black and red. Accord i n gto Wellhausen et al. (1957) the landracesof maize re p resented are the following:


Photo 2Local varieties of maize, grown by farmers who use traditional methods

A local variety present in the cold part ofthe Department is known as O t o l ó n.T h e re are both pure and cro s s e dpopulations, both yellow and white incolour.

Quicheño ramoso is an interesting geneticmaterial since, as its name indicates, itscob is subdivided into various branchesor appendices. It is mentioned that thismaize was considered as a symbol offertility in ancient Peru; similarly, it isreported that it was used in prehistoricreligious ceremonies in Guatemala,which is why it is probable that thisvariety was preserved in Guatemala forits religious symbolism and significance.


S e rr a n o, a white-grained landrace,present both as a pure variety and withcharacteristics of the San Marceño andNal-Tel landraces due to genetic cross-fertilisation. It is the landrace grown inthe highest parts of Guatemala.

Imbricado con grano blanco, which isconsidered one of the most primitivelandraces.

Quicheño ro j o is a landrace scarc e l ycultivated in the region and it presentssome of the faciation characteristicsfound in the Grueso sub-race.

Tu x p e ñ o, which is considered rare inGuatemala but is abundant in Mexico, isthe most important landrace in the Gulfof Mexico. Te h u a is apparently ofMexican origin and is distributed inChiapas, especially in the area bord e r i n gwith the Department of Huehuetenango.It is considered to be closely related toC o m i t e c o which, as has been mentioned,is considered to be of Guatemalan origin.

San Marceño is a landrace with yellowgrain, endemic in Guatemala and alsocontains certain populations cro s s -fertilised with Serrano.

The C o m i t e c o landrace with its yellow andwhite grain. This is somewhat surprisingsince, according to Wellhausen et al.(1957), when they carried out theirinvestigation this race was distributedsolely in the temperate zone of theD e p a rtment of Huehuetenango, there f o reit is important to note that in recent yearsthis race of maize has been distributed inthe lower regions of the Department ofHuehuetenango, thus increasing itsadaptability rating.

The black-grained materials listed forthe cold zone could belong to thelandrace Negro de Chimaltenango a cold-land sub-landrace, according to thedescription and distribution recorded byWellhausen et al. (1957), although nopresence of these genetic materials inthe Department of Huehuetenango isindicated. However, their presence thereis not surprising, since they are listed aspresent in the highlands of San Marcos,possibly due to recent introduction inthe high areas of Huehuetenango, orsimply because they were not includedin Wellhausen’s collection.

In the temperate agro-ecological zone,only six types of maize are mentioneda c c o rding to their phenotype andcommon name, which belong to thelandraces Olotón and Quicheño alreadylisted for the cold zone. In addition, theYellow-grained Comiteco is also present.This landrace is considered originallyGuatemalan since Huehuetenango is theplace where pure populations are found.

Q u i c h e ñ o, pure and genetically cro s s e dpopulations. This landrace is one of thosethat presents the most genetic variety inthe Department of Huehuetenango,including, as it does, three sub-races:Quicheño rojo, Quicheño grueso andQuicheño ramoso. The g ru e s o s u b - r a c ep rovides fasciated cobs which have noa g ronomic advantage over the otherraces. It is thought that it may be gro w nbecause it is supposed to have magical orother pro p e rties. This material presents ag reat number of nodes in itsc h romosomes which indicates a cro s s i n gwith teosintle.

VII. Introduction ofimproved varieties

1945 marks the beginning of the so-called “Green Revolution”, with thec reation of the first dwarfed wheatvariety, followed by other attempts withbarley, maize and other crops. With thei n t roduction of “high-yield varieties”there was an increase in world foodproduction. Let us consider the cases ofmaize, rice and wheat. In Asia, in 1961the annual production of maize was 1.2tonnes per hectare, by 1991 theproduction reached about 3.2 t/ha; asre g a rds rice, in 1961 the annualproduction was 1.75 t/ha, in 1991 itapproached 3.6 t/ha; for wheat, the1961 production was 0.6 t/ha and by1991 it reached 3.2 t/ha.

H o w e v e r, it is important to clarify thatthe genetic materials known as high-yield do not always have high yields orhigh re t u rns to the small farm e r. Theyhave the genetic potential to incre a s egrain production under conditions ofhigh nutrient and water inputs. For thisreason, they could rather be called“ h i g h - response varieties”, since there is achange in the production of the biomassof plant re p roductive parts (increase inh a rvest indexes) without basicallychanging the total quantity of biomassp roduced. As a result, there was a needto increase the use of chemical fert i l i z e r s ,pesticides, herbicides and intensivei rrigation systems with impacts on theecological environment, such as changesin soil fert i l i t y, toxicity and thesalinization of soils, desertification andother problems in the use andmanagement of water re s o u rces, as wellas genetic ero s i o n .

This genetic erosion also entails changesin traditional agricultural pro d u c t i o nsystems in the following ways:

(a) i m p roved varieties need to be gro w nas monocultures, which does not fit inwith the logic of traditional milpafarming systems. The traditionalmilpa is based on growing diff e re n tc rops in a single area (maize, beans,pumpkins, miltomate, hierba mora,b l e d o, chilli). The introduction of thenew “high yield” varieties results inthe modification of food pro d u c t i o nsystems, the availability of foodp roduce and labour in the agriculturalsector. Women are particularlya ffected by losing access to these otherre s o u rces in the milpa;

(b) i m p roved varieties have re d u c e dgenetic base compared with the highvariability present in the geneticmaterials farmed traditionally. Thisi n c reases the household’s exposureto risk from environmental eventsand changes;

(c) i m p roved varieties displace the geneticmaterials developed by farmers overthousands of years. Eighty of theninety countries participating in theWorld Meeting on Genetic Resourc e sheld in Leipzig in 1996 re p o rted thatthe above factor was the main cause ofgenetic ero s i o n2 1.

The results obtained by consulting thelocal communities indicate that therewas no massive adoption in the regionof Huehuetenango of the impro v e dvarieties created by the ICTA, except inthe area of Aguacatán, where somemen and women farmers reported thatthey used them. According to the study,the percentage of families using them


21 Conference Report. FAO, 1997.

are 8% in the western zone, 5% in theeast and 5% in the remaining areas. Forthe identification of the indigenousvarieties of maize currently present inHuehuetenango as landraces and sub-landraces it is advisable to examine theharvest to confirm their diversity.

The predominant type of agriculture inthe area is subsistence farming based ontraditional techniques with maize as themain crop in association with otherspecies. A notable exception is the areaa round Aguacatán where garlic andonions have replaced maize. Othersimilar cases are found in Tzunul, TodosSantos Cuchumatán, where there is anincrease in dwarf palm farming.

The types of seeds are indicative of thetypes of agriculture. In communities likeAguacatán, where there is a change inthe crop patterns, the use of impro v e dvarieties of maize are re p o rted, where a s ,in communities with traditional farm i n gtechniques, the use of indigenous seed ism a i n t a i n e d .

Changes of seed also bring changes inthe rites and customs associated withmaize farming. The tendency observedis a loss of rituals and traditional eatinghabits. A unique exception is found inthe communities of the lower andupper reaches of the Río San Juán inAguacatán who reported that they stillpractise certain rites, but that there is atendency towards extinction.

VIII. The farming of maize

The participation of women in thec o n s e rvation of the diff e rent varieties ischaracterised by their greater part i c i p a t i o nin decision-making, farming tasks and in

the post-harvest processes depending onthe type of genetic materials to be used.The type of agriculture practised in thea rea of the study fosters the multi-c ropping or traditional system, which int u rn fosters the conservation of thegenetic re s o u rces of maize. In generalt e rms it can be said that womenp a rticipate actively at all levels in thiss y s t e m .

H o w e v e r, the level of involvement ofwomen in maize farming varies greatly inthe region, according to the customs ofthe diff e rent communities, their positionwithin the family units and the social andeconomic level of the families themselves.In Aguacatán, they participate in thewhole farming process due to the fact thata large number of women are in charge ofthe production teams (widows or wivesof men who have emigrated); in otherplaces, their participation is shared withthe men and in certain places (such asTzunul, Todos Santos Cuchumatán), theirp a rticipation is more limited in thef a rming phase women are specialisedmainly in handicraft. However, in allcases, women work directly in theselection of the seed for the nextp roduction cycle. In most of the casesre p o rted, women are in charge ofselecting and stripping the cobs as well asspecifically selecting the grain. In cert a i nplaces men also participate in this activity.

All the interviews carried out confirmthat the main crop in the developmentof the communities is maize and that itis a family responsibility, and as such,that its cultivation involves all membersof the family unit. This is dependent onthe social conditions of the differentcommunities. For example, in communitieswhere there is an intensive craftworka c t i v i t y, or where there is a larg ep roduction of commercial pro d u c t s ,


such as garlic and onions, womenparticipate less in the farming of maizethan in communities where there is ahigh level of male migration or wheret h e re are many widows, where thefarming is predominantly carried out bywomen. However, whether theyp a rticipate directly in the actualcultivation or only in the post-harvesttasks, generally speaking the women ofthe region have a knowledge of themaize farming techniques and play animportant part in the culture whichsurrounds the farming of maize throughtheir central role in the process ofselecting the grain.

The agricultural production cycle ofmaize varies widely. In the cold zones,the cycle is longer and there is oneh a rvest per year, whereas in the hot andtemperate zones, on the other hand, it is

possible to obtain two harvests a year. Insuch zones two types of maize are sown:humid maize and rainy maize. Thel a rger farms plant only a part of theirland in the dry season, leaving the otherp a rts of the land to rest before sowing inthe rainy season. However, leaving landfallow for one or more years, locallyknown as “guatal”, is a graduallydiminishing practice due to demographicp re s s u re and the scarcity of lands.

Although all family members part i c i p a t ein the tasks involved in the productionof maize, certain members of the familyhave greater responsibility assigned tothem for specific tasks. Women have animportant role in the production cycleof maize, but since the work in themaize field is associated with theresponsibilities of the men, the work ofwomen is only seen as a “help”.

Various studies have shown that as wellas participating as manual labourers,women also intervene in the decisionsconcerning the techniques to be use inthe production processes, credit and


Photo 3Woman participating in the maize harvest(Photo: Mario Fuente)

The yield of maize varies according tofactors such as altitude, soil quality,maize varieties, climate, adequaterainfall, fertilisers and pest contro l .According to the study, in the coldzones, the average yield is 34 quintalsper hectare; in the temperate and hotzones the yields are 45 quintals perhectare and reach a maximum of 69quintals.

According to Doña Francisca, a Mamwoman from Colotenango, “If thewoman knows how to handle the hoe, shecan help the man; if not, she just spreads thefertiliser. She also helps when he sprays thecrop, she is the one who fetches the waterthat is required.”

marketing. A study carried out asregards the participation of women asp roducers of food in Guatemala2 2

reveals interesting figures: womenaccount for 31.5% of rural employmentin the production of staple foods,mainly maize and beans.

The information collected clearly indicatesthat although women participate innearly all the tasks related to thep roduction of maize, as shown in Table 9,this varies according to the diff e re n tre g i o n s .

Apart from the northern and southernregions, the sowing, cleaning and pest

c o n t rol activities are pre d o m i n a n t l ycarried out by the male population;however in all regions, men andwomen participate in an equal mannerin the harvesting activities. In thes o u t h e rn and the nort h e rn re g i o n st h e re is a high level of women’sparticipation in all farming activities.

As we shall see later, on the basis ofthese data, the emphasis of women’scontribution to the growing of maize ismainly focused on the harvest and post-h a rvest activities, since their role isessential in the selection of the materialto be sown.


22 De León and Vargas, 1992.

N e v e rtheless, the times when womenhave a determining role in the definitionof the genetic material to be pre s e rv e dand re p roduced are the post-harv e s tperiod and the pre-sowing period. Bythe process of husking the maize, theselection of the seeds and theirp reparation for sowing, women makean important contribution to thep re s e rvation of the genetic material. Inthe diff e rent ethnic groups present inthe Huehuetenango area, as well as inother pre-Hispanic cultures, unwrittenknowledge is passed from generation togeneration through the maternal line.

Independently of who does the work,c e rtain phases of maize farming areaccompanied by special cere m o n i e s i nwhich the permission and thep rotection of deities associated withthe land, agriculture or maize arei m p l o red. Curre n t l y, in variousmunicipalities of the Department, suchas San Pedro Soloma, Santa Eulalia,San Juán Ixcoy, San Sebastián Coatán,San Rafael la Independencia, To d o sSantos Cuchumatán, Jacaltenango,Concepción Huista, Aguacatán, SanP e d ro Necta, Ixtahuacán, Colotenangoand San Juán Atitán special rites are

celebrated in relation to maize farm i n g ,especially at the times of sowing and ofthe harv e s t .

These rites are expressions of a religiousfeeling in which pre-Hispanic andChristian elements are subtly amalgamated.Many families have altars in theirhouses where they do a vigil over themaize seed before sowing the crop.

This shows the respect for nature whichendures in the indigenous families ofHuehuetenango. This feeling for theearth is also expressed in the words ofRigoberta Menchú (Nobel Peace Prize):

The farmers of Huehuetenango, especiallythose who grow indigenous maize,generally have small lots. According tothe last agricultural census in 1975,29.56% of the pro p e rties were micro -f a rms, lands of an area inferior to 0.69 ha.59.48% were sub-family farms whosea rea ranges from 0.69 ha to 6.9 ha.2 3 T h efield study revealed that the averages u rface area on which families gro wmaize was 0.78 ha in the south of theD e p a rtment, 0.52 ha in the western andcentral regions, 0.43 ha in the easternregion and 1.04 ha in the nort h .

The tasks related to the farming of maizeand other crops in the Department of

Huehuetenango reflect a combination ofrecently introduced techniques withancestral practices and rites. A fewre f e rences are given below:

• Preparation of the landIn growing maize, the preparation of theland consists of manually cleaning thesoil and burning the remaining weeds.The burning or clearing is done toeradicate j a r a h u á (H y p a rrhenia ru f a(Ness) Staf.), whose roots spread widely.After the burning, the stubble and theashes are turned into the soil. Somef a rmers, mainly in the central area, dothis traditionally with hoes or with ox-drawn ploughs. The aim of this is to putthe organic matter back into the soil andto allow the earth to retain moisturedeeper down. As the earth is turn e do v e r, it is exposed to the sun and thispractice contributes to pest control. Ifthe land is near the home, they use they a rd birds (poultry) to feed on the eggs,l a rvae and adult forms of the diff e re n tpests. Both men and women part i c i p a t ein this activity.

• SowingThe complexities of the rites related tothe growing of maize differ according tothe various ethnic groups, re l i g i o u saffiliations and the economic status ofeach family. The blessing of the seed-grain is practised by both the Catholicsand the Protestants.

In Santiago de Chimaltenango, a Mamc o m m u n i t y, during the 1930s, at thedawn of the first day of the sowingseason the owner of a piece of land andhis wife would celebrate the rite of theblessing of the grain.

The sowing of summer or rainy-seasonmaize is carried out between January


We have the earth. Our ancestors told us:“ C h i l d ren, the earth is the mother ofh u m a n i t y, because it is she who feedshumanity.” … Thus our parents teach us torespect the earth. We may only wound theearth when there is need. This conceptionmeans that before we sow our maize field,we must ask for permission from the earth.[The prayer says] “And we respect you, andwe ask you, and [implore] that you love usas we love you.” (Burgos-Debray, 1992)

23 Dirección General de Estadística, 1982.

and March. The seeds are sown in thef u rrows formed with the tilled org a n i cmaterial where there is a higherconcentration of humidity. In the higherand colder zones, the seed sown is athigher risk because the temperaturemay drop and damage the tissue of thenew shoots. There are specific varietiesof maize for sowing in the humid zones,which are resistant drought and cold. Inthis respect, don Anselmo, a farm e rf a rmer from Malacacinto declare d :“ T h e re is a seed of black maize and anotherthat is yellow. The white or yellow seed takeseight months; black and yellow seed is fastg rowing and takes less time to mature, fivem o n t h s ”. It is a seed for sowing in humidsoils, that is tried and tested. Thebehaviour of other seeds is not known.The people know which seed they need.This why maize for seed is stored afterthe harv e s t .

Taking into account the amount of landavailable, the farmers of the hot andtemperate zones can also opt to sow rainyseason maize. This is the variety that hasthe longest production cycle. D o ñ aL u c í a, a woman from Todos Santos,describes this sowing process as follows:

The sowing is done preferably in asingle day. If necessary, additionalworkers are hired to help with this task.According to Wagley (1957), the sowingof maize in Santiago Chimaltenangoduring the 1930s had to be done on aday that was favourable according to anesoteric calendar, interpreted by theshaman. Doña Remigia López yLópez, an 84 year-old woman residentin Malacatancito, remembers:

In various communities, at the end ofthe sowing, it is the custom to preparespecial food for those who participatedin the task. For instance, in Suculque, a


Prayer:“My God, let my maize not disappear.Father Praxil (the Lord of Maize), let therebe water puddles for your feet and dry timesfor your hands (rain for the roots and,subsequently, dry weather for the cobs). Donot send the rains or gales that ruin yourfield. Forgive me Father! Let there be nomisfortune in this place (the maize field).Let there be no snakes in the fields as wework this day [ … ]” (Wagley, 1957)

“The little pocket where the maize seed goes iscalled the ‘morral’ and the stick used to pushinto the ground is the ‘coba’ [coa]. Three orfour seeds at a time are put in each hole.These are one short pace away from eacho t h e r. Together with the seed, fertiliser is putin from the compost heap, before, and after ithas grown, we put chemical [fertiliser]. Wealso sow black beans. Wherever the graindoes not germinate, the maize does not gro w,b road beans are sown. Then we say ‘we aregoing to prop up the crop’ and we go out to‘ j u l e a r’ (heap the earth around the stalks).”

“In the olden days, when we sowed the grain,we ploughed three times with the oxen, andonce the land was pre p a red, the peoplecaught ‘chompipes’ (turkeys) and invitede v e ryone. It was a custom to make a tort i l l apaste with ground cocoa, cinnamon andpeppers beaten to a froth. At twelve, after themeal, it was given to all the sowers with aslice of sugar-loaf. In the afternoon they aregiven ‘horchata’ (a rice drink) and bread. Itis still done today, sometimes. The morn i n gb e f o re sowing the maize, or in the night, theyput the basket of seed-grain in front of thealtar of St. Isidore the Farmer and they litcandles to him.”

village in Huehuetenango, they servean appetizer in small gourds. Eachculture or each community organizesrites that are specific to its own beliefsand the natural phenomena that aremost frequent in its specific area whichcan influence the development of thecrop. In Suculque, for example, beforethe meal, prayers are said for thegermination of the seed and the crop. Inother towns like Los Huistas, other ritesare celebrated for the same purpose andto avoid the scourge of the wind. Inview of the importance of rain for thegrowth of the crop, in the 1950s, inColotenango, a Mam community, a ritewas celebrated to ask for rain andensure the growth of the plants. The“pedidas” (ceremonies to implore rain)were celebrated on the crests of themountains surrounding the area. Inthese rituals the chimán, the mayor, theregidor, certain elders and their wives allp a rticipated. The chimán was theperson who had to pronounce the “call”to the Lords of the Hills to ask them tosend the rain. The ceremony includedprayers, the sacrifice of a turkey, theoffering of candles, burning incense anda dance2 4. Nowadays, in the municipalitiesof Malacancito, San Gaspar Ixchil andSan Sebastian Huehuetenango, theystill practise rites on top of the hills toask for rain. In these ceremonies, theyburn incense, copal, turkey eggs andchilli peppers.

In the 1950s, in some communities ofColotenango they also conducted ritualsto ask for rain.

Various testimonies obtained in thisconsultation confirm that such practicesstill go on in the communities. It is saidthat a few years ago, in 1987, in SanPedro Necta, where water is very scarce,

it rained once or twice and everyonewent out to sow, but then it did not rainagain. The people brought out inprocession (the image of Jesus ofN a z a reth), and at that moment it began torain. “When there is a real lack of waterand they do the processions, especially inJacaltenango, there are special persons topray, the alcaldes rezadores”. (ClaraS i l v e s t re Camposeco, 39).

• Cleaning and other tasksAlthough these tasks are mainly carriedout by men, in some communitieswomen also participate. About 20 daysafter the maize is planted, the farmersdo a first cleaning, which consists inremoving the weeds that have grownaround the plants. The second cleaningtakes place when the stalks are knee-high. During the second cleaning thejuleo or aporque is carried out, whichconsists of forming mounds of eartharound the stalks to protect them fromthe wind. The fertilisation consists ofadding chemical fertiliser (urea or20/20) to the soil or organic manure(hen, sheep droppings).

The main pests which attack the maizeare the gallina ciega (larva of the beetleMelolontha sp.) and the gusano cogollero(larva of the Heliotis). To control gallinaciega attacks, certain farmers plough thesoil. In this way, the larvae are exposedto the heat of the sun and the attack ofb i rds. In other cases, the generalpractice is to kill the adults. To do this,the farmers attract them by placingtorches in barrels with water and soap.

In the temperate and hot zones, whenthe grain reaches maturity, it iscustomary to “fold” (doblar) the cane,breaking the stalk beneath the cob. Thecob is thus left hanging upside-down


24 Valladares, 1957.

until the plant has dried. This practicehas various functions: it diminishes thedamage caused by birds, avoids thepenetration of water into the cobs,which prevents fungal diseases, and itpreserves the humidity the seed grainrequires to germinate.

• HarvestMaize plants frequently remain in theg round one or two months after thegrain has reached maturity. This occursespecially in the case of winter- s o w nc rops. The whole family participates ingathering the harvest, both in thecutting and in the transportation of thecobs. In addition to the family, thecommunities can count on the help ofpaid and unpaid day-labourers thro u g hthe tradition of mutual assistance. Thisexchange of work is established thro u g ha ceremonial practice. To commit aperson to participation in the t a p i s c a(maize harvest), one sends them a ballof maize flour mixed with cocoa andother ingredients. When this is dissolvedin water and heated, it produces itp roduces an appetising cocoa drink.

In the nort h e rn and western regions, suchas the municipalities of Jacaltenango,Concepción Huista and Barillas, the firstc rop of the season is taken to the churc hin thanksgiving for the harvest. Assamples, the biggest and most perfect cobsa re chosen.

• Post-harvestIn Huehuetenango, women participateactively in the tasks of stripping thegrain off the cobs, the preparation of themaize for consumption, the selection ofthe seed for planting and the marketingof the produce. Their contribution ismore important once the maize hasbeen harvested. At this point, they takecharge of the produce, make decisions,

care for it and administer it. As womenwith a social role in a society withinwhich maize represents the sustenanceof the family and the continuity of thecommunity, in most cases, they suggestor decide the use of certain varieties ofmaize and their growing seasons so asto obtain the desired results in terms ofthe taste, colour, texture, malleabilityand durability of the foods and drinksthat are prepared with maize.

The selection of the more vigorous maizecobs to be used for seed can begin in thefield. As the plant grows, the farmer goest h rough his land and by simpleo b s e rvation selects the largest andhealthiest maize plants. This technique isequivalent to the very well-known m a s ss e l e c t i o n in plant improvement. After theh a rvest, the cobs are carried to the homew h e re the cobs are sorted according totheir diff e rent uses, a task carried outmainly by women.

• Storage and conservation of seedfor the next growing season

Some families sun-dry the cobs for 10-15days before they store them. In the colda reas, the cobs are stored in the corr i d o r s ,the kitchen or the loft of the house. Inthe former case, the leaves are notcompletely stripped from the cob, someof the leaves being left to hang the cobsf rom. The garlands formed in this waya re hung from a cross-beam, either in thec o rridor or in the kitchen. The aim of thefirst method is to air the grain, retain itsnatural humidity and at the same timep rotect it from pests. The aim of thesecond method is to allow the smokef rom the oven to serve as a repellent andfor the proximity to the heat of the fire tocontribute to the drying process. Wo m e nindicate that n i x t a m a l grain, with whicht o rtillas are made, gives better re s u l t swhen the maize is well dried.


Cobs, with or without leaves (doblador),are often stored in the loft of the house,which can be built of cypress boards androofed with shingle or corrugated iron.The cobs are taken down according tothe needs of the family, to be eaten, soldor used as seed.

In the temperate zone, the storage ofmaize cobs in lofts is predominant. Butthey also store them, with or withoutleaves, in t ro j e s ( b a rn-sheds, traditionalor improved). They resemble a pen withraised floor- b o a rds 50 cm or 1 m abovethe ground to protect the crop fro mrodents. The roof can be of corru g a t e dzinc or tiles. The larger traditional tro j e scan store as many as 50 racks of cobswhich is equivalent to about 75 quintals.

In the hot zone, the study data indicatethat the storage of grain is done in lofts(20%), trenches (60%) and metal silos

(20%). In the second case, the cobs(with or without leaves) are stored injute or raffia sacks. The sacks are closedand piled up on wooden platforms. Inthe third case, the silos are made ofsmooth zinc sheets.

In the western and nort h e rn zones,maize cobs with or without leaves, or theshelled grains, are stored in woodencrates. In these cases, most of the familiesi n t e rviewed for the study use chemicalsubstances to control the insects thatdamage the grain. A minority, aware ofthe damage caused by chemicalpesticides, uses organic alternatives, suchas lime, ash, dried and ground chilli andflor de muert o (Tagetes ere c t a L.) asrepellents for the maize weevil.

• Shelling and selection of the seed-grainAs the sowing season approaches, thewomen undertake the shelling of the


Photo 4The shelling of the grain is the activity in which women have a preponderant role in theselection of the genetic material to be used in the next sowing of the maize crop

p reviously selected cobs. The techniquemeans using their fingertips to re m o v ethe grains from the middle of the cob andplacing them inside the t e c o m a t e ( f ruit ofLegenaria siceraria (Mol.) Standl.). Oneday before sowing, the grain is soaked tosoften it and enhance germination. Insome cases, the selection is madet h roughout the year. Women select andset aside the cobs for seed-grain as theyshell the maize that is to be consumedduring the year.

The shelling of maize is a work thatwomen learn in childhood. Cert a i ntestimonies show that this task isbasically carried out by women andre q u i res special know-how and skills.The size and the quality of the grainselected as seed is determined at thismoment. This know-how is transmittedby mothers and grandmothers to theirdaughters and grand-daughters:

The selection process also reflects aknowledge of the different varieties ofmaize and the environments to whichthey are best suited.

• Preparation of foodAccording to this study, most of themaize produced in Huehuetenango isconsumed locally. In the rural area,where there are large extended families,with eight or more family members onaverage, between three and three and ahalf quintals of maize are consumed permonth. Sometimes as much as 25pounds are milled for one day’sconsumption25, including rations for theanimals. In the villages, food mostlyconsists of tortillas, beans, chilli andc o ffee. On the other hand, in themunicipal capitals, the consumption ofmaize is lower, because there is morefood variety and this can include meatand other foods.


“I choose the seed. When I bring the maize down(from the loft) for us to eat, I separate the grain.My son-in-law tells me to do this. I teach mydaughters. To store the crop we must useinsecticides. Before, there was no problem; nowafter three or four months, we find holes in thegrain. We do not leave it in the sun.”

“We women learned to shell and select the seedfrom our youth. In my house, and generally atnight, the women would sit around the basket ofmaize to shell the grain. The grandmotherwould separate a few large cobs; these were notto be shelled inside the basket which receives thegrain for making the next day’s ‘nixtamal’(maize paste for making tortillas and otherfoods). In the month of May we would put ourhands in our mouths and blow on them: then wewould begin shelling with our fingernails. Wewould always start in the middle of the cob,leaving out the tip and the base and taking carenot to break the grain. The grandmother didthis, telling us that we were little, that we werenot grown up enough to do it and that it issomething sacred” (Remigia López y López,84, resident in Malacatancito)

“When they bring the maize (the cobs) to thehouse, it is stored and then the leaves areremoved. It is put into sacks and then it isshelled with our fingernails. We choose thecobs. The largest are chosen for seed-grain;not the smaller ones, because they might notdo for the next year’s crop. We must find thelargest. This seed comes from the highestland, far away, which we call Rancho Viejo.It is a small maize with small grains. Fromthis we choose the largest grain as seed. Itcomes from the highlands, the very coldest; itis not a rainy-season crop and does notrequire much fertiliser.”

“This is how the seed is chosen: only from themiddle (of the cob). The grains, the goodplump ones, are carefully extracted with ourfingernails. These grains (from the tip andthe base) are not used, because they are smalland would give very small plants, but theyare used as food.” (Doña Concepción, 65, ElRancho, Chiantla)

2 5 24-hour recall dietary questionnaire. DIGESA and Peace Corps. October-November, 1993.

The women prepare maize in a widevariety of ways, but tortillas are thebasic staple. They are eaten at breakfast,lunch and dinner and constitute, for theethnic Maya populations, the mostimportant food.

In addition to tortillas, the women ofHuehuetenango prepare various dishesand drinks derived from maize. Theseare eaten as part of the daily diet or asspecial foods related to feasts orceremonies.

• MarketingAdministering the distribution ofproduce is the women’s job. They areresponsible for ensuring that theh a rvest should provide for all itsdifferent uses: seed, family meals and, ifpossible, a surplus to be sold for profit.By selling maize, women guarantee an

income for the purchase of products ofprime necessity. Occasionally, maize isb a rt e red in kind for other pro d u c e(poultry, eggs, grain…) or for maizeseed of other varieties that are requiredfor the next sowing season.

By bartering (exchanging) to ensure the“quality of the seed”, the women givemaize for consumption in exchange forseed-grain of a better quality. In placeslike Mesilla, the Tutuapeños exchangepots for maize. There are also exchangesof certain types of maize for others, orfor hybrid seed.


Photo 5The selling of surplus maize in local markets is an activity exclusively reserved for wo m e n

“I exchanged seed with my neighbours; whenthey have no need for seed. Some neighboursexchange it, the best seed for sowing, and theyget is not for sowing, but for eating.” (D o ñ aF r a n c i s c a, Colotenango)

In the different regions the post-harvestactivities: shelling the grain, selectingthe seed, the preparation and marketing

of the maize are basically the job of thewomen, as can be seen in Table 10.


Photo 6Preparation of tortillas, an activity exclusively carried out by women

IX. S u rv ival of the cosmologyof pre-Columbian Centra lAmerica, and the centra lplace of maize

Direct consultations with the differentcommunities revealed that there is a

significant reduction in the “bearers oftradition”. These are of value for theexplanation of the cosmology as well asfor the conservation of ancestralpractices and knowledge. The “bearers”are those who explain to the generalpopulation aspects that are difficult tounderstand or who through theirpractices re p roduce in society the

symbols and values of each ethnici d e n t i t y. However, in the process ofcultural homogenisation which isp ro g ressing substantially in thecommunities, it is significant that thef a rming practices of the people aretending towards uniform i t y, with thedisappearance of traditional knowledgeof the society-environment re l a t i o n s h i p .

This does not mean that there is not aspecific cosmology, which in fact findsits expression in the practices of maizefarming and the agricultural calendar.However, the gradual disappearance ofthe bearers and the introduction ofmodern technologies contribute to the

eradication of traditional know-howand skills which are being replaced bythose transmitted by mass culturebasically stemming from a market logicof the utilisation of resources.

The observations made in the differentlocations indicate that the communitiesmost involved in the national andinternational markets are the ones thatleast conserve their own or a diversifiedcosmology. This is the case of Aguacatánand Tzunul, on the one hand, and thecommunities of Río San Juán on theo t h e r. In the case of Aguacatán,traditional crops are being replaced bynon-traditional produce such as garlic


Map 2Present map according to the inhabitants of Aguacatán

Maize

Onion

Garlic

and onions. In Tzunul, there is a rapidspread of broccoli growing, a crop firstsown there barely five years ago.

The part i c i p a t o ry diagnosis of the thre elocations reveals that the main effect ofthe introduction of these non-traditionalc rops is the specialisation of cert a i np roduction teams, although it waso b s e rved that a family-based economypersists. In one of the work-groups ofAguacatán, the maize field, the garlicand the onion patches were seen to bec e n t red on the house, which reflects thes u rvival of a family-based economy.

However, it was noted that the maizefield was allotted to one house and thegarlic and onion fields to another,which would indicate a specialisation oflabour. The integration of these twoc rops adds complexity and gre a t e rvulnerability to the local productionsystem. The growing of garlic andonions as commercial products depends

strongly on the market, and they alsore q u i re financing, which is notnecessary in maize farming, due to thetechniques applied in either case.

As re g a rds the communities of Tzunul,Todos Santos Cuchumatán, the situationis quite dramatic. The perception of themen is that although the current map ofthe area shows a massive presence ofmaize, they nevertheless expect itscomplete substitution in future byb ro c c o l i .

The two pictures below show only afragment of the complete maps( p re s e n t / f u t u re), however they aregood samples of the total. The men ofTuznul stated that they were harvestingall year round, because they sowedbroccoli every month. They start sowingin August and finish in February, so thath a rvesting begins in November andends in May. The families that growbroccoli now buy maize.


Map 3Present map according to the inhabitants of Tuznul

Maize

Maize

As regards the mountainous areas inthe upper reaches of the San Juán river,the majority of the participants spokeonly Quiché and knew no Spanish.Nonetheless, the members of the groupwere aware of the natural resources attheir disposal, including the diversity ofthe flora and fauna. As for the use of thec rops, these are mostly for familyconsumption and to be sold in localmarkets, which is characteristic of asimple market economy.

Of the three groups mentioned,Aguacatán, Tzunul and San Juán, theformer two showed the higher use ofi m p o rted techniques, and they alsorevealed a greater alienation of womenfrom agricultural work. On the otherhand in the case of the communities ofthe San Juán river, the farmers said thatthe women participated with them inall the phases of the work. Similarly, itwas also noted that in the indigenous

families, the women’s link with thea g r i c u l t u re was considerably gre a t e rthan in the “ladino” (mestizo or ofSpanish descent) families.

Although in the consultation workshopscarried out in 6 communities under thisstudy the participants said that they didnot celebrate rituals linked to any of thephases of maize farming, most of thedata on traditional practices of areligious nature (Maya) come from thecommunities of the San Juán river. Thei n f o rmation collected reveals that“ t h e re are zajorines (soothsayers;persons who are reputed to see what ishidden) in Tucuná” who are consultedbefore the people celebrate their rituals.The men who participated said thatb e f o re sowing, in accordance withtradition, each activity has its “day”,which reflects a survival of the use ofthe Maya calendar. (Further study onthis subject could throw up more


Map 4Future map according to the inhabitants of Tuznul

Broccoli

Broccoli

precise information on the degree towhich the calendar and its auguries foreach day still hold sway). In Aguacatánit was also found out that in the areaunder Quiché influence, there are Mayapriests (Ah pop) who celebrate ritualswhich come from the Maya culture.

Although the participants in theworkshops said that they did notcelebrate traditional rites, it is evidentthat these practices still exist amongcertain groups.

Another element of note is the value ofthe “oral form” of knowledge-transfer.One example of this is the awareness ofthe plant known as “casco de mula” (mule’shelmet), which came up in one of thecases of the oral tradition with which the

workshops began. Only the olderp a rticipants admitted having known it. InLas Guayabitas, the older participants saidthat they knew this crop (Txetxiv). Theyre m e m b e red that their ancestors used togo and fetch it from the mountains, “theyextracted it from the ground and it wasl a rger than a potato”. By its descriptionthis plant could correspond to the speciesD i o s c o rea convolvulacea, curiously knowncommonly as the mother of maize anddescribed by Williams (1981): a speciesf rom which an emergency food supplycan be extracted.


Map 5Present map of the San Juán river farms

Spring orwater source

Rabbits

LivestockPigs

Mice

Tiles

Straw

Chickens

Nightshade

HERB GARDEN

Apazote

Timber

RudaVerbena

Coriander

They would remove the thick skin andthen they pricked the pulp and cookedit, and it was added to the maize tomake tortillas.

This information gave us confirmationthat, on the one hand, the content ofthe oral tradition was valid, but on theother that traditional knowledge ofindigenous foods was disappearing. Thissituation, which is foreseen as regardsmaize, has already occurred as regardsother local crops, such as ramón orujuhste (Brosimum alicastrum, breadnuttree), which constituted a food for theancient Mayas, but has disappeare dfrom the local diet. There are manyspecies that have been preserved in thewild and that would be suitable for usein food self-sufficiency programmes.

X. Other considerations

The selection of the 6 communities forthe study was made according to criteriasignalling the presence of cultural-plantwealth. Thus it can be observed that inthe selected communities, five languagesin addition to Spanish are spoken, as ane x p ression of the ethnic diversity pre s e n tin these sites. Similarly, the biodiversityis re p resented by three distinct life zones.At another level, the study included bothmen and women, with a slightly gre a t e rnumber of women due to the part i c u l a rc i rcumstances in each of the sites wherethe workshops took place.

• Conservation of the genetic resourceIt was found that in all cases, thematerials used were local varieties(landlandraces), since many of the peoplecould recognise the advantages of each ofthese materials according to theire n v i ronmental adaptability, resistance topests and diseases and culinary qualities.For example, in some areas, they pre f e rto plant yellow maize, because it is fasterg rowing and more resistant to pests. Ina reas where the soil is poor, the sowing ofblack maize is pre f e rred. All part i c i p a n t sa g reed that these materials have a morepleasant taste than the impro v e dvarieties, which is why their pre f e re n c efor indigenous materials re m a i n s .

Although the farmers, both men andwomen, are aware of the use ofimproved varieties, they recognise thatthese varieties require greater capitalinvestment since they need more inputsand labour in the growing process. Inaddition, others refer to security as afactor that influences their choice ofmaterials and said that they feltinsecure planting seed that was nottotally familiar.

With reference to the conservation ofmaize re s o u rces, they said that theintroduction of horticultural crops suchas garlic and onions or cauliflowers


could eventually replace the farming ofmaize, especially in areas where the soiland irrigation are adequate.

The local materials are identifiedbasically by their colour, where theyhave diff e rent names depending on thelocal languages. It was also observ e dthat many of these materials arep e rfectly suited to the specific regions ofthe study and to some extent are uniqueto these areas. It was said earlier thatattempts to sow genetic materials fro mextraneous climatic zones pro d u c e dpoor re s u l t s .

• Conservation of local technologyThe use of the most widespre a dindigenous genetic materials leads oneto assume that the farming techniquesapplied in maize farming arepredominantly the same as those usedfor centuries.

H o w e v e r, intensive land-use has led tothe need for the additional input ofi n o rganic fertilisers; but, due to theadditional costs incurred, there is a needto develop a fertilising technique whichcombines both organic and inorg a n i cmethods. At the same time, the incre a s ein pests and diseases has led to a gre a t e rneed for chemical products, as opposedto organic ones, especially with re g a rdto pest control in stored crops. Ingeneral, it may be noted that thecommunities are open to the knowledgeand use of new technologies, but theya re puzzled about their application tothe re s o u rces they possess at a re g i o n a land family level, as well as about thechanges they might bring to their multi-c ropping system.


Photo 7The workshops fostered direct consultation with members of different communities

XI. Conclusions

1. The preservation oftraditional practices

During the study, it was observed thatthe current maize farming practices in alarge number of the rural sites had notchanged much from those used in pre-Columbian times. The genetic diversitymaintained in the grain production isthe basis of the population’s food supplyand at the same time of the multipleuses and practices linked to maize.Women have a central role in thetraditional cosmology and through this,legitimate their access to plant geneticresources of maize, and their rights todecide how they are used and distributed.Nevertheless, it was observed that thereis a gradual loss of the cosmology thatformed the basis of these maize farmingpractices. This change, among otherthings, is directly influenced by theintroduction of the development of amarket-oriented agriculture, with aprevalence of crops destined to be sold(nationally or internationally) whichdisplaces areas, resources and customsp reviously related to subsistencefarming. As was observed in some ofthe communities, the replacement ofmaize by other crops deemed moreremunerative in commercial term splaces the genetic basis of maize,farming practices related to it and theecosystem it belongs to at risk, thus alsoaffecting the patterns of consumption,customs and occupation of the men andwomen involved.

As a result of this, generally, the ruralpopulations’ knowledge system, cultureand social organisation are damagedand displaced. At the same time, thisdismembering of the social fabric

diminishes the possibilities of inducingdevelopment on the basis of these socialgroups’ inner motivations.

The conservation of the wide diversityof maize genetic material, as well asconstituting a central element in theMaya cosmology which has such aninfluence on the ecology and the cultureof the area, also constitutes a centralelement in the food security base of therural population in the Department ofHuehuetenango and it is the staple foodof a large part of the population ofGuatemala and Central America.

2. Hypothesis of the invisibilityof women

After studying the written historicalsources regarding the work-processes ofmaize farming, it was found that thesesources omit the role of women in thedifferent stages and cultural practicesrelated to the crop. However, the oraltradition does confer importance to thisrole and this tends to be constantt h rough the ages. The direct consultationst h rough mini-workshops and thegeneral workshop carried out in thevarious communities of the study led tothe discovery of the pre - H i s p a n i ccultural complex surrounding maize, aswell technical innovations. It was foundthat the oral tradition coincides withthe data on women’s involvement inthe farming practices related to maizeand in the family economy. Thed e t e rminant role of women in theselection and conservation of the seedsand their knowledge of the differentcrop varieties provide evidence of theirinvolvement in the management of thegenetic diversity of maize and, alongwith this, in the farming system ofwhich the production of this grain is anintegral part.


The conservation of the traditionalvarieties is clearly closely linked to thesurvival of consumption practices andrites which explain the rationalutilisation of resources in accordancewith a predominantly Maya vision ofthe cosmos and with that of otherindigenous populations.

3. The genetic resources of maize

In the Department of Huehuetenangot h e re is a great variety of maize geneticre s o u rces due to a long process ofc u l t u re-biodiversity interaction whichled to the generation of nearly 57% ofthe landlandraces of maize re c o rded inGuatemala (8 out of 14) and of 33% ofthe sub-landraces present in Guatemala(4 out of 12). More o v e r, the presence oft e o s i n t e is important for the increase ofthe genetic diversity of maize, since itre p resents a stock of useful genes whichcan be transferred by natural means ofc ro s s - b reeding or by plant-impro v e m e n tmethods. In this respect, the choice ofthe Department of Huehuetenango forthe study of the genetic diversity ofmaize proved most appro p r i a t e .

Although this study did not set out toanalyse the crop’s links with the rest ofthe production system, the observationsmade in the area also led to anappreciation of the fact that the geneticdiversity of maize is also associated withthe production of other crops and withthe diversity of production systems ingeneral.

4. Motives of selection underdomestication

The selection process of already existingvarieties reflects both natural causes andpreferences in the uses to be made of thegrain in different contexts.

(a) Adverse environmental factors. Onei m p o rtant factor in the evolutionof maize in the Department ofHuehuetenango was the selectionmade by the farming families ofgenetic materials that adapt best toadverse climatic, soil and diseasefactors, etc. Throughout the study, itwas possible to verify that the menand women farmers of theDepartment have a perfect knowledgeof the different genetic materials thatthey rely upon, to such an extent thatthey are able to recognise the geneticmaterials most suited to diff e re n ta g ro-ecological zones in the are a ,their growth cycle, their resistance topests and diseases and their soil andwater requirements.

Thus the most resistant varieties arethose that prevail, and although theydon’t have much value or participationin the market, they continue to be thestaple food of the rural communities inthe Department.

(b) C u l i n a ry re q u i re m e n t s. Anotherimportant factor in the selection ofgenetic materials consists of culinarycharacteristics such as the taste,colour and texture of grains, since it isabsolutely vital that the appropriatemaize should be available for eachoccasion and use. For instance, blackmaize is of special value as it producesthe sweetest grain and is used in thep reparation of food for specialoccasions. Maize produced in the coldand temperate zones is preferred forits taste, colour, development, growthcycles, resistance to pests anddiseases, softness and because itproduces tortillas of a better textureand keeps longer. The varieties grown


in the hot zones have other names dueto their characteristics, their gro w t hcycles and their appearance, and due totheir being of lesser culinary value thanthose grown in the cold and temperatezones, since the tortillas made withthese genetic materials are of a lowerquality since they harden more easilyand are more friable. Apparently, thisselection motive played an importantrole in the evolution of maize inH u e h u e t e n a n g o , though no quantitativedata to support this evidence wereo b t a i n a b l e .

(c) Mystical and religious factors. Thepossible presence of the sub-landracequicheño ramoso leads one to supposethat the conservation of the puregenetic materials of this landlandrace inthe Department of Huehuetenango isproof of the presence of mystical aspectsas selection motives in the evolution ofmaize, since this genetic material is asymbol of fertility among cert a i npeoples of the San Marcos region.

5. General considerationsregarding genetic evolutionunder domestication

Field observations also indicate thatsmall and indigenous farmers, the mainproducers of this grain, know the effectsof pollination (“un maíz pinta al otro en ladirección del viento” [one maize paintsanother according to the direction ofthe wind]) and even the effects of thepollination of a maize of one colourwith the grains of another colour(x e n i a); and the diff e rent periods offlowering and maturation of thed i ff e rent varieties. Such knowledgebegins to provide the key to howindigenous farmers, as observers ofbiological phenomena of their crops,have carried out their selection under

domestication. If one examines thegene base of the characteristics selectedby the farmers, one finds a highincidence of single gene characters:floury, sweet, yellow, pink grains, redgrains, violet husk.

6. Genetic erosion

The results obtained in the workshopsand mini-workshops indicate that thef a rmers of the Huehuetenango re g i o nhave not adopted the improved varietiesc reated by the national agriculturala u t h o r i t y, ICTA, nor have they re p l a c e dtheir traditional varieties, except in thea rea of Aguacatán, where some farm e r sre p o rted using these new varieties. Inthis sense, one can say that this factor asa cause of genetic erosion has not beend e t e rminant in the area of the study. Thegenetic materials present before thebeginning of the so-called gre e nrevolution should still be present in thea re a .

In areas where it is possible to developintensive agriculture, which includesthe introduction of more marketablecrops, such as onions, garlic, cabbagesor coffee, maize farming is beingdisplaced by these new crops. For thisreason, in recent years, many of thefarmers who have replaced maize withnew crops consider maize as anunimportant crop and tend to abandonthe genetic materials that they havecultivated for thousands of years, due totheir poor market value.

With this substitution of crops, thegradual loss of the cosmology meansthat the knowledge accumulated byhuman populations over thousands ofyears is disappearing. In this way, theconcept of the importance of conservingthe genetic resources of maize is also


being lost. The quest for new humansatisfactions, such as economiccompetitiveness and financial efficiencyin the use of available resources, resultsinevitably in the loss of geneticresources and biodiversity.

7. On the role of womenin the evolution andconservation of maize

To understand the role of women in thec o n s e rvation of the traditional varietiesof maize, one needs to distinguishbetween the diff e rent activities thatinclude decision-making on the choiceof the genetic materials to be used.C l e a r l y, the type of agriculture practisedin the study-area favours the multi-c ropping or traditional system, which, aswe have already discussed, fosters thec o n s e rvation of the genetic re s o u rces ofmaize. In addition, we demonstratedthat maize is primordial in the diet of theHuehuetenango populations, since it isconsumed in many diff e rent ways; andl a s t l y, it was shown that womenp a rticipate actively in the agriculturalp rocess of growing maize, especially inthe post-harvest activities. But whomakes the decisions as re g a rds the typeof agriculture to practise, the types ofmaize to use in accordance with thec u l i n a ry re q u i rements and in general,who controls the motives for selection,men or women, or both? A part i a lanswer is provided by the demonstrationthat in most cases women are in charg eof shelling the grain from the cobsa l ready selected for seed in the followingc rop cycle. In this way the grain isshelled and selected by the women. Thismanual harvest technique re p resents anintensive phase of artificial selectionwhich allows them to maintain thecharacteristics of local varieties, as wellas giving these “women farmers” the

o p p o rtunity to recognize and pro p a g a t eattractive mutations or new hybrids.

On the basis of this investigation,h o w e v e r, the answer to the initialquestion re g a rding “the role of women inthe conservation of the genetic re s o u rc e sof maize”, one can say that women playa crucial role on the basis of theird e t e rminant participation in the seedselection process, both as material to besown and as grain to be used as food forits culinary pro p e rties. Of course, furt h e rinvestigation will be necessary toquantify the specific importance ofw o m e n ’s contribution, in the present andin the past, to the conservation of thegenetic re s o u rces currently present in theD e p a rtment of Huehuetenango. Inaddition a combination of social, cultural,economic and environmental changesa re eroding the central role of womenand re s o u rce decision-makers and thushave the potential of increasing thee rosion of useful genetic diversity inm a i z e .

XII. Recommendations

1. Maize as a genetic resource

• To gain a better knowledge of themaize varieties still prevalent, it issuggested that collections of geneticmaterials be carried out in theDepartment of Huehuetenango, fora more thorough identification ofthe landlandraces present, comparingthem with the information given byWellhausen et al. (1957) and verifyingwhether the genetic resource hasbeen preserved over a period of 40years.


To diminish the risk of losses ofexisting genetic material, it isi m p o rtant to develop maize germ p l a s mc o n s e rvation mechanisms both i nsitu, strengthening the role of ruralcommunities in the conservation ofb i o d i v e r s i t y, and ex situ, byestablishing a germplasm bank. Bothof these measures are considered thebasis of a maize impro v e m e n tprogramme founded on the localculture and needs.

• In the same way, it is also necessaryto determine the areas wheret e o s i n t e is still present, also planninga study of the possibilities of itsc o n s e rvation in situ, as has beendone in the biosphere reserve of theS i e rra de Manantlán in Mexico,w h e re Mexican teosintle is pre s e rv e d(Benz, 1988).

2. Maize as a crop

• It is fundamental that the nationalauthority for agricultural technologyimprovement and transfer (ICTA) beable to increase its programmes forthe improvement of maize on thebasis of the genetic diversity presentin the Department of Huehuetenangoand the active participation of themen and women who farm theregion, who have specific knowledgeof the crops they need and of thecultivation practices of this grain.

• In recent years there has been anincrease in the practice of selectingseed material with the participationof the populations directly involvedin growing the crop. This hasrequired the application of methodsthat imply the following stages:

Identification of the farmers’ needsas regards the specific crop.Quest for the genetic material thatresponds to the farmers’ needs.Field trials with the farmers to verifytheir acceptability.Wide distribution to the farmers of thegenetic materials they pre f e r.

• The technology impro v e m e n tp rogrammes of the various institutions( g o v e rnment, universities, NGOs)should deepen and broaden theirstudies of maize farming, on aspectsrelated to associating maize withother crops, organic fert i l i s a t i o n ,a g ro - f o re s t ry systems, etc. all ofwhich could improve its profitabilityby taking into account the essentialaspects of the conservation of thegenetic diversity of maize andconsequently of the local farmingsystems and the populations’ foodsecurity.

3. Recognising the participationof women in the farming andconservation of maize

• Both the governmental and the non-g o v e rnmental organisations operatingin the Department of Huehuetenangocould include in their pro g r a m m e sactivities that include supporting ands t rengthening the role of women inthe whole production process ofmaize farming, so that they mayi n t roduce innovations in the waythey intervene in the farm i n g ,c o n s e rvation and use of maize.

• Although we have been able in thisstudy to determine the responsibilityof women in the process of seedselection, through which theyinfluence the pre s e rvation of thegenetic material and prevalently the


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c o n s e rvation of certain specificvarieties, it appears appropriate todeepen and broaden our understandingof the diff e rent motives for thedomestication and selection of thedifferent varieties of maize. To dothis, it is important to carry out aquantitative study of the differentuses of maize and how these relateto the genetic materials present inthe area of the study, as well as of

the roles and responsibilities of themen and women farmers in decidingwhich materials are used andconserved. The stage of shelling themaize cobs selected for seedconstitutes only one of the selectionmechanisms. It is of interest tocombine this with a knowledge ofthe other motives of selection linkedto the evolutionary process underdomestication.



Annex IThe communities of the study

Selection of the communities

The criteria used to select the communitiesto be studied were :

• Ease of access (roads and paths ingood condition).

• Institutional presence of govern m e n t a lor non-governmental org a n i s a t i o n swhich facilitate the work withthe different groups and provideboth contacts and interpretationfacilities in local languages.

• Traditional zone of maize pro d u c t i o n .• Communities that could serve as

c e n t res for communication andthe spread of information to otherneighbouring communities.

• Social and agricultural conditionssuited to the objectives of thestudy.

On the basis of the application of thesecriteria, the following sites were selected:

• Aguacatán I: Aguacatán, AguacatánCentro, La Barranca, Río Blanco,La Vega and Río San Juán.

• Aguacatán II: Chexbajo, CruzChex, Chex Centro, Las MajadasC e n t ro, Las Majadas Tu c u ñ a ,Tucuña and Ojo de Agua.

• C h i a n t l a : Las Guayabitas, LaC ruz la Labor (Canton), Las Cru z e s2, El Manzanal and San José LasG u a y a b i t a s .

• Todos Santos Cuchumatán• Nentón: Chanquejel.• Jacaltenango

Community study workshops

In each of these selected communities,meetings with the different community

groups were organised around whichinvestigations, reflections and discussionswere held on the different subjects ofthe study. This work was coordinated ina process of observation, in whichinformal direct interviews provided thebasis for a general workshop where thecommunities were presented with themain findings and analyses derivedf rom the work of information gathering.All this information, together with thefindings of the secondary revision of thestudy constitute the basis of this report.

In each of the selected sites, workgroups were formed by gender so as tofacilitate the participatory process andthus record the different perceptions inthe matter. In both work groups thesame consultation and discussionmethods were implemented so as toensure that information on the samesubjects was collected accurately. In asecond phase, the groups were broughttogether to analyse and evaluate theresults.

As a starting point, each sub-gro u p(male-female) was given the followingquestion: “What is the participation ofwomen in the farming of maize?” Toanswer this they started with identifyingspecific data on the activities and tasks,their timing and who (men or women)p a rticipate in them.

The “Present map/Future map” techniquewas applied to detect the needs of theparticipants. This technique consists inobtaining a physical description of thecurrent conditions in the community,( i n f r a s t ru c t u re, education, social andeconomic situation). This wasparticularly useful due to the languaged i ff e rences in dealing with somegroups. A similar description of idealfuture conditions, also prepared by the


community, constituted the basis for theidentification of areas in need ofattention.

The “General Workshop”The general workshop was carried outwith re p resentatives of each of the sixcommunities where the mini-workshopstook place, re p resentatives of theg o v e rnmental, non-governmental andi n t e rnational org a n i z a t i o n s .

The general workshop’s aim was topresent in a consolidated way all thei n f o rmation discussed in the communityworkshops, with the participation ofre p resentatives of the communitiesthemselves and of the developmentinstitutions present in the Department,both governmental and non-governmental. This activity was to seekvalidation of the information and todiscuss possible recommendations thatderived from the analysis of thesituation on the basis of thre efundamental aspects.

The methodology used in running theworkshop was:

1. To present the results of all the mini-workshops held pre v i o u s l y. Analysingthe differences and similarities in thefindings from the various communities.

2. To form three integrated discussiong roups with participants from all theinstitutions and communities involvedand discuss the following subjects:(a) The role of women in the

c o n s e rvation and farming ofmaize.

(b) The conservation of maize as agenetic resource.

(c) Consideration for and import a n c eof local technologies.

3. To present the results of the groupdiscussions on the inform a t i o nexamined and the actions proposed,both by the communities and by theinstitutions involved.

Annex IITeosinte: the possibleorigin of maize


In addition to the variability of thelandraces present in Huehuetenango, itis necessary to provide some inform a t i o non the closest wild relative of maizep resent in the area, namely, t e o s i n t e.

At this time, two species of t e o s i n t e a rep resent in Guatemala: Zea luxurians,which is distributed in easternGuatemala (Departments of Jutiapa,Jalapa and Chiquimula), and Zea mayssubsp. h u e h u e t e n a n g e n s i s, which isendemic in the Department ofHuehuetenango, that gave the sub-species its name. This taxon is not widelydistributed in the whole Depart m e n tsince it is found in the areas of themunicipalities of Santa Ana Huista, SanAntonio Huista, Jacaltenango andNentón (Iltis et al., 1986). Its capacity tohybridise with cultivated maize wasamply demonstrated by Wilkes (1977). Itis there f o re not surprising thatHuehuetenango, precisely the re g i o nw h e re teosinte is found, has beenc o n s i d e red the possible centre of originof maize in Central America. In someways, the important role teosintle hasplayed in the evolution of maize isrecognised, however no eff o rt to datehas been made to know and pre s e rve thegenetic diversity of the Huehuetenangoteosintle; this problem is worsened bythe fact that the taxon grows wild on thefringes of cultivated areas and ro a d s i d e s ,and as was shown by Azurdia, et al.(1986), this re s o u rce is highly affected bythe process of genetic ero s i o n .

Photo 8Teosinte (Zea mays subspecieshuehuetenangensis) from the area ofJacaltenango, Huehuetenango, Guatemala(Photo: César Azurdia)


Annex IIIWomen’s testimonies

(a) On the shelling and selectionof the seed-grain…

As the new sowing seasonapproaches, the women undertakethe task of carefully shelling thep reviously selected seed-grains,using their fingertips and takingonly the grains from the middle ofthe cobs. They place them inside thetecomate (fruit of Lagenaria siceraria(Mol.) Standl.). One day before sowing,the grain is soaked to soften it andenhance germination. Some of thewomen select and set aside the cobs forseed-grain as they shell the maize that isto be consumed during the year. Theylearn how to shell the maize since theirchildhood. This know-how is transmittedby mothers or grandmothers to theirdaughters or grand-daughters.

(b) On the preparation of food…

The women pre p a re maize in awide variety of ways, but tortillasa re “our daily bread”. They areeaten at breakfast, lunch anddinner and constitute, for theethnic Maya populations, the mostimportant food.

“I choose the seed. When I bring the maizedown (from the loft) for us to eat, I separatethe grain. My son-in-law tells me to do this. Iteach my daughters. To store the crop we mustuse insecticides. Before, there was noproblem; now after three or four months, wefind holes in the grain. We do not leave it inthe sun.”

“We women learned to shell and select theseed from our youth. In my house, andgenerally at night, the women would sitaround the basket of maize to shell the grain.The grandmother would separate a few largecobs; these were not to be shelled inside thebasket which receives the grain for makingthe next day’s ‘nixtamal’ (maize paste formaking tortillas and other foods). In themonth of May we would put our hands inour mouths and blow on them: then wewould begin shelling with our fingernails.We would always start in the middle of thecob, leaving out the tip and the base andtaking care not to break the grain. Thegrandmother did this, telling us that we werelittle, that we were not grown up enough todo it and that it is something sacre d . ”(Remigia López y López, 84, resident inMalacatancito)

“When they bring the maize (the cobs) to thehouse, it is stored and then the leaves areremoved. It is put into sacks and then it isshelled with our fingernails. We choose thecobs. The largest are chosen for seed-grain;not the smaller ones, because they might notdo for the next year’s crop. We must find thelargest.“This seed comes from the highest land, faraway, which we call Rancho Viejo. It is asmall maize with small grains. From this wechoose the largest grain as seed. It comes fromthe highlands, the very coldest; it is not arainy-season crop and does not require muchfertiliser.”

“This is how the seed is chosen: only from themiddle (of the cob). The grains, the goodplump ones, are carefully extracted with ourfingernails. These grains (from the tip andthe base) are not used, because they are smalland would give very small plants, but theyare used as food.” (Doña Concepción, 65,El Rancho, Chiantla)

(c) On marketing…

Administering the produce is thewomen’s job. This implies that theymust calculate and ensure that theharvest is sufficient to provide forall its different uses: seed, familymeals and, if possible, a surplus tobe sold for profit.

There is an exchange of maize betweenneighbours. In places like Mesilla, theTutuapeños exchange clay pots formaize.


At times neighbours exchange one type of maizefor another. This can also be for seed-grain. “Iexchanged seed with my neighbours; when theyhave no need for seed. Some neighboursexchange it, the best seed for sowing, and whatthey get is not for sowing, but for eating.”(Doña Francisca, Colotenango)


Photo 9Post-harvest processing and selection of the maize to be used for the next sowing.The different classes of maize are shown. The maize for human consumption is spreadon the ground, while the maize for sowing is arranged in bunches.


Annex IV

Map 6Distribution of the different local languages in the Department of Huehuetenango

AKATEKO MAM

POPTI’

Q’ANJOB’AL

Q’EQCHI’

TECTITEKO

AWAKATECO

CASTELLANO

CHUJ

KICHÉ

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