The

TheAfricanCommunistNUMBER 38 THIRD QUARTER 1969REVOLUTIONIN THE SOUTHa repor! on the conterence al the AMrican National Congress et SArica atMorogoro Tanzania AprilHnu 196819 . . ,7 °" 1 &

THE AFRICAN COMMUNISTPublished quarterly in the interests of African solidarity and as a forum forMarxist-Leninist thought throughout our Continent, by the South AfricanCommunist PartyNo. 38 Third Ouarter 1969

The African No 38: THIRD QUARTER 1969Co munpecial SupplementMATERIALS FROM TF_- -INTERNATIONAL 'COMMUNIST MEETINMOSCOW, JUNE 5-/,I96"I. Unite Against ImperialismThe Main Document adopted by onf~reF . ,. On luaru ir reLac- .An appeal to all Anti-Imperialists.3. Heroic Vietnam4. Towards the Lenin Centenary5. Final Communique of the Conference6. South Africa SpeaksFtill text of the speech by J. B. Marks, Chairman ofthe South African Communist Party and head ofthe S.A.C.P. delegation at the Conference.INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS 39 Goodge Street, London WI

Contents5 EDITORIAL NOTESThe World Communist ConferencePeople's Power in the SudanSocialist GermanyZambia in the Front Lines

Let Our People Go!12 MOBILISING FOR REVOLUTIONA report on the critical Consultative Conference of the African NationalCongress, South Africa, Conference held at Morogoro, Tanzania from April 25 toMay 1. This article describes the background spirit and political line adopted;outlines the main decisions, and the gist of the stirring call to unity delivered byActing President-General, 0. R.Tambo.27 STUDENTS IN REVOLT: IIALEXANDER SIBEKOSouth Africa's Students are alive and well, and not uninfluenced by world events,declares the author. Following his previous study of the student movement inmany parts of the world, he presents the exciting development of the studentmovement in the South African police state, and links it with the revolutionaryprocess under way in thecountry.42 CHE IN BOLIVIAJOE SLOVOWidespread interest was aroused by Joe Slovo's article in a recent issue of thisjournal on 'The Theories of Regis Debray'. Reissued by us in pamphlet form, itwastranslated and reproduced in many parts of the world.It was for this reason that our Editorial Board approached him to contribute hisreflections on the 'Bolivian Diaries'

MAIN DOCUMENTTasks at the present stage of the struggleagainst imperialism and united action of theCommunist and Workers' Parties and allanti-imperialist forces.The meeting of representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties took place inMoscow at a very important juncture in world development. Powerfulrevolutionary processes are gathering momentum throughout the world. Threemighty forces of our time--the world socialist system, the international workingcia _- and the national liberation movement-are coming together in tie struggleagainst imperialism. The present phase is characterised by growing possibilitiesfor a further advance of the revolutionary and progressive forces. At the sametime, the dangers brought about by imperialism, by its policy of aggression, aregrowing. Imperialism, whose general crisis is deepening, continues to oppressmany peoples and remains a constant threat to peace and social progress.The existing situation demands united action of communists and all other anti-imperialist forces, so that maximum use may be made of the mountingpossibilities for a broader offensive against imperialism, against the forces ofreaction and war.The meeting discussed urgent tasks of the struggle against imperialism andproblems of united action by communists and all other antiimperialist forces. As a

result of the discussion, held in a spirit of democracy, equality andinternationalism, the participants in the meeting reached common conclusionsconcerning the present world situation and the tasks arising from it.IIMPERIALISMMankind has entered the last third of our century in a situation. marked by asharpening of the historic struggle between the forces of progress and reaction,between socialism and imperialism. This clash is world wide and embraces all thebasic spheres of social life: economy, politics, ideology and culture.The world revolutionary movement continues its offensive despite the difficultiesand setbacks of some of its contingents. Notwithstanding the counter offensiveslaunched by it, imperialism has failed to change the general relationship of forcesin its favour. It has been possible to prevent the outbreak of a world war, thanks tothe growing economic, political and military might and the peace loving foreignpolicy of the Soviet Union and other socialist states; to the actions of the inter-

Contents (continued)of Ernesto Che Guevara. In a spirit of deep respectfor the great revolutionary martyr, the writer neverthelesssubmits his ideas to comradely but searchingre-examination.57 THE I.C.U.TERESA ZANIAThe Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union was the first mass organisation ofSouth Africa's black proletariat.It flourished during the twenties and became a powerful force. In this fascinatingglimpse of South Africa's history, the first in a series which will appear from timeto time approaching the fiftieth anniversary of the South African CommunistParty, the writer describes the rise and fall ofthe 'I.C.U.' She also adds some useful lessons for today.75 BOOK REVIEWS81 LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

national proletariat and of all fighters against imperialism: to the struggle fornational liberation; and also to the massive peace movement. Socialism, whichhas triumphed on one third of the globe, has scored new successes in theworldwide struggle for the hearts and minds of the people. The events of the pastdecade bear out that the Marxist-Leninist assessment of the character, content andchief trends of the present epoch is correct. Ours is an epoch of transition fromcapitalism to socialism.At present there are real possibilities for resolving key problems of our time in theinterests of peace, democracy, and socialism and to deal imperialism new blows.However, while the world system of imperialism has not grown stronger, itremains a serious and dangerous foe. The United States of America, the chiefimperialist power, has grown more aggressivc.Aggressive policy

The core of the aggressive policy of imperialism is the drive to use all means toweaken the positions of socialism, suppress the national liberation movement,hamstring the struggle of the working people in the capitalist countries and haltthe irreversible decline of capitalism.Global in scale, the basic contradiction between imperialism and socialism isgrowing deeper. Under conditions where the struggle between the two worldsystems is becoming sharper, the capitalist powers seek, despite the growingcontradictions dividing them, to unite their efforts to uphold and strengthen thesystem of exploitation and oppression and regain the positions they have lost. USimperialism strives to retain its influence over other capitalist countries andpursue a common policy with them in the main spheres of the class struggle.Thc spearhead of the aggressive strategy of imperialism continues to be aimedfirst and foremost against the socialist countries. Imperialism does not foregoopen armed struggle against socialism. It ceaselessly intenzifies the arms race andtries to activate the military blocs organised for aggression against the SovietUnion and other socialist countries. It steps up its ideological fight against themand tries to hamper the economic development of the socialist countries.In its actions against the working class movement imperialism violates democraticrights and freedoms and uses. naked violence, brutal methods of policepersecution and anti-labour legislation. Moreover, it has recourse to demagogy,bourgeois reformism and opportunist ideology and policy, and is constantly inquest of new methods to undermine the working class movement from within and"integrate" it into the capitalist system.In its struggle against the national liberation movement, imperialism stubbornlydefends the remnants of the colonial system on the one hand, and on the otheruses methods of neo-colonialism in an effort to prevent the economic and socialadvance of developing states and of countries which have won nationalsovereignty. To this end it supports reactionary circles, retards the abolition of themost backward sodial structures and tries to obstruct progress along the road tosocialism or along the road of progressive non-capitalist development, which canopen the way to

Editorial Notes:The World Communist ConferenceThe international conference of Communist and Workers Parties held in Moscowin June was a great, historic landmark in the centuries-old struggle for theliberation of mankind. The conference brought together revolutionaries from 75countries of Europe, Africa, Asia, North and South America and the Caribbean,from every corner of the world. Leaders of the governments of the Soviet Unionand other socialist countries, well-known public figures of mass workers' partieswho play an important role in the public life of countries where the people havewon democratic rights, representatives of illegal parties conducting a fierce andbloody fight against fascist and colonialist terror.., all met together as comradesand equals to hammer out a common approach and plan of action in the world-wide struggle against imperialism, and for peace, democracy, nationalindependence and socialism.

The main item before the meeting was the strenghtening of the unity of theCommunist movement, and of all antiimperialist forces, in action againstimperialist aggression and domination. The document adopted on this question,which was worked out collectively over more than a year of preparatory workwith the democratic participation of all the Parties that wished to do so, is aremarkable MarxistLeninist thesis which demands careful study andimplementation by all Communist and other revolutionaries. Together with otherdocuments and materials of the Conference it appears as a supplement to thisissue of The African Communist.The international conference took place on the eve of the

socialism. The imperialists impose on these countries economic agreements andmilitary political pacts which infringe on their sovereignty; they exploit thesecountries through the export of capital and unequal terms of trade; themanipulation of prices, exchange rates, loans and va ious forms of so-called aid:and pressure by international financial organisations.The gulf between the highly developed capitalist states and the majority of theother countries of the capitalist world is growing wider: hunger is an acuteproblem in a number of the latter. Imperialism provokes friction in the developingcountries and sows division between them by encouraging reactionarynationalism. Through anticommunism it tries to split the ranks of therevolutionaries in these countries and isolate them from their best friends-thesocialist states and the revolutionary working class movement in the capitalistcountries.Through military political blocs, military bases in foreign countries, economicpressure and trade blockades, imperialism maintains tension in some areas of theworld. It provides reactionary organisations with financial and political supportand intensifies political oppression. It resorts to armed intervention and savagerepression--cspecially in countries where the struggle acquires the most acuteforms, and where the revolutionary forces fight arms in hand-counter-revolutionary conspiracies, reactionary and fascist coups, provocations andblackmail.In face of the strengthening of the international positions of socialism,imperialism tries to weaken the unity of the world socialist system. It uses thedifferences in the international revolutionary movement in an effort to split itsranks. It places its ideological apparatus, including mass media, in the service ofanti-communism and its struggle against all progressive forces.In these past years, imperialism has time and again provoked sharp internationalcrises which have pushed humanity to the brink of a thermo-nuclear conflict.However, US imperialism has to take into account the relationship of forces in theworld, the nuclear potential of the Soviet Union and the possible consequences ofa nuclear missile war, and it is becoming more and more difficult and dangerousfor it to gamble on another world war. Therefore the ruling circles of the UnitedStates, without abandoning preparations for such a war. lay emphasis on localwars.

However, the contradiction between the imperialist "policy of strength" and thereal possibilities of imperialism is becoming ever more evident. Imperialism canneither regain its lost historical initiative nor reverse world development. Themain direction of mankind's development is determined by the world socialistsystem, the international working class and all the revolutionary forces.Historic significance of VietnamThe war in Vietnam is the most convincing proof of the contradiction betweenimperialism's aggressive plans and its ability to put these plans into effect. InVietnam US imperialism, the most powerful of

world-wide celebrations of the 100th anniversary of the birth of that toweringgenius of the Communist movement, Vladimir Ilitch Lenin. The stirring 'address'adopted on this memorable centenary rightly calls not only for the popularisationof the facts of Lenin's great contributions to human liberation, but also for thedistribution and study of his immortal writings on a mass scale.Likewise the documents on Vietnam, the Peace appeal and other written recordsof this Conference constitute a guide to action to anti-imperialists of all countries.Apart from its records the fact of its having taken place successfully, overcomingso many difficulties along the way, and uniting closer than ever so many millionsof Communists, the vanguard of the world's working people, was in itself atriumph; a shattering blow to imperialism; an earnest that this greatest of allrevolutionary movements of human history is consolidating its ranks, preparingfor fresh big advances, eliminating all varieties of opportunism.We are proud that our own South African Communist Party, as well as otherMarxist-Leninist Parties of the African continent played an active and positivepart in convening this conference, preparing its documents and participating in itsdeliberations. We declare that we shall undeviatingly strive for the translation ofits decisions into reality.People's Power in SudanImperialism and local reaction suffered a sharp setback in the Sudan on 25th Maywhen, backed by powerful forces among the population and in the army a newanti-imperialist government took power, headed by Babikar Awadalla, formerChief Justice, who resigned his post in protest against the unconstitutionalbanning of the Communist Party. He had previously played a leading part in theoverthrow of the Aboud dictatorship.The new government corresponds to the aspirations of the Sudanese people forradical change and non-capitalist development towards socialism. In one of itsfirst statements, the revolutionary government announced its immediate tasks asincluding:

the imperialist partners, is suffering defeat, and this is of 'historic significance.The armed intervention in Vietnam holds a special place in the military andpolitical designs of US imperialism. The aggressor planned to destroy an outpostof socialism in Asia, block the way for the peoples of South East Asia to freedomand progress, strike a blow at the national liberation movement, and test the

strength of the proletarian solidarity of the socialist countries and the workingpeople of the whole world.Despite the huge quantity of armaments which it has brought into play, USimperialism has been compelled to cease the bombing of the Democratic Republicof Vietnam unconditionally, and to send its representatives to sit at the negotiatingtable with representatives of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and theNational Liberation Front of South Vietnam.This has been brought about by the unexampled heroism of the Vietnamesepeople, the far-sighted policy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and theNational Liberation Front of -South Vietnam, the many forms of assistancerendered to the Vietnamese people by the socialist countries, by the Soviet Unionin particular, and the militant and ever growing international solidarity throughoutthe world, including the United States itself. The criminal intervention in Vietnamhas resulted in considerable moral and political isolation for -he United States. Ithas turned ever greater numbers of people, neA social strata and political forcesagains$ imperialism and has speeded up the involvement of millions of youngpeople in many countries in the anti-imperialist struggle. It has aggravatedexisting contradictions between the imperialist powers and created new ones. Thesuccesses of the heroic Vietnamese people are convincing proof that in our day itis becoming increasingly possible for peoples resolutely using all means to defendtheir independence, sovereignty and freedom, and enjoying broad internationalsupport, to defeat imperialist aggression.In the Middle East a grave international crisis has been precipitated by the Israeliaggression against the United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan. Through thisaggression, imperialism, that of the US above all, tried to crush the progressiveregimes in the Arab countries, undermine the Arab liberation movement, andpreserve or regain their positions in the Middle East. This they have failed to do.Nevertheless, supported by world reaction, including Zionist circles, the rulingforces of Israel continue to ignore the demands of the Arab states and of the peaceloving peoples, and the United Nations decisions on the withdrawal of Israelitroops from the occupied territories, persist in their policy of expansion andannexation, and ceaselessly commit fresh armed provocations. This policy isopposed by the Communist Party and other progressive forces of Israel.The Arab peoples resolutely continue the struggle to uphold their freedom,independence and national progress, to recover the occupied territories and forrecognition of the national rights of the Arab people of Palestine.The resistance movement against the occupation is growing, assuming

to put an end to unemployment;fight inflation;ensure compulsory elementary education;adopt a new democratic constitution;achieve a peaceful normalisation of the situation in theSouth.

The Democratic Republic of the Sudan will consolidate relations with all statesfighting against imperialism and strengthen its ties with the United ArabRepublic.The new Cabinet reflects the broad basis of the revolutionary movement. It coversa wide spectrum of democrats, socialists, and communists. Among the newCabinet Ministers is Comrade Joseph Garang, whose article on the SouthernSudan appeared in the last issue of The African Communist.A similar preponderance of revolutionary democrats prevails in the 10-manCouncil of the Revolution, headed by the new Commander-in-Chief of the armedforces, Gaafar Nimiere, the Minister of Defense.In a radio speech, Premier Awadalla called for national unity behind the newgovernment and made a passionate indictment against the 'five lean years' of ruleby reactionary party politicians who had exploited the people's revolution forpersonal ends.One of the first acts of the revolutionary government was to disperse theundemocratically elected 'Constituent Assembly' which was plotting to saddle thecountry with a reactionary so-called 'Islamic Constitution'.All reactionary, bourgeois and feudalist parties have been banned, including theformer government party, the selfstyled United Democratic Party, the UMMAParty, the Moslem Brotherhood and the secessionist Southern Parties, 'SANU' andthe 'Southern Front', whose links with imperialism were exposed in our last issue.Massive support for the revolutionary government has been expressed bySudanese trade unions, the Communist Party, and other democratic organisations.A broadcast on Sudan Radio announced that all local armed forces had expressedtheir fullest support.

diverse forms, and is enjoying ever greater support. On the side of these peoplesare the USSR and other socialist states, the international communist movement,the solidarity of the forces of national liberation, and ever wider public circles inthe capitalist countries.US imperialism has not abandoned its plans to strangle revolutionary Cuba. Itcontinues to threaten the independence of the Republic of Cuba and, in flagrantcontravention of international law, tries to blockade it economically and carries onprovocative and subversive activity against it. But the courageous people of Cuba,led by their Communist Party and supported by the Soviet Union and othersocialist countries and the progressive forces of Latin America and the entirerevolutionary movement, staunchly defend their sovereignty and freedom andthereby the outpost of socialism on the American continent.In Europe the North Atlantic bloc, the chief instrument of imperialist aggressionand adventurism, continues to be active. The axis of this bloc is the alliancebetween Washington and Bonn. Contrary to the will of the peoples of Europe, theruling circles of the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany and Britainare doing their utmost to prolong the existence of this bloc, strengthen itsorganisation and maintain the military presence of the United States in Europe.West German militarism, the main source of the war danger in the heart ofEurope, was revived and grew strong mainly with NATO assistance. The

imperialist ruling circles of the Federal Republic of Germany, where neo-nazismand militarism are gaining strength, persist in their revanchist programme ofrevising the results of the Second World War and of changing the frontiers of anumber of European countries. This policy, aimed primarily against the GermanDemocratic Republic, the first socialist workers' and peasants' state in Germanhistory, threatens the security of all European peoples and the peace of the world.The Mediterranean countries occupy an important place in the plans ofimperialism. US imperialism, which has important military bases in Spain,continues to support the Franco regime, thereby helping il to survive in oppositionto the struggle of the fighting Spanish people. The US Sixth Fleet and the systemof military bases, which are a threat to the peoples and to peace in this area, serveas a permanent instrument of political and military pressure in the Mediterranean.The repeated exacerbation of the situation in Cyprus and the fascist coup inGreece are likewise the handiwork of the imperialists, who support the Colonels'Junta.South-East Asia and the Far East are one of the main areas of imperialistaggression and military gambles. In addition to. SEATO, ANZUS and the so-called Security Treaty between the United States and Japan, there is the virtualoccupation of the South Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean by US armedforces. This entire system is spearheaded primarily against the socialist countriesof Asia, against the national liberation movement, as well as against the neutraland unaligned states in this area. The US imperialists continue to occupy Taiwan,which is an integral part of the People's Republic of China and obstruct therestoration of China's lawful rights in the United

Swift measures were taken to replace suspected officers at all levels of the armywith those loyal to the revolution.It would be hard to overestimate the significance for the African revolution ofthese radical developments in this huge area of Africa, populated by 14 millionsouls, and bordering on Egypt, Libya, Ethiopia, Chad, the Central AfricanRepublic, Congo-Kinshasa, Uganda and Kenya.No doubt the imperialists, in collusion with local reaction, will do everything intheir power to subvert People's Sudan from within and without. We look to theleaders and the masses for the utmost vigilance and. energy to consolidate thegains of 25th May; and to all revolutionary and patriotic forces in Africa to renderour Sudanese brothers the utmost support.Socialist GermanyWithin a few days of its establishment, the revolutionary government of theSudan established diplomatic relations with the German Democratic Republic,joining Cambodia and Iraq in what is bound to become an irresistable trendamong other Afro-Asian states as well. This was a crushing blow for the bullyingtactics of imperialist West Germany, which sought through its 'Hallstein Doctrine'to prevent any recognition by other countries of the other, socialist German state.On 7th October the German Democratic Republic celebrates the twentiethanniversary of its foundation. This was an event of deep significance for Africansand other freedom-loving peoples.

Our people are well acquainted with German imperialism. We remember theatrocities committed in Namibia (SouthWest Africa) and Tanganyika underGerman rule. We remember the vicious anti-African racist ideas of fascistGermany under Hitler, carried forward today by Hitler's former disciples, the NaziVorster clique in the Republic of South Africa. We are aware that Vorster's ally,the Federal German Republic, is carrying forward those evil traditions of Germanimperialism in the changed conditions of present-day neo-colonialism.

Nations. The US imperialists continue armed provocations against the KoreanDemocratic People's Republic and maintain the military occupation of SouthKorea and exercise arbitrary rule, suppressing progressive forces striving forfreedom and the unification of the country. They commit acts of aggressionagainst Laos and provocations against Cambodia. They have set up and areenlarging strong military bases in Thailand. They persist in their attempt topressurise India to abandon her path of non-alignment and independent economicdevelopment. The imperialists supported the anti-popular coup in Indonesia,carried out by reactionary circles who have physically destroyed hundreds ofthousands of communists and other democrats and continue to commit bloodyoutrages; all this leads to the destruction of all the gains of the Indonesianrevolution and threatens to deprive the country of her independence.Imperialism has become more active in a number of African countries. It tries tohalt the growth of the liberation struggle and preserve and strengthen its positionsin that continent. The British and French imperialists, and the imperialists of theUSA, West Germany and Japan, are making extensive use of neo-colonialistmethods of economic, political and ideological infiltration and subjugation. Thearmed intervention in the Congo (Kinshasa), the reactionary coups in Ghana andsome other countries, imperialist moves designed to dismember Nigeria, thepolitical and military support given to reactionary and anti-national cliques and tothe fascist and racialist regimes in the Republic of South Africa and SouthernRhodesia, the fomenting of inter-state conflicts and inter-tribal strife, economicpressure and monopoly expansion-all serve to further the imperialist plans. ThePortuguese colonialists, backed by NATO, try to keep ther possessions by force ofarms.US imperialism continues to step up its economic penetration, as well as itspolitical, ideological and cultural intervention in the Latin American countries. Inalliance with the local reactionary forces it has been pursuing a policy designed toprevent the peoples from following the example of Cuba. It suppresses any stepleading to economic and genuine political independence.To promote this policy the US imperialists put forward the Alliance for Progressprogramme and resort to new, camouflaged forms of domination. They use theOrganisation of American States and the inter-American military alliance, exertefforts to set up the so-called "Inter-American Peace Forces", and have claimedthe right to intervene militarily against any Latin American country, as they havedone against the Dominican Republic and against Panama.The US imperialists maintain or install reactionary dictatorships, often by way ofmilitary coups, intensify splitting activities in the trade union movement, extend

their influence over the armed and police forces and inspire repressions againstthe popular movement. They have taken a direct part in military operationsagainst the guerrilla movement in some Latin American countries. However, thepolicy of US imperialism is encountering great difficulties. It is failing to stabilisereactionary regimes or secure the agreement of all the govern-

But there was always another Germany: working class Germany, the mortalenemy of German imperialism and staunch friends of Africans and all oppressedpeoples, the Germany of Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, August Bebel, WilhelmLiebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Ernst Thilmann, Wilhelm Pieck,Otto Grotewohl and Walter Ulbricht.It is this other Germany that finds its expression in the present-day GermanDemocratic Republic, the first socialist state of the German nation. During thepast twenty years, this state has made giant's strides, transforming the lives of theworking people, and standing firmly on the side of peace and relentless struggle,together with the Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist community,against imperialism and its war provocations.It is this Germany which has given and is giving evidence of its concrete supportand assistance for African and other newly-independent states, and for thefighting liberation movements of our people.From Africa, therefore, we send warmest greetings to the German DemocraticRepublic. Long live Socialist Germany!Zambia in the FrontLinesIN ZAMBIA'S recent general election - the first since independence in 1964 - thegoverning United National Independence Party (UNIP) won 81 out of the 105elective seats. The so-called African National Congress of Zambia headed byNkumbula won 23 of the remaining seats, and one went ko an independentcandidate. Three Cabinet Ministers lost their seats. Mundia, a restricted leader ofthe banned United Party, won his seat despite the fact that he campaigned fromthe restriction camp.* Local reaction is working hard to weaken the leadership of UNIP and thus playinto the hands of imperialism and its agents and allies, the white minority regimesof Southern Africa. It is significant that all three Ministers who were defeatedwere standing in constituencies in Barotseland -

ments to the setting up of the "Inter-American Peace Forces". The Alliance forProgress programme has failed.Other imperialist powers, particularly West Germany and Japan, likewise seek toentrench themselves on that continent.Growing resistanceThis policy of imperialist aggression, which threatens world peace and thesecurity and independence of nations, is facing growing resistance in the capitalistcountries from the working class, peasantry, young people, students and from thewidest sections, irrespective of their political views and ideology. The mightyprotest movement against US aggression in Vietnam strengthens the militant

actions of the democratic forces against US imperialist policy as a whole and thepolicies of the governments supporting it.The heroic struggle of the Vietnamese people has stimulated in Japan and otherAsian countries the movement for closing US military bases, and the renunciationof the treaties which bind these countries to the policy of the Pentagon. In theUSA itself-which is the main source of aggression-a militant mass movementagainst war and militarism has developed.In Western Europe the movement against the aggressive NATO bloc, for thenormalisation of relations and the development of cooperation between states andfor safeguarding European security, encompasses ever wider strata of thepopulation. Forces actively opposed to revanchism and militarism are growing inWest Germany too. In countries where the USA maintains military bases,demands for eliminating these strongpoints of aggression are becoming morearticulate.The Latin American peoples are fighting against the oppression and brazeninterference of US imperialism in their internal affairs. The strike movement ofthe workers and the actions of the peasants, students and other strata show thatgreat numbers of people throughout the continent are intensifying resistance to thedictates of the USA and its military designs. In some countries the revolutionaryforces are resorting to armed struggle against the domination of the oligarchy andimperialism. The national feelings of the peoples and economic difficulties mightcompel even some governments to take important measures against imperialism;this determines the tendency to establish or extend relations with socialistcountries, including Cuba. The Communist and Workers' Parties are heading thedemocratic and anti-imperialist struggle, and despite persecution by reactionarycamarillas they are fighting with dedication and courage for the demands of themasses and for revolutionary changes.The upsurge of the national liberation movement of the Afro-Asian peoples hasbeen a telling blow at the positions of imperialism on these continents. Despiteserious difficulties, these people are continuing to struggle against colonialismand neo-colonialism and are contributing to the general offensive againstimperialism.The events of the past decade have laid bare more forcefully than ever the natureof US imperialism as a world exploiter and gendarme, as the

which borders on Angola and Namibia (South West Africa4 In this provinceNkumbula's opposition party won 8 of the ten seats. Barotseland was long anundeveloped labour. reservoir for South African mines and agriculture. Soon afterindependence, in accordance with OAU decisions to isolate South Africa, Zambiabanned all recruitment of labour for mines and farms in that country - it was thisdecision which no doubt caused some temporary hardship, together with thefanning -of tribal and local differences, which enabled the opposition to makesome headway in Barotseland. But more sinister forces are at work.Portuguese violations against Zambia are becoming daiy occurrences. Threatsagainst Zambian independence are rumbling from Pretoria, on the grounds thatZambia, is allegedly encouraging African freedom fighters in Zimbabwe - it

would indeed be strange if any independent African state should fail in its duty toassist liberation movements in the South. Pretoria's stooge, Banda of Malawi ismaking absurd claims to Zambian territory.The lesson and the warning are clear.Zambia must be considered as falling within the war zone in Southern Africa. Thegovernment shows 'signs of recognising this objective reality; it is strugglingagainst local reaction and showing increased vigilance against provocations fromthe Portuguese and white minority regimes. But much remains to be done.Historically Zambia's fate is inseparable from that of the oppressed strugglingpeoples of Southern Africa whose fight is fundamentally directed againstimperialism as a whole, the mainstay of the oppressive fascist regimes. Zambia,pioneer of independence and freedom in the area; is a source of enormousstrength and significance to our people; but her contribution must remain limitedwhile she herself remains within the orbit of imperialism.A welcome step forward has been the termination of the military agreement underwhich more than 110 British air and army officers had been seconded to trainZambian army personnel. It is to be hoped that this move will extend to thewithdrawal of Zambian army cadres from British

sworn enemy of liberation movements. The US monopolies have penetrated theeconomy of dozens of countries, where they are increasing their capitalinvestments and seeking to gain control of key positions in the economy.West German imperialism is increasing its economic strength, building up its warmachine, reaching out for nuclear weapons and intensifying its drive fordomination over Western Europe. It opposes all steps leading to disarmament andthe easing of international tension, and pursues a policy of neo-colonialism andexpansion in relation to the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.Despite the weakening of British imperialism, Britain remains one of the majorimperialist powers and strives to maintain its positions in Africa, Asia, theCaribbean and the Middle East by neo-colOnialist methods and sometimes bydirect military intervention. On the principal issues of world politics Britain actsas one of the most active partners of the United States. It is a leading aggressiveforce in NATO and seeks a closer alliance with West Germany.Japanese imperialism is gaining in strength, intensifying its expansion, especiallyin Asia. Militarism is again rearing its head in Japan. Linked by many ties withUS imperialism, the ruling circles of Japan have virtually turned the country into aUS arsenal in the war against the Vietnamese people, and are taking part inconspiracies against the Korean people.French imperialism tries to maintain and consolidate its positions in the worldeconomy and politics. It persistently continues to build up a nuclear strike forceand refuses to join in measures that would promote disarmament. It retains itscolonial domination over the peoples of Guadeloupe, Martinique, Reunion andsome countries of Africa and Oceania and refuses to recognise their right to self-determination and to govern their own affairs. It uses the influence it still has inits former colonies and, employing new methods of colonialist policy, isparticularly active in Africa.

Italian monopoly capital is likewise stepping up its expansion.Inter-imperialist contradictionsEconomic development is becoming more uneven among the various imperialistpowers and in the capitalist world as a whole. Life demonstrates the correctness ofthe Marxist-Leninist theory of struggle between the imperialist powers andbetween the capitalist monopolies for spheres of influence. Industrial andcommercial competition is growing sharper, and the financial and currency war isspreading. Competition is growing in Western Europe including the CommonMarket, and also between the capitalist countries of Europe and the USA.Japanese imperialism is energetically joining this struggle for markets andmaximum profits.The inter-imperialist contradictions are manifest not only in the economic sphere.NATO is undergoing a serious crisis. The aggressive blocs established in Asia-Cento and SEATO-are beginning to crack up. Western Europe is becoming anarena of discord among the capitalist countries. This weakens the world system ofimperialism and upsets US imperialism's plans for hegemony.

military academies where even President Kaunda's son is currently undergoingmilitary training.Unfortunately this progressive step forward must be balanced against a recentagreement reported to replace the departing British officers with Italian ones.Zambia is already to buy military helicopters from Italy worth. nearly £1 millionsterling. In mid-January President Kaunda stated in London his intention to recruitBritish men to fight in Zambia.By increasing her ties with NATO powers, Zambia is limiting her potential toadvance to complete and genuine national independence and to throw her fullweight behind the fight for Southern African liberation, key to Africa's advance asa whole.Let our People go!Thousands of South African political prisoners are still rotting in jails, underabominable conditions, on Robben Island and other prisons throughout thecountry. Recently a letter smuggled from this hell-island exposed some of thefrightful conditions prevailing there. Since last year 'four of our men died, mainlythrough negligence', the letter states, drawing attention to the extremelyinadequate medical services. 'The food quality is extremely poor.'The recent release of Mr. R. Sobukwe, six years after his term of three yearsimprisonment had expired, was long overdue and is warmly to be welcomed,although he will remain under 12-hours-a-day house arrest and is restricted toKimberley.Perhaps the fascist government was hoping that by this release of a minor politicalprisoner, head of a breakaway organisation which has long been discredited andhas disintegrated, it would blind the world to the terrible plight of Lhosethousands who still remain in its jails, under house airest and other forms oflawless restriction. It hopes to present a totally false image of a more 'enlightened'and 'liberal' turn in its policy.The real picture is shown by the brutal suppression of the

Contradictions are also growing deeper within the ruling circles of the imperialistcountries, between the most belligerent groups who gamble on extreme measures,on war, and those who, taking into account the new relationship of class forces inthe world and the growing might of the socialist countries, tend to take a morerealistic approach to international problems and to solve them in the spirit ofpeaceful coexistence between states with different systems. The ruling circles ofsome countries realise the need to reckon with the real situation which has takenshape in Europe as a result of the war and of post-war development, and arebeginning to see that the German Democratic Republic must be recognised. Anumber of countries have recognised the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and thePeople's Republic of China, despite US pressure.The Communist and Workers' Parties, the working class and the anti-imperialiitforces take into account all the contradictions in the enemy camp, and strive todeepen and utilise them in the interest of peace and progress.Each imperialist power pursues its own aims. At the same time together they formthe chain of the world system of imperialism.Present day imperialism, which is trying to adapt itself to the conditions of thestruggle between the two systems and to the demands of the scientific andtechnological revolution, has some new features. Its state monopoly character isbecoming more pronounced. It resorts ever more extensively to such instrumentsas state stimulated monopolistic concentration of production and capital,redistribution by the state of an increasing proportion of the national income,allocation of war contracts to the monopolies, government financing of industrialdevelopment and research programmes, the drawing up of economic developmentprogrammes on a country *wide scale, the policy of imperialist integration andnew forms of capital export.However, state monopoly regulation exercised in forms and on a scale whichmeets the interests of monopoly capital and is aimed at preserving its rule, isunable to control the spontaneous forces of the capitalist market. Practically nocapitalist state has been able to avoid considerable cyclical fluctuations andslumps in its economy; in some countries periods of rapid industrial growthalternate with periods in which there is a slowdown and often a drop inproduction. The capitalist system is in the grip of an acute monetary and financialcrisis.The scientific and technological revolution offers mankind unprecedentedpossibilities to transform nature, to produce immense material wealth and tomultiply man's creative capabilities. These possibilities should serve the generalwelfare, but capitalism is using the scientific. and technological revolution toincrease its profits and intensify the exploitation of the working people.The scientific and technological revolution accelerates the socialisation of theeconomy; under monopoly domination this leads to the reproduction of socialantagonisms on a growing scale and in a sharper form. Not only have the longstanding contradictions of capitalism been aggravated, but new ones have arisenas well. This applies, in particular to the contradiction between the unlimitedpossibilities opened up by the scientific and technological revolution, and the

strike, in March, of 3,000 Durban African dockworkers who demanded better payand conditions, of the student demonstrations. The real picture was revealed byPolice Minister, S. Muller, when he revealed in Parliament that over a thousandspecially trained police from the Republic were concentrated in Rhodesia on theborders of Zambia.South Africans and their friends abroad will continue to press forward with alltheir might the demand for the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Inthe words of the resolution of the recent Morogoro Consultative Conference of theAfrican National Congress:Conference vehemently condemns the continued imprisonment, detention andpersecution of thousands of our gallant Freedom Fighters by the Vorster fascistregime.Conference salutes our gallant leaders languishing in Robben Island and otherprisons, such as Walter Sisulu, Nelson Mandela, Ahmed Kathrada, EliasMotsoaledi, Dennis Goldberg, Andrew Mlangeni, Raymond Mhlaba, WiltonMkwayi, Abram Fischer as well as numerous ANCand Umkhonto we Size men and women.Conference pledges never to rest until these comrades arereleased.

obstructions raised by capitalism to their utilisation for the benefit of society as awhole. Capitalism squanders national wealth, allocating for war purposes a greatproportion of scientific discoveries and immense material resources. This is thecontradiction between the social character of present day production and the statemonopoly nature of its regulation. This is not only the growth of the contradictionbetween capital and labour, but also the deepening of the antagonism between theinterests of the overwhelming majority of the nation and those of the financialoligarchy.Even in the most developed capitalist countries, millions of people suffer thetorments of unemployment, want and insecurity. Contrary to assertions about the"revolution in incomes" and "social partnership," capitalist exploitation is in factincreasing. The rise in wages lags far behind the growth rates of labourproductivity and the intensification of labour, behind the social needs and evenmore so behind the growth of monopoly profits. The position of the small farmerscontinues to deteriorate, and the living conditions of a considerable part of themiddle strata are becoming more difficult.Growing crisesThe instability of the capitalist system has increased. Social and political crisesare breaking out in many countries, in the course of which the working people arebecoming aware of the necessity of deep going and decisive changes.This became primarily evident from the events in France in May and June 1968,from the powerful strike movement there, in which the communists played animportant role and the working people made considerable gains. A serious clashtook place in that country between the working class and considerable sections ofthe intellectuals and students on the one hand, and" the Gaullist regime and

monopoly rule, on the other. This clash opened up new possibilities for thestruggle for democracy and socialism.In Italy the steady growth of the strike movement on a national scale, the bigpolitical battles and the electoral successes of the left wing forces strongly shookthe policy of the Centre Left, which the ruling classes reckoned on using tostabilise capitalism.In Spain, the struggle of the masses continues to undermine the fascistdictatorship of Franco, which was compelled to introduce emergency measures;despite these repressions, the struggle is expanding, and new social strata andbroad social circles are joining the antiFranco opposition.In Great Britain major class battles are unfolding, including political strikes indefence of the trade unions and of the right to strike, which are under attack bythe Labour government.Class battles, strikes and other actions by the working people, students and othersections of the people have been stepped up in Japan, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina,the Federal Republic of Germany, Uruguay, Belgium, Portugal, Chile, India,Pakistan, Turkey and other countries, and also in West Berlin. The growth of thedemocratic movement has also been reflected in the electoral achievements of thecommunists and

Resolutions of the African National Congress.(Adopted at Morogoro, 1st May, 1969.)The Consultative Conference of the African National Congress approves the newadministrative structure of the. organisation.It affirms the necessity to integrate all oppressed national groups andrevolutionary forces and individuals under the banner of the A.N.C.It instructs the National Executive Committee to work out the means by whichthis can be done so as to mobilise all revolutionaries in functioning -nits of theAfrican National Congress.Conference expresses its 'unanimous ,approval of the Political Report -of theN.C., -the Strategy and Tactics of the ,Revolution, and the Programme of theRevolution: the Freedom Charter.Conference extends revolutionary greetings to brother Fighters for Freedom inAfrica, Vietnam, the Middle East and elsewhere vho, arms in hand, are flghtingour common enemy; imperialism in all its forms.We greet our brothers of Southern Africa and the Portuguese colonies who havescored and are scoring brilliant victories over the enemy. We shall win!We South African revolutionaries pay unsitnted tribute to the National LiberationFront of South Vietnam who have added glorious pages to the history ofliberation. We fully support their just demands for the unconditional withdrawalof the U.S. and mercenary troops from Vietnam and the reunification of their,motherland.We greet the peoples of the Arab countries resisting imperialistbacked Zionistaggression, and support the right of the dispossessed Arabs of Palestine to fightfor their return to their homeland.

,other progressive forces in a number of countries, including Japan. Democraticfront governments, including communists, have been formed in some states ofIndia. In Finland the communists take part in the government.Moreover the depth of the crisis in the capitalist world is also strikingly revealedby the advance of the mass struggle in the United States itself, that main pillar ofworld imperialism. A wave of rebellions against racial discrimination, poverty,starvation and police brutality has swept the Negro ghettoes. Scores of Americancities and towns have been the scene of fierce clashes with troops and police,which took a great toll of lives and led to the arrest of thousands of Negroes.In the USA militant strikes for economic demands take place often in defiance ofgovernment pressure and threats and contrary to the will of reactionary tradeunion officials. In the unions the rank and file and progressive forces arebecoming more active. Large sections of the working people oppose the Vietnamwar.Intellectual, professional and religious circles in the USA are becoming more andmore active in the movement of social protest and for peace. Young people,students in particular, black and white, are in revolt in different ways against theVietnam war, military conscription, racialism, and monopoly control ofuniversities. Reaction replies to this with the assassination of public figures,.mounting repression and massive violence. The notorious "American way of life"is being discredited in the eyes of the world.Everywhere the monopoly capitalists try to create the illusion that everything theworking people aspire to can be achieved without a revolutionary transformationof the existing system. To conceal its exploiting and aggressive nature, capitalismresorts to theoretical whitewash-"people's capitalism," the "welfare state," the"affluent society," etc. The revolutionary working class movement exposes theseconcepts and wages a determined struggle against them. It thus deepens the crisisof imperialist ideology; increasing numbers of people are turning away from thisideology.The conscience and intellect of mankind cannot be reconciled with the crimes ofimperialism. Imperialism bears the guilt for two world wars which snuffed out thelives of tens of millions of people. It has created a gigantic military machinewhich devours tremendous human and material resources. Intensifying thearmaments race, it plans the production of new weapons for decades ahead. It isfraught with the threat of a thermonuclear world war which would annihilatehundreds of millions of people and turn entire countries into deserts.Imperialism gave birth to fascism-the system of political terror and death camps.Wherever it can, imperialism wages an: offensive against democratic rights andliberties; it tramples underfoot human dignity and cultivates racialism.Imperialism is responsible for the hardship and suffering of hundreds of millionsof people. It is chiefly to blame for the fact that vast masses of people in Asian,African and Latin American countries are compelled to live in conditions ofpoverty, disease and illiteracy and under archaic social relations, and that entirenationalities are doomed to extinction.

The order of the day is: CLOSE RAN KS!

0. R. TAMBOActing President - General African National CongressSouth Africa

The course of social development shows that imperialism comes into conflict withthe vital interests of workers by hand and by brain, of different social strata,peoples and nations. As a result growing numbers of working people, socialmovements and entire peoples are rising against imperialism.The working class, the democratic and revolutionary forces, the peoples, mustunite and act jointly in order to put an end to imperialism's criminal actions whichcan bring still graver suffering to mankind. To curb the aggressors and liberatemankind from imperialism is the mission of the working class, of all the anti-imperialist forces fighting for peace, democracy, national independence andsocialism.IIANTI-IMPERIALIST FORCESThe world socialist system is the decisive force in the anti-imperialist struggle.Every liberation struggle receives indispensable aid from the world socialistsystem, and above all from the Soviet Union.The Great October Socialist Revolution, the building of socialism in the SovietUnion, the victory over German fascism and Japanese militarism in the SecondWorld War, the triumph of the revolution in China and in a number of othercountries in Europe and Asia, the emergence of the first socialist state in America,the Republic of Cuba, the rise and development of the world socialist system,comprising 14 states, and the inspiring influence of socialism on the entire world,have created the prerequisites for accelerating historical progress, and haveopened new prospects for the advance and triumph of socialism throughout theworld.Socialism has shown mankind the prospect of deliverance from imperialism. Thenew social system based on public ownership of the means of production and onthe power of the working people is capable of ensuring the planned, crisis freedevelopment of the economy in the interest of the people, guaranteeing the socialand political right's of the working people, creating conditions for genuinedemocracy, for real participation by the broad masses of people in theadministration of society, for all round development of the individual and for theequality and friendship of nations. It has been proved in fact that only socialism iscapable of solving the fundamental problems facing mankind.The contribution of the world socialist system to the common cause of the anti-imperialist forces is determined primarily by its growing economic potential. Theswift economic development of the countries belonging to the socialist system atrates outpacing the economic growth of the capitalist countries, the advance ofsocialism to leading positions in a number of fields of scientific and technologicalprogress, and the blazing of a trail into outer space by the Soviet Union-all thesetangible results, produced by the creative endeavours of the peoples of thesocialist countries, decisively contribute to the preponderance of the forces ofpeace, democracy and socialism over imperialism.

Moulding the RevolutionTHE MOROGORO CONFERENCE OF THE AFRICAN NATIONALCONGRESSApril 25- May 1, 1969The Consultative Conference of the African National Congress held at Morogoroin Tanzania was perhaps the most remarkable, critical and decisive in the longhistory of the A. N. C. which began in 1912. The Conference has been welldescribed as one of Total Mobilisation for the National Democratic Revolution inSouth Africa. Taking place at a time of crucial moment for the development of thearmed struggle and in the internal life of the liberation movement, it emerged witha clear-cut political direction and a series of practical decisions whose energeticand single-minded implementation will undoubtedly advance the oppressedmasses of our country far along the road to victory and the conquest of people'spower.Conference made important changes in the structure and administration of theANC. A new and smaller National Executive Committee was elected; aRevolutionary Council was created representative of all national groups andrevolutionary forces in our country. The Revolutionary Council was charged withthe task of intensifying the armed struggle and the full mobilisation of the massesin support of the revolution. Changes were made in the organisation of externalsolidarity work. The alliance with ZAPU to which much tribute was paid was tobe further strengthened and developed. It was also decided to take steps toincrease co-operation and co-ordination with Frelimo, MPLA, PAIGC andSWAPO.Certainly, the serious problems confronting the movement had led to a ferment ofideas, of demands for change, at all levels of the liberation movement. But thosewho had perhaps speculated on divisions or confusion arising and spreading werebitterly disappointed. The overwhelming and

The socialist world has now entered a stage of its development when thepossibility arises of utilising on a scale far greater than ever before thetremendous potentialities inherent in the new system. This is furthered byevolving and applying better economic and political forms corresponding to therequirements of mature socialist society, which already rests on the new socialstructure. The building of socialism and its further development rests on thesupport, participation and initiative of the working people, inspired and led by theworking class. The Communist Party is the vanguard of socialist society as awhole. The forces of socialism are strengthened and the unity of will and action ofthe people is promoted by the steadily increasing political activity of the workingpeople, by the greater activity of the social organisations, by the extension of therights of the individual, by irreconcilable struggle against manifestations ofbureaucracy and by the all round development of socialist democracy. Theimprovement of socialist democracy, the growth of the productive forces, thepolitical and cultural progress, the superiority of human and moral values enhancethe influence of socialism on the working people of the world and reinforce its

positions in the struggle against imperialism, a struggle of world widesignificance.Complex processPractice has shown that socialist transformations and the building of the newsociety are a long and complex process, and that the itilisation of the tremendouspossibilities opened up by the new system depends on the Communist Parties inthe leadership of the state, on their ability to resolve the problems of socialistdevelopment the MarxistLeninist way.The application of science in various social and economic fields, and the fullutilisation of the potentialities opened up by the scientific and technologicalrevolution for speeding up economic development and for satisfying the needs ofall members of society are made possible by socialist ownership. the plannedorganisation of production, and the active participation of workers by hand and bybrain in guiding and managing the economy. An important requisite for thedevelopment of socialist society is to give full scope to the scientific andtechnological revolution, which has become one of the main sectors of tilehistoric competition between capitalism and socialism.The formation of the socialist world constitutes an integral part of the classstruggle being waged in the international arena. The enemies of socialism arekeeping up their attempts to undermine the foundations of the socialist statepower, thwart the socialist transformation of society and restore their own rule. Togive a firmrebuff to these attempts is an essential function of the socialist state,which relies on the working people led by the working class and its communistvanguard.The defence of socialism is an internationalist duty of communists.The development and strengthening of each socialist country is a vital conditionof the progress of the world socialist system as a whole. Successful developmentof the national economy, improvement of

unanimous will of the conference at Morogoro was for Unity within the Ranks;for rededication to Congress and its capable leader, Acting President-General .0.R. Tambo; for determined concentration on the central task - development of thearmed struggle, the organisation of the revolution to free our country.More than seventy delegates came to Morogoro. Present among them wereveterans of the struggle, personified by the towering presence of 'Uncle J. B.'Marks. There were the emissaries who had carried the message of the A.N.C. toevery corner of the five continents, who had exposed apartheid mercilessly at theUnited Nations and won solidarity, for our people at innumerable meetings inAfrica, Asia, Europe, North and South America. Present too - for the first time asfully participating delegates and not only as bearers of fraternal messages - wereoutstanding leaders of the partners of the Congress Alliance; the Indian andColoured People's Congresses and the revolutionary working class movement;tried revolutionaries of the calibre of Dr. Yusuf Dadoo, Reg. September and JoeSlovo.But above all, Morogoro was a Conference of the fighting youth of South Africa:delegations from the various encampments of the liberation army, Umkhonto we

Sizwe, and among them men who had seen action at Wankie and otherengagements of the ZAPU-ANC military alliance against the joint forces of theSmith and Vorster regimes, who had seen the self-styled white 'supermen' turn tailand run, and who knew that victory can and shall be won. It was their presence,their mood of revolutionary urgency, their voice and their demands whichprevailed at Morogoro; their insistence on priority for the armed struggle and themobilisation of all revolutionaries at home and abroad, their demand for changedstructures to meet the needs of the new phase of the revolution, for new andhigher standards of political and personal conduct of all in the movement.The conference was opened formally on April 25th in the presence ofdistinguished visitors. Mr. G. Magombe, Executive Secretary of the OAULiberation Committee brought greetings, as did Mr. A. Swai, TANU's secretary ofExternal

social relations and the all round progress of each socialist country conform bothto the interests of each people separately and the common cause of socialism.One of the most important tasks before the Communist and Workers' Parties ofthe socialist countries is to develop all embracing co-operation between theircountries, and ensure fiesh successes in the decisive areas of the economiccompetition between the two systems, in the advance of science and technology.As the struggle between the two world systems grows sharper, this competifiondemands that on the basis of the socialist countries' fundamental interests andaims of the MarxistLeninist principles underlying their policy, the socialist systemshould place greater reliance on the international socialist division of labour andvoluntary co-operation between them, which rules out any infringement ofnational interests, and ensures the advance of each country and consolidates themight of the world socialist system as a whole.Relying on its steadily growing economic and defence potential, the worldsocialist system fetters imperialism, reduces its possibilities of exporting counter-revolution, and in fulfilment of its internationalist duty, furnishes increasing aid tothe peoples fighting for freedom and independence, and promotes peace andinternational security. So long as the aggressive NATO bloc exists, the WarsawTreaty Organisation has an important role to play in safeguarding the security ofthe socialist countries against armed attack by the imperialist powers and inensuring peace.The successes of socialism, its impact on the course of world events and theeffectiveness of its struggle against imperialist aggression largely depend on thecohesion of the socialist countries. Unity of action of the socialist countries is animportant factor in bringing together all anti-imperialist forces.The establishment of international relations of a new type and the development ofthe fraternal alliance of the socialist countries is a complex historical process.Following the victory of the socialist revelution in many countries, the building ofsocialism on the basis of general laws is proceeding in various forms, which takeinto account concrete historical conditions and national distinctions. Successfuldevelopment of this process implies strict adherence to the principles of

proletarian ihternationalism, mutual assistance and support, equality, sovereigntyand non-interference in each other's internal affairs.Socialism is not afflicted with the contradictions inherent in capitalism. Whendivergences between socialist countries do arise, owing to differences in the levelof economic development, in social structure or international position or becauseof national distinctions, they can and must be successfully settled on the basis ofproletarian internationalism, through comradely discussion and voluntary fraternalco-operation. They need not disrupt the united front of socialist countries againstimperialism.Communists are aware of the difficulties in the development of the world socialistsystem. But this system is based on the identity of the social and economicstructure of its member countries, and on the identity of their fundamentalinterests and objectives. This identity is an earnest that the existing difficultieswill be overcome, and. that

Affairs, Mr. J. J. Nambuta, of the National Union of Tanganyika Workers, Mr.Amadou N'Diaye of the All-African Trade Union Federation, spokesmen ofZAPU, MPLA, PAIGC and FRELIMO, local leaders and others. The MorogoroTraining College students provided a guard of honour for delegates entering thehall, and dressed in their green and black uniforms, greeted the delegates withnational and revolutionary songs - to which the ANC delegates responded suitablyin kind.OPEN AND DEMOCRATIC DISCUSSIONThen followed the days of open, frank and democratic discussion in which everyaspect of the policy, tactics and work of the liberation movement were subjectedto searching review. The atmosphere was one of warmth and comradship, againsta background of high enthusiasm at the stirring deeds of the ANC-ZAPU guerillasagainst the enemy forces. But it was also one of unrestricted criticism in which allthe main aspects of the movement's programme and strategy, its leadershipstructure and style of work, were examined and tested in the light of theoverriding demands of the present phase of armed struggle and the nationaldemocratic revolution.It is important to remember the background to the debates. Since the banning ofthe ANC in 1960, far-reaching changes have occurred. Umkhonto we Sizwe, thearmed section of the liberation movement, was founded, the sabotage campaignlaunched inside the country, and large numbers of volunteers were enrolled formilitary training and formation outside the country in preparation for their return.The External Mission of the ANC was sent out of the country, with the backing ofthe other partners of the Congress Alliance, to put the case against apartheidbefore the court of world opinion, and to mobilise support and solidarity for ourpeople's fight.There can be no doubt that these years have seen striking achievements. For thefirst time in its history our South African liberation movement has created anarmed force

the unity of the socialist system will be further strengthened on the basis of theprinciples of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism.In the citadels of capitalism the working class, as recent events have shown, is theprincipal driving force of the revolutionary struggle and of the entire anti-imperialist, democratic movement.The present period is characterised by a sharpening of the struggle of the workingclass and of wide sections of working people not .only for an improvement oftheir economic conditions but also for political demands. While defending theirvital interests, the working people fight for social rights and democratic freedoms.These demands are increasingly directed against the system of domination bymonopoly capital, against its political power. The desire of the working people toeffect a radical change in the economic and social system based on theexploitation of man is growing ever stronger. The big battles of the working classin a number of capitalist countries are undermining the power .of the monopoliesand intensifying the instability and contradictions of capitalist society. Thesestruggles foreshadow new class battles which could lead to fundamental socialchange, socialist revolution, and the establishment of the power of the workingclass in alliance with other sections of the working people.Recent class battles have struck a blow at the illusions spread by partisans of neo-capitalism and reformism, and have given fresh proof of the basic propositions ofMarxism-Leninism. In contrast to the right and left opportunists, the Communistand Workers' Parties do not counterpose the fight for deep going economic andsocial demands and for advanced democracy against the struggle for socialism,but regard it as a part of the struggle for socialism. The radical democraticchanges which will be achieved in the struggle against the monopolies and theireconomic domination and political power will promote awareness of the need forsocialism among the people.Working class unityIn the new situation, the need for working class unity has become even moreurgent. Facts and the experience gained by the working class in the course of theirstruggles, and the sharp criticism of opportunist views by the Communist andWorkers' Parties-which remains a constant task-deepen the crisis of reformistconcepts. A differentiation is taking place in the ranks of social democracy, andthis is also reflected in the leadership. Some of the leaders come out in defence ofmonopoly capital and imperialism. Others are more inclined to take into accountthe demands of the working people in the economic -and social fields and on thequestions of the struggle for peace and progress.Communists, who attribute decisive importance to working class unity, are infavour of co-operation with the socialists and social democrats to establish anadvanced democratic regime today and to build a socialist society in the future.They will do everything they can to carry. out this co-operation. Communists arelikewise in favour of co-operation with other democratic parties and organisationsinterested in-the renewal of society. To advance on this path, it is, of course-

capable of engaging the enemy and inspiring a nation-wide mass insurrectionagainst white domination which must end in victory. Moreover, due to the correct

policy of the ZAPUANC military alliance, units of this army have already enteredinto action and demonstrated their capacity to survive and to inflict heavycasualties on the enemy.These accomplishments are the more striking in that they took place against abackground of mounting terror and repression at home; the enactment of the'Sabotage' and 'Terrorism' Laws. The introduction of imprisonment without trialduring which Congressites were interrogated under gruesome tortures madepublic political activity of the traditional type virtually impossible. Heavy blowswere inflicted on the leadership in the 'Rivonia', 'Fischer', 'Mkwayi' and othertrials. Repeated bannings of their leading personnel brought the publicfunctioning of the Indian and Coloured Congresses and the Congress of TradeUnions to a temporary halt. These reverses imposed a heavy burden on theExternal Mission, which was compelled to undertake many functions ofleadership and organisation which had previously been borne by the undergroundleadership within the country.Whatever the achievements, however, the mounting tempo and stress of thestruggle had pitilessly revealed weaknesses in the structures, emphases and styleof work of the movement which urgently called for correction. Political activityand information was lacking, especially at grass-roots level; the virtual collapse ofthe old Alliance machinery had left a gap which resulted in a failure to integrateall revolutionaries in the work of the movement; a dangerous chasm was openingup between the leadership and the rank-and-file which provided soil for variousdivisive tendencies foreign to the spirit of the ANC and its traditional allies. Theseobjective facts rendered the Morogoro Conference urgently timely and necessary;it was the greatest achievement of that Conference that it provided a basis for theconsolidation of the African National Congress at a higher level than ever byinaugurating those far-reaching changes called for by the present phase of theSouth African Revolution.

necessary for the socialist parties and other political organisations favouringsocialism resolutely to break with the policy of class collaboration with thebourgeoisie, and to pursue a policy of effective struggle for peace, democracy andsocialism.The trade unions, the largest organisations of the working people, play animportant role in the struggle against the monopolies. But for the division in thetrade union movement in the capitalist world they might be playing an even largerrole. Some leaders create artificial obstacles to unity of action by trade unions ofdifferent orientation, on a national and international scale, but the desire for suchunity has, nonetheless, been growing in the trade union movement in recent years.Communists are consistent champions of trade union unity within the frameworkof each country and in the international arena.The communist policy of united action by all the parties of the working class andthe trade unions draws growing support. This policy of unity affords the workingclass movement greater opportunities in the anti-imperialist struggle, and makes itpossible to bring into this struggle that section of the proletariat which is still

unorganised or still follows bourgeois parties. Communists will improve theirpolitical and ideological work with an eye to securing working class unity.Domination by finance capital and the realisation of "agrarian programmes" bythe monopolist states lead to the ruin of ever larger sections of the small andmiddle farmers. Lately the farmers have been putting up growing resistance tothese measures, conducting mass actions supported by urban working people. Thestrengthening of the alliance of workers and farmers is one of the basicprerequisites for the success of the struggle against the monopolies and theirpower.Big capital tramples on the vital interests of the majority of the urban middlestrata. Therefore, despite their lack of unity and their special susceptibility tobourgeois ideology, large numbers of the middle strata are coming forward indefence of their interests, joining the struggle for general democratic demands,and becoming increasingly conscious of the vital importance of united action withthe working class.In this age when science is becoming a direct productive force, growing numbersof intellectuals are swelling the ranks of wage 4nd salary workers. Their socialinterests intertwine with those of the working class; their creative aspirationsclash with the interests of the monopoly employers, who place profit above allelse. Despite the great diversity in their positions, various groups of intellectualsare coming more and more into conflict with the monopolies and the imperialistpolicy of governments. The crisis of bourgeois ideology and the attraction ofsocialism help to bring intellectuals into the antiimperialist struggle. The allianceof workers by hand and by brain is becoming an increasingly important force inthe struggle for peace, democracy and social progress, for the democratic controlof production, of cultural institutions and information media, and for thedevelopment of public education in the interests of the people.The convergence of interests of the working class, farmers, urban middle strataand intellectuals, as well as their growing co-operation reduce the socialfoundations of monopoly power, sharpen its internal

UNITED ON POLICYThe Conference unanimously' approved the main policy documents before it; thepolitical report of the National Executive, a reassessment and reaffirmation of theFreedom Charter, the revolutionary programme of the ANC, and an analysis ofthe Strategy and Tactics of the movement at this stage.The political report opens by examining various changes which have taken placein South Africa over the past five years. Economically this is the most advancedcountry on the-continent. 'But its wealth has been and is produced by the mostruthless exploitation of African labour. Cheap labour and vast natural resourcesare the basis for what is now an imperialist, racist and fascist South Africa.''The country has made spectacular advances in the industrial field... The NationalIncome was estimated at about £ 2,356 million in 1961. Today the figure is nearer& 4,000 million. Although the mining industry continues to be the main prop ofeconomic expansion by reason of its supreme role as foreign exchange earner,

manufacturing industry is contributing a bigger and bigger share of the nationalincome.''The growth of industry has been accompanied by a swift-increase in the numbers of the industrial proletariat and the wage-earnersgenerally. Of great significance is the fact that the proportion of Africans engagedin the manufacturing industries is growing rapidly; non-whites constitute almost80 per cent of the workers... The numbers of wage-earners in our country,including mining, manufacturing and agricultural workers amount to over 6million.., people now dependent for their livelihood on the selling of their labourpower constitute the majorityof the South African adult population.'The Report points out that, although the labour of the non-white people has been amajor factor in the economic progress of the country, they have not benefittedaccordingly.In real terms the share of the National Income estimated for Africans has fallenfrom approximately 21 per cent just after

contradictions and promote the mobilisation of wide sections of people for thestruggle against monopolies and imperialism.The numerical growth and mounting political activity of young people havebecome an important factor in social affairs in Western Europe, America, Japan,Turkey and other countries. Action by young people reflects the deep going crisisof contemporary bourgeois society. Working youth, primarily young industrialworkers, who are subjected to super-exploitation and see no prospect forthemselves under capitalism, are entering the class struggle to an ever greaterextent, joining the trade unions and communist and other democraticorganisations. Broad masses of students take a stand not only against the defectsof the obsolete system of education and for the right'to organise and share activelyin the affairs of educational centres, but also against the policy of the rulingclasses. Inspired by the struggle of the Vietnamese people and by other examplesof heroic struggle against imperialism, growing numbers of young people take anactive part in major mass actions against imperialism, for democracy, peace andsocialism.Communists have high regard for the upsurge of the youth movement and activelyparticipate in it. They propagate in its ranks the ideas of scientific socialism,explain the danger of various pseudo-revolutionary ideas which could influenceyoung people, and seek to help young people find the right path in the struggleagainst imperialism and for defence of their interests. Only close unity with theworking class movement and its communist vanguard can open for them trulyrevolutionary prospects.An important feature of our epoch fs the large scale participation of women in theclass struggle, the anti-imperialist movement and, in particular, the struggle forpeace. This is strikingly demonstrated in the massive protest campaigns againstthe US aggression in Vietnam. The number of women engaged in production andother spheres is increasing. Their political consciousness is growing and theirstruggle for economic and social rights is becoming more active. Working women

demand an end to discrimination in the remuneration for their work, full equalityin civil rights, maternity protection programmes, and so on. They are participatingmore .and more actively in the battles -of the workers and democratic forces, andare joining the trade unions in increasing numbers. The Communist and Workers'Parties, in whose activity women members participate on the basis of completeequality, emphatically support their demands and regard the emancipation ofwomen as an important element of the general democratic movement.The examples of the socialist countries, where women are guaranteed fullequality, is a great attraction to women engaged in struggle in the capitalist world.Anti-monopoly allianceOwing to the considerable aggravation of socihl contradictions, conditions havearisen in many capitalist countries for an anti-monopoly and anti-imperialistalliance of the revolutionary working class movement and great numbers ofreligious people. The Catholic Church and

the second world war to 19 per cent today. The economic development is notbased on an increase in African consumption and 'more liberal labour or wagepolicies ... The so-called prosperity exists only for the privileged and is based onexploitation of cheap lalbour and the inflation of already greatly inflated profitsresulting therefrom. There is absolutely no justification for the reformist thesisthat economic development in our country will enter an 'era of high massconsumption and the granting -of political reforms by the white minority.'Africans and other non-whites, taken in the mass, are getting an even smallershare of the national cake than they did twenty years ago. The present higheconomic activity is based precisely on the oppression and the exploitation of thenonwhites and those who benefit thereby can hardly be expected to initiatechanges. Only a revolutionary struggle waged by the masses of the people canbring about meaningful changes. The report briefly discusses developmentsamong the white political parties. Under Vorster, the Nationalist Party continuesto intensify the repressive measures of the Verwoerd regime. 'The highly-publicised divisions in this party represented by the Verligte (enlightened) andVerkrampte (diehard) factions are not based on principles. The dispute is overhow white supremacy can be most effectively maintained.' The official oppositionparty - the United Party has surrendered on all important issues and can never beof any significance concerning fundamental changes. The Progressive Party,seeking a relaxation of apartheid and the constitutional attainment of a qualifiedfranchise for the oppressed, has been unable to make any headway among thewhite electorate, with only one representative in Parliament. The Liberal Party hasdisappeared. Thus 'middle groups' are disappearing in South Africa. The processof polarisation remains the trend, with reactionary elements gravitating towardsthe fascist Nationalist Party and all revolutionary forces moving towards theAfrican National Congress and its allies.BANTUSTAN FRAUDThe economic changes and growth experienced in the rest of the country, theReport points out, have not been reflected in the 'Reserves' (otherwise known as'Bantu homelands' officially, and popularly as 'Bantustans'). 'These areas of

some other religious organisations are experiencing an ideological crisis, which isshattering their age long concepts and existing structures. Positive co-operationand joint action between communists and broad democratic masses of Catholicsand followers of other religions are developing in some countries. The dialoguebetween them on issues such as war and peace, capitalism and socialism, and nco-colonialism and the problem of the developing countries, has become highlytopical. their united action against imperialism, for democracy and socialism. isextremely timely. Communists arc convinced that in this way-through broadcontacts and joint action-the mass of religious people can become an active forcein the anti-imperialist struggle and in carrying out far reaching social changes.In the course of anti-monopolist and anti-imperialist united action, favourableconditions are created for uniting all democratic trends into a political alliancecapable of decisively limiting the role played by the monopolies in the economiesof the countries concerned of putting an end to the power of big capital and ofbringing about such radical political and economic changes as would ensure themost favourable conditions for continuing the struggle for socialism. The mainforce in this dertocratic alliance is the working class. These objectives can beachieved, above all, by diverse forms of powerful mass action by the workingclass and the broadest sections of the population. While making use of allpossibilities of parliamentary activity, communists emphasise that the massmovement of the working class and of all working people is the decisive factor inthe struggle for democracy and socialism.The collapse of the colonial system has considerably weakened the position ofimperialism. In the past decade the role of the antiimperialist movement of thepeoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the world revolutionary process hascontinued to grow. In some countries, this movement is acquiring an anti-capitalist content.In many Asian and African countries the national liberation movement hasentered a new phase. A large number of national states has emerged in this area,substantially altering the world political structure and .:hanging the balance ofpower to the detriment of imperialism. The old colonial empires have been almostcompletely abolished.Of great importance for the future of Africa and the cause of peace is theliberation of Southern Africa. one of the last areas of colonial domination. Thearmed struggle which is being waged in this area by the peoples of Angola,Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa is inflictingheavy blows on the coalition of fascist and racialist regimes, which are supportedby the imperialists, and is opening up prospects for fresh big victories of theAfrican revolution.The Arab liberation movement is playing an outstanding role in the battle wagedagainst world imperialism. It is exerting a positive influence on the entiremovement against imperialism and neocolonialism in the Middle East and Africa.The struggle of the Arab peoples against imperialism and the Israeli aggression isa part of the general struggle between the forces of freedomand socialismthroughout the world on the one hand, and world imperialism on the other.

The growth of the movement for national liberation, and the social

subsistence farming remain reservoirs of labour for the rest of the economy. In thelast five years, the Reserves, with a population of over 4 million have had justunder 2,000 new jobs created in them. This ludicrous situation illustrates thebankruptcy of the policy of 'Separate Development.'Analysing the recent Transkei electipn - in which the dominant Transkei NationalIndependence Party headed by Kaiser Matanzima received 200,000 votes asagainst 400,000 votes for its opponents, but got 28 out of the 45 elective seats, -the report comments:In spite of the notorious Proclamation 400 which maintains the state of emergencyin the Transkei; the restriction of political meetings; and the weakness of theopposition to Matanzima wh4ch is opportunistic and does not constitute any realalternative - over two-thirds of those who participated voted against Matanzimaand his group. The fact that 400,000 did noteven bother to participate says a great deal.The government still claims to be pursuing the Bantustan policy in other parts ofthe country. The Ciskei Territorial Authority now has a so-called legislativecouncil headed by Chief Justice Mabandla, and a new council has beenannounced in 'Tswanaland'. But there is still utter silence about Sekhukhunilandand Natal, and it is now clear to any serious analyst that the Bantustan policy as asolution to the country's problems is a hopeless failure. 'It only serves as a meansof deception and propaganda.' In this respect, however, its effects should not beunderestimated. 'The highsounding titles, salaries, ministerial houses, trading andbusiness opportunities were bound to attract some groups in the country. Theeffects of Bantu Education and the intensive racialistic, ethnic and reactionarypropaganda spewed forth by the local Msakazo, Radio Bantu and numerous fancyjournals, and producing a narrow social grouping that could be the basis of acompradore, collaborator class.'Yet, over and over again, the Government is forced by the logic of its anti-African policy of oppression to act even against the potential collaborator.' Itpromised that only Africans would be allowed to trade in segregated townships.'The next thing was the edict that all African traders must leave the urban areasand proceed to the homelands in the

progress of the peoples in this area, which is strategically important and is rich inoil, evoke the violent hatred of the imperialists and the oil monopolies, which areweaving a web of intrigues and plots against this movement, and are resorting towars and aggressive actions.To defeat these plots, repel acts of aggression and preserve all the gains of theArab movement, increasingly deep social and economic changes, progressivenational fronts and democratic rights for the people and for the progressivenational forces are, among other things, of key importance.Newly independent countriesSocial differentiation is developing in the newly independent countries. There is asharpening conflict between the working class, the peasantry and other

democratic forces, including patriotic minded sections of the petty bourgeoisie onthe one hand, and on the other imperialism and the forces of domestic reaction,the elements of the national bourgeoisie which are increasingly accepting a dealwith imperialism.In a number of young states the social role and political activity of the workingclass have increased. The importance of international ties between the youngproletariat of the countries of Asia and Africa and the working class of thesocialist countries and the capitalist states is growing.The toiling peasantry has great revolutionary potential. It is taking an active partin the struggle against imperialism, for the national liberation of peoples, and forconsolidating the independence of the young states. Communists are intensifyingtheir activity among the peasants and are carrying proletarian ideology into theirmidst.In most of the independent Asian and African states, along with the task ofconsolidating and safeguarding political independence and sovereignty, thecentral problems of social progress are to overcome economic backwardness, setup an independent national economy including their own industry, and raise thepeople's standard of living. The solution of these problems involves far reachingsocial and economic changes, the implementation of democratic agrarian reformsin the interests of the working peasantry and with its participation, the abolition ofout-dated feudal and pre-feudal relations, the ending of oppression by foreignmonopolies, the radical democratisation of social and political life and the stateapparatus, the regeneration of national culture and the development of itsprogressive traditions, the strengthening of revolutionary parties and the foundingof such parties where they do not yet exist. The pressing problems of socialdevelopment of these states are the object not only of sharp struggle between theneo-colonialists and the peoples of these countries, but also of internal socialconflicts. The establishment of relations of friendship and effective co-operationwith socialist countries is of great importance for independent Asian and Africancountries.Under the impact of the revolutionary conditions of our time, distinctive forms ofprogressive social development of the newly free countries have appeared, and therole of revolutionary and democratic

Reserves. This means ruin to the very traders who had been so anxious to singhallelujahs and hurrahs to the government.'As with the Africans, so with the Indian and Coloured communities. 'As thenetwork of the Indian and Coloured Affairs Departments spreads, the real rightsand opportunities become narrower. Oppression, restrictions, fear have beenintensified.'MILITARISATIONThe real intentions of the fascist government are to be seen in the spectacularincrease in military and security budgets. Defence estimates have jumped from 44million rand in 1960/61 to 255 million rand in 1966/67. In the same period policeexpenditure has risen from R 36 million to R 86 million.

The Security Council embargo on the sale of arms to South Africa has not beeneffective. Some countries, like France, have ignored it. Others have co-operated inthe building of arms factories in South Africa with foreign capital and techniques,under licence from such firms as Britain's I.C.I., FN of Belgium and Panhard ofFrance.South Africa's white minority is behaving as if she is involved in preparations fora large-scale war. For the first time universal conscription has been introduced forwhites. From the age of 17 all white males have to undergo nine periods ofmilitary training, the first period being twelve months. 'This is the burden SouthAfrica has imposed upon itself as the gendarme of imperialism in Africa.'However, South Africa is-not the unassailable fortress of white dominationpainted by government propaganda, wherein 'peace and quiet prevail'. Therevolutionary organisations are overcoming the problems of working unter fascistconditions. Thousands of leaflets have been distributed in the country calling onthe people to organise and resist. On Freedom Day (June 26) last year, the ANCmilitants at home showed their daring and courage in magnificent demonstrations.More recently, the Durban dockers, coming out on strike for better wages andconditions, gave a stirr-

forces has been enhanced. Some young states have taken the noncapitalist path, apath which opens up the possibility of overcoming the backwardness inheritedfrom the colonial past and creates conditions for transition to socialistdevelopment. In these countries a socialist outlook is making headway,overcoming great difliculties and trials. These states are waging a determinedstruggle against imperialismand neo-colonialism.Countries which have taken the capitalist road have-been unable to solve any ofthe basic problems facing them. Confronted with rising popular discontent, theinternal reactionary forces in these countries are intensifying with imperialistsupport their assault on democratic freedoms. In a number of cases they arebrutally suppressing the mass democratic and patriotic movements. They arekindling conflicts between natibnal, ethnic, religious, tribal and linguistic groups,thereby jeopardising the independence won by these countries.The imperialists show special hostility toward states with with progressiveregimes. To turn these countries away from their chosen path the imperialists seekto subvert their political parties, subject cducational and cultural institutions andmass media to their influence, organise counter-revolutionary activities thro.ightheir agents and back reactionary elements in the state apparatus and the armedforces. They try to utilise anti-comm unist prejudices to spread discord amongpatriots.The way to carry out the tasks of national development and social progress andeffectively rebuff neo-colonialist intrigues is to raise the activity of the people,enhance the role of the proletariat and the peasants, rally working youth, students,intellectuals, urban middle strata and democratic army circles-- all the patrioticand progressive forces. It is this kind of unity that the Communist and Workers'partics are calling for.

Communists light for the freedom, national independence and socialist future oftheir peoples. They are bearers of the ideas of scientific socialism and fight in thevanguard of the national liberation movement. This movement and the socialprogress of the peoples in the newly liberated countries requires close co-operation between the Communist and Workers' Parties and the other patrioticand progressive forces. A hostile attitude to communism and persecution ofcommunists harm the struggle for national and social emancipation.Most of the Latin American countries won state independence early in the lastcentury. They have, by and large, travelled a long way along the road of capitalistdevelopment; a large proletariat has emerged arid is growing and becomingsteeled in struggle both in town and country, and there are Communist Parties inpractically all these countries. The Latin American peoples are struggling againsta common oppressor and exploiter, US imperialism, which has placed the entirecontinent in a position of dependence, regarding it as its strategic hinterland.Some of them are still lighting colonial domination. The struggle for genuinenational sovereignty and economic independlence is intertwined with an acuteclass struggid against capitalist exploitation and, above all, against the foreign orlocal monopolies and the latifundia. Feudal survivals have remained in manycountries where there is a

ing example of courage and revolutionary spirit; and the non-white doctorselectrified the country by their militant protest against unequal pay - they receiveabout half the salaries paid to white doctors.'Our people know,' the Report continues, 'that the forces of the ZAPU/ANCalliance are fighting in Zimbabwe.' That is what spells doom for the state of whitesupremacy and apartheid. In the words of the Acting President-General:South Africa.., has been drawn fully into armed confrontation with ourrevolutionary forces. It is clearly only a matter of time before this confrontationspreads itself to the valleys, mountains and bush of South Africa. There is nothingwhatever that can halt the spread of the revolution to every part of SouthernAfrica...The tasks of the ANC and the movement are to mobilise the entire people insidethe country; to intensify the armed struggle, to find the correct strategy andtactics. 'This involves a correct assessment of the strength and weaknesses of theenemy and its imperialist allies; as well as our own strength and weaknesses, ourpotential and that of the whole anti-imperialist forces.'THE IMPERIALIST CAMPOur immediate enemies, the white fascist regime in South Africa, are animportant and integral part of the imperialist camp. Internationally theimperialists' main preoccupation today is a desperate attempt to stem the anti-colonialist revolution and to regain their former positions of political economicand military dominance over the peoples of the world. To achieve their objectivethey have embarked upon a global strategy of reactionary and brutal counter-attack against progressive governments and revolutionary liberation movements.The Report instances a number of examples of imperialist methods; the fomentingof hotbeds of war and acts of provocation; the use of 'springboards' in all

continents, such as Israel in the Middle East; Japan in Asia: 'In Africa, fascistSouth Africa is the main bulwark and fortress of reaction and imperialism. It is ofvital economic and strategic value

great mass of landless peasants. Struggles are being waged for democraticdemands and against tyrannical dictatorships, which latter constitute a verynegative factor in the historical development of the continent.The Cuban revolution has broken the chain of imperialist oppression in LatinAmerica and has led to the establishment of the first socialist state on theAmerican continent, marking a historic turning point and opening in this region anew phase of the revolutionary movement. In this part of the world militantdemocratic, anti-imperialist movements and revolutionary processes aredeveloping which will pave the way to socialism.The proletariat, and the Communist and Workers' Parties play an increasinglyimportant role in the anti-imperialist movemcnt in I.atin America. The existenceand activity of the working class is an historic advantage and a guarantee of itsfurther development. The struiggle of the people for their economic and politicaldemands and for their revolutionary aims assumes diverse forms. The popularmovement in Latin America is gaining momentum in a grim struggle againstaggressive imperialism and internal reaction. In sonic countries it takes the roadof armed struggle. In the course of this struggle the fighting spirit of the workingclass grows, the political consciousness of the peasantry is awakened, and therural population is aroused. The foundations of a workers' and peasants' allianceare thus being laid.Wide sections of people, students, progressive intellectuals and the urban middlestrata are forming an alliance with the proletariat. Joint action and anti-imperialistunity against reactionary regimes are gaining in strength. The mounting struggleagainst exploitation and noverty, and against imperialist oppression makesforward looking ieligious circles sympathise with progressive aspirations.Patriotic and democratic trends are gaining ground in the armed lorces of somecountries.It is of paramount importance for the prospects of the anti-imperialist struggle tostrengthen the alliance between the socialist system, the forces of the workingclass movement and national liberation.111FOR UNITED ACTIONThe social and political situation in the world today makes it possible to raise theanti-imperialist struggle to a new level. )ecisive superiority over imperialism andthe defeat of its policy of aggression and war can be secured by intensifying theoffensive against it. This insistently demands concrete practical steps and actionson all contintnts in order to give a clear perspective to the democratic andprogressive forces, to all the forces desiring a positive solution of the majorproblems worrying mankind today, in the interests of peace and the security ofnations.The Communist and Workers' Pariies represented at the meeting, aware of theirhistoric responsibility, propose united action to all communists of the world, to all

opponents of imperialism and to all who are prepared to fight for peace, freedomand progress.

in the whole global strategy of imperialism.' The imperialists subvert anti-imperialist governments; hinder the progress of developing countries through neo-colonialist economic levers; support reactionary and puppet regimes in Africa,Asia and Latin America. They seek to assassinaterevolutionaries of which the murder of Comrade Eduardo Mondlane of Frelimois the most recent example. Imperialist agents foment splits and desertions inthe ranks of liberation movements and progressive organisations; they slander theliberation movements and create spurious stooge organisations such as the PAC;they bribe spies, informers and traitors to try to wreck liberation movements.But this 'frantic counter-offensive' can and will be defeated by 'the united force ofpopular, progressive and revolutionary states and organisations.' Despite theirmassive military and economic potential, the imperialists are weak politically andincapable of real unity among themselves because of their constant economicrivalry. 'The rise of the anti-imperialist revolution is constantly undermining thefalse image of their superiority.'The shattering and humiliating blows inflicted on the US in Vietnam has exposedthe basic weakness of the leading and most aggressive imperialist power.Capitalism, 'which to the vast masses of the people spells ignorance, disease andpoverty' is discredited throughout the 'third world'; and so is the anti-Communistcampaign through which the imperialists try to justify all their crimes.Imperialism is increasingly facing inner crises and divisions.ANTI-IMPERIALIST MOVEMENTThe main reason for the crises of imperialism, declares the report, is the growingmight of the anti-imperialist movement: 'the united struggle and efforts of all anti-imperialist states, organisation and individuals throughout the world. It is a broadmovement composed of people with different political beliefs, of different racesand colours, from different walks of life, but who are united by their hatred of theevils of imperialism and their firm belief in national independence, genuinedemocracy, race harmony and peace.

A primary objective of united action is to give all-round support to the heroicVietnamese people. The meeting calls on all who cherish peace and nationalindependence to intensify the struggle in order to compel US imperialism towithdraw its interventionist troops from Vietnam, cease interfering in the internalaffairs of that country and respect the right of the Vietnamese people to solve theirproblems by themselves. The final victory of the Vietnamese patriots is offundamental importance for strengthening the positions of the peoples in thestruggle against imperialist diktat and arbitrary rule. Co-ordinated measures .byall the countries of the socialist system and joint efforts by all Communist andWorkers' Parties, all progressive parties and mass democratic organisations andby all other freedom and peace loving forces are needed to hasten this victory.The meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties welcomes the formation of theRevolutionary Provisional Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and

sees it as an important stage in the heroic liberation struggle of the Vietnamesepeople. The meeting calls for work for the successful outcome of the Paris talks,which is quite possible on the basis of the 10 points advanced by the NationalLiberation Front of South Vietnam.The main link of united action of the anti-imperialist forces remains the struggleagainst war and for world peace, against the menace of thermonuclear war andmass extermination which continues to hang over mankind. A new world war canbe averted by the combined effort of the socialist countries, the internationalworking class, the national liberation movement, all peace loving countries,"public organisations and mass movements.The defence of peace is inseparably linked up with the struggle to compel theimperialists to accept peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems,which demands observance of the principles of sovereignty, equality, territorialinviolability of every state, big and small, and non-interference in the internalaffairs of other countries, respect for the rights of every people freely to decidetheir social, economic and political system, and the settlement of outstandinginternational issues by political means through negotiation.The policy of peaceful coexistence facilitates the positive solution of economicand social problems of the developing countries.Peaceful coexistenceThe policy of peaceful coexistence does not contradict the right of any oppressedpeople to fight for its liberation by any means it considers necessary-armed orpeaceful. This policy in no way signifies support for reactionary regimes.It is equally indisputable that every people has the inalienable right to take uparms in defence against encroachments by imperialist aggressors, and to availitself of the help of other peoples in its just cause. This is an integral part of thegeneral anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples.The attempts of imperialism to overcome its internal contradictions by buildingup international tension and creating hotbeds of war are hampered by the policyof peaceful coexistence. This policy does not imply either the preservation of thesocial and political status quo or a

The pillars of the anti-imperialist movement are the Soviet Union and othersocialist states, in alliance with the progressive states in Africa, Asia and LatinAmerica, the revolutionary liberation movements in countries which are stillunder colonial or white minority rule, and the democratic forces in the imperialistcountries themselves.Unity of all progressive forces against imperialism and the mobilisation of thevast masses of the people into a united anti-imperialist front will constitute amighty and invincible force for the destruction of imperialism.Already the liberation movements have won great victories. Within less than tenyears the number of independent African states has reached 41; colonialism hasbeen outlawed as an ideology. These victories grew out of the growing strengthand unity of the socialist countries; the growth of militant and determinedliberation movements in the colonial countries; the growing unity of all anti-imperialist forces; the conflicts and rivalries between different imperialist states;

and the inner crisis within each imperialist country and the fight of working classand other democratic forces within them.Nevertheless the counter-offensive of the imperialists has done serious damage; ithas been helped by discord and disunity within the ranks of the anti-imperialistforces. This has 'spurred the imperialists to strike out right and left in Africa, Asiaand Latin America.' The African National Congress is deeply interested in theunity of the anti-imperialist movement. The success of the struggle in SouthAfrica, its duration and cost in human life, depend to a great extent upon thesolidarity, strength and unity of the anti-imperialist forces of the world.THE AFRICAN REVOLUTIONThe political report then turns its attention to the African revolution. Pointing outthat the African National Congress of South Africa was a pioneer in the fight forall-African emancipation, 'the tutor, guide and inspirer of many a leader andorganisation in parts of Africa which have now attained national independence', itcomments on the irony of history that (not without reason) while millions offellow-Africans

weakening of the ideological struggle. It helps to promote the class struggleagainst imperialism on a national and world wide scale. Determined class strugglefor the abolition of the monopolies and their rule, for the institution of a genuinelydemocratic system and for the establishment of socialist power, whatever may bethe road leading to the achieyement of this goal, is an inalienable right and duty ofthe working people and their Communist and Workers' Parties in the capitalistcountries. The communists of the world are in solidarity with this just battle.Mass action against imperialism is a condition for implementing the policy ofpeaceful coexistence. Directed as it is against the warmongers, reactionaries andmonopoly arms manufacturers, this policy meets the general interests of therevolutionary struggle against every form of oppression and exploitation, andpromotes friendship between all peoples and the development of fruitfuleconomic, scientific, technological and other spheres of co-operation betweencountries with different social systems in the interests of social progress.Communists regard it as their duty to combat the imperialists' policy of whippingup international tension and any attempt by them aimed at bringing back the coldwar, and to work for a relaxation of tension which is one of the most insistent andurgent demands of the peoples.To preserve peace the most urgent task is to prevent the spread of nuclearweapons and to enforce the nuclear non-proliferation treaty In urging theratification of the treaty, the Communist and Workers' Parties see this as a link inthe chain of measures designed to lead to nuclear disarmament and the destructionof nuclear weapon stockpiles. At the same time it is necessary to secure a ban onnuclear weapons and the ending of their production and testing.The setting up of nuclear free zones in various parts of the world would be ofgreat practical importance in improving the international atmosphere andstrengthening trust between states. The main effort should be directed towards theprohibition of nuclear weapons. Nuclear energy should be used exclusively forpeaceful purposes.

It is necessary to step up the struggle for an effective ban on bacteriological andchemical weapons, which have been extensively used by the US forces inVietnam.The basic interests of the peoples demand the intensification of the struggleagainst militarism in all its forms, particularly against the military industrialcomplex of the USA and other imperialist states. We call on all peace lovingforces to mount a struggle for a radical cutback in military budgets and for generaland complete disarmament under effective international control, so as to switchresources now absorbed .by the arms race to improving the working people's life,promoting the health services and education and rendering assistance to thedeveloping countries.Alongside its universal tasks, the struggle for peace has very important objectivesof a more specific or more regional nature, the aim of which is to assure securityin some continents or geographic zones. The attainment of these objectives whichare interlinked corresponds to the interests and aspirations of all communists, allani-imperialist forces, all the peoples of the world.

are celebrating the dawn of freedom and political independence, their brothers inthe South are suffering ever worse repression, oppression and exploitation.Neverthless the Africans of the South are greatly fortified and encouraged bythese developments; more determined than ever to defeat the enemy and winpower, however high the cost.The African Revolution has shattered the myth of white superiority; African stateshave tilted the balance against the imperialists in world forums. The independentstates have allocated massive funds for education and health services; proceedingrapidly to Africanise the civil services and lay the foundations of economicdevelopment and build up their power in every field.Yet the African states embark on independence with a terrible legacy of colonialrule; and the imperialists continue to hamper their development. Theestablishment of the Organisation of African Unity is one of thc most hopefulsymbols of African aspirations and determination to secure a proper place for ourcontinent in the world. It has, despite certain weaknesses in the OAU and some ofits constituent states, greatly supported the liberation movements. Especial tributeis paid by the ANC to the help rendered by Zambia, Tanzania, the United ArabRepublic and Algeria 'who have been our mainstay through many a difficulty.'It is not only solidarity with oppressed Africans which should cause African statesto support our struggle; for the situation in Southern Africa is a menace to Africansecurity. The extent of military collaboration between the Smith, Caetano andVorster regimes is not sufficiently appreciated. South African forces, besides theirmassive presence in Rhodesia, where they outnumber those of the Smith regime,are conducting military actions jointly with the Portuguese against MPLA inAngola. 'For purposes of working out joint strategy, the Portuguese Commander-in-Chief and the South African Commandant-General meet at least once a month.'Behind this Unholy Alliance 'is an even more dangerous alliance of theimperialists - the US, Britain, France, West Germany, Japan, etc. They have

deliberately tried to build Southern Africa and South Africa in particular into afortress of racialism and colonialism; the last outpost of imperialism in

European securityThe interests of world peace call for the disbandment of military blocs. As beforethe Communist and Workers' Parties consider that the existence of imperialistimposed military blocs and military bases on the territory- of other states are anobstacle to co-operation between countries. A genuine guarantee of the securityand one of the conditions for the progress of each European country must be theestablishment in Europe of an ,effective system of security founded on relationsof equality and mutual respect between all the states in the continent, on thecombined efforts of all the European peoples. In this light the socialist countrieshave already declared for the simultaneous dissolution of NATO and the WarsawTreaty.The meeting emphatically condemns the provocative attempts of the imperialistpowers, particularly the USA, the Federal Republic of Germany and Britain, tostep up the activity of NATO. The disbandment of NATO would be a decisivestep towards the dissolution of all blocs, the dismantling of all military bases onforeign soil and the establishment of a reliable system of collective security. Inconformity with the interests of peace, the peoples demand that" the imperialiststates put an end to flights over foreign territories of bombers carrying nuclearweapons, that surface ships and submarines with nuclear weapons on board bebarred from foreign ports, and demand the renunciation of any forcible actionsand of the threat of force.Attainment of lasting security on this continent is a problem which holds aparamount place in the minds and aspirations of the European peoples. Theconferences bf the Warsaw Treaty member countries in Bucharest in 1966 and inBudapest in 1969, and also the Karlovy Vary Co.nference in 1967, charted aconcrete programme of action and measures to create a system of Europeansecurity.It is imperative to secure the inviolability of the existing frontiers in Europe, inparticular the frontiers along the Oder-Neisse and the frontier between the FederalRepublic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, and to work for theinternational legal recognition of the German Democratic Republic, forpreventing West Germany from securing atomic weapons in any form, for therenunciation by the Federal Republic of Germany of her claim to represent thewhole of Germany, the recognition of West Berlin as a separate political entity,the recognition that the Muncih diktat was invalid from the very outset, and thebanning of all neo-nazi organisations.Peace and security in Europe demand the curbing of the revanchist forces in WestGermany, guaranteeing the European peoples their sovereign right to be mastersof their continent without interference from the USA, mutually beneficialeconomic, scientific and technological co-operation among the Europeancountries, and the establishment of relations between them founded on a genuinerelaxation of tension and mutual trust.The principle of inviolability of neutral states must be respected unconditionally.

These states can make a major contribution to the policy of peaceful coexistenceif they take advantage of every opportunity to act in a spirit of dtente and peace.

Africa and a ready springboard to endanger the sovereignty of African states andthreaten world peace. South Africa is a treasure house of the imperialists but morethan that it is one of their most important strategic military bases and ally inglobal strategy directed against the forces of -national liberation, democracy andpeace.Britain, in particular, is guilty of - behind a smoke-screen of 'condemnation ofRhodesia's rebellion' maintaining Rhodesia as a 'buffer state forming part of areactionary iron belt barrier' for the Republic of South Africa. 'In pouring theirforces into Zimbabwe the Vorster regime was trying to solve one problem but infact created numerous others. The bane of South African military strategists isthat by undertaking the defence of Southern Africa the fascist regime is giving itsmilitary forces an impossible task: creating a long-line of Idefence over a wide area. But to fail to ,do this will be to allow theiliberation forces in the neighbouring countries to achieve ,victory. ... For us themain strategic question is to see that the guerilla struggle spreads to South Africaitself. When that happens the dispersal of the enemy will, in strategic terms, becomplete ... For this we need to launch the struggle at home.To this end, the ZAPU/ANC alliance must be consolidated and extended toinclude FRELIMO, MPLA and SWAPO. Such was the principal political burdenof the political report. Develop the struggle at home; hasten the return of thetrained freedom-fighters; strengthen the ties with our friends abroad.Special emphasis was laid in the steady support already received from theLiberation Committee of the 0. A. U., though this body's unfortunate sponsorshipof the PAC has not in any way helped the struggle.The socialist countries, and the Soviet Union in particular, have been firm andconsistent friends and supporters of the liberation struggle in South Africa. TheGerman Democratic Republic, Bulgaria and Poland are close friends. There wasgreat anxiety about the developments in Czechoslovakia which has always been afirm friend of the ANC. It is to be ,hoped that the situation there will soon returnto normal.Special mention was also made of Cuba ('far from our country but always veryclose to our revolutionary struggle') India ('cemented by Mahatma Gandhi'sdirtect association

To achieve these aims energetic steps have to be taken in this direction and theproblem of European security approached with initiative. with a will to achieveconcrete practical measures.The organisation of a broad congress of European peoples which would preparefor and facilitate the holding of a conference of states, is the most important ofthese initiatives.The meeting calls on world public opinion to display unflagging and activesolidarity with the peoples and countries which are constant objects of aggressiveencroachments by imperialism-the German Democratic Republic, the Korean

Democratic People's Republic and the entire Korean people. The meeting calls forthe restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the UnitedNations and the return of Taiwan, at present under United States militaryoccupation. It remains the duty of communists and all other revolutionary andanti-imperialist forces in Latin America and throughout the world to defend theRepublic of Cuba.We communists call for united action against all imperialist acts of aggression,against recourse to local wars and other forms of intervention by imperialism inany area of the world. In face of the aggressive policy pursued by the imperialistsand the ruling circles of Israel, we pledge solidarity with the Arab peoples whodemand the return of the territories occupied by the Israeli invaders, this being anurgent demand and an indispensable condition for establishing peace andachieving a political settlement in the Middle East on the basis of the completeimplementation of the November 1967 resolution of the United Nations SecurityCouncil.Communists reiterate their solidarity with the struggle of the peoples of Asia,Africa and Latin America for independence and national sovereignty, forliberation from every kind of economic and political hegemony of the imperialistcircles and monopolies, for withdrawal from the system of military alliances andblocs imposed on them by the imperialist powers and against imperialisttendencies to step up the arms race on these continents and to preserve and createnew hotbeds of tension, for dismantling foreign military bases and for establishingrelations conducive to the free development of every people.The demand of our epoch is to rid our planet completely of the curse ofcolonialism, destroy its last centres and prevent its revival in new, camouflagedforms.We call on all men of goodwill, on all supporters of democracy. to work togetherto do away with the vestiges of colonialism and to struggle against neo-colonialism. We urge effective international measures in support of the patriots ofAngola, Mozambique. GuineaBissau. Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, insupport of all oppressed peoples.One of the big problems of our time to which the Communist Parties draw publicattention and which they are energetically striving to solve, is the elimination ofthe backwardness of many countries and entire continents engendered byprolonged colonial and imperialist rule. The main task facing these countriestoday is to promote economic, social and political development, which can beachieved only within the framework of genuine independence from imperialismand

with our country') and other countries which have rendered exceptional supportfor South Africa's liberation. 'We have received much support from China in ourstruggle. Recently, through no fault of the ANC this support has been withheld.'Tribute was also paid to the support rendered to the fight against apartheid fromthe Scandinavian countries and to the growing number of people in the UnitedStates, France, Britain and elsewhere who vigorously oppose the policymaintained by their ruling circles, of aiding and abetting apartheid.

Deserving of particular recognition 'wherever revolutionaries gather' are theachievements of the people of Vietnam. 'This is a people that waged an incrediblewar of liberation for over twenty years. With unflagging determination andsacrifices, the heroic Vietnamese have written a chapter of history that will neverbe forgotten.While concentrating greater resources and attention on the armed struggle andunderground work at home, the movement must continue its external solidaritywork. 'The South African Revolution is one in which international factors playand will continue to play a very large role,' concluded this section of the Report.The high political level and dynamic content of the report characterises also theother main documents of the conference. The paper on the Freedom Charter takesa fresh look at this famous document, the common programme of the AfricanNational Congress and its allies, including the Communist Party. Do theconditions of armed struggle somehow invalidate some provisions of the Charter?Although the Charter was adopted 14 years ago, its words remain as fresh andrelevant as ever... The Charter may require elaboration of its revolutionarymessage. But what is even more meaningful, it requires to be achieved and putinto practice. This cannot be done until state power has been seized from thefascist South African government and transferred to the revolutionary forces ledbythe ANC.The document on strategy and tactics places the developing armed struggle inSouth Africa in its overall internat-

as a result of far reaching democratic and revolutionary changes. To solve thisproblem it is necessary to mobilise and unite all the progressive forces of eachcountry, and develop mutually advantageous ties between them and with thesocialist countries.Fascist menaceWe consider it imperative to step up the fight against the fascist menace andrelentlessly to rebuff pro-fascist provocations. Fascism is intensifying its activityat a time when the crisis of imperialism is growing sharper, when reaction isincreasingly inclined to use brutal methods to crush the democratic andrevolutionary forces. In Greece neo-fascism has seized power. In Spain the ultrasare trying to return to fascist methods of repression and are making futile effortsto halt a powerful mass movement. In Portugal fascism, gripped by a crisis underthe onslaught of the growing popular movement, is resorting to demagogy aboutliberalisation in an effort to cover up the actual continuation of its terroristicpolicy. In West Germany the neo-nazis have laid open claim to power. Neo-fascist activity links up with that of imperialist intelligence agencies, whichengineer reactionary coups.All these manifestations of fascism are coming up against growing resistancefrom the people, and this demands united action by all the anti-fascist forces, andalso greater international support from the Communist and Workers' Parties andfrom all democratic and progressive movements in every country.

The struggle against the fascist regimes is an essential part of action againstimperialism and for democratic freedoms. It is the common task of all democrats,of all champions of freedom, irrespective of their political views, world outlook orreligious beliefs, to redouble real support for the national progressive forcesfighting centres of reaction and fascism, such as the governments of Spain andPortugal, the reactionary Colonels' Junta in Greece, the oligarchic military cliquesin Latin America, and all other tyrannical regimes in the service of USimperialism.We communists again call on everyone to unite their efforts in the struggleagainst the man hating ideology and practices of racialism. We call for thebroadest possible protest movement against the most shameful phenomenon ofour time, the barbarous persecution of the 25 million Negroes in the USA, theracialist terror in South Africa and Rhodesia, the persecution of the Arabpopulation in the occupied territory and in Israel against racial and nationaldiscrimination and against Zionism and anti-semitism, all of which are fomentedby reactionary capitalist forces and which they use to confuse the peoplepolitically.Imperialism makes use of racialism to divide the peoples and maintain its rule.Wide sections of the people reject racialism and can be drawn into active struggleagainst it. In such action they will come to realise that the eradication of racialismis closely connected with the struggle against imperialism and its ideologicalfoundations.The interests of the struggle against imperialism, which attempts to st-fle the basichuman freedoms, demand a tireless fight to defend and

ional context 'of transition to the socialist system, of the breakdown of thecolonial system as a result of national liberation and socialist revolutions, and thefight for social and econonomic progress by the people of the whole world. Itbriefly reviews the history of the decision to embark on armed struggle in 1961,and some of the pertinent practical and organisational problems which must besolved. The Morogoro Conference itself was the culmination of an unprecedentlywide and deep discussion held throughout the movement, at every level, amongCongress members and supporters. Scores of memoranda, documents andcriticisms flowed in to the preparatory committee; all found their reflection on theconference floor itself. There, the fullest democracy prevailed; all spoke freelyand without restraint; there were no 'sacred cows' and every activity and policywere retestect in a sometimes heated, but always principled and comradelydiscussion.Some friends of our revolution may have feared (as our enemies no doubt hoped)that this deep-ranging and searching debate would open up divisions within themovement, or accentuate and harden those already existing. These fears or hopesproved to be completely unfounded. The very frankness and boldness of thediscussion was a great healing experience; comrades learnt to know one another;unwarranted suspicions and misunderstandings were cleared up. Morogoro endedon a high note of unity, of consolidation of the movement, of all revolutionaries,on a higher plane than ever before.

The feelings were expressed for all in the inspiring closing address by the ActingPresident-General.BEWARE THE WEDGE-DRIVERS'These are the orders,' said Comrade Tambo, 'to our people; to our youth, ourarmy, to every soldier. These are the orders to our leaders. The order that comesfrom this Conference is close ranks.'Wage relentless war against disruptors and enemy agents!Defend the revolution against enemy propaganda, whatever form it takes!

win freedom of speech, the press, assembly, demonstration and association, forthe equality of all citizens. and to democratise every aspect of social life. A firmrebuff must be administered to any attempt and any legislation by reactiondesigned to nullify the democratic rights and freedoms won in the course of hardclass battles. There must be systematic work both within these countries and inthe international arena to save the patriots and democrats who face death, to stoparbitrary court rulings against communists and other patriots and to defend theright to political asylum; there must be a fight for the release of the patriots anddemocrats lying in jail.We communists oppose all forms of oppression of nations and national minorities.We want to see every nation or national group develop its own culture andlanguage; and we firmly defend the right of all nations to self-determination.We communists are convinced that it is impossible to put an end to the policy ofimperialist aggression, to abolish colonialism and neocolonialism once and for alland to uproot fascism and racial oppression, without resolute struggle against thepower of monopoly capital and for democratic demands which, once won, wouldweaken the positions of imperialism as a whole and strike at the very foundationsof its rule. Such a struggle would create favourable conditions for achieving theultimate goals of the working class movement.The present situation demands greater militant solidarity of the peoples of thesocialist countries, of all contingents of the international working class movementand national liberation in the struggle against imperialism.Communists regard it as an urgent task today to expose the criminal policy ofimperialism with greater vigour, and to make public opinion more alive to theaggressive intentions and plans of imperialism.This meeting calls on all organisations representing workers, peasants, officeemployees, youth, students, intellectuals, women, or various groups and socialstrata with different political, philosophic and religious convictions and views, onrealistically minded political leaders of the capitalist countries and on alldemocratic parties, national and international progressive public organisations topool their efforts with those of the Communist and Workers' Parties for concertedaction in the anti-imperialist struggle for a relaxation of tensions and in defence ofpeace. We invite them all to join in a broad and constructive exchange of opinionon the widest possible range of issues bearing on the anti-imperialist struggle.Communists favour the most democratic methods of preparing for and carryingout united action with all progressive patriotic and peace loving forces on anational, regional and international scale. They will do all they can to bring about

greater mutual understanding between the numerous and diverse anti-imperialisttrends and movements, taking into consideration their specific features andshowing respect for their independence. Forms of co-operation, chosen freely andby common consent, will make it possible to raise the anti-imperialist struggle toa new level to meet the requirements of the present situation.

Be vigilant, comrades. The enemy is vigilant. Beware the wedge driver! Men whocreep from ear to ear, driving wedges among us; who go round creating splits anddivisions.Beware the wedge-driver! Watch his poisonous tongue!0. R. Tambo expressed complete confidence in the future of the South Africanrevolution. 'We have no right to lose faith in the certainty of victory. We have ourheroic fighters and gallant leaders, some of whom have laid down their lives;others among them languishing in many jails throughout the country. They havenot shrunk in the face of enemy bullets; nor have they succumbed to the bullyingand harrassing tactics of jail warders.We of South Africa have taken charge of a sector that is vital to the success of thestruggle against imperialism.The whole of the revolutionary forces of the world look upon us to play our rolein this struggle. Our international duty is clear.Let us march against the enemy!The spirit, the resolutions and decisions of the Morogoro Conference of theA.N.C. have laid a firm basis for advances and for victory in the grim and longrevolutionary struggle ahead. It will be for the movement as a whole, and eachmember of every section of it, especially the working class and its CommunistParty, to see that that 'spirit and those resolutions are implemented in all our work,in factory and township, in the camps and on the battlefields.

IVCOMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIESThe meeting considers that the most important prerequisite for increasing theCommunist and Workers' Parties' contribution to the solution of the problemsfacing the peoples is to raise the unity of the communist movement to a higherlevel in conformity with present day requirements. This demands determined andpersistent effort by all the parties. The cohesion of the Communist and Workers'Parties is the most important factor in rallying together all the anti-imperialistforces.The delegates to the meeting reaffirm their common views that relations betweenthe fraternal parties are based on the principles of proletarian internationalism,solidarity, and mutual support, respect for independence and equality, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Strict adherence to these principles isan indispensable condition for developing comradely co-operation between thefraternal parties and strengthening the unity of the communist movement.Bilateral consultations, regional meetings and international conferences arenatural forms of such co-operation, and are conducted on the basis of theprinciples accepted in the communist movement. These principles and these

forms give the Communist and Workers' Parties every possibility to unite theirefforts in the struggle for their common aims, under conditions of the growingdiversity of the world revolutionary process. All parties have equal rights. Asthere is no leading centre of the international communist movement, voluntary co-ordination of the actions of parties in order effectively to carry out the tasksbefore them acquires increased importance.United actiofi by Communist and Workers' Parties will promote cohesion of thecommunist movement on Marxist-Leninist principles. Joint action aimed atsolving vital practical problems of the revolutionary and general democraticmovements of our time promote a necessary exchange of experience between thevarious contingents of the communist movement. They help to enrich andcreatively develop Marxist-Leninist theory, to strengthen internationalrevolutionary positions on urgent political problems.The delegates to this meeting proclaim their parties' firm resolve to do theirutmost for the working people and for social progress, with a view to advancingtowards complete victory over international capital. They regard joint actionagainst imperialism and for general democratic demands as a component part anda stage of the struggle for socialist revolution and the abolition of the system ofexploitation of man by man.They are convinced that the effectiveness of every Communist Party's policydepends on its successes in its own country, on the successes of other fraternalparties and on the extent of their cooperation. Every Communist Party isresponsible for its activity to its own working class and people and, at the sametime, to the international working class. Every Communist Party's national andinter-

Students in Revolt (II)South African Students are Alive and Welland not Unaffected by World EventsAlexander SibekoApartheid's bully-boy-in-chief, Prime Minister Vorster, likes to refer to SouthAfrica's protesting students as 'little pink liberals' who are 'getting too big for theirboots' and are being used by 'communist agitators and foreign elements'. He hasthreatened 'to send my boys in' to smash campus protests, and has in fact done soseveral times. He has warned, in that strict disciplinarian manner that has come tonauseate most of South Africa and the world: 'If the students have noselfdiscipline, and if their parents have no discipline, or if the universities areafraid - because of student power - to do their duty, the State not only has theright, but the duty to step in'.From such remarks it is clear that South African students, more so even than theirWestern counterparts, are expected to adhere to that schoolroom maxim 'be seenbut not heard'- or. else! In the rigid and ruthless power structure of apartheid South Africa onemight have expected them to remain quiescent; yet the wonder of it all is that thepresent generation of students.- Black and sections of White - are in the process of

bravely storming the ramparts of traditional authoritarianism and racistdomination.Students on the MarchStudent protests are not new to South Africa. A section of White students,moderate and Western orientated, have over the years opposed apartheidlegislation in the universities and the consequent loss of academic freedom. Blackstudents, condemned to an inferior system of education, and an inferior existence,have been far more militant in their resistance. However, nothing quite like theevents of the past year have been witnessed before. These protests should

national responsibilities are indivisible. Marxist-Leninists are both patriots andinternationalists; they reject both national narrow mindedness and negation orunderestimation of national interests and striving for hegemony. At the same timethe Communist Parties, the parties of the working class and all working people arethe standard bearers of genuine national interests, unlike the reactionary classes,which betray these interests.The winning of power by the working class and its allies is the greatestcontribution which a Communist Party fighting under capitalist conditions canmake to the cause of socialism and proletarian internationalism.The Communist and Workers' Parties are conducting their activity in diverse,specific conditions, requiring an appropriate approach to the solution of concreteproblems. Each party, guided by the principles of Marxism-Leninism and inkeeping with concrete national conditions, fully independently works out its ownpolicy, determines the directions, forms and methods of struggle and, dependingon the circumstances, chooses the peaceful or non-peaceful way of transition tosocialism and also the forms and methods of building socialism in its owncountry. At the same time the diverse conditions in which the Communist Partiesoperate, the different approaches to practical tasks and even differences on certainquestions must not hinder concerted international action by fraternal parties,particularly on the basic problems of the antiimperialist struggle.The greater the strength and the unity of each Communist Party, the better can itfulfil its role both inside the country and in the international communistmovement.Communists are aware that our movement, while scoring great, historic victoriesin the course of its development, has recently encountered serious difficulties.Communists are convinced, however, that these difficulties will be overcome.This belief is based on the fact that the international working class has commonlong term objectives and interests, on the desire of every party to find a solution toexisting problems which would meet both national and international interests, andthe communists' revolutionary mission; it is based on the will of communists forunity on an international scale.The Communist and Workers' Parties, regardless of some difference of opinion,reaffirm their determination to present a united front in the struggle againstimperialism.Some of the divergences which have arisen are eliminated through an exchange ofopinion or disappear as the development of events clarifies the essence of the

outstanding issues. Other divergences may last long. The meeting is confident thatthe outstanding issues can and must be resolved correctly by strengthening allforms of co-operation among the Communist Parties, by extending inter-partyties, mutual exchange of experience, comradely discussion and consultation andunity of action on the international arena. It is the internationalist duty of everyparty to do everything it can to help to improve relations and to promote trustbetween all parties, and to undertake further efforts to strengthen the unity of theinternational communist move-

not be seen as a mere continuation of those that have taken place in previousyears, for there are signs of a radicalisation amongst White students which has notexisted before and needs to be explained. The militancy of Black students hasbeen reaffirmed, and although a tiny minority of the student population they arearousing the correct responses from the student movement as a whole.Despite complex problems, the limitations imposed on White student protests bytheir class interests, the strict control and regimentation of Black students, theenforced segregation of the groups from one another, and the everpresentlikelihood of a vicious crack-down by the State, the demonstrations aredeveloping and growing. The Mafeje controversy, the Fort Hare resistance andexpulsions, police swoops on the Witwatersrand campus and elsewhere, haveacted as powerful catalysts and rallying points. The protests are breaking-downthe Government-imposed isolation of the various campuses, and have often beenas sudden and unexpected as the angry May 7 march of Turfloop students on theirrector's office.Behind the demonstrations for university autonomy, and against apartheid, is agrowing political awareness on the part of the students involved, and thedevelopment of united action linking Black students and anti-apartheid Whitestudents. This nationwide protest of the young is moving to a higher andimportant new stage with mass student demonstrations in support of, and timed tocoincide with, the threatened resignation from the hospital service by Blackdoctors at the end of May, 1969.The upsurge of student protest is significant and deserves the support of allprogressives and revolutionaries. Taking place in a period of unprecedentedfascist repression, with the national liberation movement of the African people(the decisive force influencing events in South Africa) driven deep underground,the fact that such demonstrations have taken place at all has come as a surprise tomany. Not that the student movement is going to bring about the downfall ofapartheid. Not by a long chalk. But current developments in South Africa, such asthe Durban dockworkers' strike, the battle of Black doctors for equal pay withWhites, similar

ment. This unity is strengthened by a collective analysis of concrete reality.Scientific socialismThe policy of joint anti-imperialist action demands that the ideological andpolitical role of the Marxist-Leninist parties in the world revolutionary processshould be enhanced. Marching in the front ranksof the revolutionary, liberation

and democratic movements, communists will continue to fight uncompromisinglyagainst bourgeois ideology, and to explain to the working people the real meaningof their struggle and the conditions for victory. To wage a successful struggleagainst imperialism and to ensure the victory of their cause, communists willpropagate the ideas of scientific socialism in the working class movement andamong the people, including the youth, they will consistently uphold theirprinciples and work for the triumph of Marxism-Leninism and, in accordancewith the concrete situation, fight against right and left opportunist distortions oftheory and policy, against revisionism, dogmatism and left sectarian adventurism.These deviations tend generally to underestimate the importance of the real forceswhich can and must be drawn into the struggle.Loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and to proletarian internationalism, and dedicatedand devoted service in the interests of their peoples and the common cause ofsocialism are essential for the efficacy and correct orientation of united action bythe Communist and Workers' Parties and are a guarantee that they will achievetheir historic goals.The communist movement is an integral part of modern society and is its mostactive force. Hence the banning of Communist Parties is an attack on thedemocratic rights and vital interests of the peoples. The delegates support all theCommunist and Workers' Parties of the world, without exception, which fight fortheir right of legal participation in the political life of their countries. Weemphatically condemn the brutal repressions and terror which have claiied thelives of thousands upon thousands of communists and other democrats andrevolutionaries in Indonesia, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia,Mexico, Venezuela, Panama, Paraguay, Guatemala, South Africa, Thailand, Haiti,Malaysia, Iran, the Philippines and other countries. We proclaim our. solidaritywith our fellow fighters in the common struggle who are lying in the jails offascist and dictatorial regimes, in prisons in the capitalist countries, and we workfor their release.The delegates regard this meeting as an important stage in the cohesion of theworld communist movement. They consider that the absence of certainCommunist and Workers' Parties should not hinder fraternal ties and co-operationbetween all Communist and Workers' Parties without exception. They declaretheir resolve to achieve joint action in the struggle against imperialism, for thecommon objectives of the international working class movement, as well as withthe Communist and Workers' Parties not represented at the present meeting.The struggle against imperialism is a long, hard and strenuous fight.

rumblings from African schoolteachers and nurses, and the student. discontent,are all indications that political protest is by no means dead and has theappearance of developing new forms. All this at a time when the traditionalmethods of organising the masses have been savagely curtailed!Although the South African revolution is on the threshold of armed struggle - theonly way of overthrowing apartheid repression and making South Africa free forall who live in it - this certainly does not preclude or make irrelevant other formsof struggle. Rather, the dialectic of a Peoples' War will accelerate the

contradictions inherent in apartheid and powerfully stimulate mass struggle andopposition. We must bear this in mind when assessing any protest from whateverquarter in South Africa. Black Students - White Students - Two South Africas Thecomposition of South African university students is so varied that they cannot beconsidered as a single unit or social group. The entire educational system iscompulsorily segregated along racial and linguistic lines for all population groups,with further sub-divisions along ethnic and tribal lines for Africans - a set-up asforeign to the idea of a university as can be devised. Of 50,000 university students(enrolment with the University of South Africa, which offers degrees bycorrespondence, is excluded) a mere 4,000 are Black who attend the fivegovernment-controlled tribal colleges for African, Coloured and Indian students.The four English-language universities, where White student protest has beenconfined, have a student population of 20,000. The Afrikaans languageuniversities - there are now seven have a combined enrolment of over 25,000.Each of these groups acts in terms of the position it occupies in the socialstructure of South African society. The privilege and prosperity of White SouthAfrica is achieved at the expense of the ruthless exploitation and discriminationsuffered by Black South Africa. This relationship is best reflected by the attitudeof Afrikaans-speaking students who uphold White supremacy and, almostunanimously, support the ruling Nationalist Party. However, there have been faintglimmerings of criticism among small sections of

Tense class battles lie ahead and they cannot be avoided. Let us step up theoffensive against imperialism and internal reaction. The revolutionary andprogressive forces are certain to triumph.Peoples of the socialist countries, workers, democratic forces in the capitalistcountries, newly liberated peoples and those who are oppressed, unite in acommon struggle against imperialism, for. peace, national liberation, socialprogress, democracy and socialism!

Afrikaans students at Stellenbosch and Pretoria Universities, which suggest adistaste for the Government's interference on the campuses. This would have beenunheard of a few years ago.English-speaking students, although generally more prosperous in origin thanAfrikaans students, vary from the largely indifferent and apathetic to the criticalin the attitudes they adopt towards the regime. The basis for this is to be found inthe historical political and economic rivalry of Afrikaans and English-speakingSouth Africa. After a long and bitter feud with British Imperialism and itsEnglish-speaking connections in South Africa, Afrikaner capital finally wonpolitical control in 1948 on the basis of the narrow nationalism it invoked. Whilstthe Afrikaans universities are obsessed with their Christian National God, andinculcate the virtues of racial exclusiveness, the English-language universitiesattempt, or pretend, to remain faithful to the 19th Century liberal values uponwhich they were founded.Limited though such an environment is, it certainly makes the English-speakingstudents more open-minded than the rest of White South Africa. At university

they tend to be out-of-step with White 'baasskap' thought, and seek some contact -difficult though it is - with Black students; as graduates they enter the world ofcommerce, industry and the professions, soon claiming the suburban house withswimming pool, double-garage and retinue of - servants. Some sickened by thesystem opt-out and emigrate abroad. Just a handful have had the capacity tomerge their interests with those of the African people, and have paid the price interms of imprisonment and exile. However, at no previous stage have studentsfrom this group been involved in antigovernment demonstrations as is being seentoday. In addition these protests are tending to be more lively, critical'andvociferous. We need to explain the reasons for this new phenomenon and look tothe direction in which it might lead.The insignificant number of Black students attending university reflects the basicracial inequalities found in every facet of the country's life. The chances of aBlack

Independence, Freedomand PeaceforVIETNAMThe International Conference of representatives of Communist and Workers'Parties sends the fraternal Vietnamese people its warm militant greetings. andwholeheartedly congratulates them on the historic successes achieved in thestruggle against United States aggression.We send good wishes in particular to the vanguard of the Vietnamese people, theWorkers' Party of Vietnam and its central committee, and to the great patriot andinternationalist Comrade Ho Chi Minh, who is an outslanding member of theinternational communist movement. The Workers' Party of Vietnam is theinspiring and guiding force in the struggle against the aggression of United Statesimperialism. That party consistently defends the national interests and the outpostof socialism in South East Asia.We send warm greetings to the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, thelegitimate representative of the population of South Vietnam and the tried andtested organiser and leader in the heroic resistance struggle against United Statesaggression. The political programme of the National Liberation Front of SouthVietnam is the basis for unifying the entire population of South Vietnam in theirjust struggle for liberation.The International Conference unconditionally supports the ten point programme."'The Principles and the Main Content of a Total Solution of the SouthVietnamese Problem as a Contribution to Restoring Peace in Vietnam." whichwas put forward on May 8, 1969, by the central committee of the NationalLiberation Front of South Vietnam.This programme proceeds on the basis of the main principles of the 1954 GenevaAgreements on Vietnam and on the basis of the present situation in Vietnam. It isbased on the political programme and the positions of the National LiberationFront of South Vietnam consisting of five points, and corresponds to the fourpointposition of the government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The proposed

solution of the South Vietnamese problem fully accords with the national rights ofthe Vietnamese people and with the interests of peace throughout the world. Itguarantees the population of South Vietnam the right to self-determination and alasting peace in Vietnam, and it also corresponds to the interests of other peoplesin IndoChina.The right of the Vietnamese people to wage a struggle in defence of

South African gaining a university place are extremely remote. It is estimated that0.05 0/0 of Africans attain some university education. For every 100,000 in thepopulation group concerned, 886 Whites, 352 Indians, 74 Coloured, and 13Africans, reach Standard 10 - when pupils are eligible to take their universityentrance examinations.* Secondary school pupils who gain a university entrancecertificate are pigeon-holed to Fort Hare if of Xhosa descent, to Turfloop in theTransvaal if Sotho, to Ngoya if Zulu, to Salisbury Island, Durban, if Indian, and tothe College of the Western Cape if Coloured in origin. Respective enrolment atthese dispersed 'bush' colleges is 451 at Fort Hare (1968 figure), 641 at Turfloop(1969), 371 at Ngoya (1968), 1,701 at Salisbury Island (1969), and 351 (1962) atthe College of the Western Cape. An additional 450 Black students are enrolled atNatal University which operates a 'Non-European Section' in a dilapidatedDurban building, 3 miles from the White campus.This system of education far from attempting to universalise knowledge andexperience seeks to artificially preserve the identity of each racial group inaccordance with the Government's policy of separate development. The purpose isto maintain the traditional Black-White relations in South Africa or as theGovernment spokesmen put it, 'to preserve the European and his civilization inthis multi-racial land'. The enforced isolation, and stifling environment of thetribal colleges condemns the Black student to an inferior system of highereducation. Black graduates have next to no prospects, but are faced with a dearthof jobs in the Bantustans, and with job reservation, discriminatory pay and influxcontrol in the White areas. Unless he leaves the country the Black graduate doesnot achieve a status vefy different to the rest of his people. He is still looked uponwith contempt and expected to maintain a servile attitude to even the mostignorant of Whites. Black students, like their counterparts elsewhere in thecolonial world, are likely to participate in the revolutionary* Bantu Education to 1968, a South African Race Relations publication, byMuriel Horrell.

their motherland is the sacred and inalienable right of all peoples to self-defence.The struggle of the Vietnamese people for freedom and independence arouses inthe peoples feelings of deep respect and admiration. The staunchness and heroismof the Vietnamese people and their confidence in their victory are an example andinspiration in the struggle against imperialism, for the preservation of peace, forthe liberation of the peoples from exploitation and oppression. While defendingtheir homeland, the Vietnamese people are at the same time doing theirinternational duty and rendering a service to the noble cause of safeguarding

peace throughout the world. In this profoundly just struggle of the Vietnamesepeople we have been and shall be firmly linked in solidarity with them.The heroic struggle of the Vietnamese people against the United States'aggression is a key component of the worldwide struggle between socialism andimperialism, between the forces of progress and the forces of reaction.In carrying out their armed intervention in Vietnam. the US imperialist forces setout to smash one of the socialist outposts in Asia. to bar the peoples of Indo Chinafrom the road towards peace. freedom and progress, to strike a blow against therevolutionary national liberation movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America,and to put to the test the strength of the solidarity of socialist countries and all theantiimperialist forces.These plans of United States imperialism are doomed to failure.With tremendous support from the socialist countries, and in the first place fromthe Soviet Union, as well as from all the peace loving peoples of the world, theVietnamese people have shown the United States, the most powerful force ofimperialisti, that its strength is not unlimited.The barbarous crimes committed by the American interventionists against theVietnamese people, the use of biological, chemical and other means of massannihilation-this genoside in the true sense of the word-outrage the conscience ofmankind. They reveal for all the peoples to see, the actual inhuman essence ofimperialism.Epic struggleAll this has led to the aggressor becoming increasingly isolated. politically andmorally, from the broadest strata, including the ruling circles of some capitalistcountries. In the United States itself, ever wider circles of the population arecoming out against the dirty war in Vietnam, the consequences of which areshaking American society.The heroic, epic struggle of the Vietnamese people is one of the determiningfactors in the movement of the peoples against imperialism, a factor which findsexpression in militant actions by the youth and students.In spite of the use he has been making of his gigantic military machine, theaggressor was compelled to end unconditionally the bombing of the territory ofthe Democratic Republic of Vietnam and agree to quadripartite talks, with theSouth Vietnam National

struggle to overthrow apartheid and liberate South Africa. This is the reason whyso many African graduates, like Nelson Mandela and Oliver Tambo, have gone onto play outstanding roles in the liberatory struggle, and why the revolt of the tribalcolleges is of far greater significance than the protests on the White campuses.The South African educational system, as with all the other relationshipsstemming from White domination, exhibits the characteristics of what the SouthAfrican Communist Party terms 'colonialism of a special type': where theoppressing White nation occupies the same territory as the oppressed peoplethemselves and lives side by side with them.On one level, that of 'White South Africa', there are all the features of anadvanced capitalist state in its final stage of imperialism' ... But on another level,

that of 'Non-Whit6 South Africa', there are all the features of a colony ... It is thiscombination of the worst features bath of imperialism and colonialism, whichdetermines the special nature of the SouthAfrican system ...*The respective roles and contribution of Black and White students can only beunderstood in the light of such a perspective. It explains why Black and Whitestudents, although more or less in simultaneous protest, are operating at twodifferent levels. In the one instance there is the Black student inevitably involvedin the struggle for the national emancipation of his people; in the other instancethere is the student from the dominant racial group, not unlike the WhiteAmerican protester, who is growing sick with the rotteness of his society.We quite correctly stress that the powerhouse of the South African revolution isthe struggle of the African people. We must not turn a blind eye to the revulsionwhich sections of White students are developing for South African society, norshould we scoff at their efforts for not being radical enough. If American societyis turning inward on itself over the war in Vietnam, then might not 'White SouthAfrica' - an imperialist state in its own right - display similar convulsions when itis faced with the revolt of its* The Road to South African Freedom, Programme of the South-African Communist Party.

Liberation Front participating on an equal footing. In South Vietnam, the People'sLiberation Armed Forces are unceasingly striking heavy blows against the UnitedStates interventionists and their puppets. People's power has been established overan overwhelming part of the territory. The bankrupt puppet regime remains inpower thanks only to the bayonets of United States imperialism.All these are important successes of the heroic Vietnamese people, of the worldsocialist system, of the international communist and working class movement andof all the forces of peace and progress.The successful struggle of Vietnam reflects the changes in the balance of forces inthe world and the growing might of the forces of socialism, democracy andnational liberation on a world scale.The determination of the international communist movement and also of all *theanti-imperialist forces to achieve consolidation and unity of action in the struggleagainst the common enemy of mankindimperialism, has been vividly andconcretely expressed in the broad movement in support of Vietnam and againstUnited States aggression.The struggle of the Vietnamese patriots shows that a people which consistentlyfights against imperialism for freedom and independence, and which has on itsside the Soviet Union, all the socialist countries and the peaceloving forces of thewhole world, is invincible.The stronger the unity and cohesion of the international communist movementand all the anti-imperialist forces in the struggle against the common enemy-imperialism, the greater are their successes.The more vigorously the Communist and Workers' Parties raise the banner offreedom of the peoples and step out in the forefront of the struggle against the

imperialist policy of aggression, the broader and the more effective is thedevel6pment of the anti-imperialist movement of the people.In spite of the heavy defeats they have suffered, the militarist circles of the UnitedStates have not yet given up their aggressive neo-colonialist plans with regard toVietnam, and they are continuing their attempts to achieve a military solution ofthe Vietnamese problem. They are persisting in their dangerous path of expandingthe military conflict, as is proved by the intensified bombing of the territory ofLaos and the continued provocations against neutral Cambodia.The United States government and its representatives in Paris are stubbornlyrefusing to discuss, in a businesslike and realistic way, the just demands of thegovernment of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the National LiberationFront of South Vietnam, and in the first place the complete and unconditionalwithdrawal from South Vietnam of the troops of the United States and otherparties to the aggression. Instead, they are trying to mislead the public throughoutthe woild by means of demagogic trickery, and to achieve, through pressure at thenegotiating table, the successes which they have failed to obtain on the battlefield.They are evading a solution to the main question of the complete andunconditional withdrawal of the armed forces of the United States and itssatellites from South Vietnam, and are insisting on a so-called reciprocalwithdrawal of troops.This means putting the aggressor on the same footing as his victim.

own 'Black Vietnam'? Are not White students showing right now that WhiteSouth Africa is far from the monolith people presumed?U.C.T. SIT-IN AND FORT HARE LOCK-OUTBlack students were barred from the English-language universities by governmentdecree in 1959. In fact only the Universities of Cape Town (U.C.T.) andWitwatersrand ('Wits') had admitted members of all races, even then observingsegregation in social and sporting events. The University of Natal was notaffected as it already operated its own full segregation; it has in fact threegeographical separate faculties, two for Whites in Pietermaritzburg and Durban,and the third 'Non-European Section' in Durban. By ending racial inter-mixing theGovernment hoped to enforce an acceptance in reluctant quarters of apartheidpolicies, and at once proceeded with the creation of the tribal institutions.Only Fort Hare, with a proud and independent academic record, attractingstudents from all over Southern Africa and beyond, had been in existence at thatstage, and it was debased overnight into a tribal college for Xhosas by aGovernment Transfer Act. The Government expectedthrough State control and systematic indoctrination, to retard the militancy ofAfrican students and create tame flunkies to administer the 'Bantu homelands'.These moves were fiercely resisted, particularly at Fort Hare where theGovernment-appointed Principal, Professor Ross, was pelted with tomatoes whenhe arrived to take up his position in October 1959. Fort Hare has been undervirtual police control ever since. At the same time the English-languageuniversities 'mourned' the murder of academic freedom by staging joint student-staff processions in the cities.

The current wave of protests, nearly ten years later, are an ihfuriating challenge toGovernment policy and indicate that militancy, far from being curbed, has in factaccelerated.. Whilst the Government boasted that all was 'peace and quiet' on thecampuses, and that the tribal colleges were the 'pride and joy' of their people, thestudents were about to

United States imperialism, however, will never succeed in hiding the fact that itunleashed, and is stubbornly continuing, the aggression in Vietnam. Americanintervention in Vietnam is a constant threat to peace throughout the world, anoutright challenge to all the peoples who are fighting for peace, nationalindependence, democracy and social progress. The international communist andworking-class movement, loyal to the principles of proletarian internationalism,will in the future, too, in the spirit of fraternal solidarity, continue to give theVietnamese people all the necessary help until the final triumph of their justcause. The Communist and Workers' Parties are thereby making a bigcontribution in the cause of peace throughout the world, to the cause of freedomand socialism.A just solutionThe International Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties earnestlydeclares that a just solution to the Vietnamese problem is possible only on thebasis of guaranteeing the fundamental national tights of the Vietnamese people.At thd present time, when the struggle of the Vietnamese people has entered animportant stage and when, thanks to the initiative of the Democratic Republic ofVietnam and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, all the necessaryconditions have been created for a just political settlement, we demand:The United States must give up its obstructive attitude at thequadripartite conference in Paris;The United States must immediately stop its aggressive actions inVietnam and completely and unconditionally withdraw from SouthVietnam its armed forces and the armed forces of its satellites;The United States must recognise the right of the population ofSouth Vietnam to decide their internal affairs themselves, withoutforeign interference;The United States must put an end to all actions directed againstthe sovereignty and security of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam;The United States must put an end to its interference and aggressionin Laos and stop the violation of the territorial integrity of Cambodia andrecognise her borders, and it must renounce its aggressive aims with regard to thestates of South East and East Asia andstrictly observe the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962.We demand that Thailand, New Zealand, Australia and the South Korean puppetregime, and also the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan, put an end to theiropen or disguised involvement in the United States' aggression in Vietnam!On behalf of the army of communists, many millions strong, we call upon honestpeople, upon all who cherish peace, justice, freedom and the independence of thepeoples:

Voice more resolutely throughout the world your protest against the criminal warof American imperialism in Vietnam!Take a more active part in the international movement of solidarity with theheroic Vietnamese people!

explode the lie. When 1,000 U.C.T. students streamed into their administrationblock on August 16, 1968 and occupied it for several days, the significance of theaction was not only in the fact that it marked a new spirit of militancy, or that thisrepresented South Africa's first sit-in demonstration, but rather the target at whichthe protest was aimed.The students' loathing for apartheid policy was on the increase, but for the firsttime criticism was levelled - not at the Government alone - but at the so-calledliberal University Council. The controversy arose when the U.C.T. Councilappointed an African, Mr. Archie Mafeje, as senior lecturer in SocialAnthropology, but later revoked the decision on Government insistence. Thestudents were furious that their Council, who claimed to champion academicfreedom, should co-operate in such a blatant act of racial discrimination ratherthan let the Government do its own dirty work. The general feeling of disgust wasexpressed by Professor Maurice Pope, of the Classics Department, who resignedand returned to England. 'The University should have closed down as someGerman Universities did under Hitler', he said, 'or at least it should renounce itstitle until such time as it had regained its autonomy, and go back to using itsformer name of the South African College.'Solidarity demonstrations with the sit-in students quickly spread to the othercampuses, despite threats from Vorster that he would intervene if the protests didnot end. Wits students massed outside their gates in a defiant gesture when theCity Council, acting on Vorster's instructions, banned their proposed marchthrough the heart of Johannesburg. Counter-demonstrators hurled insults androtten eggs while police stood by. The President of the Wits StudentRepresentative Council declared: 'Students have now entered a new era of protestin this country... which are the start of nation-wide demands for a greater studentsay in the running of the universities.., students were sick and tired of interferenceand would not be deterred by Mr. Vorster or anyone else.' A deputation of Witsstudents who attempted to see the Prime Minister in Pretoria were met by policewith dogs, and Afrikaans-speaking students who beat them up.

Demand the withdrawal of the US armed forces and the armed forces of theirsatellites from Vietnam!Demand an immediate peaceful settlement of the Vietnamese question on thebasis of ensuring the inalienable rights of the Vietnamese people!Give your support to the Ten Points proposed by the South Vietnam NationalLiberation Front!We call for new, diversified and ever more powerful and concerted actions by theanti-imperialist and peace loving forces in support -of the Vietnamese people,who are fighting against US aggression!

Boycott the transportation of soldiers, weapons and materials for theinterventionists and their satellites!Let us turn July 20, the anniversary of the signing of the Geneva Agreements, intoan international day of solidarity with Vietnam, a day of struggle for an end toUnited States aggression!Glory to the heroic Vietnamese people, who are courageously fighting forindependence and freedom!Hold high the banner of international solidarity!Independence, freedom and peace for Vietnam!The just cause of the Vietnamese people will triumph!

Within a fortnight the focus of attention shifted dramatically to Fort Hare. TheWhite student front, seething with excitement and life, awoke with shock to therealisation that the plight of their remote African colleagues was far worse thantheirs. On August 16, the day the U.C.T. sit-in began, the Government wasattempting to quietly install a new rector, Professor J. M. de Wet, at Fort Hare.The students boycotted the ceremony, which was addressed by Blaar Coetzee forthe Government, and political slogans were painted on the college walls. Thesewere directed at Dr. Verwoerd, Vorster and Coetzee, and included 'Fort Hare forAfricans not for Afrikaners' and 'Mafeje for U.C.T.' Subsequently 17 studentswere arbitrarily singled out by the Rector and held responsible for the defiance.They were taken away by the Security Police for interrogation and their roomswere searched. On 5th September, students boycotted their lectures in sympathyand staged a sit-down strike outside the administration block. On 6th September,the Rector suspended all those participating in the siege and gave them until 3 p.m. to disperse. At 3.05 p. m. 300 students (two-thirds of the student body) hadrefused to budge. Lustily singing freedom songs they were promptly surroundedby scores of police with dogs and equipped with teargas bombs and gasmasks.Chanting and singing 296 students were marched from the campus, placed onRailway buses and sent home. When about 100 of the students- arrived inJohannesburg they were met by relatives and friends who sang 'Nkosi Sikelel' i-Afrika', the national anthem of the African National Congress.The second wave of anti-government protests within a month followed at theEnglish-language universities. At Wits police swooped on a 200-strong studentpicket, confiscated placards and took the names of those participating, who stoodby singing 'We Shall Overcome'. Vigils and mass meetings supporting theexpelled students and demanding their reinstatement were held at U.C.T., Rhodesand Natal. At Wits some of the Fort Hare students addressed a mass meeting andexplained the causes leading to the strike. The students said they saw theCollege's administration as an

APPEALINDEFENCE of PEACEWe, z muentatives of the Communist and Workers' Parties attending tiheInternational Conferen= in Moscow, call on the nations of the world and on all

people, irrespective of their convictions and political views, to take joint actionsin the interests of safeguarding and strengthening peace.The struggle going on is about the most important thing of all-the future of thehuman race. During the first half of our century world wars took a toll of overseventy million human lives, and razed thousands of flourishing towns andvillages to the ground.The sinister atomic mushroom over Hiroshima is a tragic warning against theconsequdnces which may be brought about by a third world war, if imperialismsucceeds in unleashing it.A world conflict in present day conditions, when nuclear bombs can reach anycontinent in a matter of a few minutes and can devastate huge territories, wouldmean the death of hundreds of millions of people and the turning of the treasuresof world civilisation and culture to rubble and ashes.Wars, acts of aggression and violence, encroachments upon the freedom of thepeoples-all this has its sources in the policy of imperialism.It is imperialism, and above all American imperialism, that steps up the arms race,sharpens international tension and foments conflicts and local wars in differentareas of the world.American imperialism, that sworn enemy of the freedom of the peoples, isstriving by every means to suppress the national liberation movement, is hatchingreactionary coups and is foisting anti-popular regimes upon the peoples and ispropping them up.For many years now, the American imperialists have been waging a war ofaggression in Vietnam, making use of the most brutal means.As a result of the Israeli aggression against the Arab peoples, a dangerous centreof tension is being maintained in the Middle East which might start aconflagration of war at any moment.The provocative intrigues of imperialism against Cuba, off the shores of Koreaand against many states in Asia, Africa and Latin America create a constant threatto peace.Warlike West German imperialism is gaining strength in Central Europe and neo-nazism is rearing its head there. Relying on the aggressive. NATO bloc and actingin close alliance with American imperialism, the ruling circles of Bonn, whichhave not learnt the necessary lessons from the defeat of Hitlerite Germany, arepursuing a policy of revenge, are striving to secure nuclear weapons and arethreatening the security of all the peoples of Europe.

extension of the system of separate development which they completey opposed.They explained that at- a tribal college they were caught between the urge toquestion, which is the essence of education, and a system which makes certainquestions dangerous. Police presence on the campus was a thorny issue, studentsfelt 'they were under almost constant surveilance by the Special Branch or studentspies for signs of political dissent.' Fort Hare was like a Dickensian boarding-school with 'the people most hated' by the students being the African wardenswho enforced discipline and the hostel rules. They used duplicate keys to search

students' rooms, patrolled late at night, and made sure that no liquor or womenwere in the male quarters.One student, told a Johannesburg newspaper that the Fort Hare confirmed hisstudents' impression of him when he dents were children and -did not know whatthey were doing. 'At Fort Hare, we are living a quaint life in a quaint place, ourlecturers being strange people with whom we have no contact at all except in theclassrooms.' The Rector of Fort Hare confirmed his student's impression of himwhen he declared that the 'Fort Hare students might have been influenced byworld student unrest' and 'the demonstrations could also have been timed tocoincide with the new session of the United Nations.' The White students werewarned by the Minister of Bantu Education, Mr. M. C. Botha, that the affairs ofFort Hare did not concern them. But there was no turning back now, the events atU.C.T. and Fort Hare were beginning to crystalize the components of united andcommitted action.THE ROLE OF NUSASThe protests have been organised and co-ordinated on a national scale by the24,000-strong National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). Africanstudents and White democrats have often been critical of NUSAS for its generalEuropean orientation, its moderate approach, its refusal to take a general politicalstand outside the university sphere, and its failure to identify with the liberatorymovement. Its liberal stand on academic freedom, however, has made it a pet-hateof the Prime. Minister. In recent years it has come

A threat to peace in Europe is created by the military bases granted to theAmerican imperialists in different NATO countries and in Spain.The policy of aggression and wars, pursued in the interests of the profits ofmonopoly capital, increases the exploitation of wide sections of people in thecapitalist states themselves, foments racial discrimination, encourages grossviolence, leads to the restriction of democratic liberties and threatens the vitalinterests of the people.The militarisation of the economy consumes huge material resources, lowersliving standards and weighs heavily on the w9rking people.Imperialism is responsible for the fact that the greatest achievements of scienceand technology, which open up new horizons before mankind, are directedtowards destruction at a time when hundreds of millions of people are sufferingfrom hunger and poverty.That is why the struggle for peace merges with the struggle for the freedom of thepeoples, for progress and democracy and for getting rid of foreign oppression,colonialism and neo-colonialism, reaction and fascist dictatorship.An attainable goalA lasting peace is today not a utopia; it is a perfectly attainable goal. Powerfulsocial and political forces now exist in the world which come out against war, fora ditente and for broad international cooperation.The consistent peace loving policy of the first country of socialismthe SovietUnion-and of other socialist states, the mounting struggle of the working peoplein the capitalist countries, the growth of the national liberation movement and the

actions of broad sections of the world democratic public and of fighters for peacedo away with the fatal inevitability of a new world war, and create a concreteopportunity for implementing the people's aspirations for peace.Imperialism can no longer decide the destinies of the world at its own discretion.The American aggressors have been compelled to stop their bombing raids on theDemocratic Republic of Vietnam and to start talks.A treaty has been signed on the banning of nuclear tests on the ground,underwater, and in outer space, and a non-proliferation treaty has been concluded.This means that it is possible to achieve concrete results when the peoples actvigorously and concertedly.Although the danger of military conflicts will exist as long as imperialism exists,peaceful coexistence between states with differentsocial systems is realistic in ourtime; but peaceful coexistence requires the constant and stubborn struggle of thepeople against imperialism and against its positions of strength policy.The struggle for peace includes the peaceful initiative of the socialist states, thevictorious battles fought by the Vietnamese patriots in the jungles of SouthVietnam, the anti-war demonstrations in the cities of Europe and America and thestruggle of the Japanese people against American military bases.The cause of peace is also served by the actions of the working class

under increasing fire as one of the last remaining liberal institutions left in SouthAfrica. Since 1966 its presidents and several office-bearers have been banned,deported or forced to leave the country on one-way exit visas. The Governmenthas been threatening to ban the organisation if it does not come to heel. In order todefend itself NUSAS has had to seek more active support on the campuses. Thisoccurred when the English-speaking campuses were beginning to shrug-off theapathy and indifference of the past. The new mood among White students isinfluenced to a degree by world student unrest.White South African students, who have been led to believe that Britain and theU.S.A. represent model systems, are perplexed when they see middle classstudents, not unlike themselves, in a state of almost continuous revolt 'withcapitalist society. This has led to a reassessinent of their own ideas and a moreperceptive awareness of the power structure of South African society. During1968 many teach-ins and debates were held on 'Student Power', 'The Role of theUniversity' and 'The Future of South Africa'. Many students began to demand agreater say in the running of the universities and coupled this with demands forthe readmission of Black students.. NUSAS was keeping abreast with this new mood and organised many suchdiscussions. It took a stand against the rebel Smith regime; quite a courageous actin South Africa. In June it sustained a powerful, government-incited, attack byright-wing students who called for the disaffiliation of the Wits, UCT andPietermaritzburg students' unions. NUSAS emerged from this test with increasedsupport as the move was heavily defeated in hotly-contested campus elections. Inthe words of the President, the Government's attacks 'made NUSAS in the pastfew years far stronger than it had been for some time'.

In July, at its national congress, NUSAS expressed its belief that the ideas forwhich the late Chief Albert Lutuli stood 'will ultimately triumph in South Africa'.A resolution was passed praising Helen Joseph for 'her courage and perseverance'under house-arrest, and the Congress reaffirmed NUSAS opposition to Ian Smith.In a resolution dealing with

against the omnipotence of monopolies, by the resistance of the Latin Americanpeoples against the dictatorships of the military cliques, by anti-colonialmovements in the countries of Asia and Africa and by the struggle of the Negropopulation of the United States for their rights.Everybody who takes part in this struggle, irrespective of whether he wearsworkman's overalls, tills the soil or works in a laboratory, contributes to thecommon cause of safeguarding peace.We call on all working people-workers, peasants, intellectuals, scientists and menof culture and on all those who want to save and multiply the fruits of mankind'slabour and creative efforts;On mothers and fathers, who are concerned for the future of their children;On young people and students who are striving to implement noble plans anddreams, and to devote their strength and energies to the flourishing of theircountries;On members of parliament, statesmen and political leaders, who are alarmed forthe fate of their peoples;On political parties, trade unions, public organisations and movements;On religious communities and associations, on people of different religious faiths;On participants in peace movements and anti-war campaigns;On all men and women:To demand an end to the United States aggression in Vietnam, the withdrawal ofAmerican troops and respect for the sovereign rights of the Vietnamese people-independence, freedom and peace for Vietnam;To strive for the elimination of the consequences of the Israeli aggression intheMiddle East on the basis of the resolution of the United Nations SecurityCouncil;To fight for the complete abolition of colonialism and neocolonialism, for theachievement of independence by all the oppressed peoples, for the ending of thewar waged by the Portuguese colonialists, for the extirpation of shamefulracialism in South Africa and wherever it manifests itself, and for the abolition ofcorrupt regimes, henchmen of foreign monopolies;To step up their efforts in the struggle for the complete implementation of theprinciples of peaceful coexistence of states irrespective of their social systems, forthe easing of international issues through talks, against the encroachment ofimperialists' upon the independence and sovereignty of the peoples, for their rightto determine their future themselves and for the development of broad equitableco-operation between states.We call on all those who have lived through and remember the horrors of the lastworld war, on all the champions of peace in Europe, including the peace lovingpublic forces of West Germany.

Let us bar the road to the policy of territorial claims pursued in the FederalRepublic of Germany and to its desire to possess nuclear weapons; let us turnback the forces of neo-nazism!Recognition of the actual situation which has developed in Europe as the result ofthe Second World War, the inviolability of the existing

'terrorism' (sic), NUSAS expressed its 'horror' at acts of violence - but at the sametime, its 'belief that Government policies fostered acts of terrorism by oppressinga large section of the population'.There have still been bitter feelings from Black students for NUSAS; or moreaccurately for certain NUSA.S affiliates. Delegates from the 'Non-EuropeanSection' of Natal University made a protest withdrawal from the July Congresswhen the Pietermaritzburg delegate was making his report. A breach in relationshad been brought about between these two faculties of Natal University when thePietermaritzburg students organised a segregated graduation ball. The Blackstudents issued a statement condemning Pietermaritzburg for 'going completelyagainst the basic policy of NUSAS, which is based on non-racialism'. Relationsbetween Black and White students at Natal University have remained strainedover issues such as this.There are some Black students who are growing so hostile that they do not wishto work with any Whites. There has been a move to establish a South AfricanStudents Organisation (SASO) along NUSAS lines for Black students. Aninaugural meeting was held at Marianhill at the end of last year, but not all whoattended seemed sure about the effectiveness of such a body. There have of coursebeen similar attempts to found such an organisation before, but these havefloundered owing to financial and organisational problems. It would be extremelysignificant if SASO could survive and grow, but the difficulties may prove toogreat at the moment.I feel however that Black Students should not turn their backs on NUSAS,particularly at this crucial stage of the struggle. Black students should have theirown organisation but also work with NUSAS. White students are showingthemselves more responsive to the demands of Black students than ever before.Black students have the potential to swing NUSAS and the White students intomore radical positions. The danger of isolating the more moderate NUSASleadership might bring it into a position of compromise with the Government.

borders and recognition of the German Democratic Republic-these are theindispensable conditions for a lasting peace on the continent of Europe.Let us launch a struggle for the creation of an effective system of collectivesecurity in Europe, and for an end to the division of the world into militarygroups, and for the establishment of an atmosphere of co-operation and mutualunderstanding among the peoples.The way to this would be paved by a general European conference of states, aswas proposed by the Budapest meeting of the Warsaw Treaty countries.World peace cannot rely on the "equilibrium of fear." A lasting peace isunthinkable without an end to the arms race.

It is necessary to secure the establishment of nuclear free zones in differentregions of the globe, the banning of all tests of nuclear weapons, the earliestpossible entry into force of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of NuclearWeapons and the participation of all states in that treaty, and the banning ofnuclear weapons and the destruction of stockpiles of those weapons.It is necessary to demand the removal of military bases in foreign territories, theannulment of aggressive military pacts imposed upon countries and effectiveinternational prohibition of all types of chemical and bacteriological weapons.It is necessary to strive consistently and stubbornly for general and completedisarmament.We communists, despite the difficulties of the past, have preserved boundlessloyalty to Lenin's ideas of international peace and friendship.Today, as in the past, we shall fight for these noble goals of the human race, alongwith all those who come out against the policy of militarism, aggression and war.For this purpose we are prepared to develop contacts and to cooperate with themost varied public and political forces.Unity of all the progressive peace loving forces is the call of our times. Firmlyunited, we shall ensure the victory of the sacred cause of world peace!

This almost occurred when the NUSAS leadership offered to drop nationwideprotests they were in the process of organising if the Minister of Police, Mr. S. L.Muller, would agree .to see them. Muller, of course, complied and instead ofstaging the protests which were against police activity on the campuses, and theincreasing use of informers and spies, the NUSAS leadership discussed thesepoints with the Minister of Police himself. A very conciliatory meeting was heldand the Press hailed the occasion as a 'New Era in GovernmentNUSAS relations'.The meeting took place in February this year, during the long summer vacation.There was a great deal of confusion and disquiet among White students and atWits there was particularly strong resentment against the manoeuvre. When theacademic year began in March a NUSAS leader from Cape Town had to fly toJohannesburg and calm the Wits students down. Fortunately the Government'stypical hamhandedness saved the situation, for Vorster, Muller and otherMinisters were soon back to the attack, slating and threatening the students inhighly repetitive speeches.PROTESTS PROTESTS PROTESTSThe mistrust of Black students for NUSAS seemed confirmed by the Mullerinterview. It certainly underlined the limitations of NUSAS, but it also indicatedthat a section of White students, particularly at Wits, were far ahead in theirmilitancy of the national leadership. NUSAS now prepared for its next bigcampaign of nationwide demonstrations. These were to commemorate theEnglish-language Universities' dedication to academic freedom made ten yearspreviously at the time of the Government's Extension of the Universities Act of1959. A week of re-dedication was organised involving vigils, pickets, marches,and climaxing in general assemblies and public meetings at the four English-language Universities on April 16.

It is estimated that more than 10,000 students took part in these protests, includingstudents from the Johannesburg and Natal Teachers' Training Colleges. Thedemonstrations

ADDRESSon the centenary of the birth ofVLADIMIR LENINAs we approach the centenary of the birth of Vladimir Lenin, the Communist andWorkers' Parties address their thoughts to the immortal genius of ourrevolutionary age.Lenin's name has come to symbolise the triumph of the Great October Revolutionand the major revolutionary achievements which have made basic changes in thesocial image of the world, and have marked mankind's turn towards socialism andcommunism.Lenin was a profound thinker. He developed the science founded by Marx andEngels: dialectical materialism, political economy, the theory of socialistrevolution and the building of communist society.Lenin was the founder of the Bolshevik Party, the first proletarian party of a newtype. He was the leader of the world's first triumphant socialist revolution. He wasthe founder of the world's first proletarian state and of Soviet socialist democracy.Lenin was an implacable fighter against imperialism and reaction. He stood forthe concerted action of all sections of the working people in battles against thecommon class enemy. He was a consistent internationalist, a champion ofequality, peace, and friendship among peoples.He condemned with anger all forms of racialism and chauvinism.Lenin was the friend of the oppressed nations, the man who pointed out thesuccessful road in the struggle against colonialism, for the independence andfreedom of the peoples and for their right to determine their own destiny.The recognised leader of the international working class, Lenin sawthe proletariat as the leading force capable of carrying out the world historicmission of overthrowing capitalism and of effecting socialist changes in society.The concept of an alliance between the working class and the peasants wasLenin's. He called for unity in the working class movement and was implacabletowards opportunism in all its forms.Under the influence of Leninism, a generation of communists grew up who werecompletely dedicated to the working class, the people and the cause of socialism.Lenin's life and work, his noble qualities as a revolutionary, as a comrade and as aman, will always serve as an inspiring example for millions of revolutionaryfighters the world over.Guided by Leninism, the revolutionary movement in most countries rose to a newlevel. New Communist Parties were founded and grew strong. The internationalcommunist movement became a world force, the most influential political force ofour time.The experience of the international socialist movement and the working class andnational liberation movements have confirmed the international significance ofMarxism-Leninism.

were marked by a show of respectability on the one hand, involving all but one ofthe Principals of the Universities concerned, who signed the students' petition foracademic freedom, and a vicious show of force by the Government on the otherhand, with attacks on the students by Vorster's fascist thugs. Both theJohannesburg and Cape Town City Councils, again toeing the Vorster line,refused to allow marches through the city streets, on the grounds that 'these wouldprovoke disorders'.At Wits the students maintained a grim 24-hour-a-day picket for the entire weekalong the boundary of their campus (the busy Jan Smuts Avenue). Students 'wereassaulted by hooligans and provoked by the police but they courageously heldtheir ground. On one occasion when only ten students, including six girls, weremanning the picket, 100 rowdies from the Air Force Training School nearPretoria, descended on the thin line, attacked the students and set their postersalight. But the biggest act of thuggery was perpetrated by the South AfricanPolice. One morning they arrested six pickets for parading outside the Universitygrounds. When other students heard what had happened hundreds flocked out ofthe University and took up positions along Jan Smuts Avenue. 'Protect us fromour police' their placards read. In mid-afternoon, at peak traffic hour, Jan SmutsAvenue was sealed-off by troop carriers and police vans. 200 policemen, withdogs and batons descended on the students and drove them back into theUniversity. Students sang and chanted 'Sieg Heil' and 'Gestapo'.During what must rank as the stormiest week in the experience of Wits, 19 otherstudents were arrested and appeared in the courts on trivial offences, includingthree 17 year-olds who had to appear in a court for juveniles. At the end of thecampaign the president of NUSAS, Duncan Innes, summed-up the feeling ofstudents when he said: 'We know our universities can never be integrated until oursociety is integrated. We feel that apartheid is the cause of all that is wrong withSouth Africa.' Innes went on to indicate that there would be more nationwidedemonstrations: 'Our opposition to apartheid is only beginning' he stated.

The triumph of the socialist revolution in a number of countries, the emergence ofthe world system of socialism, the gains of the working class movement in thecapitalist countries, the beginning of independent social and political activity bythe peoples of the former colonies and semi-colonies and the unparalleledadvances of the anti-imperialist struggle are all proof of the historical truth ofLeninism, a teaching that expresses the basic needs of our time.We have every right today to use the same words in speaking of Lenin's teachingsas he himself used in describing Marxism: the teaching is all-powerful and forthat reason true.Source of inspirationMarxist-Leninist theory and its creative use in concrete conditions helps us to findscientific answers to the questions which arise before all sections of the worldrevolutionary movement wherever they operate.Loyalty to Marxism-Leninism, the great international teaching, is the guarantee offuture success in the communist movement.

Communists see defence of the revolutionary principles of MarxismLeninism andof working class internationalism as their task in the struggle against allopponents. They see their task as consisting of the undeviating translation of theseprinciples into life, and the constant development of Marxist-Leninist theory andits enrichment on the basis of modern experience in class struggle and thebuilding of socialist society.Communists will always be loyal to the creative spiritof Leninism.The approaching Lenin anniversary is a historic date of world importance.Communist and Workers' Parties are approaching this anniversary in conditionswhen an intensification of revolutionary activity is taking place, and are markingit by stepping up political and ideological work among the people and byexpanding and strengthening their ranks.They are sparing no effort to mobilise the revolutionary energy of working peoplein the struggle against imperialism and for the radiant ideals of socialism.The delegates to the International Conference of Communist and Workers' Partiescall on all communists, all fighters for the socialist transformation of society andall supporters of progress and peace to mark the centenary of the great Lenin'sbirth in a worthy manner.Study the works of Lenin! In them you will find an inexhaustible source ofinspiration for the struggle against reaction and oppression, for socialism andpeace. Acquaintance with them will help the young generation to see with greaterclarity the revolutionary prospects of our epoch. Publicise on a greater scale theachievements of Leninism, the successes of the socialist countries, the CommunistParties and all the revolutionary forces.!Workers of all countries, peoples of the whole world, in the cause of the triumphof Lenin's ideals we call on you to join actively the great and noble battle of theworking class for peace, democracy, national independence and socialism.Let us raise higher the banner of Leninism in the struggle for the revolutionaryrenovation of the world!Long live Leninism!

The struggle moves forwardNo state can indefinitely rule when its power rests on the compulsion of the gunand the boot. Of the Fort Hare students sent home, all but 21 were readmitted, butunder the most humiliating circumstances. Within a month the slogans were backon the walls: 'We want 21', 'Stamp out police informers' and 'Academic freedom'.At U.C.T. the Mafeje episode had an epilogue. In December 1968 the Chancellorof the University, mining magnate and financier Harry Oppenheimer, arrived tounveil a plaque commemorating the whole sorry affair. Students picketed theceremony and held ,placards which stated: 'Plaques don't cure plagues', 'U.C.T.Council legislates for apartheid', and 'plaques - palliatives for hypocrites'.These two incidents illustrate two important factors. One, that the Black students,and thus the African people, are unconquerable. With the development of thearmed struggle the most dynamic forces will be unleashed which will overthrowapartheid. Two, that there is a strong feeling of moral revulsion against apartheidamong White students. The liberatory movement must not lose this source of

potential support. Already the demonstrations planned for the end of May show aprofound development within the student movement over the past year. Thedemonstrations are becoming more political, they are looking outwards from theuniversity sphere and are finding links with other sections of the Blackcommunity. As regards the attitude of Black students to NUSAS it is interestingto note that the 450 critical students of Natal's 'Non European Section' are playinga full part in arrangements for the protests. One of the demands of the Turfloopstudents is the right to affiliate with NUSAS' Black students, a minority thoughthey may be, can exercise a tremendo~is influence on the White students. Theycan maintain and develop the democratic and radical mood which has preventedWhite students from allying with the forces of reaction. This is part of the struggleon the road to South Africa freedom.

FINAL COMMUNIQUEThe International Conference of 75 Communist and Workers' Parties was held inMoscow from June 5 to 17. The delegates to the conference assessed it as a majorevent in the development of the struggle against imperialism, in the cause ofachieving anti-imperialist unity of action by the widest sections of the peoplethroughout the world, and as an important stage on the road of strengthening theunity of the communist movement on the principles of Marxism-Leninism andproletarian internationalism.Delegations from 75 Communist and Workers' Parties took part in the meeting:Communist Party of Australia, Communist Party of Austria, Socialist VanguardParty of Algeria, Communist Party of Argentina, Communist Party of Belgium,Socialist Unity Party of West Berlin, Bulgarian Communist Party, CommunistParty of Bolivia, Brazilian Communist Party, Communist Party of Great Britain,Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party, Communist Party of Venezuela, United Partyof Haitian Communists, People's Progressive Party of Guyana, GuadeloupeCommunist Party, Guatemala Party of Labour, Communist Party of Germany,Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Communist Party of Honduras, CommunistParty of Greece, Danish Communist Party, Dominican Communist Party,Communist Party of Israel, Indian Communist Party, Communist Party of Jordan,Communist Party of Iraq, People's Party of Iran, Communist Party of NorthernIreland, Irish Workers" Party, Communist Party of Spain, Italian CommunistParty, Canadian Communist Party, Progressive Party of the Working People ofCyprus, Communist Party of Colombia.People's Vanguard Party of Costa Rica, Communist Party of Cuba (as anobserver), Communist Party of Lethoto, Lebanese Communist Party, CommunistParty of Luxembourg, Party of Liberation and Socialism (Morocco), MartiniqueCommunist Party, Mexican Communist Party, Mongolian People's RevolutionaryParty, Party of Nigerian Marxist-Leninists, Nicaraguan Socialist Party,Communist Party of Norway, Communist Party of East Pakistan, People's Partyof Panama, Paraguayan Communist Party, Peruvian Communist Party, PolishUnited Workers' Party, Portuguese Communist Party, Puerto Rican CommunistParty, Reunion Communist Party, Rumanian Communist Party, Communist Partyof Salvador.

San Marino Communist Party, Syrian Communist Party, Communist Party of theSoviet Union, Communist Party of the United States, Communist Party of theSudan, Tunisian Communist Party, Communist Party of Turkey, CommunistParty of Uruguay, Communist Party of Finland, French Communist Party,Communist Party of Ceylon, Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, CommunistParty of Chile, Swiss Party of Labour, Left Party-Communists of Sweden (asobservers), Communist Party of Ecuador, South African Communist Party, andtwo parties working underground whose names were not made public for securityreasons.

CHE IN BOLIVIAJoe SlovoWHEN C. I. A.-COMMANDED THUGS wearing the Barrientos uniformmurdered Che Guevara on the 7th October, 1967, the guerrilla band which he ledhad been in the field for exactly 11 months.Those who look for comic book drama should keep away from Che's Diaries* forin them they will find reflected with characteristic integrity and modesty thereality and not thedream-picture of what faces men who do this kind of battle. Asin his Reminiscences of the Cuban Revolutionary War, the pages of his BolivianDiaries are punctuated with the stark reality of life in the mountains. Hunger,thirst, sickness, discomfort and deprivation - these are constant companions of theguerrilla and they ceaselessly play upon his morale. They compete with thequalities of dedication and selflessness which move men to abandon their all andoffer their very lives in pursuit of an ideal. 'The day was very very laborious .....Everything went wrong ..... The day was spent in a desperate search for a way out..... A grey day full of anguish ..... An unpleasant day and quite full of anguish .....We quenched our thirst with cakes of caracari, which just fooled the throat .....Some of the comrades., are falling to pieces from lack of water.'These entries on different days of only one week in August 1967 spell out therealities of guerrilla life and the nobility of spirit of those who,, at the end of theday, manage to defy them.When Che 'hit the road with my shield upon my arm' he had no illusions about hispersonal future. 'It is possible that this may be the finish' he wrote in mid-1965 ina farewell* Che Guevara's Bolivian Diaries, London, Cape, 12s. 6.

The conference adopted the main document: "The Tasks at the Present Stage ofthe Struggle against Imperialism and United Action of Communist and Workers'Parties and all anti-imperialist forces."While also supporting the strengthening of the unity of Communist and Workers'Parties and all anti-imperialist forces, the delegations of the Communist Parties ofAustralia, Italy, San Marino and Rdunion expressed complete agreement onlywith that section of the document which outlines the joint programme of struggleagainst imperialism, while the delegate of the Dominican Communist Party didnot support the main document.

The delegates to the conference also discussed the question of celebrating thecentenary of the birth of V. 1. Lenin and warmly and with enthusiasm approvedthe address on "The Centenary of the Birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin."The conference addressed to the peoples of the world the appeal "Independence,Freedom and Peace for Vietnam." It warmly greeted the setting up of theProvisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam.The conference adopted an appeal "In Defence of Peace."It adopted a statement in support of the just struggle of the Arab peoples againstIsraeli aggression, and a statement of solidarity with communists and democratswho are being subjected to most savage repressions, and are conducting a selflessstruggle in difficult conditions against reactionary dictatorial regimes which aresupported by international imperialism.The conference took place in an atmosphere of frankness and fraternal solidarityand was widely reported.The principles of the equality of all parties and of collective methods of workwere strictly observed both in the preparatory period and in the course of theconference itself.The delegates to the conference expressed their desire for the further developmentof ties between Communist and Workers' Parties. They reaffirmed the usefulnessof bilateral and regional meetings and of holding, as the need arises, internationalconferences of Communist and Workers' Parties to exchange views andexperience, for collective discussion and to work out current political andtheoretical questions and problems of the struggle against imperialism, for thetriumph of the cause of peace, national independence, democracy and socialism.It has been decided to send the materials of the conference also to the Communistand Workers' Parties that did not participate in its work.The delegates to the conference are firmly convinced that its results accord withthe interests of every Communist Party and the entire international communistmovement.

letter to his parents. 'I don't seek it, but it's within the logical realm ofprobabilities. If it should be so, I send you a last embrace. I have loved you verymuch, only I haven't known how to express my fondness. I am extremely rigid inmy actions ..... please just take me at my word today.' Che's self denigration anddeeply-felt but characteristically understaded compassion for the 'little mare'whom he struck in a-moment of temper because it was moving too slowly due toweariness is an example of his deep humanity. That night he brought his mentogether. He talked of the difficult situation. 'A human carcass' was the way hedescribed his own condition.The epilsode of the little mare proves that at some moments I have lost control;that will be modified but the situation must weigh squarely on everybody andwhoever does not feel capable of sustaining it should say so. It is one of thosemoments when great decisions must be taken; this type of struggle gives us theopportunity not anly to turn ourselves into revolutionaries, the highest level of thehuman species, but it also allows us to graduate as men; those who cannot reacheither one of these two stages should say so and leave

the struggle.This compassion, resilience and nobility of spirit was of course not unique to theCuban struggle nor to the shortlived Bolivian campaign. It had its historicalprecedents in Russia, in China, in the Phillippines, in Viet-Nam, in Algeria, inNazi-occupied Europe and many other countries in which men were forced toresort to arms to assert a people's right to freedom. And each of these strugglessome successful and some not - has thrown up its heroes both sung and unsung.HIS INTERNATIONALISMWhy then has Che Guevara more than anyone else become the symbol of theheroic guerrilla amongst so many militants, particularly the student youth of theWest? Is it perhaps that in him is seen the special quality of internationalismwhich moves a man to sacrifice his life in any part of the world for any peoplewho struggle for freedom and against imperialism? Che, the Argentinian, hadalready taken part in revolutionary struggles in Guatamala when he joinedCastro's band in Mexico. As one of the twelve who

Comrade J. B. MarksChairman of the South AfricanCommunist Party

survived the seemingly impossible landing on the Cuban coast he marched intoHavana at Castro's side at the head a victorious people's army, having provedhimself a brilliant jqB~i otuos peWLm LuiTI jo ON "apummuoo eqjiJaon2 joconsider the well deserved reward of public office. He wrote to Castro in April1965 a moving farewell letter in which he formally renounced his positions in thenational leadership of the Cuban Communist Party, his post as minister, his rankas major and his Cuban citizenship. He proclaimed that his only ties were those'which cannot be broken as appointments can!' He left Cuba with the feeling 'offulfilling the most sacred of duties; to fight against imperialism wherever it maybe'. Before his final Bolivian campaign he was ready to involve himself in Africaon the side of the freedom forces.In an age in which the virus of sectionalism and chauvinism infects even somesections of the international working class movement and the Socialist world, thisquality of internationalism, this assertion of the essential unity of man in thestruggle against oppression and for true freedom and independence, is to betreasured. In the words of Fidel Castro, 'National flags, prejudices, chauvinism,and egoism had disappeared from his mind and heart. And he was ready to shedhis generous blood spontaneously and immediately, on behalf of any people, forthe cause of any people.' All hail then to the spirit that moved the volunteers inSpain, the Pomeroys in the Philippines, the Guevaras in Bolivia!Che's internationalism and his virtuosity in the field of guerrilla tactics and the artof commanding men are qualities which will continue to inspire revolutionaries.But Che was not only a practitioner - a man who, in his words, risked his skin toprove his platitudes; he also made a notable contribution as a theorist of guerrillastruggle in contemporary conditions.HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THEORY

Generalising from the Cuban experience, in his book Guerrilla Warfare, hestressed that one does not necessarily, have to wait for the classical revolutionarysituation to

arise; it can be created. He was critical of those who 'feel the need to wait until, insome perfect way. all the required objective and subjective conditions are athand.' These thoughts were part of the debate triggered off by the victory of theCuban people and they no doubt helped to motivate his Bolivan decision.Out-of-context and mechanical adherence to rigid formulae about the laws ofrevolution, regardless of changing conditions, had doubless acted as an obstacle torevolutionary initiative by some vanguard parties and had blunted their ability torecognise when the real moment of struggle had arrived. The Cuban Revolutionand one of its important theorists, Che Guevara, stimulated new thinking on thisproblem by revolutionaries everywhere but particularly in Latin America. Thefact that revolutionaries had taken to arms in a situation which seemed to fallshort of the much distorted thesis of Lenin's on the timing of an insurrection wasnot new.*China in the twenties did not present a classical type revolutionary situation, yetno-one can today question the correctness of the decision to take to arms in theprotracted struggle which only saw final success in 1949. When the series ofexplosions heralded the small beginnings of armed struggle in Algeria in 1954 itwould have been difficult to find the ingredients of an immediate insurrectionarysituation. When Amilcar Cabral and his colleagues of the P. A. I. G. C. decided toprepare for armed revolt in 1959 they did so against the background of the brutalrepression by the Portuguese of a dock-workers' strike and not because arevolutionary breakthrough seemed imminent.The Cuban Revolution was in the same tradition. But like every other major socialupheaval it has its own significance and its own lessons; it becomes part of thestorehouse of* Lenin's thesis dealt with the problems of a general insurrection and not the wayin which a revolutionary organisation can by its political and organisational workhelp to create favourable objective conditions for the conequest of power. For afuller discussion of this problem see my article on Regis Debray in The AfricanCommunist No 33 (Second Quarter 1968)

SPEECH BY J. B. MARKSChairman of theSouth African Communist PartyHead of the S.A.C.P. DelegationDear Comrades,To this great and historic Conference we bring greetings to our brother Partiesfrom the Communists of South Africa, from all revolutionaries of our country-inthe gruesome jails of the fascist Vorster regime; working in perilous undergroundconditions; or participating in the armed struggle which is now raging in SouthernAfrica.

As the main draft document before this meeting points out the struggle for theliberation of our region is one'of great importance for the future of Africa and world peace'The world is well aware that the racist leaders of the so-called white minority inSouth Africa have turned our beautiful and wealthy country into a hell for thegreat majority of our people, especially for the indigenous Africans whocomprise- most of the population. Our land has been forcibly usurped; our peopleturned into a landless, rightless proletariat, the object of fierce and unrestrainedexploitation and oppression.What is perhaps not so fully realised is that the present day Republic of SouthAfrica is an imperialist state itself. It has seized the former mandate of Namibia(South West Africa) and exploits it as its colony. It is the main partner in theUnholy Alliance with Rhodesia and Portugal, who, together, retain a vast area ofour continent as one of the last refuges of open and unashamed colonialism. Itopenly threatens the sovereignty and independence of Zambia and Tanzania-and.ultimately, of every African state.Against these terrorist, racist regimes the masses of people of our countries havelearnt, through many years of bitter experience, there is no way to emancipationexcept that of revolutionary armed struggle. We did not reach this conclusion as aresult of any preconceived notions regarding methods of struggle, any so-calleduniversally-valid dogma. Indeed we fully agree that it is for the revolutionaries ofevery country to evolve their own methods, according to their own circumstances,of attaining our common goal: the conquest of power for the masses of workingpeople. But in our conditions of total suppression of the people's rights, ofconstant, daily terror and force exercised against the masses, with tens ofthousands of patriots in detention and massacres a commonplace, with the greatmajority of the people in a state of seething revolt against enslavement andintolerable affronts to their human dignity, there could be no other way forward.

revolutionary experience and revolutionary thought. For Latin America it was thewatershed. Nothing thereafter could be the same again.It was Che who articulated the growing importance of the subjective factor in thequest for people's power. As such his influence in Latin America and on our ownstruggle was significant. In the discussions which preceded the decision to preparefor armed confrontation in South Africa, the Cuban Revolution and the writingsof Che figured prominently.Thus in the amalgam of experience and analysis which makes of Marxism a livingguide to social action and not a petrified dogma, Che, who was proud to callhimself a Marxist and a Communist, has an honourable place.This is said advisedly and not as a formal bow in the direction of propriety whichprecedes the awkward path of having to express reservations about aspects of histhesis so soon after his heroic self-sacrifice. I feel the need to say this is in itself acommentary on certain unhealthy features of some assessments of Che.On the one hand there is the ungenerous tendency to belittle his importance bypaying homage to his courage but not treating critically and seriously histheoretical contributions. This unbalanced treatment diminishes the man. On the

other hand there is the emotion-packed pressure to guard one's criticism lest one isaccused of lending volume to the babble from the enemy that Che's physicalelimination spells the permanent defeat of Bolivian resistance and the guerrillatactic as a form of struggle in Latin America. We must discard both of these strait-jackets. At the end of the day it is our capacity to build on the positive foundationand to reject the negative features of revolutionary activists and thinkers, whichwill spell success. As long as there is balance and honesty in our discussions,enemy gloating about miscalculations and mistakes is of little relevance. Theywill gain far more from a stubborn refusal of the revolutionary movement todiscuss them openly and to draw the right lessons. Che's Bolivian campaign needsto be examined in the light of these considerations.

Indeed, comrades, a war has already begun and is in progress for the liberation ofSouthern Africa. In Mozambique, in Angola, in GuineaBissau, in Namibia andeven in the Republic of South Africa itself, fighting has broken out. Brave Africanguerillas are dealing heavy blows at the fascist and racist regimes. Behind thelines the workers of town and countryside are increasingly defying the fascistterror and raising the banner of resistance. Inevitably the struggle will spread andmerge into a single people's war which can only end in the destruction of whiteminority rule and the establishment of people's power. We shall win!In Zimbabwe (Rhodesia) since August 1967, numerous armed clashes have takenplace between the 'security forces' of the notorious Smith regime and guerillaunits made up of joint forces of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU)and the African National Congress (ANC)-the mass liberation movement of ourcountry, the Republic of South Africa. These two organisations have concluded amilitary alliance which is an outstanding and inspiring example of true fraternalunity in action.It is no secret that the Smith regime relies heavily on massive military andeconomic aid from the fascist Republic in the South. In fact with the complicity ofBritain and its Labour government tWe Republic of South Africa has sent troopsinto Rhodesia on a large scale since the outbreak of guerilla activities. Recentlythe South African Minister of Police, Muller, admitted in the all-white Parliamentthat the Republic had sent further reinforcements of armed and specially-trainedpolice to fight in Zimbabwe, on the border of free Zambia. It cannot be doubtedthat, but for this aid, the Smith regime would by now have been overthrown, andthat it now stands in the same relation to the fascist Republic as does the puppetregime in South Vietnam to the United States.This armed struggle enjoys the fullest support of our Party. I should like here atthis great meeting to inform you that members of your South African brotherParty are fighting in the front lines, side by side with our non-Communistcomrades. Their courage and devotion have proved worthy of the highesttraditions of our movement; many have laid down their lives in the struggle toliberate our country. Comrades,We South African revolutionaries are deeply conscious of the internationalsignificance of our struggle.

Behind the vicious and disgraceful regimes of Vorster, Smith and Caetano standthe sinister powers of NATO and Japan, of world imperialism. It is noexaggeration to say that, but for this backingfinancial, military, political-ourpeople would long ago have won their freedom.To the imperialists, South Africa is a treasure-chest for the accumulation of super-profits from the fruits of our rich mineral and other natural resources and from themerciless exploitation of African labour power.It is also a stronghold of reaction and colonialism in Africa and a strategic key-point in the global strategy of the imperialists. It is a hotbed for the breeding ofthe disgusting theories of racism and neo-nazism.

THE BOLIVIAN DECISIONThe fact that he did not succeed* does not provide a conelusive answer to thequestion whether his decision to begin was justified. War, like politics, is not theprovince of certainty. 'History', said Karl Marx in a letter to Kugelmann, 'wouldindeed be very easy to make if the struggle were taken up only on condition ofinfallibly favourable chances.' Yet this truism does not imply that success orfailure is governed purely by the laws of chance. An unfortunate or unexpectedtwist in a developing situation may radically influence the outcome but the courseadopted must have its roots in the real situation and be guided by the scientificprinciples of revolutionary theory.Without detracting from the nobility of the participants I believe that we mustexpress doubt about the correctness of Che Guevara's Bolivian action. Thequestion which presents itself immediately upon reading his Diaries is : was therenot too mechanical an application of the correct proposition that the subjectivefactor can'help stimulate or create insurrectionary conditions?Guerrilla warfare is above all a political struggle by means which include armedactivities. It cannot be won by soldiers alone. Armed groups, however heroic,have not the slightest chance of surviving in isolation from the general stream ofpolitical ferment and organisation in the country. It is clear from his writings,more particularly his Guerrilla Warfare that Che Guevara fully appreciated this.'For the individual guerrilla warrior then, whole hearted help from the localpopulation is the basis on which to start-popular support is indispensible', he says. He draws a contrast with a robber bandwhich he says often possesses all the characteristics of a guerrilla band butinevitable gets caught and wiped out because 'they lack one thing, the support ofthe people.' And again.* In the narrow sense of course. In the long run the Bolivian people will win theirfreedom and in one sense every act of resistance whether prudent or not, will havecontributed to this.

Under the successive Premierships of Verwoerd and Vorster, men who openlyespoused the cause and ideas of Hitler during the war, the Republic of SouthAfrica became the refuge of nazi war-criminals and a haven for their capitalwhich was endangered after the collapse of the 'Third Reich'. Ever closerrelationships, economic and political, are being forged with the neo-nazis of

Bonn. West German imperialism is establishing a firm foothold in our country,challenging the wellentrenched interests of British, U.S. and other well-established investors in the race to extract maximum profits, and concludingsecret and sinster agreemejnts regarding the production of fissionable uranium,poison gases and other weapons.Everywhere the South African racists are seen as among the outstandingsupporters of international reaction and imperialism. The Israeli aggression ofJune 1967 helped the Republic of South Africa by forcing the closure of the SuezCanal, to the great profit of Cape Town and other South African ports. TheRepublic has reciprocated the favour by rendering important practical support tothe zionist aggressors.At the same time we are deeply conscious and appreciative of the powerfulsupport for our people's struggles from innumerable friends of freedomthroughout the world. In one sphere after another of international relations,ranging from trade and diplomacy to culture and sport, the door is correctly beingslammed in the face of the ignominious racists of South Africa.The independent states of Africa, the Soviet Union and other socialist countries,the labour and democratic movements in the capitalist countries, have repeatedlydenounced apartheid. They have demanded that South Africa implement humanrights aid dignity. They have demanded the release of Mandela, Sisulu, Kathrada,Mbeki, Fischer and innumerable other heroes of our people now serving lifeimprisonment and other heavy sentences under atrocious conditions in the fascistjails.Above all they have rendered and are rendering valuable practical support to ourfreedom-fighters: money, food, clothing, medicines, assistance in military trainingand-most precious-arms. We take this opportunity, comrades, in the presence ofthe leaders of the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic, Bulgaria,Poland, Hungary, Mongolia, Cuba and other socialist countries, to say that ourpeople will never forget the warm comradely solidarity they have shown inproviding us with the means for our emancipation.Many of our brother Parties here represented have carried out manysolidarity actions with our people, or taken part in broad anti-apartheidmovements in their countries. To all those Parties-those of Britain and other WestEuropean and Scandinavian countries, of India and other Asian countries, ofNorth and South America-may we express our deep gratitude; our confidence thatthey will redouble their efforts in the stormy period now facing our struggle; ourhope that all here will follow their example.The very nature of our struggle has taught our revo lutionaries, Communists andnon-Communists alike, the fundamental lessons of internationalism. We knowfull well from practical experience that our

the base and grounding of the guerrilla is the people. One cannot imagine smallarmed groups, no matter how mobile and familiar with the terrain, surviving theorganised persecution of a well-equipped army without thispowerful assistance.NO POPULAR SUPPORT

It is more than clear from a reading of his Diaries that the greatest obstacle to thesurvival of his guerrilla group in Bolivia was its failure to win popular supportand its almost complete and utter isolation from the Bolivian masses peasantryand workers alike. Let Che himself speak. It becomes relevant to quoteextensively from his Diaries on this point.The Bolivians are fine, although they are few in number.- Monthly Analysis, end of December 1966. A period of the beginning of theenemy counter-offensive which has been characterised up until now by: a.) atendency to establish control that would isolate us, b.) a clamouring on a nationaland international level, c.) total ineffectiveness up until now, d.) mobilisation ofthe peasants.- Monthly Analysis, end of March 1967. ... the isolation continues to becomplete... the peasant base is still not being formed, although it seams thatthrough planned terror, we can neutralise most of them; support will come later.Not one person has joined up with us.- Monthly Analysis, end of April 1967. The most important characteristics are: ...2.) a complete lack of incorporation of the peasants, although they are losing theirfear of us, and we are succeednig in winning their admiration. It's a slow andpatient task.- Monthly Analysis, end of June, 1967. The most important characteristics are: 2.)We continue to feel the lack of peasant incorporation. It is a vicious circle: toobtain this incorporation we need to carry out permanent action in populatedterritory, and to do this we need more men... 7.) the army continues to be nil withrespect to military tasks, but they are working on the peasants in a way that mustnot be underestimated, as they transform all the members of the community intoinformers, whether by fear or by deceiving them with respect to our objective.- Monthly Analysis, end of June, 1967.

struggle against imperialism is one with that of our brothers fighting the sameenemy in every country of the world. We are at one with the fighting people ofVietnam. Their implacable and victorious fight against the biggest imperialistpower is a shining example, a glorious inspiration, to all the oppressed andexploited of the earth.We are at one with the brother Arab peoples to our North, in their determinedresistance to imperialist-backed zionist aggression, for the recovery of their landsand the assertion of their rights to self-determination.We rejoice at every advance of our comrades everywhere, We hail the importantstep towards people's power in which a big part has been played by the Marxist-Leninist vanguard: the Sudanese Communist Party. We hail every step in thesocial, economic and ideological progress and cohesion of our class brothers, ourclose and trusted allies, the leaders and the people of the socialist community.Our struggle also is not only for our own liberation. It is at the same time ourcontribution to the common fight, a fulfilment of our internationalist duty.That is exactly why for a number of years we of the South African CommunistParty have been consistently and vigorously appealing for unity within the ranksof the international communist movement, vanguard detachment of the world

anti-imperialist forces. Unity of our movement is the key to the rallying of all whofight imperialism, war, colonialism and exploitation. Our Party enthusiasticallywelcomed the convocation of this conference; we have to the best of our abilitycontributed to its preparation.Rarely, if ever, has an international gathering been prepared with suchthoroughness, such patience, as this great and historic conference. We should likeat this stage to express our very sincere appreciation of the tireless efforts of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union, of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party-indeed of all whose labours over the past fifteen months have cleared the way tothe achievement of this wonderful reunion of nearly all the main contingents ofour great movement.We must recognise, comrades, that this has been no easy task. We are all wellaware that a number of differences of perspective and interpretation havedeveloped between various parties. We hope very much that in the course of time,of comradely discussion, and above all, the test-of practice, these differences willbe resolved. That is a task which still confronts us.But, during the arduous preparations for this conference, most of us have come torealise that this long-term process could not and must not impede us in the mosturgent and imperative duty which history has placed before us. That task is toconcentrate at this stage not upon our temporary differences, but upon theimmeasurably greater and more

The lack of incorporation of the peasants continues to be felt, although there aresome encouraging signs in the receptiongiven to us by old peasant acquaintances.- Monthly Analysis, end of July, 1967.We continue without any incorporation on the part of the peasants, logical tounderstand if we take into account the little contact we have had with them inrecent times.- Monthly Analysis, end of August, 1967.The characteristics are the same as those of last month, except that now the armyis showing more effectiveness in action, and the mass of the peasants do not helpus at all andhave become informers.- Monthly Analysis, end of September, 1967.A pig was killed, sold by Sostenes Vargas, the only peasantwho stayed in his house. The others flee whey see us.- September 24th, 1967.Thus, in the whole of this period, not a single peasant was inspired to comeforward to bear arms. On the contrary, so wide was the gap between the guerillaband and the people around them that even the hope expressed at the end of April,1967 that they could be neutralised through terror and that support would comelater, did not prove realistic. This was the sorry, demotalising and, for theguerrilla, devastating picture seven days before Che's capture and murder.CAN MILITARY ACTION ALONE MOBILISE THE MASSES?

The planned terror against the enemy forces had been on a relatively large andrelatively successful scale. It was carried out with a skill which once againreflected Che's virtuosity in this field. The first engagement occurred towards thesecond half of March, 1967. Thereafter numerous engagements took place inwhich the enemy was badly punished. (e.g. four in April, three in May, two inJune, three in July). The propaganda media of the enemy appear not to haveavoided publicity about the presence of the guerrillas and their exploits. Ifanything it tended to exaggerate their strength and made scrupulous admissionsabout their own losses which in some of the battles were heavy. The masses of thepeasants were therefore well aware of the presence of a guerrilla centre and of itsexploits over a

important area of our agreement; upon our pressing need to present a commonfront to the common enemy.We are faced with a ruthless, vicious and dangerous enemy: imperialism. Theenemy, as well defined and described in the main document placed before us bythe Preparatory Committee, is ceaselessly plotting acts of intervention andsubversion against socialist and other nonimperialist countries, acts ofprovocation and outright lawless aggression. Against patriots, revolutionaries,working class militants everywhere it wreaks savage reprisals and murder. Itconstantly menaces the world with the horrors of atomic, chemical and bacterialwar which only our combined actions and vigilance holds at bay.This enemy will not pause in its onslaught on our forces and allies while 'weengage our energies in protracted debates.Therefore it became imperatively incumbent upon us to unite our ranks, and toagree on how to rally all anti-imperialist forces. We had to leave aside for the timebeing those issues where we differ. History demanded of us that we concentrateon the wide area of common agreement; that we restate our common tasks. incontemporary terms in a manner capable of mobilising our whole movement andits allies.That task has been brilliantly accomplished by our Preparatory Committee and thedocuments it has placed before this conference.Comrades, our Central Committee fully supports these documents. Our delegationhas been entrusted and empowered, on behalf of our Party, to sign thesedocuments and to pledge our Party's strength and resources to mobilise theworking people of South Africa for their translation into reality..We warmly express our agreement with those constructive speeches which haveelaborated and elucidated these documents-speeches such as those of ComradesBrezhnev, Gomulka and Hall-and we feel that to explain exactly why we concurwith the contents of the main document, the peace appeal, the documents on thepreparation of the Lenin centenary and the demand for the ending of imperialistaggression in Vietnam-would merely be to repeat what others have said mostably.-We have listened carefully also to the addresses of those comrades whoexpressed differences with the documents, particularly the main document.

Frankly, comrades, we find some of their arguments rather difficult to understand.For example, some comrades have gone into lengthy criticisms of the document,not because of what it says but because of what it does not say. One wouldlogically, perhaps, then expect them to propose some additional material. Butsurprisingly enough'they are recommending that we delete whole sectionsamounting in some cases to three-quarters of the whole.We are also surprised at the type of subject-matter which some of these comradesare saying the document lacks. More than one delegation here has drawn attentionto the events in Czechoslovakia, despite the well-grounded appeal of ourCzechoslovakian comrades not to make their country's problems, at this complexstag&, the subject of international debate.These comrades must be well aware that their special and rather strange

period of many months. Here was a practical demonstration of the guerrillacentre's capacity to deal blows against the enemy in organised armedconfrontation. According to Che's entry at the end of June, 1967, 'the guerrillalegend grows and grows: we are now invincible supermen', and at the end of July,'the legend of the guerrilla is acquiring continental dimensions.'Despite all this, the peassants initial indifference developed into fear and finallyinto colloboration with the enemy. Che speculates in his Diaries about the reasonsfor the almost total shunning by the peasants of the guerilla and in many instancestheir positive hostility. Was it due to .fear? Was it due to the fact that the peasantshad been misled about the guerrilla objects?Whatever the immediate cause may have been (and some extremely 'hard wordsare said by Che about the role of the Communist Party of Bolivia, one thing iscrystal clear. The doctrine that the masses will, in some spontaneous way, respondto an insurrectionary centre - a military foco needs serious re-examination. TheBolivian campaign surely puts in grave doubt the over-generalised formulationsthat the injection of armed groups into a country in which there is severerepression will of itself (and subject mainly to the professional skill of the armedgroups) slowly, in the words of Debray 'spread like an oil patch'.I am not here arguing a brief for the tradition-bound reluctance to concede theimportance in some situations of actually establishing an armed centre as one theVital steps in the all-round preparation for -armed struggle. But this is a far cryfrom the thesis that a group of heroic patriots, most of them unfamiliar with thelocal terrain and local dialect and without any roots amongst the people or propercontact with their organisations, can become the catalyst of revolutionarytransformation.NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM - THE IDEAL AND THEREALITYThe participants in Che's group numbered just over forty. There was only ahandful of Bolivians and the majority

point of view on this question is far from receiving general support in ourCommunist movement. And this is true of nearly all the other questions which afew parties insist are so essential to the documents that their omission makes it

unacceptable; even though there is nothing actually in the document which wecannot all subscribe to. But these comrades know that their special view on thesequestions is one which this conference cannot and will not accept; they haverepeatedly enjoyed and they have made full use of the opportunity to advancethese views throughout the preparatory stages of this conference. Theamendments they proposed ,which found general support were accepted 'and areincluded in the draft. The others were omitted, and properly so.Surely, comrades, that was precisely what we set out to do in preparing thisconference and its documents. It was clear to all of us that there were somematters on which we could not all reach agreement now. Therefore we decided todevote ourselves to the priority question of formulating our agreement on theurgent tasks of the present stage of the anti-imperialist fight. This is precisely themeasure of our achievement in drawing up this wide-ranging Marxist-Leninistdocument which is before us; which draws the statement of our immediate tasksout of the analysis of the current situation.Of course, each Party makes its own assessment of events at home and abroad.We could never hope to draw up a single document which would succeed incombining all the viewpoints of all the Parties. From our point of view, forexample, we feel that a rather disproportionately large amount of attention hasbeen devoted to the problems of Europe. We and other people actually engaged inanti-colonialist struggles would surely consider it over-optimistic to imagine theSocial-Democrats as partners in an anti-imperialist fighting front; we have freshmemories of the betrayal of the French Socialist Party over Algeria; the abjectsellout of the British Labour Party over Zimbabwe; the role of the West GermanSocial Democrats as part of the Bonn imperialist policy of alliance with fascistSouth Africa.But we realise that this is a collective document of the movement as a whole, andwe fully accept it and support it as such. We are totally opposed to any procedureof allegedly "improving" it by means of amputating its members or mutilating it.Comrades, our delegation would like, here, to say a word about the so-calledprinciple of unanimity. It is true that unanimity is a goal towards which we mustever strive. But it would be absurd to elevate this into an absolute principle. Wemay not like to talk of 'majorities' and 'minorities' in a gathering such as this. Butwe are not lawyers and we are not a debating society; we are a gathering ofpractical revolutionaries engaged in a life-and-death struggle whose outcome willdecide the future of mankind. We dare not allow ourselves to be placed in aposition where a few Parties, or even a single Party can be given a power of vetowhich would, in effect condemn our movement to paralysis. We appeal to all ourcomrades here, to their Central Committees, to participate in endorsing this unity-building document. If they will not do it now, immediately, we triist that they willconsider their position soon after we have concluded our deliberations andassociate themselves. But

were freedom fighters from Cuba (17), Peru, Brazil and Argentina.The composition of the guerrilla band must have contributed to the relative easewith which the enemy isolated it from the peasantry. This is of course not the first

example of outsiders participating in freedom struggles and even playing aleading role. In his introduction to the Diaries, Fidel Castro draws specialattention to the fact that in Latin America the internationalist tradition has historicroots and points to the names of Bolivia and its capital, Sucre, which were bothnamed in honour of their first liberators who were Venezuelan. But Bolivia haswitnessed one of the first attempts in more recent history to initiate this sort- ofstruggle by a group led and predominated by outsiders. It is not a concession to'nationalism' or 'the sectarian spirit' to question whether, especially in the earlystages, a guerrilla group should be predominantly non-indigenous in composition.Would this not make the already intricate problem of achieving acceptance fromthe people far more complex and, in some cases, impossible?The political terrain in which a revolutionary movement operates is given and isseldom, if ever, a reflection of the ideals of the advanced vanguard. Narrownationalism, provincialism, regionalism, tribalism - these prejudices nurturedby objective conditions certainly constitute limitations on a people's capacity tostruggle. They have particular force in the modern era of imperialism and thebourgeois national State, one of whose characteristic historical features is theemergence of nationalism. This reality precludes the mechanical application ofadvanced principles of internationalism in many situations, not only in nationalstruggles but in the working class movement as well. Even after the capture ofpower the historically-rooted national differences have an important bearing ontactics. Lenin had this in mind when in 'Left-Wing' Communism he discussed thecreation of a leading centre to replace the Second International.... Communists of every country should quite consciously take into account ... thespecific feature which (the) struggle assummes and inevitably must assume ineach separate country

if nearly all our Parties want to sign this document now they must be free to do so.Dear Comrades, we are well aware that we have not come here to engage inpolemics with the rather puerile 'ideological' propositions advanced by the Maoistgroup. We have no intention of doing so. But when it comes to the externalactivities of the Chinese government which impinge on our struggle againstimperialism, which so far from advancing that struggle positively impede it andare in practice aiding and abetting the enemy, this is something we cannot affordto ignore. Our Party vigorously condemns the border provocations committedagainst the Soviet Union, the citadel of socialism and mainstay of the anti-imperialist forces everywhere. We were deeply impressed by the speech of theWest German Communist Party delegate, when he gave such striking evidence ofcollusion between the Maoists and the Bonn imperialists.For a number of years we have seen the sidetracking and disruption of variousinternational solidarity organisations by Chinese delegations who persisted indragging into gatherings of non-Communists their alleged 'ideological' campaignagainst the CPSU and the world communist movement. At one time the People'sRepublic of China rendered valuable assistance to the African National Congress,the fighting national liberation movement of our country. But for several yearg,and without reason or explanation, this aid has'been withdrawn; instead we find

the Maoists subsidising and actually preserving from complete collapse a group ofright-wing renegades from our struggle whom documentary evidence now provesto have been started at the instance, and with the support, of the CIA.Our movement has not, and should not, shut the door to any Communist Party.We have invited the Communist Party of China to every meeting at every stage ofthe convocation and preparation of this conference. They have refused even toaccept our invitations; they have accused the Communists of all the world ofbeing 'revisionists' and 'renegades'. The world may judge to whom thosedescriptions more fittingly apply.Comrades, it is fitting indeed that our notable meeting takes place on the eve ofthe centenary of the birth of that great genius of our movement, founder of theSoviet State and leader of the oppressed and working people the world over-Leninthe Liberator. We must congratulate the initiators and the drafters of the fineaddress on this occasion which has been placed before us.We believe that our meeting has been worthy of this momentous occasion, that itwill go down as a turning point from which we shall go forward in greater unitythan ever to rally our own forces and all fighters against imperialism, for freshadvances, fresh victories for the cause of human liberation.Comrades, we are a part of the great army of Communists; the greatest army offreedom this earth has ever known. We uphold a glorious and noble cause whoseultimate, world-wide victory is assured. Not one of our

in conformity with the peculiar features of its economics, politics, culture,national composition (Ireland, etc.), its colonies, religious divisions and so on andso forth ... We must clearly realise that such a leading centre cannot under anycircum-.stances be built on stereotyped, mechanically equalised and identical rules ofstruggle. As long as national and state differences exist among peoples andcountries - and these differences will continue to exist for a very long time evenafter the dictatorship of the proletariat has been established on a world scale - theunity of international tactics of the Communist working class movementdemands, not theelimination of variety, not the abolition of national differences(that is a foolish dream at the present moment) ...We must not regard what is obsolete for us as... being obsolete for the masses...You must not sink to the level of the masses, to the level of the backward strata ofthe class. That is incontestable. You must tell them the bitter truth. You must calltheir bourgeois democratic and parliamentary prejudices - prejudices. But at thesame time you must soberly follow the actual state of class consciousness andpreparedness of the whole class (not only its Communist vanguard), of all thetoiling masses (not only of their advanced elements).(emphasis in original)Particularly in that part of the world (and our experience of Africa confirms this)where oppression and manipulation by imperialism have wrought so muchmaterial and moral damage there is an understandable suspicion amongst largesections of the people against the 'foreigner' and the outsider. This historically-

rooted prejudice is hypocritically exploited by imperialism and its localrepresentatives to confuse the people and to undermine their resistance. The cry of'foreign agitator' is one of the oldest in the book. Its impact on a ravaged people,especially where it can be superficially documented - as in Bolivia - must not beunderestimated and tactics of struggle must take it into account. Even thevanguard group itself is not altogether and always free of this factor as appears forexample from an entry in the Diaries on April 12th 1967:A tendency to underestimate the Cubans was observed among the vanguard whenCamba remarked* that every day he has less confidence in the Cubans due to anincident with Ricardo. A very pointed example of the need to accommodate amovement's tactics to the character of the struggle and to the reality of thepolitical terrain is contained in Che's Re-

Parties here represented is without its heroes and martyrs of the working classstruggle. In the name of these honoured dead, comrades, of all we have fought sohard and so long to attain, here in this city whose very name is an inspiration toevery revolutionary, let us rededicate ourselves now to our historic mission-thedownfall of imperialism, war, oppression and the exploitation of man by man; thetriumph of peace, national freedom, democracy and socialism, all over the world!.

miniscences of the Cuban Revolutionary War. In the course of a tribute to theGuatamalan patriot, Julio Valle (El Patojo), Che mentions the fact that when ElPatojo heard of the intended Cuban action he voluteered to join Castro's band inMexico. His offer was not accepted for the reason that 'Fidel did not want to bringany more foreigners into that struggle for national liberation in which I had thehonour to participate.' What developments have taken place in Latin Americasince then which would warrant a departure from the correct thesis which mustobviously have been at the bottom of Castro's decision in the case of El Patojo?This of course is no argument against patriots participating (even in leadingcapacities) in a life and death struggle outside the borders of their own country asChe did in Cuba or our own heroes are doing in Zimbabwe. Che says 'Each spiltdrop of blood, in any country under whose flag one has not been born is anexperience passed on to others who suvive, to be added later to the liberationstruggle of his own country. And each nation liberated is a phase won in the battlefor the liberation of one's own country.' Absolutely true! But what is beingdiscussed here are those tactics dictated by the predominant character of anexisting situation which will most effectively organise and arouse an oppressedand often backward people to move in the direction of a conquest of power.OUR OWN STRUGGLEIn our own struggle we have recently experienced some of the problems whichface a guerrilla in a relatively alien environment. The historic alliance betweenZAPU and the ANC heralded the beginnings of large-scale guerrilla operations inZimbabwe in 1967. The armed units which engaged the enemy consisted ofcombined ZAPU-ANC freedom fighters. The common enemy facing both theSouth African and the Zimbabwe people is - more patently than elsewhere - oneand the same. It is the white racialist regimes contiguously situated, acting in

close co-operation and bolstered up by internal and external inmperialism. Whatis more, white South African troops were called into Zimbabwe

by the Smith regime and formed the backbone of the enemy forces.Despite all this the leadership and composition of the guerrilla units reflected thereality of the struggle in Zimbabwe, the main content of which is the nationalliberation of the Zimbabwean people. The problem of establishing contact withthe people and gaining their confidence and support would have been a thousand-fold more difficult, if not altogether impossible, if the units were led andnumerically dominated by South African freedom fighters with no intimateknowledge of the local terrain, the people - their dialect, customs, habits,prejudices and so on. This is the experience of our fighting men and it relates topeoples facing not only the same enemy but having close ethnic, cultural andlanguage ties.The collaboration which led to the combined operations between ZAPU and theANC is of course an inspiring example of internationalism and African unity. Itconstitutes an important milestone in the struggle against a common enemy unitedby racialism and imperialism. But even within the borders of our own country -South Africa - we would seriously jeopardise the chances of successfullyinitiating and sustaining guerrilla operations if in the constitution of the fightingunits we did not give sufficient weight to local, ethnic, national and territorialloyalties and factors.The unanswered question remains: Are there new objective conditions in LatinAmerica as a whole and more specifically in Bolivia which render such factorsobsolete for the mass of the people and not merely for the advanced vanguard?NO COLLABORATION WITH BOLIVIAN ORGANISATIONSThe Diaries are limited to short-hand narratives of daily events, short monthlysummaries of progress and brief memory-jogging reflections on certain trends andtendencies. It is understandable therefore that there is no mention in the Diaries ofthe factors which moved Che to choose Bolivia in preference to some otherterritory for the launching of the guerrilla centre. It seems clear hbwever that

none of the existing political organisations inside Bolivia (including theCommunist Party of Bolivia) were formally consulted about the action.According to Fidel Castro, in the introduction, during the initial phase ofpreparation of the guerrilla base, Che had depended mainly upon a group of'discreet collaborators' who remained in the Bolivian Communist Party after asplit had occurred in it. According to Castro it was due to deference to thesecollaborators that Che invited Mario Monje, the General Secretary, to visit him inthe camp although Che was not a bit sympathetic towards him. This meeting tookplace on the 31st December 1966.'In the brief description contained in the Diaries, Che summarises the fundamentalquestions raised by Monje as including an offer by him to resign from theleadership of the Party, obtain its neutrality to the guerrilla struggle and bringcadres for it. But the condition raised by Monje that 'the political and militaryleadership of the struggle would correspond to him as long as the revolution had a

Bolivian environment' was totally rejected. The entry reads 'I would be themilitary chief and would not accept ambiguities concerning this. Here thediscussion turned into a stalemate and ended up in a vicious circle'. Castro assertsthat Che's consultations with the head of the Bolivian Communist Party was in thenature of a gesture and was unaccompanied by any expectation that usefulcollaboration could be established. In fact in the monthly analysis at the end ofDecember Che does say that Monje's attitude may 'hold back developments' butgoes on to sigh with- relief that it would also 'contribute ... by releasing me ofpolitical entanglements'.This last comment is consistent with what appears to have been Che's convictionthat initially at any rate the military and political leadership ought to vest in themilitary or at the very least that the military ought to be absolutely independent.Also at the beginning the military band itself ought to avoid internal politicalorganisation. On the 26th January 1967 when the Bolivian Moises Guevaraarrived to join the group with a colleague, Che put

forward the condition which included 'group dissolution ... no politicalorganisation yet and the necessity to avoid polemics about national andinternational discrepancies'.POLITICAL AND MILITARY LEADERSHIPFor us this is an unfamiliar approach. In my article on Debray there is a moredetailed and critical analysis of the formulations on these questions which heclaims reflect the thinking of Che. In the words of Debray: 'In the phase precedingthe seizure of power, the predominance of a political vanguard, the Party, over themilitary is not valid for Latin America' and 'the people's army will be the nucleusof the party and not vice versa'. Suffice it to say that in our continent such aproposition is rejected by all the liberation forces actually engaged in armedstruggle including our own. The issue was dealt with succinctly andunambiguously by Cabral when he was asked:'Could you tell us briefly how the political and military leadership of the struggleis carried out?'The answer: 'The political and military leadership of the struggle is one: thepolitical leadership. We are political people and our Party, a political organisation,leads the struggle in the civilian, political, administrative, technical and thereforealso military spheres. Our fighters are defined as armed activists.*In any event the almost complete isolation of the guerilla band from any Bolivianpolitical movement or organisation (none of whom appear to have been a party tothe decision to commence guerrilla operations) obviously contributed to the set-backs suffered. On the 13th June 1967 the entry reads: 'The interesting thing is thepolitical upheaval in the country, fabulous numbers of pacts and counterpacts thatare in the air, seldom have the possibility of catalysing the guerrilla been seen soclearly.' And on the 14th of July: 'The government is disintegrating rapidly: toobad that we do not have a hundred more men at this moment.'If the peasants are not ready to come forward who would provide these men?Who in any case would be in a position* Tricontinental No 8 1968

to take full advantage of the ferment by all-round mobilisation of people in townand countryside? Surely the guerrilla centre, in the initial period, had almost bydefinition neither, the capacity nor the physical possibility of doing so. In additionits contact with the outside world was so tenuous (a few documents and thegovernment radio) that it would be quite unable to either weigh up the fullsignifiance of these events or to form a balanced judgement on what is to be donein the country as a whole. These questions are 'irrelevant' only to one whobelieves that mobilisation and response is generated exclusively by the exploits ofthe guerrilla. Surely the existence of a political leadership, intimately connectedwith the guerrilla centre and able to mobilise the masses, is of vital importance.Historians with all the facts in their possession will, no doubt form theirjudgement, on the unhappy relationship between the guerrilla band and theCommunist Party of Bolivia. One aspect however calls for comment: if in truth nogenuine revolutionary organisation exists either willing or capable of throwingitself into this sort of struggle, this is an important factor in deciding whetherconditions are ripe in that country to embark upon armed struggle. Thesereflections provoked by reading of Che's Diaries touch on a number of vitalproblems of armed struggle to which our whole Movement is committed inSouthern Africa. The problems connected with this struggle, its relationship withother forms of political activity, the need to give the military struggle a correctpolitical content, our capacity to provide correct political guidance to the majorityof workers and peasants who by the very nature of things cannot directlyparticipate in the initial phases of guerrilla warfare- these are problems which are not academic exercises. Their correct solution canmake the difference between success and failure, between real and a hollowvictory.Historically speaking what adds to the tragedy of Che's murder is that because hewas such an honest, devoted and committed revolutionary fighter and thinker, theBolivian experiences may well have evoked in him a further assessment of someof these problems, whose correct solution is vital to the revolutionary movementeverywhere.

From South Africa's HistoryThe I.C.U.Teresa ZaniaI will simply go from dockyard to factory and with a single word, 'STOP' thewhite people will be held at ransom, the railways will lose over F 2.000,000 a dayand while the trouble is on I will be looked upon as Prime Minister.(Kadalie, June, 1926).Are you going back to the masses and ask them to pray, or will you tell them todepend on their numerical powers... The idea of a general strike may make certainof you tremble in fear, but there is no alternative if you want your freedom.(Thomas Mbeki, April, 1927).2THESE WORDS BY two leaders of the Industrial and Commercial Worker'sUnion of Africa (I.C.U.) expressed the excitement of the African people in South

Africa, at their discovery of a powerful new weapon, the strike, not only as amethod to get higher wages and better working conditions, but as a politicalweapon. They are an indication, too, that Africans were putting aside their tribaldifferences and uniting as workers.1. In a speech at Heilbron.2. Thomas Mbeki at the 7th Annual I. C. U. Congress, Durban,April, 1927, quoted in Roux, Time Longer Than Rope, University of WisconsinPress, 1966, p. 87.

The I.C.U. was formed in 1919 in Cape Town. From Cape Town it spread 'like aveld fire'3 over South Africa, with Port Elizabeth and East London, seaport townsfirst, then to the country districts of the Cape, to Natal, Orange Free State, and in1924, to Johannesburg and the Transvaal. It even spread its tentacles to SouthWest Africa, Basutoland, Bechuanaland, Southern Rhodesia (where there was anI.C.U. branch until very recently), Portuguese East Africa and Nyasaland. Itsmembership grew, until in 1928, it was nearly a quarter of a million strong'. At itsheight it had an income of R 15,0005. Not only did the urban areas build up ahuge membership (Durban, according to A. W. G. Champion, anther prominentI.C.U. leader, at the time of the Annual I.C.U. Conference in 1927, had amembership of 26,0006, but farm workers, squatters and labour tenants alsoflocked into the I.C.U.When meetings were held in the small towns and villages, Africans would pourin, in their thousands. It is reported that at Bulmer there was a 'Big muster ofNatives present, probably 15,0007'. Kadalie, in his autobiography, describes ameeting at Vryheid in Northern Natal:Many came to the meeting from as far as Zululand itself. Some Europeans of thisimportant northern Natal town were alarmed when they saw thousands of Zulusstreaming into Vryheid from all directions on horses as well as horse-drawnvehicles.Kadalie describes, too, a meeting at Middelburg, Transvaal, early in 1928, wherehe and Thomas Mbeki spoke:Africans who attended this meeting came from all parts of the North-EasternTransvaal. When we got up from our beds Un Sunday morning, we saw all sortsof primitive vehicles such as donkey carts, and horses in large numbers conveyingAfricans to attend the meeting. The town was somewhat3. Kadalie in his autobiography4. Roux, p. 1675. W. G. Ballinger, as reported in the Johannesburg Star, 15 Nov., 19286. Roux, p. 1677. Newscutting, undated, Forman Collection

alarmed at this African pilgrimage... The local press estimated the crowd thatattended the meeting at 5,000. Almost any 'dorp' you can think of, even the verysmallest with just a few streets, in the middle of the Karroo, had a branch of theI.C.U. at one time or another, in the 1920's. The rapid growth of the organisation

indicated a new spirit among the African people. The spirit was reflected in theI.C.U.'s early militancy.Before the I.C.U. had even run one year, it had its first big strike in December,1919, at the Cape Town Docks. The strike, which lasted three weeks, was partly ademand for increased wages, and partly a protest against the export of foodstuffswhen prices in South Africa were rocketing in the aftermath of the First WorldWar. Four hundred African and Coloured dock workers came out. Kadalie'sdescription of the strike in his autobiography, conveys the excitement he felt atthe realisation of the power of the nonwhite workers when they acted in unity:By 11 a. m. (17th ,December, 1919), the whole vast Cape Town docks was at astandstill, with hundreds of Coloured and African workers streaming out of it.Outside the dock gates, I addressed the huge crowd, officially inaugurating thefirst organised strike of Non-European labour in South Africa. The strike, itself,was broken, as the International' of January 9, 1920 reported, by 'the treachery ofthe white workers; on December 4, the Cape Federation of Trades had adopted aresolution calling upon trade unionists to refuse to handle foodstuffs for export,and thus, it appears, the non-white workers had expected the white workers tocome out as well, but this they had failed to do. However, the strike did havesome effect, for about six months later, after a deputation from the I.C.U., thestevedoring companies, led by the Union Castle Company, granted an increase inwages to non-white workers, though the Government Railways and Harboursadministration refused even to meet representatives of the Union.8. Organ of the International Socialist League (I. S.L.), whichwas to help form the Communist Party in 1921

VIOLENT STATE REACTIONThe I.C.U. with its first strike, came unmistakeably faceto-face with the organisedviolence of the South African State. A troop train was sent from Wynberg, andAfricans were forcibly ejected from the Docks Location and were sent toMilnerton camp. This was just the beginning of a constant hounding of I. C. U.officials and rank-and-filers, the breaking up of strikes by police and militaryviolence, mob violence by white civilians on I. C. U. property (as at Greytown,Weenen and Krantzkop, in Natal), and even shootings.Less than a year after troops had been used in the Cape Town Dock Strike, inOctober 1920 people lost their lives in Port Elizabeth. After the arrest of the I. C.U. leader in Port Elizabeth, Samuel Masabalala, who had called for a strike insupport of a demand for a 10/ - a day minimum wage for non-white workers, acrowd of people collected outside the Baakens Street police station, demandingthe. release of Masabalala. White civilians who had come to 'assist' the police, andthe police opened fire on the crowd: 24 people were killed or died of wounds;over 50 people were wounded. The report of the Inquiry into the shootingsconcluded that:all the firing which took place after the mob broke away was directed againstfugitives; that it was unnecessary, indiscriminate, and it was moreover brutal in itscallousness, resulting in a terrible toll of killed and wounded without anysufficient reason or justification9.

Open violence against the African people became an almost yearly occurrence.In February, 1920 over 40,000 African miners had come out on strike on theRand. The strike was broken by the use of a police cordon thrown around eachcompound. and, it appears, miners were driven underground at the point of a gun.When the police fought their way into the Village Deep Compound severalAfricans were killed. May, 1921 saw 163 Africans killed and 129 wounded atBulhoek, near Queenstown in the Ciskei, because they refused to move off whatthey regarded as communal land.9. Port Elizabeth Native Riots Inquiry Report, January, 1921

May 1922: Smuts sent a force of nearly 400 men, armed with four machine gunsand accompanied by two bombing planes to South West Africa to 'deal with' theBondelswart tribe, who had refused to pay the dog tax, which had been imposedon them as a means of forcing them into the labour marked. Over 100 men,women and children were killed and many more were mutilated or seriouslyinjured. No white man died.Leaders of the I. C. U. faced police and civilian mob violence in Bloemfontein inApril 1925, when 5 Africans were killed and 24 wounded.In October, 1928, there was a strike at Onderstepoort, a government veterinarylaboratory and farm near Pretoria, where the majority of the unskilled and semi-skilled labourers were members of the I. C. U. Kadalie writes:On arrival at Onderstepoort I was met by a body of police armed with clubs andrevolvers. I ventured to ask permission to address the men, but was told thatpermission could only be granted on condition that I was to advise the men toresume work unconditionally. I refused to do so and informed the authorities thatthe union would protect its members involved in the streik. My bold statementcaused some commotion and the police adopted a threatening attitude. I wasordered to leave the premises at once. Finally the Gouvernment tockdrastic action and put all the strikes in prison.South Africa calls itself a democratic and civilised country and yet itsrepresentatives meet a leader of an African trade union organisation who hadcome to investigate the problems of the members of his union with batons andrevolvers (which, no doubt, they had in hand to use on the strikers).1929 saw the I. C. U. facing another violent situation, this time in Durban. Thisstarted with the victimisation of an 'African worker at the Docks, where the I. C.U. was particularly strong, and grew into mass action against' the municipal beer-halls. Many wery killed and injured. 1930: The I. C. U. faced police violenceagain: This time during the general strike of African labour in East London, whichstarted as a strike at the East London docks. Kadalie describes the scene

By the second week a general strike was in progress which paralysed the wholeindustrial and commercial system of East London. The general strike was nowcomplete, as all domestic workers in hotels, as in private homes came out. Fromthe city men and women trekked in orderly manner towards the East BankLocation ... Strike meetings were now being attended by thousands of people. Asusual the S. A. police were very active from the first day of the strike. Aeroplanes

were flying overhead when strike meetings were in progress ... Policereinforcements were rushed to East London by special trains from all parts ofSouth Africa. At the boundary between the location and the city, military vehicleswere parked to transport armed police quickly as required ... At nights specialcivil volunteer police patrolled the location streets. It was then that I decided todisguise myself during the nights ...The strike committee was eventually arrested. They spent two months in gaol, andthen stood trial in the Supreme Court in Grahamstown, where Kadalie wassentenced to three months hard labour, or a fine of £25. It can thus be seen thatthe I. C. U. found strikes and even attempts at negotiation, an extremelyhazardous business. Kadalie said 'They (the whites) may bring their aeroplanesand police and form big camps everywhere, but I will simply say to theEuropeans: ,,We won't wash your plates, nor clean your boots as long as GeneralHertzog shows a heart as hard as Pharoah°'". But this was more easily said thandone.Open violence of this nature was, by no means, the only problem that Africantrade union organisers had to face. Under the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924,pass-bearing Africans were not recognised as 'employees', and thus their unionswere given no legal recognition. This fact, of course, made negotiations extremelydifficult, particularly as the white unions had legal recognition, and they couldthus use the consiliation machinery to entrench and re-inforce their privilegedposition. And this they did. Then, too, "agricultural labourers, mine-workersanddomestic workers did not fall under the provisions of the Wage Act. Under thisAct workers could apply for a10. Speech during 1936

minimum wage to maintain a 'civilised' standard of "living. The extremely lowwages of the above categories of nonwhite workers, of course, had (and still has)a depressing effect on the wages of all non-white workers in the South Africaneconomy. In any case, the Wage Board (set up under the Wage Act) was, in actualfact, used by unskilled white workers to maintain their privileged position asagainst non-white workers, and thus it merely worked as an adjunct to the 'ColourBar Act', which reserved certain categories of work for white workers. ManyAfrican workers, at this time, worked under contract, and they thus fell under theMasters and Servants Act. This made it a criminal offence to strike. The report ofthe Native Economic Commission, 1930-1932, has this to say (para. 294): In allProvinces Native contracts of service are generally gouverned by either the NativeLabour Regulation Act or the Masters and Servants Act, which makes it acriminal offence for the employee to break his contract of service, i. e. to strike,but these acts in practice are generally not of much force in respect of daily orweekly employees. Except, therefore, in the Cape Province where Natives, whoare daily or weekly employees, may combine for their mutual protection, there isin practice no power by which Natives can organise to improve their position orresist exploitation. This was strong language for an extremely reactionary report.

Many Africans spent only short periods in the towns and then returned home for aperiod before returning to obtain the cash, necessary to pay taxes and for theirother needs. This was particularly the case in this early stage in theindustrialisation of South Africa in the 1920's, when few secondary industries haddeveloped and there was a very small permanent African working-class in thetowns. The contract and compound labour system, operated not only on themines, but also for all types of labour. There was, for example, the KazerneCompound in Johannesburg, catering for the South African Railways andHarbours (this was the centre of I. C. U. work when the organisation first came toJohannesburg in 1924); and there was a compound for municipal workers inVrededorp, Johannesburg. Under this system, of course, the African worker is putin a strait-

jacket, as far as his living conditions are concerned, for he is supplied withaccommodation and, very often, food, and so, the employers argue, (as they did inevidence before several Commissions), he can never claim that his cost of livingis increasing, as a justification for higher wages. And, of course, the employersalso argued that they were giving him a wage to support only himself, as hisfamily were supporting itself on the land in his own territory. And thus Africanmine-workers were lucky if they received as much as 2/- a day. They usuallyreceived not more than 1/6 d. or 1/8 d.The compound system also makes it easier for the authorities to regiment Africanlabour and to break strikes. A whole system of informers was built up within thecompounds on the mines. The African miners' strike of February, 1920 at theVillage Deep Mine, for instance, was broken by the simple device of throwing apolice cordon round every compound. As Roux points out: 'Each group ofAfricans thus isolated was told that all the rest had gone back to work. In theabsence of an African miners' union or central strike committee, this methodusually succeeded, though not without bloodshed'1. The development of the'hostels' and the location system under the Urban Areas Act of 1923, and itsamendments in later years, was merely a more sophisticated variant of thecompound system. And so, too, the Borders Areas scheme of today, under whichAfrican workers in 'Border industries' are meant to go and sleep back in their'homeland', before coming back the following day to work. This is all part of thevicious colonial exploitation of African labour. And as it takes place in a highlyindustrialised society with a complex economy and with the development ofmonopoly capitalism, it has many features of a fascist system.Africans also had the great problem of trying to build stable and strong tradeunion organisations when most of them were unskilled labourers (forced bylegislation and by agreements 'between the white trade unions and the11. Roux, p. 132

employers to remain unskilled), thus easily dispensed with. At the same time,there was an enormous African labour pool on which the Gouvernment andemployers could draw, not only from within South Africa itself - places like theTranskei - but from Basutoland, Swaziland, Bechuanaland, the Rhodesias,

Portuguese East Africa. In this situation it was extremely difficult to build viabletrade unions. The Native Economic Commission 1930-1932, Report (para. 253)considered: 'The importation of Native labourers ..... not compatible with theimprovement of the economic condition of the Union Natives ....' This, again, wasstrong language for this sort of Commission.African trade unionists had to face a situation where they had to try and obtainhigher wages and better working conditions, with the knowledge that, even is theyapproached the employer with a demand, they could not back it ut with a strike,unlese they were prepared to face possible fines and gaol sentences. But theirproblems went even further than this: very often they would not even be receivedby an employer, since there was little real pressure on him in this situation tonegotiate and a great deal of official pressure not to meet African trade unionrepresentatives at all. In fact, a national incident blew up towards the end of 1928:Walter Madeley, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, one of the three Labour PartyCabinet Ministers in the National Party Labour Pact Government, was asked byPrime Minister Hertzog to resign from the Cabinet after he had r eceived an I. C.U. delegation, together with Bill Andrews of the S. A. Trade Union Congress, inconnection with the conditions of the non-white post office workers. By seeingthe delegation, Hertzog held, Madeley had given some sort of de facto recognitionto the I. C. U. When Madeley refused to go, the whole Cabinet was forced toresign and was reconstituted without him. This was a clear indication by theGovernment as to how seriously it regarded even this sort of informal'recognition' of the I. C. U.The I. C. U. and the CommunistsThe fact that the white, workers fought for and obtained a privileged position, asagainst the black worker - a situa-

tion confirmed by the National Party-Labour Pact of 1924- further weakened the whole trade union movement, black and white. TheCommunist Party, formed in 1921, and particularly Sidney Bunting, realised howthis division would weaken the working-class movement, and consistentlyfought for the unity of white and black workers. From the earliest days of the I. C.U. in Cape Town, some Socialists had close connection with the organisation.Roux states that they drew up the preamble to its first constitution along the linesof the preamble of the Industrial Workers of the Wolrd (of America-. TheInternational Socialist League (I. S. L.) had formed an organisation called theIndustrial Workers of Africa, sometime before the Bucket Strike (strike ofJohannesburg sanitary workers) in 1918. A branch of this organisation, in fact,worked with the I. C. U. in the days of the Cape Town Dock strike at the end of1919. But it was soon absorbed by the I. C. U. The famous 'Don't Scab' leafletdistributed by the I. S. L. appealed to the white miners to back up the Africanmineworkers' strike of February, 1920. It said:White workers! Do you hear the new army of labour coming? The Native workersare beginning to wake up.They are finding out that they are slaves to the big capitalists. Food and clothingare costing more, but their wages remain the same, away down at the pig level of

existence.White Workers! Do not repel them! The Native workers cannot rise withoutraising the whole standard ofexistence for all.They are putting aside their tribal differences and customs; they are entering theworld-wide army oflabour...During the 1920's the Communist Party increasingly interested itself in theAfrican workers, and began to realise the revolutionary role they were destined toplay. Bunting wrote in the S. A. Worker (organ of the Communist Party)12. Quoted in Roux, p. 133

at the end of 1926, commenting on Kadalie's statement that many Africans did notknow what communism was.as if it (Communism) were a white man's affair instead of being equally or morein this country a black man's -- he didnot tell them that. (My emphasis T. Z.).But while the Communists played a crucial role in the I. C. U., they were faced byan increasingly hostile and opportunist attitude on the part of a section of its topleadership, especially Kadalie, wich culminated in the expulsion of theCommunist Party members from the I. C. U. at a National Council meeting inPort Elizabeth in December, 1926.At the time of their expulsion in 1926 there were several Communists who heldleading positions in the organisation. There was Thomas Mbeki from theTransvaal, E. J. Khaile, who was Financial Secretary, Jimmy La Guma, GeneralSecretary, John Gomas from the Cape, and an Indian, de Norman, who was on theCape Town Committee. The Communists in the I. C. U. began to push forimprovements in the organisation: These were on three main fronts: Firstly, afirmer check on the finances of the organisation. Secondly, the rank-and-filemembers of the I. C. U. and other officials to have greater control over the I. C. U.leadership. They accused Kadalie of becoming a dictator. At the meeting theexpelled officials held in Korsten (just outside Port Elizabeth) immediately afterthe expulsions, one of the resolutoins demanded that there should be no exerciseof autocracy by officials towards branch executivesand members.And thirdly, they called for mass action against the pass laws and other oppressivelaws, and accused Kadalie of avoiding all real action. One of the resolutionsadopted at the Korsten meeting called for passive resistance to be organised inconjunction with other bodies of African people against pass laws and otheroppressive legislation.The Communist's call for greater control of the finances of the organisation wasfully justified later by the exposures of the enormous financial weaknesses in theI. C. U. There was eventually a court case exposing Champion's handling of thefunds in Natal, where all the funds went into his-

personal account, so that there was no distinction between I. C. U. finances andhis own. After this exposure and his suspension from his post as Natal ProvincialSecretary Champion broke away with the Natal section to form the I. C. U. yaseNatal. This was followed by an epidemic of breakaways throughout the country.As Roux says: Secretaries were bolting with cish, the unions' furniture was beingsold to pay lawyer's fees ... The events that led up to the final debacle were full ofdrama and tragedy. Anarchy prevailed. Individual leaders competed for power.They fought to obtain control of the I. C. U. And as they fought, the I. C. U.vanished before their eyes until there was nothing to fight over.13If anything justified the call of the Communists for firmer organisation, thesetragic splits did. Now, why had Kadalie decided to expel the Communistofficials? The reasons are fairly clear: He did not like their criticism of him as apotential dictator, and, linked with this, he was not prepared, it seems, to build afirm and cohesive organisation, where the lower officials and the rank-and-filewould play a full part. He preferred the drama of the platform to the hard andmore mundane work of building an organisation.an organisation.William Ballinger, who came out from Scotland as 'adviser' to the I. C. U. in1928, had said: 'The I. C. U. was formed as a mass organisation in 1919 - all bodywith very little head or feet'". What he meant was that there was no firmorganisation, and particulary, in his view, organisation along trade union lines.One cannot agree with his attempt to impose a 'sane and constitutional' tradeunionism on an African people, who had no real political and trade union rights,and were suffering under a vicious colonial-type exploitation; nonetheless hisdescription of the I. C. U. has some truth.Roux says of the period from about 1924:13. Roux, p. 17714. At a conference of location superintendents, held at Bloemfontein inNovember, 1928, as reported in the Star of 15 November 1928

Nothing was done. Disillusion spread among the rank and file. But as people grewdisillusioned in one district, as their enthusiasm waned and they ceased to paytheir subscriptions, the I. C. U. moved on to new, untouched districts. So that ithappened that by the time that the I. C. U. was flourishing in the Transvaal it wasalready losing members in the Cape .. This gives a fair picture of the nature of theI. C. U., as an organisation: It spread, as both Kadalie and Roux have cescribed it,like 'a veld fire', and like a veld fire it left very little behind it.Difficulties of ConsolidationThere were enormous difficulties in bulding and consolidating the I. C. U. I havealready given some indication of the difficulties facing, particularly, African tradeunion organisers in South Africa, but Kadalie made no attempt to counteract thesetendencies towards disintegration. In fact, his very approach encouraged them. Hewanted to be a 'plaform thunderer', and so he and other I. C. U. leaders went fromplatform to platform, addressing, very often, thousands of people, but there wasno real follow-up, either in organisation or mass action against oppressive laws, orstrikes for better wages or working conditions. After 1919 there were almost no

strikes at all, apart, from Kadalie's attempt to get things going again in 1928 atOnderstepoort and 1930 at East London, and no organised mass action on otherfronts. These latter strikes were desperate attempts to reassert his leadership in theAfrican political and trade union world; otherwise the I. C. U. did very little, andI. C. U. leaders even disowned some spontaneous strikes, and tried to get workersback to work, before attempting to negotiate.Many of the I. C. U. meetings had the tone of revivalist meetings, especially ifthere were any hostile whites present. At a meeting in Bloemfontein, in January1925, Kadalie writes in his autobiography: 'I told the people to make such a hellof a noise that the white man cannot sleep'. This sort of theme is repeated overand over again at I. C. U.15. Roux, p. 160

meetings, and in comments by Kadalie. He says in connection with a meeting inPretoria in 1930: Whenever the occasion was big I used to take off my coat inorder to enable me to move freely on the platform while pressing importantpronouncements home. Indeed sometimes I used to knock out my interpreterswhen 'heated' during some of my big orations.'Heated' had an. almost revivalist meaning for Kadalie. This quality of his wasstrengthened with the disillusionment of his later years, when, in East London andKingwilliamstown, he had the last of the I. C. U. branches. These were in thenature of African separatist churches where Kadalie was regarded as a Messiah.Undoubtedly Kadalie used recialism to get rid of the communists. He played onthe theme of 'the white Communists'. Bunting wrote in the S. A. Worker after theexpulsion of the Communists: 'The white communists were attacked, no doubt inthe hope of dividing the black ones from them'. The I. C. U. rank and file and theother officials, on the whole, fell for this racialist line. It is significant, however,that most opposition to the expulsion of the Communists came from the mainurban centres, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth and Johannesburg. Durban, where anAfrican nationalism whit retrogressive elements was strong, was a notableexception. Champion, the Natal leader, was able later to use this tribalism againstKadalie himself, by exploiting the fact that Kadalie was not a Zulu, came fromNyassland, and could only speak English. A great deal of the African nationalismof the I. C. U. rank and file was closely related to tribalism.Natal, for various reasons, which I cannot deal with in any detail for lack of space,had retained a tribal cohesion or, if you like, a Zulu national cohesion, to a largerextent than Africans in other parts of South Africa. One of the reasons was thatthe Zulus had more land and had thus retained a strong connection with the tribalgroup. Concomitant wdtlh this, they had not been drawn, to the same extent, intothe urban areas, or only for relatively short periods. During the BambataRebellion of 1906 a young African was charged with 'spreading false reportscalculated to cause unnecessary alarm'. He had written in

Zulu to an acquaintance: 'I want you to tell me about the poll tax .... I want to goto the Zulu king because I am a soldier .... I shall leave Durban -and go to

Zululand'.6 This Zulu national identification was still strong in the 1920's andeven much later.The Zulus had put up a magnificent armed fight against white conquest in the19th century, and in the Bambata rebellion of 1906 (otherwise known as the PollTax Rebellion) when they rebelled against the imposition of European rule,particularly that aspect which drew them away from the land and into the urbancentres. Of course, the whole aim of the poll tax was to draw Africans into thegrowing capitalist economy. Roux has said The Bambata Rebellion in Natal in1906 may very well be taken as the turning point between two periods in thehistory of the black man in South Africa: the early period of tribal wars and fightsagainst the white invaders, which ended in the loss of the country and thereduction of the Bantu to the status of an internal proletariat; and the secondperiod, one of struggle for national liberation and democratic rights within theframework of present-day South Africa, where black and white intermingle incomplex economic and political relationships. During the first period the Bantufought as isolatedtribes and on military lines. Though they did not meet the whiteson equal terms, but opposed shield and assegai to the rifle and machine gun, atleast they met them as members of the independent tribes or nations having theirown territory and military organisation ...17The struggle against white domination in Natal, at least till 1930, and probablymuch later, had a strong element of tribal or feudal hankering for the past, insteadof a more realistic and progressive policy. Petit-bourgeois elements, likeChampion, mainly interested in personal power and financial gain, were able toexploit this tribalism for their own ends. It is no accident that Champion was aprime mover in the expulsion of the Communists, the vanguard of the workingclass. This retrogressive nationalism contriP buted largely to the disintegration ofthe I. C. U. It is in this of the transition from a semi-feudal, tribal eco16. Quotedin Roux, p. 9117. Roux, p. 87

nomy, that the use by the I. C. U. of the strike, as both a trade union and apolitical weapon, is so significant. For it was a recognition by Africans that theyhad entered a capitalist econoniy and that, within this economy as workers, as aproletariat, they had enormous potential power.8ROLE OF 'LIBERALS'There is another significant reason for Kadalie's expulsion of the Communist:There were white liberals Who put pressure on Kadalie behind the scenes, asKadalie, himself, has admitted in his autobiography. When Roux wrote TimeLonger than Rope 19 he did not realise the extent of this pressure, though beinghimself very close to the I. C. U. and very active in politics generally, he had apretty good idea. But now a lot of material has come to light on 'this subject,making it clear that there were import-ant groups, particularly in Britain, whichwere interested in taming the I. C. U. The main person involved in South Africawas the novelist, Ethelreda Lewis, who had links with the Independent LabourParty in Britain. Her main contact in Britain was Winifred Holtby, who had goneout to South Africa in 1926, shortly before the expulsion of the Communists, as

an independent journalist and lecturer for the League of .Nations Union and wasfrom that time 'in close touch with the National Secretary, Clements Kadalie'.Also involved in this network (and I call it that deliberately) were the JointCouncils, particularly those in Johannesburg and Durban which had been startedby Christian liberals such as Howard Pim, Rheinallt-Jones, and Edgar Brookes.The correspondence between Ethelreda Lewis and Winifred Holtby makesembarrassing and sickening reading. Ethelreda Lewis's letters, particularly, readlike a very naive C. I. A. agent. She continually stresses the need for secrecy. Forinstance, she says in a letter to Winifred Holtby (2nd May, 1928): 'I must do all Ican to remain an unsus18. It is true that some of the strikes had a strong elementoftribal non-co-operation.19. i. e. for the first edition

peced person in the eyes of the Communists here'. And later in the same letter, 'Isaid nothing but just listened to the news so usefully dropped out'; and, again: 'Itwill be a set-back to my work with the I. C. U. if it were known to everybody'. Ina letter to General Smuts of 16 January, 1929, she refers to her 'three years'struggle to make friends for the natives powerful enough to keep them safe fromthe Communist influence'. And much more. It appears that she was even hopingfor money from the Carnegie Trust to help in the 'work'.The Joint Councils and those connected with them , represented the interests ofBritish imperialism in South Africa, mainly the mining houses. They influencedKadalie to adopt what they called 'sane, constitutional' trade unionism. This meantdeputations to the authorities and the employers, and, above all, avoidance of thestrike or any mass action by the African people.It was a great pity that Kadalie allowed himself to be sidetracked by these liberals,for there is no doubt that he was a remarkable man, highly intelligent, not withoutcourage, and a magnificent orator. His power on the platform had its weaknesses,however, for, as I have already indicated he often used extremely radicalstatements and demagogic African nationalism to side-track any positive,organised mass action.Nonetheless, in spite of the failure of the I. C. U., the African workers had learnedthe power of the strike as a trade union and a political weapon, and this, in thedecades ahead they never forgot. It was a weapon they were to use nver and overagain.The African workers have a priceless heritage in the maturity they have gained inthe struggles of the last fifty years, and objective factors have increased theirpotential. The achievement of independence by so many African states in the lastdecade or so and the beginnings, even though in many cases not. very substantial,of the development and diversification of their economies, together with thearmed struggles that have been mounted in Angola, Namibia, Mozambique andZimbabwe, has made it likely that labour will not be so freely forthcoming fromthese areas as in the

past.2" This will undoubtedly strengthen the African working class in SouthAfrica.At the same time, the economy of South Africa has developed tremendously sincethe hey-day of the I. C. U. It is no longer dominated by a single primary industry,the mines, but has a complex structure with a developed manufacturing sector.There are many more Africans in the towns and on the farms who haveexperienced for long periods the vicious exploitation of their labour. In manycases they are the third generatoin of wage-labour, and have broken all ties withthe so-called 'Bantu Homelands'. In spite of the Government's attempt to reversethe flow into the towns and to build up, in Blaar Coetzee's22 words, 'thy economyon contrcat labour' a permanent African working class has developed in thetowns. Further: South Africa is suffering from an increasing shortage of" skilledwhite labour. This factor is of fundamental importance for the furtherdevelopment of the struggle. There is an insoluble contradiction in the apartheidsystem, where the complex industrial development of our economy is fastoutgrowing its colour-bar structure. With the development of the armed strugglein all the territories of Southern Africa, the white minority regime in South Africawill find its manpower stretched to breaking-point. The non-white workers will bein position to use their potential power as never before.In this context, it can* be seen how important it is for our struggle to bedeveloped on all fronts, bringing in all the progressive sections of our society - allsections of the African people together with the Coloured and Indian people andprogressive whites.20. Of course, there is still the problem of the thousands ofmigrant workers who enter our economy from the formally independent states ofLesotho and Malawi, mainly to themines.21. Deputy-Minister of Bantu Administration and Development,12 July 1968

0INVALUABLE SURVEY OF WORKERSSouth Africa; Workers Under Apartheid by Alex Hepple, 6/- from Defence andAid Fund, 104 Newgate Street, Lonodon EC1.This booklet is the third in an excellent new series of pamphlets concerned withsouthern Africa, written for the International Defence and Aid Fund. The wideexperience of its author, Alex Hepple, who was closely associated with the SouthAfrican labour movement for many years, has enabled him to compile anexhaustive survey of the apartheid web in which the workers of South Africa areentangled.Mr. Hepple gives a masterly analysis of the network of laws which control theworker - the pass laws, Master and Servant Laws, and so on. Even the whiteworker, although immeasurably freer than the African, is hedged in by restrictionson his right to strike which are considerably more onerous than those under whichhis counterpart in Europe works.

From the outset, the growth of any united non-racial trade union movement hasbeen hampered by the determination of the Afrikaner Nationalists to obstruct it,and by the reluctance of the white workers to surrender their privileged position.The extent of this privilege is exposed in the section on wage discrimination,which makes clear that in spite of all the propaganda claims by the South AfricanGovernment that the standard of living of the Africans has risen under apartheid,the gap between the wages of whites and non-whites continues to increase. In

gold-mining, for instance, the white/black earnings gap has widened from 11.7 to1 in 1911 to 17.6 to 1 in 1966, and in real terms the cash value of African wagesis no higher now and possibly lower than in 1911. White jobs are everywhereprotected, and even if a shortage of white skilled labour has forced theNationalists to rescind a few of the job reservation orders they have made it clearthat in the event of any white unemployment the orders will again come intoforce. Thus the white workers form a labour aristocracy, fearful that anyrelaxation of apartheid will bring about a reduction in their standard of living andsecurity.The African, on the other hand, has no right to strike and no security of job orresidence. He has been reduced to the status of a slave labourer, herded into thereserves or in the locations, allowed to work only on sufferance when his labour isneeded.The history of the trade unions in South Africa is littered with examples of unionsor federations of unions that arose and then split and disintegrated on account ofthe race issue and government pressure. Therefore the South African Congress ofTrade Unions stated when it was founded in 1956:The organising of the mass of the workers for higher wages, better conditions oflife and labour is inextricably bound up with a -determined -struggle for politicalrights and liberation from all oppressive ,laws and practices. It follows that a merestruggle for the -economic rights of the workers without participation in thegeneral struggle for political emancipation would condemn the trade unionmovement to uselessness and to a betrayal of the interests of the workers.That the Government recognised the threat to its power of such an organisation isclear from the vigorous steps it took to render Sactu ineffective. Sactu officialswere banned, detained and generally harassed in their work by police raids andintimidation; many trade union officers were banned from their positions becauseof their membership of Sactu, and employers were urged to sack Africans whowere active unionists.Today, as Mr. Hepple says, Sactu has virtually ceased to function. It is at thisstage of the booklet that its principal

defect appears. Mr. Hepple has given us some useful material in the book on theNationalist Party attitude towards trade unions (even the traditional May Dayholitlay was abolished on the grounds- that it was 'foreign', 'communistic' and'anti-South.-African') but little if anything on the reverse side of the coin - thepolitical struggl6 against apart-, heid. Thus the impression one gains from thebooklet - not explicitly stated - is one of an all-pervasive system of oppression

from which the worker has no escape. The underground activities of the AfricanNational Congress and it. allies, including the Communist Party, are scarcelymentioned, and the budding guerilla struggle is not referred to. Yet these mustaffect the consciousness of the workers how else explain the strike of 1,000African dockers in Durban, unparalleled for a decade, and the threatened massresignation of non-white hospital doctors in several hospitals, both of whichoccurred in the first quarter of this year?Apart from this weakness, Workers Under Apartheid is a \ialuable source ofmaterial on all aspects of apartheid as it affects the worker.MARY WEAVERINFORMATIVE BUT COLD BOOKLE POUVOIR PALE OU LE RACISME SUD-AFRICA!N Serge Thion,Editions du Seuil 1969, pp. 317,With the launching of the armed struggle a new stage has been reached in theliberation of South Africa. Monopoly capitalism faces a new challenge to itsdomination; its most reliable agency, the apartheid system is threatened. SouthAfrica symbolises the evil of racialism, colonialism and the ruthless violence ofWestern capitalism, issues which evoke a r~sponse throughout the world. As thestruggle sharpens the South African issue becomes increasingly internationalised.This demands in turn the establishing of new or stronger links between the SouthAfrican liberation movement and its potential allies in other countries.

The Western Governments are conniving at the situation Within South Africa andactively encouraging the South African Government. France participates in theencouragement. While making sympathetic noises to some sections of the 'ThirdWorld' the French Government has carefully fostered relations with the apartheidregime. It has actively encouraged the sale of arms which will be used against theliberation movements.The need to win French progressive opinion for more active solidarity is clear.Recent steps including the holding of an international conference in Paris and thepublication of this book are part of the response to this requirement.Serge Thion has written Pouvoir Pale (White Power) for a French public which hebelieves is profoundly ignorant about South Africa, acquainted with probably thesingle fact of the Boer War. It is logical therefore that part of the book shouldconsist of a recapitulation of some of the more familiar features of South Africa'shistory. In giving this historical outline he systematically delineates those factorswhich have resulted in the establishment of apartheid. He describes the economicbasis, the ideology and the political apparatus which reduces the African majorityto semi-slavery and envelopes the white minority in a cocoon of social 'privilege.The aim of the system is clearly established, viz. to establish the mass of thepopulation as the reserve of cheap, semi-skilled labour for the benefit of foreignmonopoly and the growing South African capitalist class. This requires a politicalsystem of force and terror reinforced by the racialist ideology of the whiteminority.Thion shows the growth and consolidation of the apartheid system tracing throughhis account of the first arrival of the Boers, the resistance of the African peoples,

the colonisation by Britain, the rivalry between Boers and Britons and theirsubsequent alliance for the guarantee of a racially privileged position. Hedescribes the most significant economic developments, the growth of the miningindustry, the problems of agriculture with its backward technique and socialrelations and the emergence of a modern industrial system.

The wide ranging material is competently handled, though some of the statisticalmaterial is not up to date. It will nevertheless be of value to many people comingfor the first time to consideration of the South African political system.There are however, some regrettable aspects of the book one must challenge.Thion accuses the Western public of having merely 'lukewarm' feelings, (thoughhe adduces no argument in support) but he himself, perhaps as a conscious choice,has written a cold book. Today, a writer on South Africa must not only presentfacts, he must argue a case for action, for solidarity. Readers must be brought faceto face with the quality of the human tragedies that lie behind the statistics. Hemust feel real men an women fighting back, pitting their humanism, their beliefs,their very lives, asserting their humanity against the monstrous wickedness that isSouth Africa today.It is in discussing the fight back, and especially the forces 6f resistance that Thionretreats into detachment. This leads him to discuss movements and organisation inutterly impersonal terms; it leads him to treat the Pan-Africanist Congress as if itwere on a par with the African National Congress, it leads him to minimise therole and impact of the South African Communist Party in the liberation struggle.It is almost inconceivable that a book on South Africa could be written today inwhich the name of Bram Fischer is not mentioned. A.N.C. leaders such asMandela, Mbeki, Sisulu receive a passing mention.It is difficult for writers to cope with the rapid unfolding of events but thoughThion quotes from the A.N.C. leaflet which, announced its alliance with Z.A.P.U.and the aims of the armed struggle, he does not deal with the August 1967announcement of the launching of the armed struggle as an event of significance.He suggests that the A.N.C. has learned at last from the experiences of China,Cuba and Algeria. No doubt the A.N.C. seeks to benefit from the experiences ofall peoples fighting for liberation, and the experiences of the European resistancemovements will not be irrelevant either, but the essential thing to grasp is that thelaunching of

armed struggle is not a reversal of policies hitherto followed, but the logicalextension of them.The A.N.C. and the Communist Party have demonstrated their political maturityby developing forms of struggle specifically related to the given conditions oftheir country. They have offered leadership to the mass movement in exploitingall the relevant and viable forms of action to their fullest extent and they havemoved in logical succession through a variety of forms of revolutionary advance.The revolutionary programme which Thion looks for in the future is not waitingin the wings, it is being worked out now at the present stage of South Africa'shistory.

One is not asking for passionate partisanship for this or that organisation but forrealism, for recognition of the forces which exist and which are increasinglymobilising and uniting the potential for liberation as it takes on new force andpower.JOAN BELLAMYREQUEST FOR INFORMATIONI am presently writing my doctoral dissertation on the attitudes of the Methodistand Anglican ch s toward thetrade union movement between 1914 a )68. I wouldappreciate hearing from any of your readers who remember actions or statementsmade by these churches, their members or their clergy, especially with regard to1. Rand Strike, 19222. African Miners' Strikes, 19463. Banning of Trade Union Leaders, 1950s and 1960s4. Communists in Trade Unions.Nancy van Vuuren.History Department,University of Pittsburgh,Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. 15213.

Letters to the, EditorA LETTER FROM NIGERIAIn the last issue of The African Communist there were three letters criticising thearticle of A. Zanzolo (No. 36, First Quarter 1969) on the situation in Nigeriaarising out of the secession of the former Eastern Region. These letters are nodoubt well meant. They attempt to formulate a Marxist analysis of the Nigeriancrisis. However the writers, Idris Cox (of Great Britain) Toussaint and J. Girodot(presumably" South African comrades) seem to be rather ill-informed about vitalaspects of the situation in my country.Toussaint asks a number of pertinent questions, to which only the dialectic ofhistory will, in the end, provide the answers. The first question, he says, is 'thatBiafra must have the right to decide ... whether to. secede'. (To me, by the way,this seems to be not a question but an answer.) With respect, this is NOT the firstquestion. The first question is: is there such a thing as Biafra?Toussaint's assumption or belief that 'Biafra is an amalgam of tribes' is grosslymistaken and misleading. The former Eastern Region now arbitrarily renamed'Biafra' by Ojukwu (did he consult the people in concocting thi unknown name,comrade Toussaint?) was inhabited by a number of ethnic groups. They were not'amalgamated' and inhabited different territories.It is true that the Ibo constituted a majority of this region, which (please note,comrade Cox!) was a British-imposed geographical entity. They are about 7million. But the area also comprised minorities amounting to no less than 5million people. The Efiks, Ogojas and Ibibios now in the South Eastern State --comprise over three and a half million. In the newly-formed Rivers State live theIjaws, Bugamas, Kalabaris and others, with a population of one and a half million.

Idris Cox is quite right when he says the Ibos have the right to self-determination.But if they claim that right for themselves, how can they deny it to otherminorities in

-Nigeria? That is exactly what the ruling clique of 'Biafra' refuses to accept. Thisis the crux of the question. This was a bone of contention in the pre-civil warperiod, when these minorities were never adequately represented in-the government of the former Eastern Region. J. Girodot is clearly unfamiliarwith the economy, the geography and the former administrative structure ofNigeria. In the former Eastern Region the Ibos occupied 11,310 square miles; thevarious other ethnic groups inhabited a far greater area: 18,174 square miles. Theyproduce the bulk of the agricultural exports of the area, and their land yields mostof Nigeria's oil.In fact the federal military government, by creating twelve Nigerian states, hasprovided real conditions for the exercise of self-determination. The formerEastern Region is replaced by three new states which in fact fulfil what Lenindemanded in similar situations:local self-government with autonomy for regions having special economic andsocial considerations; a distinctnational composition of the population.Collected Works, Moscow 1964, Vol. 20, p. 46Toussaint shows sound understanding when he writes-that the 'Biafran' movement 'could well be only a propaganda appearance devisedby the ruling Biafran clique for ,its own purposes'. And even more so when headds that this 'is 'precisely the matter that needs study, investigation and anassessment made on the spot by organisations with close contact amongst thepeople ...'It is the more regrettable that, defying these sound remarks of his, he thenproceeds -- without study, investigation or contact with the people of Nigeria --virtually to prejudge this very issue, on the basis of some extremely dubious'straws in the wind'.Certainly, we need a thorough Marxist analysis of the national question plaguingNigeria. But this must be based on a far deeper study and understanding of thefacts than your correspondents have displayed.UDOBO ADAMSBenin City, Nigeria.

Letters to the EditorPRAISE FROM READERSI congratulate you on another excellent issue of The African Communist. It was,as usual, relevant, well-written and interesting. I find your magazine easily one ofthe best in the English language. Let me say that I find it relevant not onlybecause it is useful and necessary for us in the United States to know what isgoing on in South Africa, but also because there is a consistent attempt made inyour magazine to talk about your problems in comparison and contrast withproblems in other parts of the world. Thus, aside from the major article on black

people in this country last summer, there are comments in many other articles thatmake direct reference to us here. In short, it gives me great pleasure to send youthe enclosed cheque for a two-year subscription. Keep up the good work and goodluck in all your enterprises.RANDOLPH SCHUTZJamaica, N. Y., U.S.A.The African Communist is certainly a marvellous magazine and the few that Ihave read have given me a great deal of ammunition, so to speak, in propagatingand advancing the ideal of a free, socialist Africa for the future.A. S. McGROTTYDublin

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