The Residential Structure of Tokyo Ken†Lichi UENO*

Geographical Review of Japan Vol. 58 (Ser. B), No. 1, 24-48, 1985

The Residential Structure of Tokyo

in the 1910s (the Taisho Era)

Ken•Lichi UENO*

This paper investigates the residential structure of Tokyo, the largest city in Japan, in the 1910s middle period of Taisho by applying factorial ecological method. The principal factor method is applied to the original data matrix of 1920, which contains 816 districts in columns and 19 variables in rows. Six common factors whose eigen-values exceed 1.0 are obtained. The first factor is inter

preted as the family status and the second factor as the public officials and liberal workers. It becomes clear that the fundamental residential structure of Tokyo in this period is composed of five residential groups; the large household of commercial worker, the unmarried persons who work in large stores, the medium-size household of manufacturing workers in the prime of life consisting of married couple and their children, various manufacturing workers and public officials and liberal workers. Consequently, it is clear that the residential structure of Tokyo in the middle period of Taisho cannot be explained by the simple division which divides Tokyo into eastern and western areas as considered in previous studies, but is at the stage of the residential structure of the industrializing city.

I. Introduction

1. The purpose of this study

Urban geographers in Japan have devoted a great deal of attention to the historical development of large cities. The very nature of the fundamental factors that shape the city is changing over time. The urban spatial

pattern is continually being transformed into something different from that which it was before. A study of the urban residential structure occupies one of the most important

part of the urban structures. This paper examines the residential structure of Tokyo in the 1910s (the Taisho era) by applying factorial ecological method.

Up to the present day, there have been many comparative studies for the residential structures in Japanese large cities by the spatial model of urban structures in the United States, for instance, concentric zone model by BURGESS

(1925), sector model by HOYT (1939) and multiple nuclei model by HARRIS and ULLMAN

(1945). YAZAKI (1954) clarifies that in the ecological pattern of Tokyo in 1930, the sector

model proposed by HOYT (1939) is more ap

plicable than the concentric zone model. As a result, it is clear that those Western models related with urban structure have been applied to Japanese large cities to a certain extent. However, the historical examination of the models to Japanese large cities is not fully investigated yet.

Many studies of urban spatial structures of

Japanese large cities demonstrate the existence of the regional differences between the Yamanote and the Shitaniachi. But the investigation of such an areal differentiation has been very roughly comprehended in the previous studies (ISOMURA, 1953, 1959)1). AOKI (1965) and YAMAGA (1972) demonstrate that the typical residential areas of large cities are divided into three parts by the increasing distance from the CBD to peripheral region, that is, commercial and residential mixing area, general housing area and large-scaled

multi-unit residential area. YAMAGUCHI (1974) displays the zonal structure in the western part of To kyo metropolitan area. However, those studies indicate only a part of residential characteristics, and are based upon the intui

* Department of Economics , Daito Bunka University, Itabashi-ku, Tokyo 174, Japan.

The Residential Structure of Tokyo 25

tive judgement in searching the spatial structures.

Today, the method of factorial ecology is useful for investigating urban residential structures as the objective and synthetic approaches. This method, in general, relies greatly upon the factor analysis applying various variables in relation with ecological characteristic in many districts in a city. The factors extracted from this analysis indicate fundamental dimensions providing the residential aspects of urban population, and the factor structure reflects the compound relationship among the residential characteristics. Moreover, by em

ploying the numerical classification method to the extracted factor scores, the regional division which shows fundamental characteristics and the spatial arrangement of residential area can be explained.

Many important results of the factorial ecological studies in Western countries are obtained. Three basic factors are generally derived from the analysis in a lot of cities in the United States: socio-economic status, family status and ethnic status. In many European cities ethnic status do not reveal an important factor as compared with the United States cities. The socio-economic status and family status are considered as universal factor. However, in recent days, in the United States and Canada many studies deals with the historical changes or developments of the urban factorial structures and their spatial patterns. The studies of historical changes of urban residential structures imply the investigation of ecological changes of the factors in a certain city for several decades. GOHEEN (1970), SALINS (1971) and HUNTER (1971, 1974) develop the studies of long-term ecological changes of factors and their international comparisons. Moreover, MURDIE (1969), BROWN and HORTON (1970) and

JOHNSTON (1973) find that the three factors are extracted in various cities in different time

periods. Then, BERRY and REES (1969) and TIMMS (1971) synthesize the ecological structures of the factors internationally. BERRY and REES (1969) classifies the combinations of socio-economic status, family status or stage in life-cycle and minor group factors into seven types. These seven types are considered as international classification of the factorial

ecological structures2). On the other hand, from the combinations of the four factors, that is, the above-mentioned three factors and

population migration factor, TIMMS (1971) shows the six historical types of the ecological structures3).

The study of the historical change in ecological structures is few in number until recent time. The studies of the factorial ecology in

Japan have been increased gradually in number in these days (MORIKAWA, 1975, 1976; NARITA, 1976; FUKUHARA, 1977; YOKOYAMA and MORIKAWA, 1977; TAKANO, 1979). Nevertheless, the factorial ecological structures in

Japanese cities are not sufficiently clarified, because the methods in these studies are not to be fruitfully investigated yet. Moreover, few studies discuss the relations between the ecological structures and traditional theories of urban structures (JOHNSTON, 1971; UENO, 1982).

The changing structure of the residential areas in Tokyo from the Meiji Restoration to the times after World War II is devided into four periods. The first period continued until the 1880s. After the Meiji Restoration the samurai

(warrior-class people) society was collapsed, so that the population of Tokyo remarkably decreased, and deteriorated districts expanded mainly into the former samurai residential

quarters. The population of Edo (name of Tokyo before the Meiji Restoration of 1868) in 1867 counted over one million, consisting of about 540,000 townsmen and of 530,000 samurai (ISHIZUKA, 1977a). Edo was characterized by a compact city with high population density. Greater Edo (metropolitan Edo) was a "pedestrian city", and its urban settlement was restricted to an area within six kilometers or less of the Edo castle (MASAI, 1979). After a large number of daimyo and ordinary samurai returned to their home territories and lost their privileges. The population of the 15 ku-area (wards) of Tokyo-fu (Tokyo Prefecture) in 1878 was 664,886. It is thought that the population in the city from 1868 to 1878 was remarkably decreased. Therefore, this

period was a stagnant period of the urban development in Tokyo. However, those circumstances were changed in a short time. The author omits the analysis of this period from the study. It is thought that this is a period

26 K. UENO

of transition from the feudal city 'Edo' to ' Tokyo'.

The second period continued from the 1880s to 1923 (the 12th year of Taisho). The number of residential population in Tokyo increased smoothly on account of the effective urban

politics of the Meiji Government and in the progress of the Industrial Revolution in Japan. This trend continued until the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923. In this period, some modern elements were added steadily to the urban structure of Tokyo, but the traditional urban elements remained unchanged to a certain extent.

The third period continued from 1924 to 1945. Tokyo was badly damaged by the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923, but was

redeveloped with the progress of its rehabilita

tion, and the built-up areas further spread out its suburban region. The fourth period cor

responds to the post-World War II times.Four characteristics of important moderni

zations in Tokyo are recognized in the second

period concerned in this paper. Firstly, modern intraurban transportation was notably de

_veloped. In 1882, the carriage railway system was firstly established in Tokyo. The street

car system was introduced in Tokyo in 1903, and was managed by Tokyo-shi Corp. in 1911.

The streetcar system played a great role as an important intraurban mass transportation

facility. The average number of streetcars running in Tokyo per day reached at 1,006, and the

average number of passengers per day reached

Figure 1. The study area and analytical unit.


at 1,047,000 in 1919. And the Ministry of

Railway started to operate electric trains in a part of the Yamanote line in 1909.

Secondly, the industrialization was remarkably progressed. During the period, large

mechanized factories emerged as a dominant unit of industrial organization. Especially, a

lot of factories including the heavy industry of army factories and the fiber industry of

cotton-spinning factories, were newly established in the city. The number of the private

factories in Tokyo-fu in 1907 was 765 and the

private factory workers in Tokyo-shi in 1919

was reached at 74,467. Thirdly, as modern administrative systems, including educational facilities of schools and universities and army organization, were progressed, the number of salaried men were increased4). In addition,

private enterprises produced more salaried men. The number of these new social class peoples, such as the white-collar workers including

public officials, teachers, servicemen and students, increased remarkably.

Fourthly, the urban problems including water supply, dust management and infections occurred (ISHIZUKA, 1977b).

Table 1. Input variables.

Note: * Persons with occupation=persnos with regular occupation-persons with no occupation.

Source: 1920 (the 9th Year of the Taisho) Population Census of Japan, Tokyo-Shi Shisei Tokei Genpyo, Vol. I•`VI.

28 K . UENO

Therefore, the second period is very important to clarify the historical residential development of Tokyo.

2. Methodology, study area and data

In order to achieve this purpose, the author adopts the factorial ecological method and cluster analysis method. In this cluster analysis, the author uses standardized factor scores extracted from the factor analysis as the input data of groupings. The similarity between districts is calculated by the Euclidian distance based upon the factor scores, and the centroid method is selected as the grouping techniques5).

On the last step, the author builds the spatial model of the fundamental residential structure of Tokyo in the 1910s by the extraction of fundamental groups and the consideration of their spatial arrangements.

The administrative area of Tokyo-shi (former 15 ku-area) in 1920 is employed as the study area, (Figure 1). The number of population in Tokyo-shi grew to 2,173,201 and the urbanized area was expanded outside the administrative area. There were considerable differences for the mean population density between the values of 26,757 persons per square kilometer in Tokyo-shi and the values of 2,411 persons per square kilometer in the suburban machi (town) and mura (village) which were incorporated into Tokyo-shi in 1923

(former 35 ku-area). Thus, preexpanded administrative area of Tokyo-shi (15 ku-area) is then regarded as the substantial urbanized area in this period.

The author adopts cho (minimum adminitrative areal division for a city) as the analytical unit, although the previous studies of factorial ecology have used various divisions6). In this period, census tract division was not established, so it is most appropriate to adopt cho unit as the analytical division. However, in the analysis of Tokyo-shi the author cannot use the original division because the size of their division is very different from each other. Therefore, the size of the population in cho division is arranged in the number from 1,000 to 3,000 by uniting several small cho, especially in the central part of Tokyo-shi7). By this treatment the author obtains 816 districts for this analysis8). In the above-mentioned second

period, the year 1920 just before the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923 is selected for this analysis because this period is suitable for the analysis of the time when the great increase of population is seen in Tokyo.

It is necessary for a factorial ecological study to provide a set of data in detail, because various indicators must be used in this kind of analysis. Thus, the author gets the data from 'the Tokyo-shi Shisei Tokei Genpyo (Tokyoshi Fact Original Table), from Vol. I to Vol. III' which were originally tabulated by Tokyoshi municipal office9).

In order to analyze the characteristics of residential population in urban region, it is highly important to select variables from the indexes of household, age and occupation. The available input variables in 1920 are very limited in number. The author selects 19 variables in terms of sex ratio, fertility, age structure, marital status, household structure and occupational characteristics (Table 1).

II. The factorial ecological structure

1. The basic factors and the spatial pattern of the factor scores

The principal factor method is applied to the original data matrix of 1920, which contains 816 districts in columns and 19 variables in raws. Six common factors whose eigenvalues exceed 1.0 are obtained. A normal Varimax rotation is applied to simplify the structure of factor loadings matrix10). Standardized factor scores are computed and their spatial distributions are mapped. These six factors together account for 73.8 percent of the total variance of the data (Table 2). Table 3 shows the communality of each variable. Although the communality of the fertility

Table 2. Common factor contribution.


Table 3. Communality of the variable ,

(variable no. 2) is relatively low, other inputted variables possess appropriate values. The result of this factor analysis is as follows. The author also tries to interpret the meaning of each factor and the distribution of its score. 1) The first factor (family status)

The first factor accounts for 26.5 percent of the total variance, representing a bipolar structure (Tables 2 and 4). The factor loadings shown in Table 4 indicate that high positive loadings are associated with such variables as the household from two to four persons married population, young population, manufacturing worker and fertility, and low positive loadings appear in the old population and de

pendent population ratio. Therefore, the positive axis of the first factor is interpreted as the medium-size household of manufacturing workers consisting of married couple and their children. On the other hand, high negative loadings appear in the household with seven persons and over, number of persons per household and commercial workers. Hence, the negative axis of the first factor demonstrates the wholesale and retail worker's large household. The first factor is strongly related with the family types. This factor is characterized by the medium-size household of manufacturing workers consisting of married couple and their children in the positive extreme and the

wholesale and retail worker's large household

in the negative extreme. Therefore, the first

factor is interpreted as the family status factor.

The author now investigates the distribution of factor scores. Standardized factor scores are divided into five class intervals:

+1.50 and over, from +0.50 to +1.49, from -0 .49 to +0.49, from -1.49 to -0.50, and -1.50 and under . In this paper the districts scoring from -0.49 to +0.49 are eliminated, Figure 2 shows the spatial differentiation of the family status factor. Districts showing high positive scores are characterized by the medium-size household of manufacturing workers consisting of married couple and their children. These districts occupy the eastern parts of Tokyo including Asakusa-ku, Hongo-ku and Fukagawa-ku and eastern seaside districts of Tsuki-shima in Kyobashi-ku11). Slightly high positive scores are observed in Azabu-ku, Ushigome-ku and Koishikawa-ku displaying a zonal pattern. These districts correspond to the small valley areas on the Yamanote diluvial upland along small rivers including the Shibuya River, the Edo River and the Koishikawa River. Many districts in Asakusa-ku, Hongo-ku, Fukagawa-ku and lowland districts along the small valleys are inherited the regional characteristics from Machiya (merchants-craftsmen quarters) in the

30 K. UENO

Table 4. Factor loadings.

Note: only variables with loadings over •b0.2•b are shown in this table.

Edo era. Some districts on the periphery of

Hongo-ku and Koishikawa-ku also have high

positive scores, which were extensively occupied by manufacturing workers in this period. There

were many colleges and schools in Hongo-ku and Koishikawa-ku. These districts were

located near the city center, so that a lot of

printing and bookbinding factories were distributed12).

The districts which are characterized by the wholesale and retail worker's large household

show high negative scores, and are found in

Nihonbashi-ku and Kyobashi-ku (Figure 2). These districts, developed along the Tokaido and Oshukaido thoroughfares have constituted the central commercial districts of Tokyo. These business centers consisted of large wholesale and retail stores, which housed many living-in employees forming large households. The districts of slightly high negative scores also exists in western Kanda-ku and Kojimachiku, and Yotsuya-ku. These districts represent western residential quarters where the old tradition of upper-class residences was still


Figure 2, The spatial pattern of the first factor scores.

kept up in those days. Most of the households in those quarters were composed of large families (Kojimachi-ku, 1935, pp. 1128-1178). Therefore, it becomes clear that the spatial

pattern of the first factor scores consists of the positive score zone found in the eastern

part extensively and in the outer part of Tokyo and of the zone of negative scores in the central and western parts of the city. Thus, the spatial pattern of the scores is principally characterized by zones.2) The second factor (public officials and liberal workers)

The second factor accounts for 13.8 percent of the variance and shows a bipolar structure with a weak negative axis. Three variables

of public officials and liberal workers13), persons

without regular occupation14) and quasi-household population15), have high positive loadings

while low positive loadings are associated with the old population and divorced or widowed

population. Thus, the positive axis of the second factor is interpreted as the quasihousehold of public officials and liberal workers

and as the old unmarried persons. Negative loadings appear in the variables of young

population and manufacturing workers, the negative axis thus representing the young

manufacturing workers16~. The second factor is interpreted as the public officials and liberal

workers as a whole17).The positive axis of the second factor dis

32 K. UENO

Figure 3. The spatial pattern of the second factor scores.

plays high positive scores. High scores are observed in Azabu-ku, Hongo-ku and western

parts of Kojimachi-ku, all on the Yamanote diluvial upland (Figure 3). Three types of residential districts are recognized. The first type is observed in the districts where dormitories and boarding houses are concentrated. Secondly many districts are characterized by the quasi-household of persons without regular occupation, where student dormitories and lodgings prevailed. Army stations and social welfare institutions constituted the third districts. All of the districts are distributed widely in the Yamanote diluvial upland, corresponding to the relative healthy residential neighborhood. On the other hand, eastern

Tokyo is generally characterized by low positive scores. Several enclaves of high positive scores, however, are distributed in Kyobashiku, Asakusa-ku, Honjo-ku and Fukagawa-ku. Among these districts, Tsukiji and Akashi-cho in Kyobashi-ku, having many schools and foreigner's residences, were relatively healthy residential sections (Chuo-ku, 1958, p. 126). On the other hand, many of the districts holding high positive scores in Asakusa-ku, Honjoku and Fukagawa-ku are considered to have been the lowest residential areas and clusters of cheap lodging houses18).

Thus, the distribution of the positive factor scores of the second factor primarily indicates the residential districts of western Tokyo where


Figure 4. The spatial pattern of the third factor scores.

many public officials and liberal workers live. The spatial pattern of these districts represents a sector extending from Shiba-ku, western Azabu-ku to Hongo-ku. On the other hand, high negative loadings are associated with

young manufacturing workers, representing negative factor scores. These districts are distributed in Kanda-ku, Kyobashi-ku, Shibaku, Shitaya-ku, Asakusa-ku, Honjo-ku and eastern Fukagawa-ku (Figure 3). Therefore, it becomes clear that the spatial pattern of the second factor scores coincides with the topographical division of the Yamanote diluvial upland and the Shitamachi alluvial lowland. 3) The third factor (old widows)

The third factor which accounts for 11.0

percent of the total variance displays bipolar structure. The high positive loadings are associated with such variables as old population and divorced population, and slightly high positive loadings appear in the dependent

population ratio and married population (Table 4). The positive axis of the third factor thus characterizes old widows, and weakly shows married women not having job. In contrast, the negative axis represents the quasihousehold of males, for high negative loadings appear in the quasi-household population and sex ratio. The third factor is thus interpreted as the old widows living lonely.

The tracts which show high positive scores of this factor are characterized by old widows.

34 K. UENO

Figure 5. The spatial pattern of the fourth factor scores.

These tracts are extensively distributed in western Kojimachi-ku, Nihonbashi-ku, northern Shiba-ku, Azabu-ku, Akasaka-ku, eastern Yotsuya-ku, southern Ushigome-ku, Koishikawa-ku, northern Asakusa-ku and Fukagawaku (Figure 4). Those districts in the southern and western parts of Tokyo belong to the upper-class residential quarters, while northern Nihonbashi-ku, Kyobashi-ku, and southern

parts of Asakusa-ku closely correspond to the amusement quarters19). The positive factor scores characterizing old females appear in two types of districts: the high-class residential quarters in the western parts of Tokyo and the amusement quarters in the central parts of Tokyo. However, northern parts of Tokyo

(Koishikawa-ku and Hongo-ku) are not in

cluded in these two sectorial areas.

The districts with high negative scores which are characterized by quasi-household of male

population, are widely distributed in eastern Tokyo and are scattered in the western parts of the city. These districts are grouped into four types. The first is the central commercial districts extending from eastern Kanda-ku, Nihonbashi-ku to central Kyobashi-ku where living-in male employees resided. The second type occupies in eastern Kyobashi-ku, eastern Honj o-ku and Fukagawa-ku, which coincide with the manufacturing districts where workers live in company dormitories either attached to the factory or located nearby (ODAUCHI, 1918, pp. 184-203; Bureau of Sanitation, 1921; Chuo-ku, 1958, pp. 1248-1250). The third


Figure 6. The spatial pattern of the fifth factor scores.

type covering from western Kanda-ku to southern Hongo-ku, Nlita in Shiba-ku, and Babashita-machi in Ushigome-ku coincides with Tokyo's school districts. Many colleges and high schools were located here and a lot of students lived in student dormitories. The fourth type coincides of Hayabusa-cho in Kojimachi-ku, Hinoki-cho in Azabu-ku and Kita-aoyama in Akasaka-ku, which correspond to the army stationary quarters. In sum, the districts characterized by quasi-household of male population are divided into four types; the central commercial district, factory dormitory quarter, student dormitry district, and army stationary quarter. These indicate that the spatial pattern of the third factor scores displays two sectors and one cluster. The

sectorial areas are characterized by the old female widows, extending in the southern and the northeastern parts of Tokyo. The loca

tional pattern of the quasi-household of males constitutes a cluster in the central parts and

the eastern peripheries of Tokyo.4) The fourth factor (large household of

persons with occupations and with children), the fifth factor (divorced or widowed female workers) and the sixth factor (unmarried

person's household)The fourth factor accounts for 9.7 percent

of the total variance, and has a simple factor structure with only a positive axis. High

positive loadings appear in the variables of dependent population ratio, commercial workers, manufacturing workers, communication

36 K. UENO

Figure 7. The spatial pattern of the sixth factor scores,

and transportation workers, female in labor force and public officials and liberal workers

(Tables 2 and 4). This factor is interpreted as the large household of persons with occupation and with children. The districts which are dominated by the characteristics show the

positive factor scores, and are located in the eastern parts of Tokyo including Asakusa-ku, Hongo-ku and Fukagawa-ku (Figure 5)20).

The fifth factor accounts for 7.5 percent of the total variance, and has a simple factor structure (Tables 2 and 4). High positive loadings are associated with the other occupations, divorced or widowed population, and female in labor force, while slightly positive loadings appear in the variables of quasi

household population. The fifth factor is understood to represent the divorced female workers with other occupations who belong to

quasi-household. Therefore, this factor is interpreted as the divorced or widowed female workers. The districts characterized by the high positive scores are scattered upon Kyobashi-ku, Shitaya-ku, Asakusa-ku and Hongo-ku (Figure 6). These districts correspond to the red-light districts where a number of women work in Japanese teahouses, restaurants and geisha waiting houses, and do not show any regular distribution.

The sixth factor accounts for 5.3 percent of the total variance and has a bipolar structure

(Tables 2 and 4). High positive loadings are


associated with the one-person household, and slightly high negative loadings appear in the number of household members and seven and over person's household. This factor is inter

preted as the household of unmarried persons, because the positive axis characterizes the unmarried person and the negative axis weakly shows the large household. The distircts which are characterized by the unmarried persons and thus, the positive factor scores are distributed in southern and northern Kanda-ku, eastern and western Kyobashi-ku, western Shitaya-ku and eastern Asakusa-ku

(Figure 7). Although these districts slightly resemble the districts characterized by the third factor, the sexual difference is not recognized. On the other hand, the districts with large household have negative scores of this factor and are extend in the western parts of Tokyo covering western Kojimachi-ku, central Nihonbashi-ku, Azabu-ku and Hongo-ku as well as Honjo-ku and Fukagawa-ku.

2. Classification of districts and the distribution of residential groups

1) Classification of districts

The author attempts to extract the residential types of Tokyo in the 1910s by applying cluster analysis (centroid method) to the scores of the above-mentioned six common factors. This analysis includes so many unit districts that the entire clustering processes cannot be shown. The main clustering processes are shown as a linkage tree (Figure 8).21) According to Figure 8 showing the grouping processes of each district, there are considerable differences in the size of each group after 700steps except for remaining ungrouped districts at the last combination steps. Some groups are composed of many districts, while others consist of a small number of districts. These groups which are composed of 20 or more districts are distinguished from those composed of 19 districts or less22). There are ten groups which are composed of 20 or more districts. Among these ten groups five consist of more than 50districts. Since these groups are the most important in all districts, the author regards the residential characteristics of these groups as the basic types and those five groups

Figure 8. The dendrogram in the functional

types of enumeration districts

within Tokyo in 1920.

Note: 1. Last one hundred and fifty-six stages are only

indicated.

2. G1-G10 show the fundamental and secondary

fundamental groups. The numbers within

parentheses show the number of the districts

belonging to the groups.

as the fundamental residential groups. The next important groups, which are composed of

20 to 49districts, are considered as the secondary residential types, and are termed the secondary fundamental residential groups.

These two grouping divisions are based on the

consideration of the linkage tree. The ten

groups are very stable after their grouping formations. On the other hand, some groups

composing of 19 and under districts do not

connect with those groups in the relative high stages and the districts are very dispersed

spatially. In order to investigate the fundamental and secondary fundamental groups, the

author calculates the mean values of factor scores for each group.

The reason why the author may divide large

groups into the fundamental and secondary fundamental groups is as follows. The author regards the large groups which provide the

38 K. UENO

Table 5. Means of the six factor scores of the fundamental and secondary fundamental groups.

Figure 9. The fundamental type groups of Tokyo in 1920.


residential structure of the whole study area as the fundamental groups. He also regards the residential characteristics of those large

groups as the fundamental residential types, because those districts which belong to the fundamental types provide the basic residential structure of the whole study area. From this point of view, some groups which are composed of relatively small districts are less important to the whole residential structure. Thus, the residential characteristics of those relatively small groups are regarded as the secondary fundamental groups.2) Fundamental and secondary fundamental residen

tial types and their spatial patternsThe five fundamental groups which are

composed of more than 50 districts, contain the total number of 589districts, occupying about 72 percent of the whole districts(Table 5).

The largest group consists of 306districts

(37.5 percent of the total districts). This group takes high positive scores of the first and slightly high negative scores of the second factor (Table 5). As a result, this group is characterized by the medium-size household of manufacturing workers consisting of married couple and their children in the positive extreme, and by the young manufacturing workers in the negative extreme. Therefore, the most extensive residential groups of Tokyo in this period are named G1. Most districts belonging to G1 are widely distributed in eastern Kyobashi-ku, Shiba-ku, eastern Azabuku, western Yotsuya-ku, northern Ushigomeku, from northern Koishikawa-ku to northern Hongo-ku, from eastern Shitaya-ku to Asakusaku, in western Honjo-ku and Fukagawa-ku

(Figure 9). It is clear that these districts spread out on both sides of the Sumida River and in the northwestern and southern parts of Tokyo forming a zonal and clustered pattern. The spatial distribution of these districts are closely related with the distribution of the factories at that time (Figure 10). Thus, it is thought that most manufacturing workers in Tokyo-shi liver near their working factories.

The second largest group extracted by the cluster analysis is G2. This group is composed of 90districts which occupy about 11.0 percent of the total districts. Calculating the mean factor scores for the six factors, this group

Figure 10. The distribution of factories in Tokyo-shi (1918).

Note: The area of Tokyo-shi in 1918 is some different from

the one in 1920.

This figure shwos factories with more than 50workers.Source: ODAUCHI (1918).

shows the high positive scores of the seeond factor as well as the positive scores of the third and the fourth factors. On the other hand, negative mean scores appear in the fifth and the sixth factors23). Namely, G2 districts are characterized by the quasi-household of public officials and liberal workers and by the large families of old divorced or widowed females. Most districts of this group are found in the western parts of Tokyo, which roughly correspond to the Yamanote upland dissected by the small river valleys (Figure 9). The spatial

pattern of this group is sectorial.G3 is composed of 75districts, which account

for 9.2 percent of the total districts. This

group shows the positive mean factor scores of the sixth factor and the negative mean factor scores of the second factor and the fifth factor

(Table 5)24). Thus, this group is characterized by the positive axis of the sixth factor and by the negative axis of the second factor, and accordingly by the one-person household of young manufacturing worker. Many districts of this

group surround the central commercial districts

40 K. UENO

(G5) and night busy quarters (G9) mentioned below (Figure 9).

G4 consists of 68districts, which account for 8.3 percent of the total districts. This group has the high positive mean values of the second and the third factor scores (Table 5). Therefore, this group is understood to be characterized by the medium-size household of manufacturing workers and young manufacturing worker's large household25). In these districts there were many young manufacturing workers and most of them formed medium-size household and lived in factory dormitories. This group is formed in Tsuki-shima of Kyobashi-ku, northern end of Asakusa-ku, eastern parts of Honjo-ku. These districts correspond to the major factory districts in Tokyo (ODAucHI, 1918, p. 184, 1923, pp. 68-81; HARA, 1919; History of Fukagawa-ku Editing Committee, 1926, pp. 669-692; Sumida-ku, 1959, pp. 719

-750; ISHIZUKA, 1977a, pp. 251-256).G5 is composed of 50districts, which account

for 6.1 percent of the total districts. This

group has relatively high mean negative values of the first, the second, the third and the fifth factor scores, and slightly high mean negative scores of the sixth factor (Table 5)26). Thus, G5 is clearly characterized by the large household of commercial and manufacturing workers. These districts are concentrated upon the central parts of Tokyo, including Kanda-ku, Nihonbashi-ku and Kyobashi-ku, and correspond to the central commercial districts where many large-scale wholesalers and retail stores are located.

Therefore, it is concluded that the residential structure of Tokyo in the 1910s is made up basically of these five fundamental residential groups.

We now proceed to the five secondary fundamental groups which are composed of 20 to 49districts. These groups are regarded secondarily important in order to explicate the residential structure of Tokyo in this period.

G6, being composed of 40districts, displays the high mean values of the third and the fifth factor scores and the mean negative values of the first and the fourth factor scores. This

group has the positive characteristics of the third, the fourth and the fifth factors, and the negative characteristics of the first factor.

Therefore, G6 is characterized by the old divorced or widowed females' large household in commercial occupation. Many districts which belong to this group extend along the watercourse in Nihonbashi-ku and Kyobashiku and the riverside districts of the Sumida River. These districts spread adjacently to the amusement quarters and red-light districts.

G7 is composed of 34districts and displays

the mean negative values of all six factor scores. Thus, this group which possesses strong char

acteristics of the negative axis of the first and

the third factors, represents the large household of commercial workers and the male quasi

household population. These are found in the

periphery of the central commercial districts in Tokyo, and in the neighborhood of factory

districts and student quarters.G8, consisting of 31districts, shows the mean

positive scores of the second factor, and mean negative values of the third factor. This means that the group has the positive factor

loadings of the second factor and the negative

factor loadings of the third factor. Therefore, the male quasi-household of public officials,

liberal professionals and persons without regular occupation all characterize this group.

These districts spread out in the western parts of Tokyo where there are many factories,

stores and student dormitories.

G9 is composed of 26districts. Since there appear the mean positive values of the third

and the fifth factor scores and the mean negative values of the first factor scores, this

group is demonstrated by the positive axis of the third and the fifth factors and by the negative axis of the first factor. This group

turns out to be characterized by large household of old divorced or widowed females engaged

in service occupations. The spatial distribution of these districts coincides with the red

light districts.

G10 which is composed of 25districts has

positive scores of the second and the fifth factors, and negative scores of the first and

the third factors. As this group is characterized by the positive loadings of the second and

the fifth factors and the negative loadings of the first and the third factors, it is interpreted

to show the quasi-household of male public officials and liberal professionals and the large


household of old divorced or widowed females

with occupation. G10 districts show student

quarters, factory districts and army stations and their neighborhood.

The above five secondarily fundamental

residential groups, which account for 19

percent of the total districts, form the secondarily important residential regions. Moreover, the spatial pattern of these secondary funda

mental groups tends not to be either sectors or circulars as compared with the fundamental

groups, but rather showing clusters.

III. The model of the fundamental

residential structure

1. The relationship between the main input variables and the residential types

In this section, the author tries to build a model of the fundamental residential structure of Tokyo in the 1910s by examining the residential groups demonstrated in the preceding section. Five fundamental groups are mainly considered while the secondary fundamental

groups are also considered. For this model building it is necessary to clarify the meanings of the main input variables which are organized into the five fundamental residential types based on the six factors. This is because the characteristics of the fundamental types are

principally composed of common factors. If there are any input variables which play an important role to provide the five fundamental residential types through each common factor, those variables are commonly interpreted as

providing fundamental residential types. It is clear that the five groups are principally characterized by the variables of occupation and life-cycles of household. This agrees with the results of the previous studies on residential structure.

Now, the previous factorial ecological studies in Japan pointed out that socio-economic status factor and family status factor are the most important. Among the variables which are summarized

as the socio-economic status factor, those concerning occupation, education and income are the most important. In addition, the input variables related to education and income cannot be obtained in this analysis, occupa

tional variables have most often been employed in many ecological studies of Japanese cities. As a wide range of variables cannot be adopted. It seemed that the occupational factor is derived instead of socio-economic status factor. Thus, the author attempts to observe how input variables related to occupation appear in the six common factors. In this analysis, occupational characteristics are related to the first, the second, the fourth and the fifth factors.

Investigating the spatial pattern of these scores, the commercial workers who reside in central parts of Tokyo show a circular pattern as presented in the figures in the preceding section. Outside this area, a lot of manufacturing workers extensively reside in the eastern

parts of Tokyo. The western parts of the city have many districts which are characterized by the public officials, liberal workers and

persons without regular occupation, and these districts form a sectorial pattern (Figure 11-a). Thus, the spatial pattern of occupational characteristics of Tokyo in this period is constructed by double zones and a sector. In addition to this spatial distribution of the occupational characteristics, some districts characterized by the female in labor force display a circular pattern as a whole.

The variables related to the life-cycles of

household are mainly composed of its size, age

composition and marital status of household members. These characteristics are summa

rized in five factors except for the fourth factor. The districts characterized by the

positive axis of the first factor are distributed in the eastern parts as well as the western

small-valley districts of Tokyo. The districts which are characterized by large household

spread out in the central parts of Tokyo

constituting a circular pattern. The districts characterized by the quasi-household of public

officials, liberal workers and persons without regular occupation depict sectorial pattern in

the western parts of Tokyo. On the other hand, those districts characterized by the

negative axis of the second factor are dominated in the eastern parts of Tokyo. The districts

characterized by the old widowed population appear in the western residential quarters

forming sectorial pattern and in the central amusement quarters. The districts holding

42 K. UENO

Figure 11. The spatial model of the residential

structure of Tokyo in 1920.

1. Commercial worker 2. Industrial worker 3. Public

officials and liberal workers and persons without regular

occupation 4. Large household 5. One-person household 6. Quasi-household, old divorced or widowed female 7.

Medium-size household in the prime of life consisting of

married couple and their children 8. Quasi-household of male population and large household 9. Large household

of commercial worker 10. Single laborer's household 11.

Quasihousehold of public officials, liberal workers, persons without requalar occupation and old divorced or widowed females 12. Medium-size household of manufacturing

workers in the prime of life consisting of married couple and

their children 13. Young manufacturing workers, quasihousehold of male population and large household.

the quasi-household of male population are distributed in the central districts and the eastern periphery of Tokyo in cluster pattern. And the districts of unmarried female have a slightly scattered pattern, while the districts which are characterized by the one-person household display a circular pattern adjacent to the central parts of Tokyo, those by the large household show a circular pattern in the central parts of Tokyo.

The spatial pattern of the input variables

pertinent to the life-cycles of household is schematized in Figure 11-b. This suggests that large household is dominant in the central

parts of Tokyo, where quasi-household of male population is included, representing a circular spatial pattern. In the eastern parts of Tokyo,

medium-size household in the prime of life

consisting of married couples and their children and young population predominate. Espe

cially, in the eastern end of these districts the

quasi-household of male population are dominant, forming a semi-circular pattern. In the

western parts of Tokyo, on the other hand, many old divorced or widowed females and

quasi-households are found and small and large households are mixed. These districts show a sectorial pattern.

2. Spatial model of the residential structure

By investigating the spatial pattern of the characteristics of occupation and life-cycles of household (Figure 11-a, b), a model of the fundamental residential structure of Tokyo in this period is established. The central part of Tokyo characterized by the large household of commercial worker shows a circular spatial

pattern. These central parts are surrounded by the area characterized by the unmarried

persons who work in large stores and business Officies.

It becomes clear that the fundamental residential structure of Tokyo in this period is composed of five residential groups derived from the spatial characteristics of input variables pertinent to occupation and lifecycles of household. The result is schematized in Figure 11-c. This schema indicates that the large household of commercial worker dominates the central parts of Tokyo. The zone of unmarried persons who work in large stores, neighboring shopping stores and business offices is distributed in the surrounding area of the central parts. This zone is within a radius of one or two kilometers from the central crossroads of Hon-cho and Muro-machi in Nihonbashi-ku. This zone is surrounded, in eastern Tokyo, by the area characterized by medium-size household of manufacturing workers in the prime of life consisting of married couple and their children. This region occupies the largest area in Tokyo at that time. In the eastern marginal area of the city, many kinds of manufacturing workers live in the mixed condition. These manufacturing workers reside in this area in the form of quasi-household and large household. Large factories after the 1900s were mainly located at Tsuki-shima in


Kyobashi-ku, many districts in Honjo-ku and Fukagawa-ku where young manufacturing workers are dominant (ISHIZUKA, 1977a). Thus, it is clear that young manufacturing workers forming various household types reside in the large factory quarters. Therefore, the author infers that the medium-size household of manufacturing workers in the prime of life consisting of married couple and their children would correspond to the household of smallsize manufacturing workers, that is, craftsman's household27). This area and the area dominated by young manufacturing workers are distinctly divided into each other. On the other hand, the area which is characterized by

public officials, liberal workers and persons without regular occupation, and old divorced or widowed females represents a sectorial

pattern in the western parts of Tokyo. In this area dominated by salaried men and students, the Imperial Family, status bureaucrats, servicemen and company officers are also prevailing (ISHIZUKA, 1977a, pp. 115-119). Furthermore, the residential quarters are composed of relatively large cluster of areas and their spatial patterns are relatively simple.

Consequently, the factorial ecological structure of Tokyo in the 1910s is mainly composed of seperate two factors, i.e., the family status and the socio-economic status, keeping a definite relationship with each other, and the residential areas simply consist of the five

parts. It is concluded that the residential structure of Tokyo in this period is at the stage of the residential structure of the industrializing city.

Then, the author investigates the formation

period of those basic residential areas. The area which is dominated by large household of commercial workers in the central parts of Tokyo and by the medium-size household of manufacturing workers in the prime of life consisting of married couple and their children occupying the largest area in Tokyo is inherited from the urban structure of the castle town Edo

(NAITO, 1966, pp. 102-142; MASAI, 1975, 1979). Most of the amusement quarters were already formed at the Edo era. On the other hand, the student quarters and the area which is dominated by the public officials, liberal

professionals and persons without regular

occupation in the western parts, and the area which is dominated by various manufacturing workers in the eastern part of Tokyo were formed after the Meiji Restoration. Therefore, the basic residential areas of the central parts were formed by the transformation of the urban structure of Edo, while the other basic residential areas in the surroundings were newly established after the Meiji Restoration.

IV. Summary

The residential structure of Tokyo in the 1910s has been investigated by means of factorial ecological and cluster analysis methods. The summary of this paper is as follows.

(1) Six common factors are extracted from the factor analysis. The first factor is inter

preted as the family status, the second factor as the public officials and liberal workers, the third factor as the old widows, the fourth factor as the large household of persons with occupation having children, the fifth factor as the divorced or widowed female workers, and the sixth as the unmarried person's household.

(2) Five fundamental residential groups are extracted by applying the cluster analysis to the common factors.

G1: medium-size household of manufactur

ing workers in the prime of life consisting of married couple and their children.

G2: quasi-household of public officials and liberal workers, and large household of

old divorced or widowed females.G3: one-person household of young manu

facturing workers.

G4: medium-size household of manufacturing workers in the prime of life consist

ing of married couple and their children and quasi-household of young male

manufacturing workers.G5: large household of commercial and

manufacturing workers.And five secondary fundamental groups are

next extracted.

(3) The model of the fundamental residential structure of Tokyo in the 1910s is constructed. As a result, Tokyo is schematized in two concentric zones, one sector and two zones. The two concentric zones characterized by the large household of commercial workers

44 K. UENO

in the central part of the city and by the unmarried person's household. The largest area dominated by the medium-size household of manufacturing workers spreads out in the eastern part of the city. These areas are inherited their characteristics from Edo. On the other hand, the western area characterized by the public officials and liberal workers and the easternmost zone dominated by the young male manufacturing workers were newly formed after the Meiji Restoration. It is concluded that the residential structure of Tokyo in the 1910s is at the stage of the residential structure of the industrializing city.

Acknowledgments

The author expresses endless gratitude to many

persons of the Institute of Geoscience, the University of Tsukuba, who gladly supported him to write this

paper. Special appreciations are presented to Prof. Dr. Takashi OKUNO. The author also would like to thank Prof. Dr. Shozo YAMAMOTO, and Drs. Nobuo TAKAHASHI, Isao SAITOH and Noritaka YAGASAKI and MS. Yuji MURAYAMA. Furthermore, he wishes to express his gratitude to Prof. Drs. Fumio TAKANO and Yasuo MASAI at Rissho University and Takemitsu WAKITA at Daito Bunka University and Dr. Hiroyuki KOHSAKA at Nihon University.

This paper is a part of the doctoral dissertation of the degree of science (University of Tsukuba).

(Received October 15, 1984)(Accepted January 14, 1985)

Notes

1) ISOMURA (1953) insists that the fundamental

growth of Tokyo indicates the same tendency with Chicago in the point that both cities forms,

and that the structure of concentric zones is distorted by the geographical differences of the Yamanote and the Shitamachi. He mentions that these are essentially arisen from the contrast between the modern salaried class in the Yama

note and the pre-modern working class in the Shitamachi. ISOMURA (1959) defines the Shitamachi not only as the geographic space but also as the area which preserves relatively old, traditional and pre-modern characteristics. These

characteristic are very different from the premodern Western cities (SJOBERG, 1960).

2) BERRY and REES (1969) mentions that the factorial ecological study must be progressed in terms of not only the internal comparison within the cities

in the United States but also the international

comparison of the factorial ecological structures.

3) TIMMS (1971) supposes the following six types of ecological structure; Modern city, Feudal city, Colonial city, Immigration city, Pre-industrial city and Industrializing city.

4) The total number of occupational workers of Tokyo-shi is 1,013,662 in 1920. The percentage of the main classes of occupations in the city are as follows: agriculture, fishery and marine products workers (1.0 %), mining workers (0.3%), manufacturing workers (37.3%), commercial workers (30.6%), communication and transportation workers (2.1%), public officials and liberal

workers (11.7%), workers with other occupation

(2.1%) and persons without regular occupation (10.4%). However, these classifications of manufacturing and commercial workers contain small craftsmen and merchants. The total number of salaried men is estimated at 200,000 in Tokyo fu in 1920.

5) As the criterion for connecting each group, the centroid distance between each group is used in the cluster analysis.

6) In recent factorial ecological studies in Japanese cities census tract division is often used. Some studies use mesh division.

7) Cho districts were often very small in size in the central Tokyo consisting of Kanda-ku, Nihon

bashi-ku and Kyobashi-ku, so that the number of their occupants sometimes reached at only several hundreds. On the contrary, the cho districts were very large in the periphery of the city including Koishikawa-ku, Shitaya-ku and Asakusa-ku. For example, Iriya-machi in Shitaya-ku was the largest and its population

was counted to 26,025. Arranging their population size into a definite level, the analytical results lead to recognize the characteristics of districts inaccurately. Therefore, it is reasonable to analyze cho districts on the bases of their scales of population from 1,000 to 3,000. By giving this procedure we can reduce the differences of the scale of cho.

8) The following five types of cho in the study area are omitted from the analysis, because in those districts there were few residents or persons with some very restricted occupations. The first type was the residences of the members of the Imperial Household, including the Imperial Palace in Kojimachi-ku, Hama-rikyu (detached palace) in Kyobashi-ku, Morioka-cho in Azabu-ku and Motoakasaka-cho in Akasaka-ku. The second type was main army stations. These were distributed in Daikan-cho in Kojimachi-ku,


Aoyama-minami 1-chome in Akasaka-ku, Kasumi

gaoka-cho in Yotsuya-ku and Ichigaya-honmuracho in Ushigome-ku. The third type was parks. These were distributed in the Hibiya-koen in Kojimachi-ku, Shinjuku-gyoen in Yotsuya-ku and Ueno-koen in Shitaya-ku. The fourth type was the business and government offices. These were distributed in Ote-machi, Motoe-cho, Takehira-cho, Dosan-cho, Soto-sakurada-cho, Nishihibiya-cho, Kasumigaseki 1st and 2nd and Higashi-kasumigaseki-cho in Kojimachi-ku. The fifth type was the others. These were distributed

in Koishikawa-cho in Koishikawa-ku where the Tokyo Infantry Factory was located, Motofujicho in Hongo-ku where the Tokyo Imperial University was located and many reclaimed lands along the Tokyo Bay.

9) Tokyo-shi (1922): Tokyo-shi Shisei Tohei Gen

pyo: Setaisu oyobi jinko (number of household and population), Vol. 1, 627 p.; idem: nenrei oyobi haigu hankei (age and marital status), Vol. 2, 189 p.; idem: jinho shohugyo betsu (occupational classification population), Vol. 3, 121 p.

10) In this research the common factors extracted by the factor analysis are simply called factors.

11) Tsuki-shima in Kyobashi-ku was constructed by the reclamation from 1891 to 1913. In this district, many heavy manufacturing factories were established in the times of World War I.

12) Hongo-ku and Koishikawa-ku occupied the fourth and the ninth positions of the 15 ku-area (Tokyo

shi) in 1920 respectively in terms of the number of factories and occupied eighth and the fifth

positions in terms of the number of operatives. Especially, there lived many operatives in Koishikawa-ku (Tokyo-shi, 1923a, pp. 642-643). There were many miscellaneous factories in the both ku areas and most of them were the printing and bookbinding industries (Bunkyo

ku, 1969, pp. 333-340). The characteristic of the supporting place of workers commuting to the central parts of Tokyo grew stronger in Koishi

kawa-ku.

13) The occupational classifications of public officials and liberal workers in the 1920 Population Census of Japan contain light accomplishment and amusement workers, active servicemen, public officials, public service employees, religious, educational, legal and medical workers, journalists, writers and artists.

14) The occupational classification of the persons without regular occupation in the 1920 Population Census of Japan is composed of persons relied on farm rent, land rent, house rent, pension and annuity earnings, students, inmates in hospitals,

persons in welfare institutions and prisoners.

15) The item of the quasi-household in the 1920 Population Census of Japan is divided into traveler's inns, cheap lodging houses, rooming houses, school and factory dormitories and the other dormitories and training camps, hospitals, military units and warships, prisons and police

cells, many kinds of first-aids stations and the others. Therefore, the quasi-households distributed in various kinds.

16) The number of the operatives amounted to 85,953 and the number of the operatives aged 15 and less was 4,261 in Tokyo. Thus there were many

young manufacturing workers in Tokyo in this period.

17) The characteristics of the factor are correspond to the growth of the number of salaried men at that time. A lot of servicemen, public officials and teachers had lived in official residences and there lived many students.

18) The districts were distributed in Asakusa-cho in Asakusa-ku, Hana-machi and Koume-narihiracho in Honjo-ku and Tomikawa-cho in Fukagawa

- ku. Many day workers, poor craftsmen and unemployed men stayed in cheap lodging houses. The number of cheap lodging houses were 73 in Asakusa-cho in Asakusa-ku, 88 in Hana-machi, 62 in Koumenarihira-cho and 108 in Tomikawacho in Honjo-ku (Bureau of Social Welfare, 1923). These correspond to the districts.

19) These are distributed in Yanagibashi, Yoshi-cho and Motodaiku-cho in Nihonbashi-ku, Shinbashi and Shintomi-cho in Kyobashi-ku and Hatagocho in Asakusa-ku. It is thought that these districts correspond to the amusement quarters where the female workers lived in geisha houses and Japanese restaurants (Nihonbashi-ku, 1937,

pp. 1039-1042).20) The districts were distributed in Asakusa-koenchi

and Asakusa-cho in Asakusa-ku and Kikukawacho, Hana-machi and Nagasaki-cho in Hongo-ku. These districts correspond to cheap lodging houses

previously mentioned in Note 18 where lowerclass blue-collar workers resided.

21) Some groups consisting of 19 and under districts remaining up to the high clustering stages are omitted in Figure 8. This figure shows ten

groups consisting of more than 20districts and these groups totally occupy 91.2 percent of the total districts.

22) The clustering computation was stopped at a certain stage in many previous studies. This method is not employed in the present analysis. Because the fundamental type groups are almost extracted by this procedure, while some small

46 K. UENO

groups can not be fully united to the high stages. In this study the characteristics and spatial

patterns of the fundamental type groups are investigated in parallel.

23) But the positive scores of the fourth factor and the negative scores of the fifth factor can not be interpreted because these two factors show uni

polar structures.24) But the negative scores of the fifth factor can not

be interpreted because this factor show a uni

polar structures.25) It is thought that the household types of manu

facturing workers are divided into various kinds of types including young population, male quasihousehold population residing in dormitories and large households in factory establishment.

26) see Note 24.27) Considering the working status of the manufactur

ing workers, the percentage of managers is counted at 23.8 percent of the total manufacturing workers. And the sections showing the relative high values in the percentage of manufacturing managers are paper industry (32.2%), manufacture of articles of leathers, feathers, homes and bones, etc. (34.7%), manufacture of clothes and ornaments (42.7%), manufacture of articles for study, art, amusements and decorations (33.0%) and other industries (50.9%)

(Tokyo-shi, 1923b, Vol. 4). Moreover, the relative high values of the percentage of manu facturing managers were distributed in Kanda-ku

(26.7%), Nihonbashi-ku (26.4%), Akasaka-ku (26.9%), Hongo-ku (27.0%), Shitaya-ku (32.2%) and Asakusa-ku (31.3%). It is thought that most of the manufacturing managers are inde

pendent handicrafts residing in eastern Tokyo.

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大正中期の東京における居住地域構造

上野健一*

関東大震災が起こる以前の大正中期の東京は,江戸時

代からの城下町的伝統を一部に保ちながら,近代都市と

して脱皮しつつある途上で,近代都市としての都市構造

が基本的に形成された時期である。

本稿は,大正中期の東京における居住地域構造を因子

生態的方法によって解明した。まず,東京市内を816地

区に区分し,各地区に関する19変数を入力変数として,

データ行列を作成し,これに因子分析をくわえた。その

結果, 6つの共通因子が抽出され,それらの中で第1因

子は家族的地位,第2因子は公務・自由業従事者,第3

因子は高齢独身女性とそれぞれ解釈された。さらに,こ

れら6因子の因子得点を入力変数として,クラスター分

析を行ない,居住地域に関する5つの基本類型と5つの

副類型とに区分した。そして,これらの居住地域に関す

る基本類型および副類型を利用して,大正中期の東京に

おける居住地域構造の基本的な構造をモデル化した。そ

の結果,この時期の東京における居住地域構造は,従来

いわれていた「山手」・「下町」という単純な空間的モデ

* 〒174東京都板橋区高島平1-9-1大東文化大学経済学部

48 K. UENO

ルでは充分説明できないことがわかった。すなわち,東

京の中心部は商業従事者の卓越地域であり,また,東部

は子もち夫婦の工業従事者中世帯の卓越地域がみられ,

この地域が当時の東京で最も広い面積を占めていた。こ

れに対して,東京西部は公務・自由業従事者の卓越する

地域であり,東京東部の縁辺部は工業労働者の卓越する

地域であった。そして,大正中期の東京における居住地

域構造は,江戸の都市構造に明治以後に形成された地域

構造が改変・追加されることにより形成されていたとみ

ることができ,したがって,当時の東京は都市的発展段

階として,工業化途上の都市と位置づけることができ

る。

The Residential Structure of Tokyo Ken†Lichi UENO*

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