THE REFUGEE COMMUNITIES BEFORE THE EXODUS

TIBETANS

In order to understand the process of adaptation

of Tibetan refugees in Indian setttng, it is necessary

to comprehend the sources in the traditional social struct-

ure which makes for adaptation. This would imply that

we study the Tibetan Social Structure and Culture as

a Unified System and not as a collection of diverse cultur-

al traits and classes.It also requires us to map the

social structure and culture over the geographical terrain

of Tibet, because at low levels of technology ecological

factors significantly limit the social structure and

culture.

Tibet is a vast plateau of around 4,70,000

sq.miles with an average altitude of 16,000 ft. above

the sea level. It .lies between the latitude of 27° and

37° north. It is a land locked plateau being at least

a 1, 000 miles away from the sea in any dire-=:tion. The

plateau is bounded on the north by the Kunlin range and -

in the South by the Himalayas. In the west, it is bordered

by the Ladakh ranges and the East Consists of a rugged-

terrain with deep gorges.

Palakshappa divides the Tibetan plateau into

four following regions:-

l. The northern plateau with an average altitude

of 16000 ft. is cold and dry with hardly 20

ems. of rain fall. Moss, lichens and the sparse

2 •

3 .

4 .

94

grass are the only vegetation found in this

area and is thinly populated with nomads.

The western highland region which is a source

of rivers Indus and sutlej is more hospitable.

While cultivation is possible in the river

valleys of the region, there exists nomads

and semi-nomads with large flocks of sheep

and herds of yaks and mules.

The south central region which is the land

of valleys is a fairly well populated area.

The river brahamputra and a number of Tributaries

flows in this region and the average altitude

is not more than 15000 ft. and the valleys

are on 11500 ft. high. There are forests with

timber and orchards.· In some villages even

rice is cultivated. The vegetables and fruits

are grown in this area. This is the region

in which the capital of tibet Lhasa is located.

There are. several other cities too in this

are.

The eastern plateau known as kham is rugged

and compara~ively dry. It is the home of Khampas

and through this region passes the trade route

to China. Agriculture and fruit gardening is

possible in the valleys and pastures on the

support the livestockl 1

The oranges, bananas, pears, and watermelons

are crops in traduced in to Tibet during the last twenty

years and now on the increase. As regards the climate,

the winters are fiercely cold, with average temperature

in the coldest months of 14 o to 5° and with absolute

minimums of around 40°. More benign conditions are to

be found in the southern and eastern valleys which has

an average temperature of 68° in July and 27° in January,

and in some areas in the eastern valleys, the climate

is almost tropical~

As regards the composition of population, ninety

six percent of the inhabitants are ethnic Tibetans; the

rest are members of more than ten minority groups. Many

of the towns grew up around Budhist Monasteries.

The agricultural system practiced in Zones

of intensive agriculture, often terraced, in the valleys,

or on the slopes which are better exposed is primitive.

Tibet 1 s flourishing breeding stocks of cattle (including

the precious tibetan Yak), sheep and goats form the most

consistent resource of the traditional agropastoral economy.

1. T. c. Palakshappa: Tibetans in India, 1 A case study of Mundgod Tibetans. Sterling Publishers (Pvt) Ltd. New Delhi 1978 pp.23-24 .

. 2. Jugoslovenska Revi ja, 1 Tibet 1

Fredrick Muller Limited, London,l981 pp.S0-52.

8G

Aside from providing the main elements of nutrition

(barley and butter) these stocks provide the work force

for ploughing and transport and primary materials. Such

as wool and leather, which are used both for clothing

and for highly appreciated handicrafts, especially carpets

Owing to the high altitude of Tibetan plateau

which is more or less inaccessible to the outside world,

the Tibetan nation has developed, in its long history

a series of customs and rituals quite distinct from those

of other people.

The funeral rites of the Tibetans are usually

varied and interesting. They have celestial burial, water

burial, cremation, burial in the ground and inurnment

in a stupa, according to the financial and social status

of the deceased and the family. Cremation is used for

the learned scholar-monks called geshe, and other highly

placed persons. Their bodies are burned and the bones

and ashes are either scattered to the winds or cast into

a river.

Marriages in Tibet used to be almost always arrang­

ed. Sons and daughters and especially daughters had little

right to choose their partners and of ten dicl not even

know what they looked like until the marriage. There

was no intermarriage between the rich and the poor, for

social position and wealth were the primary factors,

•

9'7

with good looks and moral character lagging far behind.

Society was divided into eight classes, and people could

marry only within their own. And intermarriage only within

ones own social class naturally tended to perpetuate

the rigid class system~

Common serfs could not marry without the approval

of their landlords. Generally speaking, it was easier

to marry another serf belonging to the same landlord,

as marriages between serfs of different landlords meant

that one or the other of the landlors lost a serf.

Marriage was also prohibited between relatives.

This rule was absolute with regard to the paternal side

of the family, while 0:1 the mothers side marriage was

permitted only after four generations.

Tibetan social rituals are many and varied and

closely connected with religion. Khatas are presented

in an extraordinary varie::.y of situations, in addition

to weddings, births and funerals, for instance, when

one calls on ones' elders, pays homage to ~igures of

the Buddha, or takes leave of an honoured person to make

a journey. The Khata usually is a piece of raw silk,

fabric, woven almost to the fineness of a spiders web,

thoug_h it is sometimes made of high-quality satin. Its

3. Ibid. pp. 90-93.

~JB

length varies from 3 feet to as much as 20 feet. The

Khata is a symbol of purity and sincerity. From time

immemorial Tibetans have considered that white symbolizes

both purity and good luck, so most khattas are white.

But there are also gaily colored khattas in blue, yellow,

green and red, and these are presented to those who have

made vows to attain Buddhahood and are wound around the

arrows for the bride to give them color. Colored khattas

are the grandest gifts of all. According to Buddhist

belief the colored' khata is the dress of Bodhisattva

and can therefore be used only on special occasions~

Thus being located in an inaccessible region,

Tibetan society has had minimal contact with its neighbour­

ing countries. The Tibetan society has been virtually

left untouched by the impact of western civilization.

Therefore it should not surprise us to find in Tibet

its own form of religion, social and political structure

which in many respects remains unique in the world.

Although Tibet is a land of many religions includi­

ng Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Bon- a folk religion

peculiar to Tibet, but the dominant religion of Tibet

is Mahayana Buddhism. Buddhism was purported to have

been introduced in Tibet by a Nepalese princes who converted

4. Ibid. pp. 94-95.

9B

the King and Queen· of Tibet. The queen of Tibet came

to be regarded as the reincarnation of the Hindu Godess

Tara, and is the only female godess worshipped by the

Tibetan Buddhists. Many of the animistic rights prevalent

in the B:::>n religion were assimilated by the Tibetans

in their Buddhist practices. The worship of godess

Tara being one such instance, the religious ceremonies

at death, initiation and marriage being the others.

Syncretism of this nature illustrates the emphasis

on divination in Tibetan Buddhism. It is used to tap

the knowledge which a Tibetan feels must always exist

somewhere, but which is not attainable by any means

other than divination. This process is used to communica­

te with spirits, forecast the future, and to cure the

diseases. Powers of divination gives its possessor

considerable prestige in the community.

The Tibetan Buddhism is a rich philosophy having

its own dialectics .:ind metaphysics. It also consists

of an advanced depth psychology linked to the techniques

of meditation and the control of psycho-physiological

functions (Yoga); an enormous pantheon, countless rituals,

popular practic~s, cosmological speculations and systems

of divination~·

5. R.A. Stein, 'Tibetan Civilization',

Faber and Faber Ltd.London,l972 pp.l64-165.

JOO

Mahayana Buddhism which constitutes the Tibetan

brand of Buddhism plays a predominant role in their

lives to perceive the manner in which it influences

the attitudes and way of life. It is necessary to provide

a broad outline of the principles implicit in Mahayana

Buddhism.

The Buddha taught that the ultimate need was

Liberation and that this had no other object than the

. . f N. 6 exper1enc1ng o 1rvana. But the Buddha when pressed

for answers regarding the nature of Nirvana, the origin

of the world, the reality of the self and the like

withdrew into a noble silence. Intellectual curiosity

unable to remain content with that silence sought to

indulge in varied intellectual speculations. Many claim

that it was this that led to Mahayana Buddhism. This,

as watts points out, is false, for the vast body of

Mahayana doctrine arose not so much to satisfy intellect-

ual curiosity as to deal with the practical psychological

problem encountered in following Buddh9s' way. The

central of Mahayana Buddhism has always been to bring

6. Nirvana is 'de-spiritualisation'. It is the act of one who has comprehended the futility of trying to hold his breath or life (Prana) indefinitely, since to hold the breath is also to loose it. Thus Nirvana is the equivalent of release, Moksha or Salvation: Nirvana is seen as the cessation ( NIR) of tuinings (VRITTI), hence the cessation of turnings of the mind.

.101

about the experience of Nirvana, hence the provision

of 'skilful means' (Upaya) for making Nirvana accessible

to every type of mentality?

Implicit in Mahayana Buddhism (Maha meaning

• great • yana being • vehicle • hence the great vehicle

of liberation) is the concept of individualized and

collectivised mind. The unenlightened man, for from

the stage of full awakening believes himself to be

in possession of a mind uniquely his own, that is an

individualised mind. This is an illusion. What is unique

is the one cosmic mind. It is quiet absurd to think

of Nirvana as a state to be attained by some being.

There are in fact m:1ny Buddhas. The idea of BoddhisatVa

is implicit in the logic of Buddhism.

The Boddhisatva became a focus of devotion (Bhakti)

a sav io uz: of the world who had vowed not to enter the

final Nirvana until! all other sentient beings like­

wise attained it~ It is for their sake that he consented

to be born again and again into the round of Samsara

(which refers to the everlasting round of birth and

death) until!, in the course of innumerable ages, even

the grass and the dust has attained Buddhahood.

7. Watts, Alan 'The way of Zen', Penguin, 1975, p.77.

8. Ibid. pp. 77-80. ·

102

One of the fundamental tenets of Mahayana Buddhism

is the belief that Nirvana does not emerge through

an anhiliation of the senses, nor is Nirvana a separate

entity from birth and death. You do not seek Nirvana

for it is a folly to look for what one has never lost.

Jung9 calls it 'the self liberating power of the introve-

rted mind'. The sphinx gazes at no distant horizon

across the sandy wastes. Its inflinching gaze is directed

inwards and its posture bares the calms arising out

of self-knowledge. The Buddha in other words is within

each one of us and Buddh~hood is simply the manifestation

of perfection already in man.

The Buddhist is a Bhikkhu (a begger) and is charac-

teristically represented by a begging bowl which he

takes from door to door to acquire his food. Even food

which is the basic necessity is not to be bothered

about. The only thought is Nirvana.

It is this essence of the Mahayana spirit which

is ingrained among the Tibetans, it moulds their attitude

to life, in fact their entire weltanschung.

Tibetah Buddhism, however, is a special form

of Mahayana BuddhismeDviz., Lamaism. In it an important

· 9. C.J.Jung: Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation (ed.) by W.Y.Evans Wentz Oxford University Press, London 1954 pp. 53-65.

.l () ~3

role is played by the Lama who is just not any monk

but a persons 1 spiritu.~l master or teacher (guru). The

interesting and significant characteristics of Lamaism

is that its central religious activity is the concern

of only the monks and hermits and is inaccessible to

ordinary belieyer. The latter pin their deep faith

on the members of the monastic community and can only

hope to improve their Karma through the giving of the

gifts to Monasteries, Lamas or the poor, by making

pilgrimages, lighting lamps before the images of deities

and asking the blessings of the Lama. The ordinary

folk or lay Buddhists do not hear sermons or have any

private prayers. They belong to that class of per sons

whose intellectual faculties are not developed enough.

Tibet is usually described as theocratic state

because the Dalai Lama (or the head) is considered

to be the incarnation of Avalokiteswara Tibets' patron

Boddhisatva .• But stein stresses that it would be more

accurate to speak of tibet as an ecclesiastical state~ 0

The Buddhist monasteries in Tibet were highly

privileged. They were exempted from tax and services

and may be regarded as independent overlords, for they

own land and serfs yielding them tax and services and

10. R.A. Stein: Op.Cit. pp. 138-139.

JOti

discharge all functions of authoritl.1 The monasteries

supply the government with officals and in this way

are able to exercise political control. In addition

to this the monasteries indulge in money-lending and

acquire thereby an extra source of revenue (fees) through

the performance of rites. Rich monks even own property

and have''two· monks as servants. The clear polarisation

of social classes is maintained inside the monasteries.

The impoverished lower clergy cannot afford to pay

for the lengthy studies needed to reach high monastic

positions and remain in the state of Avidya or ignorance,

and must devote their lives to one of deep and sincere

faith on the richer monks and lamas.

The Tibetan religious order is hierarchical and

highly authoritarian. At the top of this system is

the Dalai Lama who rules in consultation with his tutors.

(That is those who as authorities on religion taught

the Dalai -Lama in his younger days). At the lower rung

is the abbot who heads a monastery and is responsible

not only for maintaining the land and property of monast­

ery but who in his capacity as religious head is also

expected to resolve the religious arguments that crop

up from time to time. Every abbot has five lamas assisting

him. The status of th•~ Lama depends on the number of

11. Ibid: pp. 172-173.

.105

oaths that he takes. The higher categories of lamas

take what is known as the complete oath which involvas

keeping two hundred and fifty vows.

Upward mobility in the religious hierarchy is

achieved with severe penances. Wnile one has to take

at least hundred vows to achieve the status of a lama

and pass r i gourous religious tests not many can keep

the vows and pass the tests and hence end up in the

lower order without reaching the status of lama.

The Dalai Lama in Tibet is not only a religious

au thor i ty but the political head as well. But though

in theory the Dalai Lama is the supreme and at the

top of the hierarchyJ in reality, the district and often

the village sub-divisions enjoy considerable autonomy

in the interpretation of laws and in their administration~ 2

The head of the district is a member of nobility who

is appointed by the Dalai Lama. The nobility is distingu­

ished from the common people in Tibet and the nobility

enjoys certain privileges. The recruitment to the class

of nobles in Tibet is made on the following principles:-

1. A commoner family in which Dalai Lama is supposed

to be reincarnated is raised ·to the status of

12. Ibid. pp. 180-182.

lOG

nobles. This family receives a large estate from

the Government. Thus many of the Lhasan nobles

were desendants of the brothers of previous Dalai

Lama.

2. Some families are raised to the status of nobility

by the Government in return for the past services

as warrior, guards etc.

3. The third group of nobles consists of families

who trace their ancestories back to early monarchies

which existed prior to the rule of Dalai Larna~ 3

4. Some of the new noble families are descendants

of rna r r iage between the nobi 1 i ty of Tibet with

that of Sikkirn and neighbouring countries~ 4

The nobility in Tibet formed an endogamous group.

They manage e~tates for the Dalai Lama who in theory

owns all land in Tibet. The n:>!:::>les pay an annual rent

to the D~lai Lama for the estate they hold. The nobleman

has full rights of taxation and of administering justice

within his estate. He can select servants for his househ-

old amongst his serfs.

lB. Sir Chalres Bell, 'The People of Tibet', Oxford University Press London, 1968, pp.65-67.

14. Rinchen Dolrna Tsaring 'Daughter of Tibet the camelot Press Ltd. London, !970, pp. 81-82.

107

manuf a-

cturers of rugs and blankets which they export to other

countries. But their major source of livelihood comes

from the landed estate~ 5

Below the district administration, comes the

administration which is usually small village level

consisting of ten to twenty families belonging to a

clan organisation. It is a locus of patrileneal clan

and hence exogamous. The posit ion of the head of the

village is hereditary and is usually the clansman who

combines seniority with capability. He sits on the

Tribal council of the region as a rep:esentative of

his clan.

The tribal co unci 1 and the clan and at a st i 11

lower level the family, all represent the principle

of cooperation that works in the hierarchical Tibetan

social structure. The members of the village cooperate

in herding cattle. The responsibility assigned for

herding is that of the herdsmen of the village. Careful

compensations are made for those families who are short

in manpower because of the call for community work.

This type of cooperation extends to the Tribal level

14. Carrasco, Pedro, 'Land and Polity in Tibet•, Seattle, 1959, pp.lOl-102.

JOB

~dlso to organise raids and battle campaigns by the

'b 1 '1 16 Tr1 a counc1 .

The family is also organised on the principle

of cooperation in Tibet. The family is a corporate

unit possessing rights over lands and over pastures.

The noble families thus form a corporate unit with

rights of taxation over the landed estate. The families I

among the peasantry are also corporate entit!_es with

tenancy rights over land. ·To preserve the corporate

nature of the family, usually polyandry (especially

fraternal polyandry ) is practiced, though other types

of polyandry such as among friends, and among father

and sons when the father marries a second time are

also prevalent. The eldest son in the family becomes

the head of the family and his younger brothers have

to work under his jurisdictiori within the family corporate.

The_ cooperation and corporate living embodied

in the Tibetan society is however not universal. Among

the commoners, there exists a group called the Du-Jung,

where family does not act as a corporate entity. Access

to land among them is on an individual basis and they

practice monogamy and polygyny~ 7

16. T.C. Palakshappa op.cit. pp.27.

17. Ibid. pp. 30-31.

JOD

It is to be noted that the control exercised

by the district over the village and by the central

governments over the districts is dependent on the

geographical location of the districts and the villages.

In 'the remoter areas of Tibet, pGlitical control of

the Central Government is almost negligible due to

bad communications and transport during the winter

season. The ecology of Tibet modifies the political

hierarchy and grants considerable autonomy at the village

and district level.

The principle of cooperation which widely operates

in the traditional Tibetan social structure is inter-

related with the Mahayana philosophy of collective

Nirvana. No man attains Nirrana alone. Liberation is

a collective aim and a Bodhisatava is b·:>rn again and

again till all his other fellow men achieve the p•aace

of the noble silence, the realisation of the truth. -

The quientessence of this philosophy is expressed through

the dominant principle of cooperation prevalent in

the Tibetan social structure.

This principle of cooperation works not only

at the level of the tribal village, clan and family,

but also within the context of secular hierarchy. The

hierarchy ls based mainly on rights over the land.

The nobles who hold estates engaged serfs to till the

1.10

land. There are different categories of serfs. According

to gold stein, as quoted by palakshappa, there are

two rna jor types of serfs as indicated in the follo'.ving

d . 18 1agrarn.

Serf

Tax payer {Khralpa)

Bound dudchung

Dudchung

Human lease Dudchung.

Charles bell identifies another category of serfs

whom he regards as the rnasterless peasants. These peasant~

are dependent on the regular taxpaying serfs to whom

they rent land. The serf became bound to his landlord

b-ecause of the low productivity of land which makes

him borrow in order to survive. Manty of the serfs

who live- in abject poverty are indebted to nobility,

monasteries and large landowners for nearly three genera-

tions. The serfs are therefore not only· tied to the

land but also to the nobility. There is no way out

of this system for the serf except through joining

the priestly order, which also is difficult if not

insurrnountable~ 9

18. Ibid. pp.39.

19. Charles Bell, Op.Cit. pp.85-87.

Besides agricultural and

stratifies the society into

.11.1

animal husbandry which

distinct 1 estates 1 the

Tibetan economy comprises of a trader class also. The

trader class could be regarded as the middle class.

However, trading is also indulged in by the nobility.

Trading involved, till the Chinese occupation of Tibet

the import of salt, cotton goods and luxury articles

for the nobility. The chief export i terns were wool,

yak-tail, hide, borax and herbs. There also existed

in Tibet highly skilled artisans such as Carpenters

Painters, builders and iron-smiths to m~ke weapons.

But the category of artisans did not enjoy a high status

in the Buddhist society of Tibet.

Thus we notice that the Tibetan social and political

structure while being hierarchical provided considerable

autonomy for the villages, partly because of the geography

of Tibet. Further, cooperation forms a dominant th•:me

in Tibetan-society ranging from the family to the nation.

This spirit of cooperation is infused not only by the

Tibetan Buddhism which emphasises on collective Nirvana

but also by the Dalai Lama who is the supreme authority

both in the religious and the secular spheres of Tibetan

social life. Further, although Mahayana Buddhism emphasised

112

>ther worldly concerns, it nevertheless recognised

:he this worldly co~cerns of the laity which was necessary

:o maintain its polity and economy.

PUNJABIS

The term Panjabis for the purpose of our

study includes sikhs - khatris and aroras and the

Brahmins and clean-shaven Hindu khatris and aroras

and the menial castes and tribes such as Ra i -sikhs.

I have purposely clubbed these groups together for

the sake of manageability into the term 'Panjabis".

Panjabis have been variously described as aggressive,

enterprising, lover of good things in life,labourious

and belonging to martial race. His industriousness

and entrepreneurship have made them famous in not

only contemporary India but abroad as well. This

has given rise to a image which at times looks larger

than the life. This in turn has further provided

an impetus to create an aura of laurels around the

Panjabi's. The summation of all this results into

the development of a 'stereotype' of Panjabis harbouring

all the characteristics listed above.

- At this juncture, a pertinent question arises

as to what extent the stereotype of a community repres­

ents its true character. In answer to this query

one can say that the stereotype is an often offshoot

of the cumulative traits and heritage of a community.

111

It includes socio-cultural milieu, hearsays, folk

songs, idioms, philosophy, creed. f~ethos of a community.

Hence for the research purposes one can rely on these

as far as the analysis of a community's past is cancer-

ned and the operationalization of it in present.

As regards the community's past, so much

can be gleaned from the imperial Gazetteer and other

source material, that a fairly accurate picture of

the community can be reconstructed in terms of social-

economic and geographical settings. The geographical

setting of undivided Panjab i.e. before partition

in 1947 as described in Imperial Gazetteer has been

reproduced below.

In its strict etymological sense the Punjab,

or 'land of five rivers' is the country enclosed

and watered by Jhelum, Chanab, Ravi, Beas and Sutlej.

The province lies between 27° 39' and 34° 2'N and

69° 23' and 79° 2' E having a total area of 36,532

square miles.

On the north the Himalayan ranges divide

the Punjab from Kashmir and the North-West frontier

province on the west the indus forms its main boundary

with the latter province except that the Panjab includes

115

the strips of riverine which forms the Isa Khel Tehsil

of Mianwali district, west of that river. its south­

western extremity also lies west of the Indus and

forms the large district of Dera-Ghazikhan, thereby

extending its frontier to the Sulaiman range, which

divides it from Baluchistan, on the extreme South­

west is the Sind, and the Rajputana desert forms

its southern border on the East, the Jamuna and its

tributary the tons divide it from the United Provinces

of Agra and Oudh, its

of the latter river

Tibet.

frontier north of the

being contiquous with

Sources

Chinese

The province falls into five main physical

divisions. Three of these

the Himalayan submontane

Jamuna to the salt range

that range are small in

is the most fertile and

the Himalayan region,

which stretches from the

and the grid plateau of

area, but the submontane

wealthiest in the Pan jab.

The other two are the arid south-western plains and

the western portion of the Indo-Gangetic plain west

which extends as far westward as Lahore. Both these

divisions are of vast extent, but infertile towards

the south where they encroach on the plains of the

sind and Rajputana.

J.lG

The Panjab proper comprises five doabs, or

tracts lying between two rivers. These received their

names from the emperor Akbar, who formed them by

combining the first letters of the names of the rivers

between which they lie. They are: The Bist-Jullundhar

also called the Sehorwal. Doab, lying between the

Beas and Sutlej; the Bar i, between the old bed of

the Beas and Ravi; the Rechna (Rachinab, or Rachin-

ao),between the Ravi and the Chanab; the Chinhat,

between the Chanab and the Bihat (another name for

the Jhelum), also called the Chaj; and the Sind-Sagar

between the Indus and the Jhelum or Bihat. The who!~

central Panjab is a vast alluvial plain. All the

seven great rivers of the Panjab rise in the Himalayas,

and after long courses sometimes of several hundred

miles, amid snow-clad ranges, they debouch on the

plains.

~ver the greater part of the Punjab the climate

is of the most pronounced continental character,

extreme summer heat alternating with great winter

cold~ 0

20. The imperial and Tomorrow pp. 255-256.

gazetteer printers

of &

India. Vol.XX, Publishers,New

Today Delhi

117

Geographically Punjab had been the northern

land gateway to the Indo-Gangetic plain. Except for

the European powers, virtually every invader had

entered India through the Panjab. By the same taken,

regimes securly based on the Gangetic plains such

as the Mauryas, The Delhi Sultanate, the Mughals,

and the British attempted to expand via Punjab into

Central Asia. Because of this, on the one hand the

character of the Punjabi people, as a whole, has

been shaped into one of self-reliance and initiative,

constantly vigil~nt against external damagers, and

on the other the religio-political elements of the

diverse cultural traditions (Muslim, Hindu and Sikh)

have constantly had an impact on the people at one

time or the other. As a consequence on the one hand

the prevailing form of social co-operation and the

type of political solidarity bear loss reference

to 'caste' and rules of purity and pollution, then

to the family unit and its values. On the other,

in spite of a geographical homogen',ei.ty, a Uniform

historical legacy and a number of common characteristics,

various economic, religious, social and cultural

differences divide the p~ople sharply~ 1

21. Amarjit Singh narang, 'Punjab: Development and Politics,in land, caste and politics in Indian states, Ed.by Gail Omvedt,Department of Political Science,Univ­ersity of Delhi,l982,pp.ll4-115.

1.18

Panjab became a meeting place of various

people and a melting-pot of diverse cultures in ancient '

times on account of invasions. Hence its society

became heterogeneous and heterdox and detracted from

the standards of the conservative people. The puritans

nestled themselves in the Gangetic Valley and branded

the Panjabis impure and impious and shunned contact

with them. The literature of this region-breaths

a spirit of revolt against the people of Panjab.

But in this land of sin and sacrilege there was a

unique widening of horizons and broadening of perspect-

ives as a consequence of the coming and mingling

of various peoples and their cultures. The result

of this is the levelling down of the walls of tradition,

demolished the towers of isolationism and breathed

in the open air of syncretism. This in turn led to

the development of a vast 'Weltanshaung•~ 2

·The above account depicts clearly the Panjabis

as people who are not stickler of the notions of

hierarchy and purity and pollution which has otherwise

en~eloped the entire Hindu society. The barriers

of caste are not all that rigid in Panjab .as elsewhere

in the country.

22. Budh Prakash, 'Political and Social Movements in Ancient Punjab. Motilal banarsidass,Delhi 1964 pp. 2 52-2 53.

1.1 ~J

Punjab has been pointed out as one of the

notable exceptions to the caste system in India.

This is due to Muslim and Sikh influences, which

theoretically are against the caste system, and to

the role of the Hindu revivalist movement Arya Samaj

in Punjab.

Although, the sikh religion discourages

division of society on the basis of caste, the crusade

against the caste system has only been partially

successful. The caste system current today divides

the Sikhs into three: agriculturists (Jats}, non­

agriculturists and Harijans. This division, though

based on birth, is not as vicious as the tradition

caste system in the sense that all sikhs have access

to all gurdwars. Moreover, each major caste, in large

as measure, is as soc ia ted with an economic category.

Broadly, the landowners are jats, the middlemen,

shopkeepers and businessmen are khatris and Aroras

(Non-Jats) and a high percentage of labourers, in

industry and on the land are scheduled castes (Majhbis).

On account of Jat sikhs embracing the religion

earlier than the others, it is the jat social values

.120

which have become basic sikh values. One of the fundam-

ental traits of Jat character has been the instinct

of" tribal freedom and tribal kinship. The 'Jats•

organisation by clans is notorious and they are naturall

grouped in village communities. This tribal solidarity place

among them form an important /in their daily lives,

the mode of production isolates each Jat family from

others and competition over land divides them internally

consequently fact ions exist to provide a collective

protection to each individual family in its friendships

d . t. 23 an enm1 1es.

Among the non-Jat Sikhs are mainly Khatris

and Aroras. Traditionally, they were the trading,

banking and moneylending classes. Also among Hindus

non-agriculturist the socially and politically important

caste groups have been Khatris, Aroras and Aggarwals.

All these being business groups concentrated in cities

have common economic interests as against rural jat

interests. An important clevage within the Hindu

community is that between the reformis~ section known

as the Arya Samaj and the orthodox section called

the Sanatan Dharm.

23. Amarjit Singh Narang,'Punjab Development and Politics in Land,~Caste and politics in Indian Statej Ed.by Gail Omved .Deptt.of Political Scien~e,Univ.of Delhi,l982,pp.ll8-120.

121

As regards the general distribution of menial

castes which comprises of all the lower strata of

society such as the vagarants, criminal and gypsy

tribes, the village menials and the industrial classes.

The vagarant tribes are chiefly to be found in two

garts of the province, on the Rajputana bqrder and

under the central and Western hills. The village

menial castes prevail throughout the eastern districts,

the hills and the great sikh states. But they seem

to be sort of absent in the west and particularly

on the indus frontier. This is partly because the

hereditary restrictions upon occupation are more

lax and people do not consider shameful the earning

of their bread by callings which in other, provinces

would involve social degradation where caste-feelings

24 are stronger.

As regards the actual operation of caste

system in Panjab, the sikh community officially and

in its system of religious beliefs repudiates the

concept of caste. It also shows no recognition of

the concept of hierarchy as such.

24. Denzil Ibbetson, 1 Pan jab Castes 1 , B. R. Publishing Corporation,Delhi-1916,pp.25-29

in the

The non-acceptance of hierarchy

value system by the principle

.1?2

is expressed

of equality,

a principle which is supported and sustained by other

traditional customary values such as reputation,

respect and prestige. The social expression of the

egalitarian principle is indeed that the very varied

and totally different sets of relationships that

a man has are not seen as excluding or contradicting

one another. Social networks include multiple ties

with men of different types.

caste solidarity in Panjab rarely-operated

in practice. The only customs in which any solidarity

was expressed among the Jats on a caste basis was

that in the villages they did not visit the houses

of Mazhbias, take food from them, eat with them or

intermarry with them. Jats, Khatris, Aroras all ate

with one another and there was also an increasing

number of cases of inter-marriage between them. In

villages, neither Jats nor Mazhbis had any solidarity

on a caste. basis. jat landlords, on antagonistic

terms with one another forced those Mazhbi who they

had recruited to work for them to support them politic­

ally. Allegiances were thus cross caste allegiances

and it is more helpful to look at them in terms of

a patron attaching himself to certain clients who

relative to him are in an economically depressed

..

J 2:3

situation. The kind of relationship a Jat landlord

had with the Mazhbis, the same he had with small

proprietors who were in some way indebted to him

as with tenants. The core of the relationship was

the same in all these instances and unaffected by

25 caste.

The loosening up of caste rigidities has

its genesis in the Sikh religion. It dates back to

the days of Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh faith.

He had evolved a discipline which found practical

expression in the path conceived by him· to be offered

to everyone, irrespective of one's caste creed or

sex. He attack the caste system. Before God, the

distinctions based on birth were at best meaningless,

infact, such distinctions became invidious when they

implied the denial of salvation to a large number

of people. One does not become high before God by

regarding oneself 'high'. Every individual was equal

before the Guru and all the followers were equal

before one another.

25. Joycee Pettigrew, 'Robber Nobleman' .a study of political systems of Sikh Jats Routledge and Kegan Paul,London, 1975, pp. 44-45.

said that a Sikh should be a proof against sensual

temptation and indulgence. The watchwords of a Sikh

should be continence, truth, contentment, mercyJduty,

humility and service. he should not live on charity;

he must earn his own livelihood through honest means.

For a Sikh, the communal brotherhood was more important

than the ties of kinship. A sikh should always be

ready to share his food, clothes and other belongings

with the needy~ 6

All this and much more have gone into the

building up of the personality of Khalsa (one who

is pure). Furthermore the Sikh religion encourages

worldly success and social responsibility, values

which have obviously helped their progress. Sikhism

centres around Nam (worship) and Seva (service).

The trait of hardworking amongst the Panjabis -

also found its expression in the exhortation of the

Guru Nanak which is given as below:

26. J .s. Grewal, 1 Essays in Sikh History 1 , From Guru Guru Nanak to Maharaja Ranjit Singh Guru Nanak University, Amritsar, 1972, pp. 1-78.

Only he finds the true path of life who earns

his bread by the Sweat of his brow and shares the

fruit thereof with his fellow-beingg.

These ideas had taken root and under his

nine successors Sikhism had become a thoroughly

. 1 1' . 27 pract1ca re 1g1on.

Moreover, Gurus also believed that the

individual must play full role in the affairs of

the community and be in possession of spiritual

as well as physical qualities. It is imperative

that spiritual achievement should be combined with

physical powers, because the one without the other

may degenerate into sheer hypocrisy or ruthless

tyranny. That is why the Gurus, particularly the

last, besides advocating spiritual uplift had attem-

pted to revive the old Kshatriya spirit of valor

by means of heroic literature, marital training

and glorification of weapons of war. They had been

convinced that the people must develop their spirit-

ual, mental and physical faculties so that they may develop a

21. Fauja Singh; 'Some aspects of State and Society under Ranjit Singh. Master Publishers, New Delhi,l982, pp.l9-20.

12G

well balanced personality and plan their due role

in the affairs of the society. it is only such people

as are at once saints and soldiers, who can resist

evil or fight t)franny in any form and help in the

maintenance of conditions necessary to the advancement

. . 28 of the individual and the soc1ety.

Since, it is a well known fact that religion

plays a very pivotal role in not only shaping, moulding

and directing the 1 i ves of the people, but also acts

.as a repository of faith for the vast masses. Needless

to say that Sikhism too had profoundly affected the

life styles, thinking and philosophy of the Sikhs

in particular and the Hindus in general. It had injected

into the personalities of Hindus and Sikhs in Panjab

certain traits which taken together constitute the

1 Stereotype 1 • of Panjabis. The specific and peculiar

characteristics of the Panjabi stereotype would mainly·

include, industriousness; hardworking, aggressive,

martial, roboust, gun weilding, proudy, lover of

wealth J women and wine, gregarious etc. As to what

extent this Panjabi stereotype befits our situation

in the Tarai, that we shall be analysing in the data

2 8. Ibid; pp. 2 6-2 7.

analysis chapter. Here we got to see if ·there are

other supportive evidences for this stereotype. one

such example is a study conducted on Sikhs in Canada. D

In the opinion of yehl in, 'the sikhs have long been

noted for their power to adapt themselves to circurnsta-

nces they cannot control. Their practical optimism

and freedom from apathy has led them to accept whatever

befalls in the providence of God and try to turn

it to their own advantage.

In canada, too, the Sikhs showed thi~ ability.

They not only adapted thernsel ves to a new c 1 irna te

and a new civilization, but to new occupations as

well. Corning from the f·arrns of Panjab, they got constr-

uction jobs on the Canadian railways. Later they

turned to lumber industry, so that one authority

was compelled to say that these farmers from Panjab

have not only adapted themselves to work in the moist

forests of western Canada, but they have mastered

the mechanized skills of the more intricate mill

work.

Their success as orchard agriculturists

is seen in the peach farming in sutter country. While,

in 19.66 they owned 20% of the farms, they produced

35% of the peach tonnage. Most now live in modest

128

houses with plumbing, electricity, gas for cooking

and heating. This is far different from the living

conditions of the early settlers, who often slept

on the ground around open fires, or in barns on the

hay; their cooking was over camp-fires, their food

the simplest. They worked ten or twelve hours a day

for a dollar and a half and yet they managed to save.

Their adaptability, their determination to save part

of their income however meagre, alongwith hardwork

and the 'Khalsa Spirit' of helping each other out

with the lending of tools and equipment, have all

contributed to the prosperity of the Sikh farming

. 29 commun1ty.

This description of the Sikhs is more or

less close to the image of stereotype and that it

match perfectly albeit with some aberrations. As

regards the Khatri's and Aroras, the traditional

mercantile castes of Panjab, it would not be exa~eration

to say that they held almost a complete monopoly

of trading and banking. We get a fair picture of

29. C.H.Loehlin, 'The Sikhs in California', in Harbans Singh and N.; Gerald Barrier Ed. 'Panjab Past and Present - Essays in the honour of Dr.Ganda Singh Panjabi University, Patiala 1976 pp.295-297.

these castes during Ran j it Singh time. Although all

categories of traders were benefited during his regime

but the maximum advantage went to the Khatri s and

Aroras of the Punjab. The extension of Ranjit Singh's

rule towards the indus and beyond opened out vast

new opportunities of trade and commerce. These opportu­

nities were fully exploited by these people. The

Khatris mostly spread out along the Grand trunk Road

in the direction of Peshawar while the Aroras extended

th€ir activities in the direction of Multan. They

ran shops in villages, in towns and near mi 1 i tary

cantonments; acted as money lenders and sarafs; and

supplied goods to troops under march and in camp.

Wherever it was possible they acquired lands and

devoted part of their time to cultivation. The Aroras

in the South-west Panjab particularly evinced consider­

able interest in cultivation and their settlements

became a by-word for admiration of individual enterprise.

In their various com~ercial pursuits the Khatris

and Aroras were at a great advantage as compared

with the

to the

both at

traders of other communities.

fact that the administration

the level

This was due

of the state,

local administrative

of centre and the level of the

units, was domina ted by people

who hailed from the same social stock, and many of

them were bound together by close kinship ties. Moreover

the Bed is, the Sodhis, the Trehans and the Bhallas

among them 'being associated with the families of

the Sikh gurus were specially favoured by the state~?

The above description shows clearly that

the mercantile castes viz Khatris and Aroras have

been oriented to the practices and intricacies of

trade long back. This shows they are conversant with

the practice of agriculture also. Reproduced here

below is the extract from Sir George · Campbells's

Ethnology in India, which describes the position

of Khatris and Aroras.

"Trade is their main occupation; and besides

monopolising the trade of the Pan jab, they are the

civil administrators and have almost all literate

work in-their hands. The Khatris are one of the most (U.'t~e. t~e, energetic and remarkable races in India. They

are staunch Hindus and generally educated. No village

can get on without the Khatri who keeps the accounts

does the bankin~ business and buys and sell the grain.

They seem, too,. to get on with the people better

than, most traders and usurers of this kind. In

30. Fauza Singh, op.cit. pp. 276-277.

Afghanistan, among a rough and alien people, the

Khatris are as a rule confined to the position of

humble dealers, shop-keepers, and money-lenders.'

Regarding the Aroras, he is often called

as the trader par excellence of the South-Western

portion of the Panjab, that is to say the lower valleys

of our five rivers. More than half the Aroras of

the Panjab dwell in the Multan and Derajat divisions.

Like the Khatrij and unlike the Baniya, he is no e..

mtre trader; but his social position is far inferior

to theirs. he is commonly known as a Kirar, a word

almost synonymous with coward and even more contemptuo.us

than is the name Baniya in the east of the province.

The Arora is active and enterprising, industrious

and thrifty. He will turn his hand to any work, he

makes a most admirable cultivator. In the western

Panjab he sews clothes, weave matting and baskets,

make vessels of brass and copper, and do goldsmiths

work."he is also branded in the local proverbs like,

This,-vex not the Jat in his jungle, or the Kirar at

his shop, or the boatman at his ferry; for if you

do, they will breal< your head. Again 'Trust not a

crow, a dog or a Kirar, even when asleep'. so again,

'you can't make a friend of a Kirar any more than

a Sati of a prostitute'. The Arora is of inferior

physique his character is thus summed up by M.v.Thorburn

"A cowardly, secretive, acquisitive race - the qualities

both depised and envied by the great tribes of Panjab" 31

Thus the above description of Khatri s and

Aroras as described historically perfectly matches

the stereotype of Panjabis developed of late in

the Tarai belt. It shows two things. Firstly, the

orientation and a way of life of co~munity plays

an important role wherever and whenever they happen

to be either in their own area or elsewhere. They

would normally be the carriers of the traits learnt

and inherited at the level of socialization.

The last in the ethnological detail of

the Panjab with which we are concerned is the tribe

of Rai-Sikhs. As quoted by Amir Hasan, they are tough,

ruthless and are an ex-criminal tribe. They are a

~o;t of vagabonds and would do anything for a consider­

ation like killing ,kidnapping, lifting the cattles 0

and women folk of other castes. They are alcor{_lic

and sometimes distill their own liquor~ 2

31. Denzil Ibbetson; op.cit. pp. 247-251.

32. Amir Hasan, 'The Buxas of the Tarai B.R.Publishing Corporation Delhi 1979,pp.93,233,240.

The vernaculars of Panjab belong entirely

to the Aryan family of languages. These languages

are divided into numerous dialects. The 'western

Panjabi (also called Jatki, 'The Jats' Speech and

Multani comprises the Hindko, Pothwari, Chikhali,

Dhundi, Ghebi and _1\wanbari. Eastern Panjabi has two

main dialects: the standard of the Majha, or central

part of the Baridaob, Spoken round Amritsar; and

that of the Malwa, the tract sou~h of Sutlej. Western

Hindi comprises Har iani (The dialect of Haryana),

Bangru that of Bangar, J atu (the Jat speech) and

Ahirwari (The Ahir Speech).

The ethnic type in Panjab is distinctly

Aryan, there being few traces of also original or

foreign bl0od. The typical Panjabi is tall spare

but muscular, broad-shouldered, with full dark eyes

and an ample beard. The hair is invariably black

but the complexion varies from a deep olive brown

to wheat coloured. As a rule the lower classes are

darker than the upper, and the complexion is fairer

in the north-west than in the south-east. The Jats

of Manjha and Malwa exhibit a splendid physique,

and the peas an try of the plains are gene rally a five

people~ 3

33. The Imperial Gazetteer of India op.cit.pp.284-?Rh~

J ;~ 1

The staple food consists of the grain grown

locally. Well-to-do peopl,= eat wheat and rice, while

the ordinary peasants food consists chiefly of wheat-

barley and grain. In the west and south-west Bajra

(spiked-millet) is mostly consumed in the winter.

Pulses and vegetables are eaten with bread by prosperous

zamindars and towns people; but the poorer classes

who cannot always afford them merely mix salt in

their bread and if possible eat it with butter-milk

and green mustard with bread. Ghi is used only by

those who can afford it. Meat is seldom eaten except

by the better classes, and by them only on occassions

of rejoicing or by way of hospitality. The common

beverages are buttermilk, water mixed with milk and

sugar, country sherbats and sardai a cooling drink.

Hemp is ordinarily drunk by the religious mendicants

(fakirs). In towns cows milk is used, but in rural

tracts buffaloes is prefer red as being richer. In

the camel-breed tractycamels' milk is also drunk~ 4

The dress of the people is of the simplest

kind and, in the plains, made entirely of cotton

34. The Imperial Gazetteer of India op.cit.pp.290-293.

135

cloth. A turban a lion-cloth, a loose wrap thrown

round the body like a plaid, and, in the cold season, a.Y

a vest or jacket of some kind, are the usual gt~ments.

White is the usual colour but dyed stuffs are often

worn especially on festive occasions. As a rule muslims

avoid red and prefer green. Hindus similarly avoid

blue, but it is the characteri~tic dress of sikh

zealots, like the Akalis.

Women are far more conservative and the

influence of Islam has brought about the adoption

of trouser (Salvar) instead of the Hindu Skirt (Sari)

which is only general in the So~th-east. Here again

local and tribal customs vary. Thus Rajput women,

Hindu as well as Muslims wear the trouser (Salvar)

and Gujjars 'the Petticoat while many sikh and Hindu

Jat women wear both. The wrap or chaddar is universally

worn; and the parda system compels most Muslims and

- rna n y H i n d u and S i k h 1 ad i e s of the bet t e r c 1 ass e s

to wear, when compelled to leave the house, an ungainly

and uncomfortable veil (Burka) which covers the whole

form.

The ordinary peasants' house is not comfortable,

though hardly attractive) built of mud with a flat

] I) f' - I) )

roof and rarely decorated, it is cooler in summer

and warmer in winter than a·house of brick or stone.

I n the c i t i e s , srra 11 houses have long been the rule.

The furniture of an ordinary house is cheap and simple,

comprising a few str1ng beds; stools, boxes, spining-

wheels, and cooking utensils with a grain receptacle

of mud.

BENGALIS

J :3 7

The erstwhile Bengal was the largest and most

popular in India. It lies between 19° 18' and 28° 15'N

:md between 82° and 97° E. The province is bounded on

the north by Nepal and Tibet and by the mighty chain

of Himalayas, on the east by Assam and the continuation

of the range of hills which divides Assam from Burma

on the South by the Bay of Bengal and Madras, and on

the west by the United and central provinces.

The most distinctive feature of the province

is its network of rivers - The ganges and the Brahmputra, .

with their affluents and Tributaries. These rivers are

of use in many ways. They furnish an admirable and cheap

means of transport; they contain an inexhaustible supply

of fish,and they bring down vast quality of fertilizing

silb which they distribute over the surface of delta.

The people of Bengal appear from their physical

type to belon:J to three distinct stocks Dravidian,

Mongoloid and Aryan. In 1903, in the province as a whole·,

out of every 100 persons,95 lived in ·villages and only-

5 in towns. Bengal is distinctly an agricultural country.

The most striking feature of East Bengal was that nearly

two-thirds of population who are either landlords or

tenants depend on agriculture.

one or

The

the

languages spoken in Bengal belong to

other of four linguistic families viz.

Aryan, Dravidian, Munda or Kolarian and Tibeto-Burman.

Of these, the languages of the Aryan family are by

far the most important, being spoken by no less than

95 percent of the total population.

In East Bengal, the cultivator takes as a

rule three meals a day. He begins in the early morning

with rice left over from the previous nights' supper,

parched or popped rice and jack-fruit or mango when

in season. The midday and evening meals have boiled

rice as their foundation and with it are mixed pulses

of different kinds, fish or vegetables.

The garments commonly worn by men are the

dhoti or waist cloth and the chadar or loose cloth

worn over the shoulders. Those who can afford it wear

a piran or coat. Among the strict Farazi Muhammadans

of Eastern Bengal, the dhoti is worn as a lungi or

kilt, and is frequently of coloured cloth. Muha~madans

wear a skull-cap, and Hindus a Pagr i. For women, the

sari is almost universal, one end being worn over

the head and sho~lders and fastened to the waist.

In the towns men wear an english shirt over the dhoti,

the tails hanging loose, and a chadar over the shoulders,

English socks, loose slippers or shoes, and an umbrella

complete the costume. All but the very poorest women

wear ornaments on wrist, neck and ankle, they are

35 generally of silver brass or lac.

The houses in lower Bengal are not congregated

into villages, b:1t each homestead stand in its own

orchard of fruit and palm trees. The sites have been

laboriously raised by. excavation, which has left tanks

in every compound, and the houses are erected on mud

plinths and bu i 1 t round a courtyard with wooden or

bamboo posts and interlaced walls of split bamboo,

with thatched roofs resting on a bamboo framework.

The chief amusement of people lies in attending

the fairs which are held all over the province. These

gatherings are at stated seasons, generally in connection

with some bathing festival or other religious ceremony,

and are attended by numerous hawkers, who set up booths

for the sale of miscellaneous articles. The religious

mertlicants, jugglers, actors,musicians, all of whom

35. The a1d pp.

Imperial Gazet1~r Tomorrows Printers 194-239.

of India Vol.III, and Publishers New

Today Delhi

J40

contribute their quota to the ~ntertainment of the

crowd. Every market is thronged by gaily dressed crowds

who exchange the gossip of the day and discuss the

latest cause-celebre while making their purchases.

The great annual religious festivals afford an excuse

for merry gatherings, when memb2rs congregate in the

f~elds and amuse themselves with wrestling, hook swinging

etc. Football is by far the most popular outdoor game

and huge crowds assemble on the maidan.

The general characteristics which distinguish

agricultural conditions in Bengal are a regular and

copius rainfall, a fertile soil and a dense population

subsisting on the produce of land. Not only do the

eastern districts receive a great deal more rain,

but owing to the annual overflow of the great rivers

that traverse them they remain practically under

water for six months in the year and the people live

on 1 it tle- island mounds and can move about only by

boat. The surface of this tract is low and flat, and

much of it is covered with h·Jge marshes where rice

and jute luxuriate. In fact in the east of the province

rice and jute are grown exclusively, the farmer occupying

two-thirds and both together, no less than three fourths,

36 of the gross cropped area.

3 6. Ibid, pp. 2 4 0-2 4 2.

.141

The Bengali is a very clever fisherman. In

the bay of Bengal he practises deep - sea fishing

drying his catch ashore on stakes driven into some

sandy beach. The larger rivers are trawled from

a sailing boat and the smaller streams are fished

from weirs.

The Hindu Society in Bengal has been tradition­

ally divided into two major castes or varnas, namely

the Brahman and Sudra. below the Sudras there were

the untouchables and the tribal people or antyajas

and Mleehchhas, but the kshtriya and vaishyas, the

two other major varnas of the ancient Indian society

have been almost non-existent (except in seattered

groups) in this part of the country at least since

the 12th-13th centuries A.D.

The ritual status of the different castes

was determined theoretically by the nature of their

occupatio~ or profession. Certain occupations or

professions were traditionally reg:irded as superior

or more sacred than others, and those who were engaged

in these occupations heredita~ily were given a higher

status in the social hierarchy than those who were

J42

d . . f . 1 d t. 37 engage 1n 1n er1or or ess sacre voca 10ns. The

functional character of the caste system is quite

obvious and was designed to build up a non-competitive

productive organisation in our country. Caste provided

some sort of a guarantee of occupation to every

individual member of the society, and that is why

it m~naged to survive the political upheavals of

centuries.

As regards the origin of Brahmins in Bengal

the legend has it that the king Adisura invited

five Brahmins from Kananj to perform some sacrifies,

as the Brahmins of Bengal were ignorant of Vedas.

These Brahmins were ultimately settled in Bengal

and were granted villages for maintenance. They

derived their surnames from these villages, and

were the forefathers of the entire Brahmna community

of modern Bengal with the exception of a few minor

groups ltke the Vaidikas, who come at a later period~ 8

37. Amitabh Mukherjee, The Transformation of Caste, in modern Bengal, A Socio Economic Survey, Institute of Historical Studies, Calcutta 1973, pp.68-70.

38. R.C.Majumdar, "The History of Bengal", Vol.I Hindu Period, N.V.Publications, Patna, 1971, pp.575-580.

Thus from the name of the village Bandya

or Bandyaghati we get the surname of Bandya+Upadhyaya

or Teacher = Bandyopadhyaya 1 corrupted into Bannerjee.

From the village Mubhati comes the surname Mukha

+ Upadhyaya = Mukhopadhyaya or Mukherjee. The village

catta gives the name of catta + Upadhyaya = Cattopadh­

yaya or Chatterjee. The surname Gangopadhyaya or

Ganguli comes from the village Gangul 1 Ghosala from

the village Ghosa or Ghosali 1 Pipali or Piplai from

Pippal 1 Kanjilal from Kanji 1 Gargari from Gargar 1

Mahin tya from Mahanta 1 Simla i from Simla 1 S iddhala

from Siddhal etc.

The functions af the Ksh t r iya or the rna r t ial

caste were discharged in Bengal by members of the

some of the lowest castes like the Goala 1 Bagdi 1

Hari and Dome. The Aguris or Ugrakshatriyas of the

Burdwan district were drawn equally to the agricultural

and marital professions.

The nineteenth century saw a radical change

in the occupational pattern of many of the trading

3nd artisan castes. Though higher or English education

was dominated by the three upper castes - Brahm~n,

Vaidya and Kayastha even at the end of 19th century,

144·

the census figures reveal that it was slowly percolat­

ing among the lower castes too.

In subsequent years artisan castes of bengal

like Kamar, Kumar, Chamar and Muchi have drifted

either toward agricultural labour or skilled labour

in industries other than their traditional ones,

while castes like Bagdi whose traditional occupation

was labour in the fields have maintained it to an

appreciable extent.

As occupational mobility increased movement

uf the social groups in the 19th century, attempts

were made by various castes and subcastes to achieve

a better position for themselves in the social hierarchy

The caste structure in Bengal was probably much

less rig'id than in m:my other parts of India even

in the pre-British period. The Brahmans though enjoying

a very high ritual status, had to share social and

economic power with the vaidyas and the Kyasthas.

The Nam csu dras who formed a very large com11uni ty

in East Bengal were treated by the upper castes

as chandals or untouchables. Early in the 20th century

some of the Namasudras claimed recognition as Brahmin

and assumed the new caste-name of Namobrahman. B~t

145

this claim was not taken serio~sly by the Hindu

0 t 39 Soc1e y.

There are two classes of traders in Bengal,

one who buys and sells goods which are produced

by others, and the o:her who produces goods and

sells them to others. Outside Bengal the first class

as merchants . and bankers, is regarded as Vaisya,

while the second class, as artisans, is ranked as

sudra. if the Vaishyavarna had not disappeared in

Bengal, caste like Swarnbanik, Gandhabanik, tili,

saha etc., whose professions are trading and banking

only, would have been called vaisyas while black-

smiths, potters, weavers etc, who are both artisans

and traders would have ranked as lower in social

status.

But as the r e i s no 'J a i s y a varna in Bengal,

they are all grouped together aS I good I SUdraS Under

the name of Navasakha. ordinary brahmins are not

degraded by acting as priests to them. Navasakha

originally meant nine branches or subdivisions,

39. N.K. Dutt: Origin and Growth of caste in India, Vol.II, Castes in Bengal, Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969 pp. 3-5.

.l4G

but subsequent promotions from lower orders have

. d f h t . 40 1ncrease to ourteen at t e presen t1me.

They are Tili (originally dealer in sesame

seed or betelnut, now general mercha,t, Mali (gard,er

and flower garland maker) Tambuli (dealer in betel-

leaf and food-grains), Gopa in the restricted meaning

of sadgopa (agriculturist), Napit (barber) Together

with Madhu napit (sweatmeat seller), Gochali or

Barui (betel-leaf-grower) Kamar (blacksmith), Kumar

(potter), Tanti (weaver), sanbhabanik (conchshell

worker), Kamsyabanik (bellmetal-worker), and Kuri

koria (dealer in sweets. The Dhobas or washerm:xn

are regarded as unclean sudras, and brahmanas do

not take water touched by them. A peculiar caste

is the yogi which is neither functional nor tribal.

It is a sectarian caste o They are believed to be

the degraded descendants of a class of Buddhist '

ascetics o·- They are found principally in the eastern

district as weavers, small traders and cultivators.

As regards some tribal and cultivating castes,

in Bengal there are two classes of Kaivartas, Cha.si

or Hal iba and Jal iba or Jal ia, who may be regarded

practically as two separate castes 0 The occupation

40. Ibid, pp.l09-110.

Jt17

of the former is mainly a'jriculture, whic~l was at

one time looked upon as a noble profession belonging

to the vaishy community of the vedic age, but which

on account of various causes carne to be despised

and gradually fell to the share of sudra folk. Th•:

occupation of the jalia kaivarta is to catch fish,

a profe.:;sion which from the time of vedas belonged

41 to non-aryan outcastes.

The Narnasudras of Bengal are not an occupational

caste. They are found in various occupations as

cultivators, fishermen, boatmen, carpenters etc.

They are regarded as 1 untouchable:3 1 by the higher

cdstes of Bengal and only a generation ago were

known by the name of chandala.

'!he Narnasudras are a virile, i n d us t r i o :J.s

and martial- spirited people, who with their toils

in the fields in water and in forests supply the

higher castes with food, transport and other necessit-

ies of life, and in times of danger offer with their

brawns and courage, protection to the lives and

properties of those who are called the gentlemen's

of society.

41. Ibid I pp. 124-126.

148

As regard to the treatment meeted out

the Namasudras by the higher castes, it

must be said that untill recent times,

they are called chandalas, whom the Dharmsas­

tras describe as a despised out caste people

whose contact must be avoided as far as

possible by all decent men. They are not

allowed entry into the higher castes houses

lest their touch would defile the house.

They were not to be given education, lest

it would inspire them

their upliftment and

of living. Furthermore,

not go to their houses

with a desire for

a higher standard

physicians

for treatment

would

of

their diseases, and even barbers would

not shave them, though a barber had no

objection to shave Muslims and christians

and even a converted Namasudra. What is

worse still, even the light of spiritualism

and religion was denied to them. Brahmans

would not serve as priests to them. They were not

S"'-~ even~ the light of spiritualism and religion was

denied to them. Brahmans would not serve as priests

to them. They were not allowed entry into any temple,

because their presence would impart impurity to

tne dieties. In a word, they V{ere not encouraged

to feel that they were members of the same religious

community as the higher caste people.

It is no wonder, therefore, that when I slam

with its spirit of equality between man and man

of the Muslim community appeared in Bengal and invited

the down-trodden people of the Hindu Community to

receive the solace and shelter of Islamic faith,

thousands upon thousands of these people welcomed

the invitation and became converts to the new religion.

The social picture of Bengal by the middle

of the 19th century changed radically on account

of the ptevalance of exchange economy. This resulted

into accumulation of huge wealth by the new urban

Bengali upper class which was diverted in to land.

Investment in land was made safe by the Permanent

settlement for deriving an annuity like income without

any effort or enterprise on the part of the investor.

J50

This produced a very interesting and unique social

situation in Bengal, the broad features of which

are these. The city capitalists becoming landholders,

living most of the time in the city as lords and

visiting occasionally their rural estates like feudal

princes; The rural landholders squandering most

of their peasant fleeced money in urban luxuries

and vices and their times in indolence and group

rivalries and caste-politics and a lot of culture

mongering. A consiaerable part of their wealth was

wasted in competitive conspicuous consumptions and

luxuries, such as religious and social ceremonies,

entertainment of British rulers for seeking their

favour and patronage, feeding the feudal vices,

and also in religious charities and endowments and

temple building, possibly for the redemption of

their exploiters Soul Stained with people's blood~ 2

The structure of feudal bureaucratism in

Bengal, and to a large extent in India, was based

on the caste hierarchical power system, and was

dominated by the Brahmins, the Kayasthas and the

vaidyas. The despising of merchants is a very old

42. The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 'Renascent Bengal' (1817-1857) Proceedings of a Seminar,pp.l6-19.

15.1

characteristic in Bengali thought, and although

the merchants were not allotted the lowest rank

in caste-hierarchy' ~heir occupation was never consid­

ered socially respectable. The term bania or baney

was always uttered with contempt by the members

of the upper castes. Merchants might acquire great

wealth, yet they were never accorded a high social

position or prestige for that. As such, the new

social mobility induced by an exchange economy,

could not provide any fresh incentive to them for

hoarded capital. They had nothing to gain by that.

The upper castes on the other hand, had much to

gain. The achieved 'class' power and status of

money was added to their ascribed 'caste' power

and status, and they became far move powerful in

society. No, .such possibility existed in the case

of the 'baniks'. Even the social mobility induced

by educa_t ion especially by English education proved

ineffective in removing caste-ascriptions.